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University  of  California  •  Berkeley 
CLASS  OF  1887 


• 


.. 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE   NEGRO   RACE   IN   AMERICA 

1619  TO    I8OO 


HISTORY 


NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


FROM   1619    TO    1880 


NEGROES  AS  SLAVES,  AS  SOLDIERS,  AND  AS  CITIZENS 


TOGETHER  WITH 

A  PRELIMINARY  CONSIDERATION  OF  THE  UNITY  OF  THE  HUMAN 

FAMILY,  AN    HISTORICAL  SKETCH   OF  AFRICA,   AND  AN 

ACCOUNT  OF  THE    NEGRO   GOVERNMENTS   OF 

SIERRA   LEONE  AND   LIBERIA 


BY 

GEORGE    W.   WILLIAMS 

FIRST  COLORED  MEMBER  OF  THE  OHIO   LEGISLATURE,   AND   LATE  JUDGE  ADVOCATE  OF  THE 
GRAND   ARMY   OF  THE   REPUBLIC   OF  OHIO,   ETC. 


POPULAR  EDITION— TWO  VOLUMES  IN  ONE 


NEW  YORK  &  LONDON 

G.    P.    PUTNAM'S    SONS 

8%  Jtmtkrtottar  $)nss 

1885 


COPYRIGHT, 
BY  G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS, 

1882. 


Press  of 
<G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New    York 


TO  THE 

REV.  JUSTIN   DEWEY   FULTON,  D.  D., 

OF   BROOKLYN,   NEW  YORK; 
AND  TO  THE 

HON.  CHARLES   FOSTER, 

GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO: 

WHO,  AS  CLERGYMAN  AND  STATESMAN,  REPRESENT  THE  PUREST  PRINCIPLES 
OF  THE  AMERICAN  CHURCH  AND  STATE. 

Co  t&e  JUttfitrtotifi;  Kepresentattoe  of  tfje  C|)ttrt&  of  C&rtet: 

WHO,  FOR  A  QUARTER  OF  A  CENTURY,   HAS    STOOD   THE   INTREPID    CHAMPION  OF  DIVINE  TRUTH, 
AND   THE    DEFENDER   OF   HUMANITY:     DURING   THE   DARK   DAYS    OF  SLAVERY,   PLEADING 

THE  CAUSE  OF  THE  BONDMEN  OF  THE  LAND;  DURING  THE  WAR,  URGING 

THE    EQUALITY    OF    NEGROES   AS    SOLDIERS;     DURING    RECONSTRUCTION, 
ENCOURAGING  THE   FREEDMEN  TO  NOBLE  LIVES  THROUGH  THE 
AGENCY  OF  THE  CHURCH  AND  THE   SCHOOL;    AND  EVER 
MORE  THE   ENEMY   OF  ANY  DISTINCTION   BASED 
UPON  RACE,  COLOR,  OR  PREVIOUS  CON 
DITION  OF  SERVITUDE. 

Co  tie  £)tfi!tinffttifli|)et[  g>tatefiman: 

WHO,   ENDUED   WITH    THE   GENIUS    OF   COMMON   SENSE,    TOO    EXALTED    TO  BE  INFLAMED  BY 

TEMPORARY  PARTY  OR  FACTIONAL  STRIFE,  AND  WHO,  AS  CONGRESSMAN  AND  GOVERNOR, 

IN   STATE  AND   NATIONAL  POLITICS,   HAS  PROVEN  HIMSELF  CAPABLE  OF 

SACRIFICING  PERSONAL  INTEREST  TO  PUBLIC  WELFARE; 

WHO,  IN   DEALING    WITH   THE    NEGRO   PROBLEM,   HAS   ASSERTED    A    NEW   DOCTRINE  IN 
IGNORING  THE  CLAIMS  OF  RACES;    AND  WHO,   AS  THE   FIRST    NORTHERN    GOV 
ERNOR  TO  APPOINT  A  COLORED  MAN  TO  A  POSITION  OF   PUBLIC  TRUST, 
HAS   THEREBY    DECLARED    THAT    NEITHER    NATIONALITY    NOR 
COMPLEXION  SHOULD  ENHANCE  OR  IMPAIR  THE  CLAIMS 
OF  MEN  TO  POSITIONS  WITHIN  THE  GIFT  OF 
THE  EXECUTIVE. 

TO  THESE  NOBLE  MEN  THIS  WORK  IS  DEDICATED, 

WITH  SENTIMENTS  OF  HIGH   ESTEEM   AND   PERSONAL  REGARD,   BY  THEIR 
FRIEND  AND   HUMBLE  SERVANT, 

THE  AUTHOR. 


VI  PREFACE. 

would  give  the  world  more  correct  ideas  of  the  Colored  people,  and  incite 
the  latter  to  greater  effort  in  the  struggle  of  citizenship  and  manhood. 
The  single  reason  that  there  was  no  history  of  the  Negro  race  would  have 
been  a  sufficient  reason  for  writing  one. 

The  labor  incident  upon  the  several  public  positions  held  by  me  pre 
cluded  an  earlier  completion  of  this  task ;  and,  finding  it  absolutely  im 
possible  to  write  while  discharging  public  duties  or  practising  law,  I  retired 
from  the  public  service  several  years  ago,  and  since  that  time  have  devoted 
all  my  energies  to  this  work.  It  is  now  nearly  seven  years  since  I  began 
this  wonderful  task. 

I  have  been  possessed  of  a  painful  sense  of  the  vastness  of  my  work 
from  first  to  last.  I  regret  that  for  the  sake  of  pressing  the  work  into  a 
single  volume,  favorable  to  a  speedy  sale,  —  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  record 
of  a  most  remarkable  people,  —  I  found  my  heart  unwilling,  and  my  best 
judgment  protesting. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  work  I  have  consulted  over  twelve  thousand 
volumes,  —  about  one  thousand  of  which  are  referred  to  in  the  foot 
notes,  —  and  thousands  of  pamphlets. 

After  wide  and  careful  reading,  extending  through  three  years,  I  con 
ceived  the  present  plan  of  this  history.  I  divided  it  into  nine  parts.  Two 
thoughts  led  me  to  prepare  the  chapters  under  the  head  of  PRELIMINARY 
CONSIDERATIONS.  First,  The  defenders  of  slavery  and  the  traducers  of  the 
Negro  built  their  pro-slavery  arguments  upon  biblical  ethnology  and  the 
curse  of  Canaan.  I  am  alive  to  the  fact,  that,  while  I  am  a*  believer 
in  the  Holy  Bible,  it  is  not  the  best  authority  on  ethnology.  As  far  as 
it  goes,  it  is  agreeable  to  my  head  and  heart.  Whatever  science  has  added 
I  have  gladly  appropriated.  I  make  no  claim,  however,  to  be  a  specialist. 
While  the  curse  of  Canaan  is  no  longer  a  question  of  debate,  yet  never 
theless  the  folly  of  the  obsolete  theory  should  be  thoroughly  understood 
by  the  young  men  of  the  Negro  race  who,  though  voting  now,  were  not 
born  when  Sumter  was  fired  upon.  Second,  A  growing  desire  among  the 
enlightened  Negroes  in  America  to  learn  all  that  is  possible  from  research 
concerning  the  antiquity  of  the  race,  —  Africa,  its  inhabitants,  and  the 
development  of  the  Negro  governments  of  Sierra  Leone  and  Liberia,  led 
me  to  furnish  something  to  meet  a  felt  need.  If  the  Negro  slave  desired 
his  native  land  before  the  Rebellion,  will  not  the  free,  intelligent,  and 
reflective  American  Negro  turn  to  Africa  with  its  problems  of  geography 


PREFACE.  vi* 

and  missions,  now  that  he  can  contribute  something  towards  the  improve 
ment  of  the  condition  of  humanity?  Editors  and  writers  everywhere 
throughout  the  world  should  spell  the  word  Negro  with  a  capital  N ;  and 
when  referring  to  the  race  as  Colored  people  employ  a  capital  C.  I  trust 
this  will  be  observed. 

In  PART  II.,  SLAVERY  IN  THE  COLONIES,  I  have  striven  to  give  a  suc 
cinct  account  of  the  establishment  and  growth  of  slavery  under  the  Eng 
lish  Crown.  It  involved  almost  infinite  labor  to  go  to  the  records  of  "  the 
original  thirteen  colonies."  It  is  proper  to  observe  that  this  part  is  one 
of  great  value  and  interest. 

In  PART  III.,  THE  NEGRO  DURING  THE  REVOLUTION,  I  found  much  of 
an  almost  romantic  character.  Many  traditions  have  been  put  down,  and 
many  obscure  truths  elucidated.  Some  persons  may  think  it  irreverent  to- 
tell  the  truth  in  the  plain,  homely  manner  that  characterizes  my  narrative ; 
but,  while  I  have  nothing  to  regret  in  this  particular,  I  can  assure  them  that 
I  have  been  actuated  by  none  other  spirit  than  that  of  candor.  Where  I 
have  used  documents  it  was  with  a  desire  to  escape  the  charge  of  superfi 
ciality.  If,  however,  I  may  be  charged  with  seeking  to  escape  the  labor 
incident  to  thorough  digestion,  I  answer,  that,  while  men  with  the  reputa 
tion  of  Bancroft  and  Hildreth  could  pass  unchallenged  when  disregarding 
largely  the  use  of  documents  and  the  citation  of  authorities,  I  would  find 
myself  challenged  by  a  large  number  of  critics.  Moreover  I  have  felt  it 
would  be  almost  cruel  to  mutilate  some  of  the  very  rare  old  documents 
that  shed  such  peerless  light  upon  the  subject  in  hand. 

I  have  brought  the  first  volume  down  to  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  detailing  the  great  struggle  through  which  the  slavery  problem 
passed.  I  have  given  as  fair  an  idea  of  the  debate  on  this  question,  in  the 
convention  that  framed  the  Constitution,  as  possible.  It  was  then  and 
there  that  the  hydra  of  slavery  struck  its  fangs  into  the  Constitution  j  and, 
once  inoculated  with  the  poison  of  the  monster,  the  government  was  only 
able  to  purify  itself  in  the  flames  of  a  great  civil  war. 

The  second  volume  opens  with  the  present  century,  and  closes  with 
the  year  1880.  Unable  to  destroy  slavery  by  constitutional  law,  the  best 
thought  and  effort  of  this  period  were  directed  against  the  extension  of 
the  evil  into  the  territory  beyond  the  Ohio,  Mississippi,  and  Missouri  rivers. 
But  having  placed  three-fifths  of  the  slave  population  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  having  pledged  the  Constitution  to  the  protection  of  slave  property, 


viii  PREFACE. 

it  required  an  almost  superhuman  effort  to  confine  the  evil  to  one  section 
of  the  country.  Like  a  loathsome  disease  it  spread  itself  over  the  body 
politic  until  our  nation  became  the  eyesore  of  the  age,  and  a  byword 
among  the  nations  of  the  world.  The  time  came  when  our  beloved  coun 
try  had  to  submit  to  heroic  treatment,  and  the  cancer  of  slavery  was 
removed  by  the  sword. 

In  giving  an  account  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Agitation  Movement^  I  have 
found  myself  able  to  deal  briefly  with  methods  and  results  only.  I  have 
striven  to  honor  all  the  multifarious  measures  adopted  to  save  the  Negro 
and  the  Nation.  I  have  not  attempted  to  write  a  history  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Movement.  Many  noble  men  and  women  have  not  even  been 
mentioned.  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  this  is  a  history  of  the  Negro 
race ;  and  as  such  I  have  not  run  into  the  topic  discussed  by  the  late 
Henry  Wilson  in  his  "  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power." 

In  discussing  the  problem  of  the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves  by  the 
Union  army,  I  have  given  the  facts  with  temperate  and  honest  criticism. 
And,  in  recounting  the  sufferings  Negro  troops  endured  as  prisoners  of  war 
in  the  hands  of  the  Rebels,  I  have  avoided  any  spirit  of  bitterness.  A 
great  deal  of  the  material  on  the  war  I  purchased  from  the  MS.  library  of 
Mr.  Thomas  S.  Townsend  of  New- York  City.  The  questions  of  vital,  prison, 
labor,  educational,  and  financial  statistics  cannot  fail  to  interest  intelligent 
people  of  all  races  and  parties.  These  statistics  are  full  of  comfort  and 
assurance  to  the  Negro  as  well  as  to  his  friends. 

Every  cabinet  minister  of  the  President  wrote  me  full  information  upon 
all  the  questions  I  asked,  and  promptly  too.  The  refusal  of  the  general 
and  adjutant-general  of  the  army  did  not  destroy  my  hope  of  getting  some 
information  concerning  the  Negro  regiments  in  the  regular  army.  I  visited 
the  Indian  Territory,  Kansas,  Texas,  and  New  Mexico,  where  I  have  seen 
the  Ninth  and  Tenth  Regiments  of  cavalry,  and  the  Twenty-fourth  Regi 
ment  of  infantry.  The  Twenty -fifth  Regiment  of  infantry  is  at  Fort  Ran 
dall,  Dakota.  These  are  among  the  most  effective  troops  in  the  regular 
army.  The  annual  desertions  in  white  regiments  of  cavalry  vary  from 
ninety-eight  to  a  hundred  and  eighteen;  while  in  Negro  regiments  of 
cavalry  the  desertions  only  average  from  six  to  nine  per  annum.  The 
Negro  regiments  are  composed  of  young  men,  intelligent,  faithful,  brave. 
I  heard  but  one  complaint  from  the  lips  of  a  score  of  white  officers  I  met, 
and  that  was  that  the  Negroes  sometimes  struck  their  horses  over  the  head. 


PREFACE.  IX 

Every  distinction  in  law  has  disappeared,  except  in  the  regular  army. 
Here  Negroes  are  excluded  from  the  artillery  service  and  engineer's 
department.  It  is  wrong,  and  Congress  should  place  these  brave  black 
soldiers  upon  the  same  footing  as  the  white  troops. 

I  have  to  thank  Drs.  George  H.  Moore  and  S.  Austin  Allibone,  of  the 
Lenox  Library,  for  the  many  kind  favors  shown  me  while  pursuing  my 
studies  in  New- York  City.  And  I  am  under  very  great  obligations  to  Dr. 
Moore  for  his  admirable  "  History  of  Early  Slavery  in  Massachusetts,"  with 
out  which  I  should  have  been  put  to  great  inconvenience.  To  Mr.  John 
Austin  Stevens,  late  editor  of  "The  Magazine  of  American  History,"  who, 
^during  several  months  residence  in  New- York  City,  placed  his  private 
library  and  office  at  my  service,  and  did  every  thing  in  his  power  to  aid 
my  investigations,  I  return  my  sincerest  thanks.  To  the  Librarians  of 
the  New- York  Historical,  Astor,  and  New- York  Society  Libraries,  I  return 
thanks  for  favors  shown,  and  privileges  granted.  I  am  especially  grateful 
to  the  Hon.  Ainsworth  R.  Spofford,  Librarian  of  Congress,  for  the  manner 
in  which  he  facilitated  my  researches  during  my  sojourn  in  Washington. 
I  had  the  use  of  many  newspapers  of  the  last  century,  and  of  other  mate 
rial  to  be  found  only  in  the  Congressional  Library. 

To  Sir  T.  Risely  Griffith,  Colonial  Secretary  and  Treasurer  of  Sierra 
Leone,  I  am  indebted  for  valuable  statistics  concerning  that  colony. 

To  the  Assistant  Librarian  of  the  State  Library  of  Ohio,  the  accom 
plished  and  efficient  Miss  Mary  C.  Harbough,  I  owe  more  than  to  any  other 
person.  Through  her  unwavering  and  untiring  kindness  and  friendship,  I 
have  been  enabled  to  use  five  hundred  and  seventy-six  volumes  from  that 
library,  besides  newspaper  files  and  Congressional  Records.  To  Gov. 
Charles  Foster,  Chairman  of  the  Board  of  Library  Commissioners,  I  offer 
my  profoundest  thanks  for  the  intelligent,  active,  and  practical  interest  he 
has  taken  in  the  completion  of  this  work.  And  to  Major  Charles  Town- 
send,  Secretary  of  State,  I  offer  thanks  for  favors  shown  me  in  securing 
documents.  To  the  Rev.  J.  L.  Grover  and  his  competent  assistant,  Mr. 
Charles  H.  Bell,  of  the  Public  Library  of  Columbus,  I  am  indebted  for  the 
use  of  many  works.  They  cheerfully  rendered  whatever  aid  they  could, 
and  for  their  kindness  I  return  many  thanks. 

I  am  obliged  to  the  Rev.  Benjamin  W.  Arnett,  Financial  Secretary  of 
the  A.  M.  E.  Church  of  the  United  States,  for  the  statistics  of  his  denomi 
nation.  And  to  all  persons  who  have  sent  me  newspapers  and  pamphlets 


X  PREFACE. 

I  desire  to  return  thanks.  I  am  grateful  to  C.  A.  Fleetwood,  an  efficient 
clerk  in  the  War  Department,  for  statistics  on  the  Freedmen's  Bank.  And, 
above  all  and  more  than  all,  I  return  my  profoundest  thanks  to  my 
heavenly  Father  for  the  inspiration,  health,  and  money  by  which  I  have 
been  enabled  to  complete  this  great  task. 

I  have  mentioned  such  Colored  men  as  I  thought  necessary.  To  give 
a  biographical  sketch  of  all  the  worthy  Colored  men  in  the  United  States, 
would  require  more  space  than  has  been  occupied  in  this  work. 

Not  as  the  blind  panegyrist  of  my  race,  nor  as  the  partisan  apologist, 
but  from  a  love  for  "the  truth  of  history"  I  have  striven  to  record  the  truth, 
the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth.  I  have  not  striven  to  revive 
sectional  animosities  or  race  prejudices.  I  have  avoided  comment  so  far 
as  it  was  consistent  with  a  clear  exposition  of  the  truth.  My  whole  aim 
has  been  to  write  a  thoroughly  trustworthy  history ;  and  what  I  have  writ 
ten,  if  it  have  no  other  merit,  is  reliable. 

I  commit  this  work  to  the  public,  white  and  black,  to  the  friends  and 
foes  of  the  Negro,  in  the  hope  that  the  obsolete  antagonisms  which  grew 
out  of  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  may  speedily  sink  as  storms  beneath 
the  horizon ;  and  that  the  day  will  hasten  when  there  shall  be  no  North, 
no  South,  no  Black,  no  White,  —  but  all  be  American  citizens,  with  equal 
duties  and  equal  rights. 

GEORGE  W.   WILLIAMS. 
NEW  YORK,  November,  1882. 


CONTENTS. 


PRELIMINARY   CONSIDERATIONS. 


CHAPTER    I. 
THE   UNITY   OF   MANKIND. 

PAGE 

The  Biblical  Argument.  —  One  Race  and  One  Language.  —  One  Blood.  —  The  Curse  of 
Canaan  I 

CHAPTER   II. 

THE  NEGRO  IN   THE  LIGHT   OF   PHILOLOGY,   ETHNOLOGY,   AND 
EGYPTOLOGY. 

•Cushim  and  Ethiopia.  —  Ethiopians,  White  and  Black.  —  Negro  Characteristics.  —  The  Dark 
Continent.  —  The  Antiquity  of  the  Negro.  —  Indisputable  Evidence.  —  The  Military  and 
Social  Condition  of  Negroes.  —  Cause  of  Color.  —  The  Term  "  Ethiopian  "  .  .  .12 

CHAPTER   III. 
PRIMITIVE   NEGRO  CIVILIZATION. 

The  Ancient  and  High  Degree  of  Negro  Civilization.  —  Egypt,  Greece,  and  Rome  borrow 
from  the  Negro  the  Civilization  that  made  them  Great.  —  Cause  of  the  Decline  and 
Fall  of  Negro  Civilization.  — Confounding  the  Terms  "  Negro  "  and  "  African  "  .  .22 

CHAPTER   IV. 
NEGRO  KINGDOMS   OF   AFRICA. 

BENIN  :  Its  Location.  —  Its  Discovery  by  the  Portuguese.  —  Introduction  of  the  Catholic 
Religion.  —  The  King  as  a  Missionary.  —  His  Fidelity  to  the  Church  purchased  by  a 
White  Wife.  —  Decline  of  Religion.  — Introduction  of  Slavery.  —  Suppression  of  the 
Trade  by  the  English  Government.  —  Restoration  and  Peace. 

DAHOMEY  :  Its  Location.  —  Origin  of  the  Kingdom.  —  Meaning  of  the  Name.  — War.— 
Capture  of  the  English  Governor,  and  his  Death.  —  The  Military  Establishment. — 
Women  as  Soldiers.  —  Wars  and  their  Objects.  —  Human  Sacrifices. — The  King  a 
Despot.  —  His  Powers.  —  His  Wives.  —  Polygamy.  —  Kingly  Succession.  —  Coronation. 

—  Civil  and  Criminal  Law.  —  Revenue  System.  —  Its  Future. 

YORUBA  :  Its  Location.  —  Slavery  and  its  Abolition.  —  Growth  of  the  People  of  Abeokuta. 

—  Missionaries  and  Teachers  from  Sierra  Leone.  —  Prosperity  and  Peace  attend  the  Peo 
ple.  —  Capacity  of  the  People  for  Civilization.  —  Bishop  Crowther.  —  His  Influence         .     26 

xi 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE   ASHANTEE  EMPIRE. 

PAGE 

Its  Location  and  Extent. —  Its  Famous  Kings.  —  The  Origin  of  the  Ashantees  Obscure. — 
The  War  with  Denkera.  —  The  Ashantees  against  the  Field  conquer  two  Kingdoms,  and 
annex  them.  —  Death  of  Osai  Tutu.  —  The  Envy  of  the  King  of  Dahomey.  —  Invasion 
of  the  Ashantee  Country  by  the  King  of  Dahomey.  —  His  Defeat  shared  by  his  Allies.  - 
Akwasi  pursues  the  Army  of  Dahomey  into  its  own  Country.  —  Gets  a  Mortal  Wound 
and  suffers  a  Humiliating  Defeat.  —  The  King  of  Dahomey  sends  the  Royal  Kudjoh  his 
Congratulations.  —  Kwamina  deposed  for  attempting  to  introduce  Mohammedanism  into 
the  Kingdom.  —  The  Ashantees  conquer  the  Mohammedans.  — Numerous  Wars.  —  In 
vasion  of  the  Fanti  Country.  —  Death  of  Sir  Charles  McCarthy.  —  Treaty.  —  Peace  .  34 

CHAPTER  VI. 
THE   NEGRO  TYPE. 

Climate  the  Cause.  —  His  Geographical  Theatre.  —  He  is  susceptible  to  Christianity  and 
Civilization 


CHAPTER  VII. 
AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES. 

Patriarchal  Government.  —  Construction  of  Villages.  —  Negro  Architecture.  —  Election  of 
Kings.  —  Coronation  Ceremony.  —  Succession.  —  African  Queens.  —  Law,  Civil  and 
Criminal.  —  Priests.  —  Their  Functions.  —  Marriage.  —  Warfare.  —  Agriculture.  —  Me 
chanic  Arts.  —  Blacksmiths 50 

CHAPTER   VIII. 
LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND   RELIGION. 

Structure  of  African  Languages.  —  The  Mpongwe,  Mandingo,  and  Grebo.  —  Poetry :  Epic, 
Idyllic,  and  Miscellaneous.  —  Religions  and  Superstitions 66 

CHAPTER   IX. 
SIERRA  LEONE. 

Its  Discovery  and  Situation.  —  Natural  Beauty.— Founding  of  a  Negro  Colony.  — The 
Sierra  Leone  Company.  —  Fever  and  Insubordination.  —  It  becomes  an  English  Province. 

—  Character  of  its  Inhabitants.  —  Christian  Missions,  etc 85 

CHAPTER  X. 
THE   REPUBLIC  OF  LIBERIA. 

Liberia.  —  Its  Location.  —  Extent.  —  Rivers  and  Mountains.  —  History  of  the  First  Colony. 

—  The  Noble  Men  who  laid  the  Foundation  of  the  Liberian  Republic.  —  Native  Tribes. 

—  Translation  of  the  New  Testament  into  the  Vei  Language.  —  The  Beginning  and 
Triumph  of  Christian  Missions  to  Liberia.  —  History  of  the  Different  Denominations 
on  the  Field.  —  A  Missionary  Republic  of   Negroes.  —  Testimony  of  Officers  of   the 
Royal  Navy  as  to  the  Efficiency  of  the   Republic  in  suppressing  the  Slave- Trade. — 
The  Work  of  the  Future 95 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

CHAPTER  XI. 
RESUME'. 

PAGE 

The  Unity  of  the  Human  Family  re-affirmed.  —  God  gave  all  Races  of  Men  Civilization.  — 
The  Antiquity  of  the  Negro  beyond  Dispute.  —  Idolatry  the  Cause  of  the  Degradation 
of  the  African  Races.  —  He  has  always  had  a  Place  in  History,  though  Incidental. — 
Negro  Type  caused  by  Degradation.  —  Negro  Empires  an  Evidence  of  Crude  Ability  for 
S elf-Government.  —  Influence  of  the  two  Christian  Governments  on  the  West  Coast  upon 
the  Heathen.  —  Oration  on  Early  Christianity  in  Africa.  —  The  Duty  of  Christianity  to 
evangelize  Africa 108 


Part  H. 

SLAVERY  IN  THE   COLONIES. 


CHAPTER   XII. 
THE  COLONY   OF  VIRGINIA. 
1619-1775. 

Introduction  of  the  First  Slaves. —  "The  Treasurer"  and  the  Dutch  Man-of-War.  —  The 
Correct  Date.  — The  Number  of  Slaves.  —  Were  there  Twenty,  or  Fourteen  ?  — Litiga 
tion  about  the  Possession  of  the  Slaves.  —  Character  of  the  Slaves  imported,  and  the 
Character  of  the  Colonists.  —  Race  Prejudices.  —  Legal  Establishment  of  Slavery.  — 
Who  are  Slaves  for  Life.  —  Duties  on  Imported  Slaves.  —  Political  and  Military  Prohibi 
tions  against  Negroes.  —  Personal  Rights.  —  Criminal  Laws  against  Slaves.  —  Emanci 
pation.  —  How  brought  about.  —  Free  Negroes.  —  Their  Rights.  —  Moral  and  Religious 
Training.  —  Population.  —  Slavery  firmly  established 115 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

THE  COLONY   OF   NEW   YORK. 

1628-1775. 

Settlement  of  New  York  by  the  Dutch  in  1609.  —  Negroes  introduced  into  the  Colony,  1628. 

—  The  Trade  in  Negroes  increased.  —  Tobacco  exchanged  for  Slaves  and  Merchandise. 

—  Government  of  the  Colony.  — New  Netherland  falls  into  the  Hands  of  the  English, 
Aug.  27,  1664.  —  Various  Changes.  —  New  Laws  adopted.  —  Legislation.  —  First  Repre 
sentatives  elected  in   1683.  —  In    1702   Queen  Anne  instructs  the   Royal  Governor  in 
Regard  to  the  Importation  of  Slaves.  —  Slavery  Restrictions.  —  Expedition  to  effect  the 
Conquest  of  Canada  unsuccessful.  —  Negro  Riot.  —  Suppressed  by  the  Efficient  Aid  of 
Troops.  —  Fears  of  the  Colonists.  —  Negro  Plot  of  1741.  —  The   Robbery  of   Hogg's 
House.  —  Discovery  of  a  Portion  of  the  Goods.  —  The  Arrest  of    Hughson,  his  Wife, 
and  Irish  Peggy.  —  Crimination  and  Recrimination.  —  The  Breaking-out  of  Numerous 
Fires.  —  The   Arrest   of  Spanish  Negroes.  —  The   Trial   of   Hughson.  —  Testimony  of 
Mary  Burton.  —  Hughson  hanged.  —  The  Arrest  of  Many  Others  implicated  in  the  Plot 

—  The  Hanging  of  Caesar  and  Prince.  —  Quack  and  Cuffee  bur-ned  at  the  Stake.  —  The 
Lieutenant-Governor's  Proclamation.  —  Many  White  Persons  accused  of  being  Conspira 
tors. —  Description  of  Hughson's  Manner  of  swearing  those  having  Knowledge  of  the 
Plot.  —  Conviction  and  Hanging  of  the  Catholic  Priest  Ury.  —  The  Sudden  and  Unex 
pected  Termination  of  the  Trial.  —  New  Laws  more  stringent  toward  Slaves  adopted       .  134 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
THE  COLONY  OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 

1633-1775- 
PAGE 

The  Earliest  Mentions  of  Negroes  in  Massachusetts.  —  Pequod  Indians  exchanged  for 
Negroes.  —  Voyage  of  the  Slave-Ship  "  Desire"  in  1638.  —  Fundamental  Laws  adopted. 

—  Hereditary  Slavery.  —  Kidnapping  Negroes.  —  Growth  of  Slavery  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century.  —  Taxation  of  Slaves.  —  Introduction  of  Indian  Slaves  prohibited.  —  The  Posi 
tion  of  the  Church  respecting  the  Baptism  of  Slaves.  —  Slave  Marriage.  —  Condition  of 
Free  Negroes.  —  Phillis  Wheatley  the  African  Poetess.  —  Her  Life.  —  Slavery  recognized 
in  England  in  Order  to  be  maintained  in  the  Colonies.  —  The  Emancipation  of  Slaves.  — 
Legislation  favoring  the  Importation  of  White  Servants,  but  prohibiting  the  Clandestine 
bringing-in  of  Negroes.  —  Judge  Sewall's  Attack  on  Slavery.  —  Judge  Saffin's  Reply  to 
Judge  Sewall 172 

CHAPTER   XV. 
THE  COLONY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS,— CONTINUED. 

1633-1775- 

The  Era  of  Prohibitory  Legislation  against  Slavery.  —  Boston  instructs  her  Representatives 
to  vote  against  the  Slave-Trade.  —  Proclamation  issued  by  Gov.  Dummer  against  the 
Negroes,  April  13,  1723.  —  Persecution  of  the  Negroes. —  "Suing  for  Liberty."  —  Let 
ter  of  Samuel  Adams  to  John  Pickering,  jun.,  on  Behalf  of  Negro  Memorialists.  —  A 
Bill  for  the  Suppression  of  the  Slave-Trade  passes.  —  Is  vetoed  by  Gov.  Gage,  and  fails 
to  become  a  Law 220 

CHAPTER   XVI. 

THE  COLONY  OF   MARYLAND. 

1634-1775. 

Maryland  under  the  Laws  of  Virginia  until  1630.  —First  Legislation  on  the  Slavery  Question 
in  1637-38.  —  Slavery  established  by  Statute  in  1663.  —  The  Discussion  of  Slavery. — 
An  Act  passed  encouraging  the  Importation  of  Negroes  and  White  Slaves  in  1671.  — 
An  Act  laying  an  Impost  on  Negroes  and  White  Servants  imported  into  the  Colony. 

—  Duties  imposed  on  Rum  and  Wine.  —  Treatment  of  Slaves  and  Papists.  —  Convicts 
imported  into  the  Colony.  —  An  Attempt  to  justify  the  Convict-Trade.  —  Spirited  Replies. 

—  The  Laws  of  1723,  1729,  1752.  —  Rights  of  Slaves. —  Negro  Population  in  1728. — 
Increase  of  Slavery  in  1756.  — No  Efforts  made  to  prevent  the  Evils  of  Slavery.  — The 
Revolution  nearing.  —  New  Life  for  the  Negroes 238 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  COLONY   OF   DELAWARE. 

1636-1775. 

The  Territory  of  Delaware  settled  in  part  by  Swedes  and  Danes,  anterior  to  the  Year  1638. — 
The  Duke  of  York  transfers  the  Territory  of  Delaware  to  William  Penn.  —  Penn 
grants  the  Colony  the  Privilege  of  Separate  Government.  —  Slavery  introduced  on  the 
Delaware  as  early  as  1636.  —  Complaint  against  Peter  Alricks  for  using  Oxen  and 
Negroes  belonging  to  the  Company.  —  The  First  Legislation  on  the  Slavery  Question  in 
the  Colony.  —  An  Enactment  of  a  Law  for  the  Better  Regulation  of  Servants.  —  An  Act 
restraining  Manumission 249 


CONTENTS.  XV 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
THE  COLONY   OF   CONNECTICUT 

1646-1775. 

PAGE 

The  Founding  of  Connecticut,  1631-36.  —  No  Reliable  Data  given  for  the  Introduction  of 
Slaves.  —  Negroes  were  first  introduced  by  Ship  during  the  Early  Years  of  the  Colony. 
"  Committee  for  Trade  and  Foreign  Plantations."  —  Interrogating  the  Governor  as  to 
the  Number  of  Negroes  in  the  Colony  in  1680.  —  The  Legislature  (1690)  passes  a  Law 
pertaining  to  the  Purchase  and  Treatment  of  Slaves  and  Free  Persons.  —  An  Act  passed 
by  the  General  Court  in  i7ii,reruiring  Persons  manumitting  Slaves  to  maintain  them. — 
Regulating  the  Social  Conduct  of  Slaves  in  1723. — The  Punishment  of  Negro,  Indian, 
and  Mulatto  Slaves,  for  the  Use  of  Profane  Language,  in  1630.  —  Lawfulness  of  Indian 
and  Negro  Slavery  recognized  by  Code,  Sept.  5,  1646.  —  Limited  Rights  of  Free 
Negroes  in  the  Colony.  —  Negro  Population  in  1762.  —  Act  against  Importation  of 
Slaves,  1774 • 253 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
THE   COLONY   OF    RHODE   ISLAND. 

I647-I77S- 

Colonial  Government  in  Rhode  Island,  May,  1647.  —  An  Act  passed  to  abolish  Slavery  in 
1652,  but  was  never  enforced.  —  An  Act  specifying  what  Times  Indian  and  Negro  Slaves 
should  not  appear  in  the  Streets.  —  An  Impost-Tax  on  Slaves  (1708).  —  Penalties 
imposed  on  Disobedient  Slaves.  —  Anti-Slavery  Sentiment  in  the  Colonies  receives  Little 
Encouragement.  —  Circular  Letter  from  the  Board  of  Trade  to  the  Governor  of  the 
English  Colonies,  relative  to  Negro  Slaves.  —  Governor  Cranston's  Reply.  —  List  of 
Militia-Men,  including  White  and  Black  Servants.  —  Another  Letter  from  the  Board 
of  Trade.  —  An  Act  preventing  Clandestine  Importations  and  Exportations  of  Passen 
gers,  Negroes,  or  Indian  Slaves.  —  Masters  of  Vessels  required  to  report  the  Names  and 
Number  of  Passengers  to  the  Governor.  —  Violation  of  the  Impost-Tax  Law  on  Slaves 
punished  by  Severe  Penalties.  —  Appropriation  by  the  General  Assembly,  July  5,  1715, 
from  the  Fund  derived  from  the  Impost-Tax,  for  the  paving  of  the  Streets  of  Newport. 
—  An  Act  passed  disposing  of  the  Money  raised  by  Impost-Tax.  —  Impost-Law  repealed, 
May,  1732.  —  An  Act  relating  to  freeing  Mulatto  and  Negro  Slaves  passed  1728.  —  An 
Act  passed  preventing  Masters  of  Vessels  from  carrying  Slaves  out  of  the  Colony,  June 
I7>  I7S7-  —  Eve  of  the  Revolution.  —  An  Act  prohibiting  Importation  of  Negroes  into 
the  Colony  in  1774.  —  The  Population  of  Rhode  Island  in  1730  and  1774  .  .  .  262 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE   COLONY   OF   NEW  JERSEY. 

1664-1775. 

New  Jersey  passes  into  the  Hands  of  the  English.  —  Political  Powers  conveyed  to  Berkeley 
and  Carteret.  —  Legislation  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery  during  the  Eighteenth  Century.  — 
The  Colony  divided  into  East  and  West  Jersey.  —  Separate  Governments.  —  An  Act 
concerning  Slavery  by  the  Legislature  of  East  Jersey.  —  General  Apprehension  respect 
ing  the  rising  of  Negro  and  Indian  Slaves.  —  East  and  West  Jersey  surrender  their 
Rights  of  Government  to  the  Queen.  —  An  Act  for  regulating  the  Conduct  of  Slaves.  — 
Impost-Tax  of  Ten  Pounds  levied  upon  each  Negro  imported  into  the  Colony.  —  The 
General  Court  passes  a  Law  regulating  the  Trial  of  Slaves.  —  Negroes  ruled  out  of  the 
Militia  Establishment  upon  Condition.  —  Population  of  the  Jerseys  in  1738  and  1745  .  282 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  COLONY   OF   SOUTH   CAROLINA. 
1665-1775. 

PACK* 

The  Carolinas  receive  two  Different  Charters  from  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain.  —  Era  of 
Slavery  Legislation.  —  Law  establishing  Slavery.  —  The  Slave  Population  of  this  Prov 
ince  regarded  as  Chattel  Property.  —  Trial  of  Slaves.  —  Increase  of  Slave  Population.  — 
The  Increase  in  the  Rice- Trade.  —  Severe  Laws  regulating  the  Private  and  Public  Con 
duct  of  Slaves.  —  Punishment  of  Slaves  for  running  away.  —  The  Life  of  Slaves  re 
garded  as  of  Little  Consequence  by  the  Violent  Master  Class.  —  An  Act  empowering 
two  Justices  of  the  Peace  to  investigate  Treatment  of  Slaves.  — An  Act  prohibiting  the 
Overworking  of  Slaves.  —  Slave-Market  at  Charleston.  —  Insurrection.  —  A  Law  authoriz 
ing  the  carrying  of  Fire-Arms  among  the  Whites.  —  The  Enlistment  of  Slaves  to  serve  in 
Time  of  Alarm.  —  Negroes  admitted  to  the  Militia  Service.  —  Compensation  to  Masters 
for  the  Loss  of  Slaves  killed  by  the  Enemy  or  who  desert.  —  Few  Slaves  manumitted.  — 
From  1754-76,  Little  Legislation  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery.  —  Threatening  War  between 
England  and  her  Provincial  Dependencies.  —  The  Effect  upon  Public  Sentiment  .  .  289 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  COLONY   OF   NORTH  CAROLINA. 
1669-1775. 

The  Geographical  Situation  of  North  Carolina  favorable  to  the  Slave-Trade.  —  The  Locke 
Constitution  adopted.  —  William  Sayle  commissioned  Governor.  —  Legislative  Career  of 
the  Colony.  —  The  Introduction  of  the  Established  Church  of  England  into  the  Colony. 

—  The  Rights  of  Negroes  controlled  absolutely  by  their  Masters.  —  An  Act  respecting 
Conspiracies.  —  The  Wrath  of  Ill-natured  Whites  visited  upon  their  Slaves.  —  An  Act 
against  the  Emancipation  of  Slaves.  —  Limited  Rights  of  Free  Negroes  ....  303 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 
THE  COLONY   OF   NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 

1679-1775. 

The  Provincial  Government  of  Massachusetts  exercises  Authority  over  the  State  of  New 
Hampshire  at  its  Organization.  —  Slavery  existed  from  the  Beginning.  —  The  Governor 
releases  a  Slave  from  Bondage.  —  Instruction  against  Importation  of  Slaves. — Several 
Acts  regulating  the  Conduct  of  Servants.  —  The  Indifferent  Treatment  of  Slaves.  —  The 
Importation  of  Indian  Servants  forbidden.  —  An  Act  checking  the  Severe  Treatment  of 
Servants  and  Slaves.  —  Slaves  in  the  Colony  until  the  Commencement  of  Hostilities  .  309 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 
THE  COLONY   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 

1681-1775. 

Organization  of  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania.  —  The  Swedes  and  Dutch  plant  Settle 
ments  on  the  Western  Bank  of  the  Delaware  River.  —  The  Governor  of  New  York  seeks 
to  exercise  Jurisdiction  over  the  Territory  of  Pennsylvania.  —  The  First  Laws  agreed 
upon  in  England. —  Provisions  of  the  Law.  —  Memorial  against  Slavery  draughted  and 
adopted  by  the  Germantown  Friends.  —  William  Penn  presents  a  Bill  for  the  Better 
Regulation  of  Servants.  —  An  Act  preventing  the  Importation  of  Negroes  and  Indians. 

—  Rights  of  Negroes.  —  A  Duty  laid  upon  Negroes  and  Mulatto  Slaves.  —  The  Quaker 
the  Friend  of  the  Negro.  —  England  begins  to  threaten,  her  Dependencies  in   North 
America.  — The   People  of  Pennsylvania  reflect  upon  the    Probable    Outrages   their 
Negroes  might  commit        0 3ia 


CONTENTS.  xvu 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE  COLONY   OF   GEORGIA. 

I732-I775- 

PAGE 

Georgia  once  included  in  the  Territory  of  Carolina.  —  The  Thirteenth  Colony  planted  in 
North  America  by  the  English  Government.  —  Slaves  ruled  out  altogether  by  the  Trus 
tees.  —  The  Opinion  of  Gen.  Oglethorpe  concerning  Slavery.  —  Long  and  Bitter  Discus 
sion  in  Regard  to  the  Admission  of  Slavery  into  the  Colony.  —  Slavery  introduced.  — 
History  of  Slavery  in  Georgia 316 


Part  Eft 

THE  NEGRO  DURING   THE  REVOLUTION. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

MILITARY   EMPLOYMENT   OF   NEGROES. 
1775-1780. 

The  Colonial  States  in  1715.  —  Ratification  of  the  Non-Importation  Act  by  the  Southern 
Colonies.  —  George  Washington  presents  Resolutions  against  Slavery,  in  a  Meeting  at 
Fairfax  Court-House,  Va.  —  Letter  written  by  Benjamin  Franklin  to  Dean  Woodward, 
pertaining  to  Slavery.  —  Letter  to  the  Freemen  of  Virginia  from  a  Committee,  concern 
ing  the  Slaves  brought  from  Jamaica.  —  Severe  Treatment  of  Slaves  in  the  Colonies 
modified.  —  Advertisement  in  "The  Boston  Gazette"  of  the  Runaway  Slave  Crispus 
Attucks.  —  The  Boston  Massacre.  —  Its  Results.  —  Crispus  Attucks  shows  his  Loyalty. 

—  His  Spirited  Letter  to  the  Tory  Governor  of  the  Province.  —  Slaves  admitted  into  the 
Army.  —  The  Condition  of  the  Continental  Army.  —  Spirited  Debate  in  the  Continental 
Congress,  over  the  Draught  of  a  Letter  to  Gen.  Washington.  —  Instructions  to  discharge 
all  Slaves  and  Free  Negroes  in  his  Army.  —  Minutes  of  the  Meeting  held  at  Cambridge. 

—  Lord  Dunmore's  Proclamation.  —  Prejudice  in  the  Southern  Colonies. —  Negroes  in 
Virginia  flock  to  the  British  Army.  —  Caution  to  the  Negroes  printed  in  a  Williamsburg 
Paper.  —  The  Virginia   Convention   answers  the   Proclamation   of   Lord   Dunmore.  — 
Gen.  Greene,  in  a  Letter  to  Gen.  Washington,  calls  Attention  to  the  raising  of  a  Negro 
Regiment  on  Staten  Island.  —  Letter  from  a  Hessian  Officer.  —  Connecticut  Legislature 
on  the  Subject  of  Employment  of  Negroes  as  Soldiers.  —  Gen.  Varnum's  Letter  to  Gen. 
Washington,  suggesting  the  Employment  of  Negroes,  sent  to  Gov.  Cooke.  —  The  Gov 
ernor  refers  Varnum's  Letter  to  the  General  Assembly.  —  Minority   Protest  against 
enlisting  Slaves  to  serve  in  the  Army.  —  Massachusetts  tries  to  secure  Legal  Enlistments 
of  Negro  Troops.  —  Letter  of  Thomas  Kench  to  the  Council  and  House  of  Representa 
tives,  Boston,  Mass. —  Negroes  serve  in  White  Organizations  until   the   Close  of   the 
American  Revolution.  —  Negro  Soldiers  serve  in  Virginia.  — Maryland  employs  Negroes. 

—  New  York  passes  an  Act  providing  for  the  Raising  of  two  Colored  Regiments.  —  War 
in  the  Middle  and  Southern  Colonies.  —  Hamilton's  Letter  to  John  Jay. —  Col.  Laurens's. 
Efforts  to  raise  Negro  Troops  in  South  Carolina.  —  Proclamation  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
inducing  Negroes  to  desert  the  Rebel  Army.  —  Lord  Cornwallis  issues  a  Proclamation 
offering  Protection  to  all  Negroes  seeking  his  Command.  —  Col.  Laurens  is  called  to. 
France  on    Important  Business.  —  His  Plan  for  securing  Black  Levies  for  the  South, 
upon  his  Return.  —  His  Letters  to  Gen.  Washington  in  Regard  to  his  Fruitless  Plans.  — 
Capt.  David  Humphreys  recruits  a  Company  of  Colored  Infantry   in   Connecticut.  — 
Return  of  Negroes  in  the  Army  in  1778 '.  324 


xvin  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

NEGROES  AS   SOLDIERS. 

1775-1783. 

PAGE 

The  Negro  as  a  Soldier.  —  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  —  Gallantry  of  Negro  Soldiers.  —  Peter 
Salem,  the  Intrepid  Black  Soldier.  —  Bunker-hill  Monument.  —  The  Negro  Salem  Poor 
distinguishes  himself  by  Deeds  of  Desperate  Valor.  —  Capture  of  Gen.  Lee.  —  Capture 
of  Gen.  Prescott.  —  Battle  of  Rhode  Island.  —  Col.  Greene  commands  a  Negro  Regi 
ment.  —  Murder  of  Col.  Greene  in  1781.  —  The  Valor  of  the  Negro  Soldiers  .  .  .  363 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 
LEGAL  STATUS  OF   THE   NEGRO  DURING  THE   REVOLUTION. 


The  Negro  was  Chattel  or  Real  Property.  —  His  Legal  Status  during  his  New  Relation  as  a 
Soldier.  —  Resolution  introduced  in  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  to  pre 
vent  the  selling  of  Two  Negroes  captured  upon  the  High  Seas.  —  The  Continental 
Congress  appoints  a  Committee  to  consider  what  should  be  done  with  Negroes  taken  by 
Vessels  of  War  in  the  Service  of  the  United  Colonies.  —  Confederation  of  the  New 
States.  —  Spirited  Debate  in  Congress  respecting  the  Disposal  of  Recaptures.  —  The 
Spanish  Ship  "Victoria"  captures  an  English  Vessel  having  on  Board  Thirty-four 
Negroes  taken  from  South  Carolina.  —  The  Negroes  recaptured  by  Vessels  belonging  to 
the  State  of  Massachusetts.  —  They  are  delivered  to  Thomas  Knox,  and  conveyed  to  Cas 
tle  Island.  —  Col.  Paul  Revere  has  Charge  of  the  Slaves  on  Castle  Island.  —  Massachu 
setts  passes  a  Law  providing  for  the  Security,  Support,  and  Exchange  of  Prisoners 
brought  into  the  State.  —  Gen.  Hancock  receives  a  Letter  from  the  Governor  of  South 
Carolina  respecting  the  Detention  of  Negroes.  —  In  the  Provincial  Articles  between  the 
United  States  of  America  and  His  Britannic  Majesty,  Negroes  were  rated  as  Property. 
—  And  also  in  the  Definite  Treaty  of  Peace  between  the  United  States  of  America  and 
His  Britannic  Majesty.  —  And  also  in  the  Treaty  of  Peace  of  1814,  between  His  Britan 
nic  Majesty  and  the  United  States,  Negroes  were  designated  as  Property.  —  Gen.  Wash 
ington's  Letter  to  Brig.-Gen.  Rufus  Putnam  in  regard  to  a  Negro  in  his  Regimen 
claimed  by  Mr.  Hobby.  —  Enlistment  in  the  Army  did  not  always  work  a  Practical 
Emancipation  ...............  370 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

THE     NEGRO     INTELLECT.—  BANNEKER    THE     ASTRONOMER.  —  FULLER 
THE   MATHEMATICIAN.  —  DERHAM   THE   PHYSICIAN. 

Statutory  Prohibition  against  the  Education  of  Negroes.  —  Benjamin  Banneker,  the  Negro 
Astronomer  and  Philosopher.  —  His  Antecedents.  —  Young  Banneker  as  a  Farmer  and 
Inventor.  —  The  Mills  of  Ellicott  &  Co.  —  Banneker  cultivates  his  Mechanical  Genius 
and  Mathematical  Tastes.  —  Banneker's  first  Calculation  of  an  Eclipse  submitted  for 
Inspection  in  1  789.  —  His  Letter  to  Mr.  Ellicott.  —  The  Testimony  of  a  Personal 
Acquaintance  of  Banneker  as  to  his  Upright  Character.  —  His  Home  becomes  a  Place  of 
Interest  to  Visitors.  —  Record  of  his  Business  Transactions.  —  Mrs.  Mason's  Visit  to 
him.  —  She  addresses  him  in  Verse.  —  Banneker  replies  by  Letter  to  her.  —  Prepares  his 
First  Almanac  for  Publication  in  1792.  —  Title  of  his  Almanac.  —  Banneker's  Letter  to 
Thomas  Jefferson.  —  Thomas  Jefferson's  Reply.  —  Banneker  invited  to  accompany  the 
Commissioners  to  run  the  Lines  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  —  Banneker's  Habits  of 
studying  the  Heavenly  Bodies.  —  Minute  Description  given  to  his  Sisters  in  Reference 
.to  the  Disposition  of  his  Personal  Property  after  Death.  —  His  Death.  —  Regarded 
as  the  most  Distinguished  Negro  of  his  Time.  —  Fuller  the  Mathematician,  or  "The 


CONTENTS.  xix 

PAGE 

Virginia  Calculator."  —  Fuller  of  African  Birth,  but  stolen  and  sold  as  a  Slave  into 
Virginia.  —  Visited  by  Men  of  Learning.  —  He  was  pronounced  to  be  a  Prodigy  in  the 
Manipulation  of  Figures.  —  His  Death.  —  Derham  the  Physician.  —  Science  of  Medi 
cine  regarded  as  the  most  Intricate  Pursuit  of  Man.  —  Early  Life  of  James  Derham.  — 
His  Knowledge  of  Medicine,  how  acquired.  —  He  becomes  a  Prominent  Physician  in 
New  Orleans.  —  Dr.  Rush  gives  an  Account  of  an  Interview  with  him.  —  What  the 
Negro  Race  produced  by  their  Genius  in  America  ........  385 

CHAPTER   XXX. 
SLAVERY   DURING   THE   REVOLUTION. 


Progress  of  the  Slave-Trade.  —  A  Great  War  for  the  Emancipation  of  the  Colonies  from 
Political  Bondage.  —  Condition  of  the  Southern  States  during  the  War.  —  The  Virginia 
Declaration  of  Rights.  —  Immediate  Legislation  against  Slavery  demanded.  —  Advertise 
ment  from  "The  Independent  Chronicle."  —  Petition  of  Massachusetts  Slaves.  —  An 
Act  preventing  the  Practice  of  holding  Persons  fti  Slavery.  —  Advertisements  from  "  The 
Continental  Journal."  —  A  Law  passed  in  Virginia  limiting  the  Rights  of  Slaves.  — 
Law  emancipating  all  Slaves  who  served  in  the  Army.  —  New  York  promises  her 
Negro  Soldiers  Freedom.  —  A  Conscientious  Minority  in  Favor  of  the  Abolition  of  the 
Slave-Trade.  —  Slavery  flourishes  during  the  Entire  Revolutionary  Period  .  .  .  402 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 
SLAVERY  AS   A  POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM. 

1775-1800. 

British  Colonies  in  North  America  declare  their  Independence.  —  A  New  Government 
established.  —  Slavery  the  Bane  of  American  Civilization.  —  The  Tory  Party  accept  the 
Doctrine  of  Property  in  Man.  —  The  Doctrine  of  the  Locke  Constitution  in  the  South. 

—  The  Whig  Party  the  Dominant  Political  Organization  in  the  Northern  States.  —  Slave 
ry  recognized  under  the  New  Government.  —  Anti-Slavery  Agitation  in  the  States.  — 
Attempted  Legislation  against  Slavery.  —  Articles  of  Confederation.  —  Their  Adoption 
in  1778.  —  Discussion  concerning  the  Disposal  of  the  Western  Territory.  —  Mr.  Jeffer 
son's   Recommendation.  —  Amendment  by  Mr.  Spaight.  —  Congress  in    New  York  in 
1787.  —  Discussion  respecting  the  Government  of  the  Western  Territory.  —  Convention 
at  Philadelphia  to  frame  the  Federal  Constitution.  —  Proceedings  of  the  Convention.  — 
The  Southern  States  still  advocate  Slavery.  —  Speeches  on   the  Slavery  Question  by 
Leading  Statesmen.  —  Constitution  adopted  by  the  Convention  in  1787.  —  First  Session 
of  Congress  under  the  Federal  Constitution  held  in  New  York  in  1789.  —  The  Introduc 
tion  of  a  Tariff-Bill.  —  An  Attempt  to  amend  it  by  inserting  a  Clause  levying  a  Tax  on 
Slaves  brought  by  Water.  —  Extinction  of  Slavery  in  Massachusetts.  —  A  Change  in  the 
Public  Opinion  of  the  Middle  and  Eastern  States  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery.  —  Dr.  Ben 
jamin  Franklin's  Address  to  the  Public  for  promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery.  —  Memo 
rial  to  the  United-States  Congress.  —  Congress  in   1790.  —  Bitter  Discussion  on  the 
Restriction  of  the  Slave-Trade.  —  Slave-Population.  —  Vermont  and  Kentucky  admitted 
into  the  Union.  —  A  Law  providing  for  the  Return  of  Fugitives  from  "Labor  and  Ser 
vice."  —  Convention   of   Friends  held  in  Philadelphia.  —  An  Act  against  the   Foreign 
Slave-Trade.  —  Mississippi  Territory.  —  Constitution  of    Georgia   revised.  —  New  York 
passes  a  Bill  for  the  Gradual  Extinction  of  Slavery.  —  Constitution  of  Kentucky  revised. 

—  Slavery  as  an  Institution  firmly  established  ..........  412 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


PRELIMINARY  CONSIDERATIONS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

THE    UNITY    OF    MANKIND. 

THE  BIBLICAL  ARGUMENT.  —  ONE  RACE  AND  ONE  LANGUAGE.  —  ONE  BLOOD.  — THB  CURSE 

OF  CANAAN. 

DURING  the  last  half-century,  many  writers  on  ethnology, 
anthropology,  and  slavery  have  strenuously  striven  to 
place  the  Negro  outside  of  the  human  family  ;  and  the 
disciples  of  these  teachers  have  endeavored  to  justify  their  views 
by  the  most  dehumanizing  treatment  of  the  Negro.  But,  for 
tunately  for  the  Negro  and  for  humanity  at  large,  we  live  now  in 
an  epoch  when  race  malice  and  sectional  hate  are  disappearing 
beneath  the  horizon  of  a  brighter  and  better  future.  The  Negro 
in  America  is  free.  He  is  now  an  acknowledged  factor  in  the 
affairs  of  the  continent ;  and  no  community,  state,  or  government, 
in  this  period  of  the  world's  history,  can  afford  to  be  indifferent  to 
his  moral,  social,  intellectual,  or  political  well-being. 

It  is  proposed,  in  the  first  place,  to  call  the  attention  to  the 
absurd  charge  that  the  Negro  does  not  belong  to  the  human 
family.  Happily,  there  are  few  left  upon  the  face  of  the  earth 
who  still  maintain  this  belief. 

In  the  first  chapter  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  it  is  clearly  stated 
that  "  God  created  man,"  "  male  and  female  created  he  them ; "  r 
that  "the  Lord  God  formed  man  of  the  dust  of  the  ground,  and 


2        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

breathed  into  his  nostrils  the  breath  of  life ;  and  man  became  a 
living  soul ;" l  and  that  "the  Lord  God  took  the  man,  and  put  him 
into  the  Garden  of  Eden  to  dress  it  and  to  keep  it."  2  It  is  notice 
able  that  the  sacred  historian,  in  every  reference  to  Adam,  speaks 
of  him  as  "man ;"  and  that  the  divine  injunction  to  them  was,— - 
Adam  and  Eve,  — "  Be  fruitful,  and  multiply,  and  replenish  the 
earth,  and  subdue  it  :  and  have  dominion  over  the  fish  of  the 
sea,  and  over  the  fowl  of  the  air,  and  over  every  living  thing  that 
moveth  upon  the  earth."  3  As  among  the  animals,  so  here  in  the 
higher  order,  there  were  two, — a  pair,  —  "male  and  female,"  of 
the  human  species.  We  may  begin  with  man,  and  run  down  the 
scale,  and  we  are  sure  to  find  two  of  a  kind,  "male  and  female." 
This  was  the  divine  order.  But  they  were  to  "  be  fruitful,"  were 
to  "replenish  the  earth."  That  they  did  "multiply,"  we  have  the 
trustworthy  testimony  of  God  ;  and  it  was  true  that  man  and 
beast,  fowl  and  fish,  increased.  We  read  that  after  their  expul 
sion  from  the  Garden  of  Eden,  Eve  bore  Adam  a  family.  Cain  and 
Abel ;  and  that  they  "peopled  the  earth." 

After  a  number  of  years  we  find  that  wickedness  increased  in 
the  earth ;  so  much  so  that  the  Lord  was  provoked  to  destroy  the 
earth  with  a  flood,  with  the  exception  of  Noah,  his  wife,  his  three 
sons  and  their  wives,  —  eight  souls  in  all.4  Of  the  animals,  two 
of  each  kind  were  saved. 

But  the  most  interesting  portion  of  Bible  history  comes  after 
the  Flood.  We  then  have  the  history  of  the  confusion  of  tongues, 
and  the  subsequent  and  consequent  dispersion  of  mankind.  In 
the  eleventh  chapter  and  first  verse  of  Genesis  it  is  recorded : 
"And  the  WHOLE  EARTH  was  of  ONE  LANGUAGE,  and  of  ONE 
SPEECH."  "  The  whole  earth  "  here  means  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  earth, — all  mankind.  The  medium  of  communication  was 
common.  Everybody  used  one  language.  In  the  sixth  verse 
occurs  this  remarkable  language:  "And  the  Lord  said,  Behold, 
the  people  is  one,  and  they  have  all  one  language."  Attention  is 
called  to  this  verse,  because  we  have  here  the  testimony  of  the 
Lord  that  "the  people  is  one"  and  that  the  language  of  the  people 
is  one.  This  verse  establishes  two  very  important  facts  ;  i.e.,  there 
was  but  one  nationality,  and  hence  but  one  language.  The  fact 
that  they  had  but  one  language  furnishes  reasonable  proof  that 
they  were  of  one  blood  ;  and  the  historian  has  covered  the  whole 

x 
1  Gen.  ii.  7.  2  Gen.  ii.  15.  3  Gen.  i.  28.  4  Gen.  vi.  5  sq. 


THE    UNITY  OF  MANKIND.  3; 

question  very  carefully  by  recording  the  great  truth  that  they 
were  one  people,  and  had  but  one  language.  The  seventh,  eighth, 
and  ninth  verses  of  the  eleventh  chapter  are  not  irrelevant :  "  Go 
to,  let  us  go  down,  and  there  confound  theii  language,  that  they 
may  not  understand  one  another's  speech.  So  the  Lord  scattered 
them  abroad  from  thence  upon  the  face  of  all  the  earth  :  and  they 
left  off  to  build  the  city.  Therefore  is  the  name  of  it  called  Babel ; 
because  the  Lord  did  there  confound  the  language  of  all  the  earth  : 
and  from  thence  did  the  Lord  scatter  them  abroad  upon  the  face 
of  all  the  earth." 

It  was  the  wickedness  of  the  people  that  caused  the  Lord  ta 
disperse  them,  to  confound  their  speech,  and  bring  to  nought 
their  haughty  work.  Evidently  this  was  the  beginning  of  differ 
ent  families  of  men, — different  nationalities,  and  hence  different 
languages.  In  the  ninth  verse  it  reads,  that  "from  thence  did  the 
Lord  scatter  them  abroad  upon  the  face  of  all  the  earth."  There 
is  no  ambiguity  about  this  language.  He  did  not  only  "confound 
their  language,"  but  "scattered  them  from  thence,"  from  Babel, 
"upon  the  face  of  all  the  earth."  Here,  then,  are  two  very  im 
portant  facts  :  their  language  was  confused,  and  they  were  "scat 
tered."  They  were  not  only  "scattered,"  they  were  "scattered 
abroad  upon  the  face  of  all  the  earth."  That  is,  they  were  dis 
persed  very  widely,  sent  into  the  various  and  remote  parts  of  the 
earth  ;  and  their  nationality  received  its  being  from  the  latitudes 
to  which  the  divinely  appointed  wave  of  dispersion  bore  them  ;, 
and  their  subsequent  racial  character  was  to  borrow  its  tone  and 
color  from  climateric  influences.  Three  great  families,  the  She- 
mitic,  Hamitic,  and  Japhetic,  were  suddenly  built  up.  Many  other 
families,  or  tribes,  sprang  from  these  ;  but  these  were  the  three 
great  heads  of  all  subsequent  races  of  men. 

"  That  the  three  sons  of  Noah  overspread  and  peopled  the  whole  earth, 
is  so  expressly  stated  in  Scripture,  that,  had  we  not  to  argue  against  those  who 
unfortunately  disbelieve  such  evidence,  we  might  here  stop:  let  us,  however, 
inquire  how  far  the  truth  of  this  declaration  is  substantiated  by  other  consid 
erations.  Enough  has  been  said  "to  show  that  there  is  a  curious,  if  not  a 
remarkable,  analogy  between  the  predictions  of  Noah  on  the  future  descend 
ants  of  his  three  sons,  and  the  actual  state  of  those  races  which  are  generally 
supposed  to  have  sprung  from  them.  It  may  here  be  again  remarked,  that,  to 
render  the  subject  more  clear,  we  have  adopted  the  quinary  arrangement  of 
Professor  Blumenbach  :  yet  that  Cuvier  and  other  learned  physiologists  are 
of  opinion  that  the  primary  varieties  of  the  human  form  are  more  properly  but 
three ;  viz.,  the  Caucasian,  Mongolian,  and  Ethiopian.  This  number  corre? 


4        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

sponds  with  that  of  Noah's  sons.  Assigning,  therefore,  the  Mongolian  race 
to  Japheth,  and  the  Ethiopian  to  Ham,  the  Caucasian,  the  noblest  race,  will 
belong  to  Shem,  the  third  son  of  Noah,  himself  descended  from  Seth,  the 
third  son  of  Adam.  That  the  primary  distinctions  of  the  human  varieties  are 
but  three,  has  been  further  maintained  by  the  erudite  Prichard ;  who,  while  he 
rejects  the  nomenclature  both  of  Blumenbach  and  Cuvier,  as  implying  absolute 
divisions,  arranges  the  leading  varieties  of  the  human  skull  under  three  sec« 
•tions,  differing  from  those  of  Cuvier  only  by  name.  That  the  three  sons  of 
Noah  who  were  to  'replenish  the  earth,'  and  on  whose  progeny  very  opposite 
destinies  were  pronounced,  should  give  birth  to  different  races,  is  what  might 
reasonably  be  conjectured ;  but  that  the  observation  of  those  who  do,  and  of 
those  who  do  not,  believe  the  Mosaic  history,  should  tend  to  confirm  truth,  by 
pointing  out  in  what  these  three  races  do  actually  differ,  both  physically  and 
morally,  is,  to  say  the  least,  a  singular  coincidence.  .  It  amounts,  in  short,,  to  a 
presumptive  evidence,  that  a  mysterious  and  very  beautiful  analogy  pervades 
throughout,  and  teaches  us  to  look  beyond  natural  causes  in  attempting  to 
account  for  effects  apparently  interwoven  in  the  plans  of  Omnipotence."  J 

In  the  seventeenth  chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
twenty-sixth  verse,  we  find  the  following  language :  "  And  hath 
made  of  one  blood  all  nations  of  men  for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face 
of  the  earth,  and  hath  determined  the  times  before  appointed,  and 
the  bounds  of  their  habitation."2  The  Apostle  Paul  was  a  mis 
sionary.  He  was,  at  this  time,  on  a  mission  to  the  far-famed  city 
of  Athens,  —  "the  eye  of  Greece,  and  the  fountain  of  learning  and 
philosophy."  He  told  the  "men  of  Athens,"  that,  as  he  travelled 
through  their  beautiful  city,  he  had  not  been  unmindful  of  its  at 
tractions  ;  that  he  had  not  been  indifferent  to  the  claims  of  its 
citizens  to  scholarship  and  culture,  and  that  among  other  things 
he  noticed  an  altar  erected  to  an  unknown  God.  He  went  on  to 
remark,  that,  great  as  their  city  and  nation  were,  God,  whose  off 
spring  they  were,  had  created  other  nations,  who  lived  beyond 
their  verdant  hills  and  swelling  rivers.  And,  moreover,  that  God 
had  created  "  all  nations  of  men  for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the 
earth  "  out  "of  one  blood."  He  called  their  attention  to  the  fact 
that  God  had  fenced  all  the  nations  in  by  geographical  bounda 
ries,  —  had  fixed  the  limits  of  their  habitation. 

We  find  two  leading  thoughts  in  the  twenty-sixth  verse ;  viz., 

1  Encycl.  of  Geo.,  p.  255. 

2  If  the  Apostle  Paul  had  asserted  that  all  men  resembled  each  other  in  the  color  of  their 
skin  and  the  texture  of  their  hair,  or  even  in  their  physiological  make-up,  he  would  have  been  at 
war   with  observation  and  critical  investigation.      But,  having  announced  a  wonderful  truth  in 
reference  to  the  unity  of  the  human  race  as  based  upon  one  blood,  science  comes  to  his  support, 
and  through  the  microscope  reveals  the  corpuscles  of  the  blood,  and  shows  that  the  globule  is  the 
.same  in  all  human  blood. 


THE    UNITY  OF  MANKIND.  5 

that  this  passage  establishes  clearly  and  unmistakably  the  unity 
of  mankind,  in  that  God  created  them  of  one  blood ;  second,  he 
hath  determined  "the  bounds  of  their  habitation,"  —  hath  located 
them  geographically.  The  language  quoted  is  very  explicit.  "  He 
hath  determined  the  bounds  of  their  habitation,"  that  is,  "  all  the 
nations  of  men.1  We  have,  then,  the  fact,  that  there  are  different 
"nations  of  men,"  and  that  they  are  all  "of  one  blood,"  and, 
therefore,  have  a  common  parent.  This  declaration  was  made  by 
the  Apostle  Paul,  an  inspired  writer,  a  teacher  of  great  erudition, 
and  a  scholar  in  both  the  Hebrew  and  the  Greek  languages. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten  either,  that  in  Paul's  masterly  dis 
cussion  of  the  doctrine  of  sin,  —  the  fall  of  man, — he  always 
refers  to  Adam  as  the  "one  man"  by  whom  sin  came  into  the 
world.2  His  Epistle  to  the  Romans  abounds  in  passages  which 
prove  very  plainly  the  unity  of  mankind.  The  Acts  of  the  Apos 
tles,  as  well  as  the  Gospels,  prove  the  unity  we  seek  to  establish. 

But  there  are  a  few  who  would  admit  the  unity  of  mankind, 
and  still  insist  that  the  Negro  does  not  belong  to  the  human 
family.  It  is  so  preposterous,  that  one  has  a  keen  sense  of 
humiliation  in  the  assured  consciousness  that  he  goes  rather 
low  to  meet  the  enemies  of  God's  poor ;  but  it  can  certainly  do  no 
harm  to  meet  them  with  the  everlasting  truth. 

In  the  Gospel  of  Luke  we  read  this  remarkable  historical  state 
ment  :  "  And  as  they  led  him  away,  they  laid  hold  upon  one  Simon, 
a  Cyrenian,  coming  out  of  the  country,  and  on  him  they  laid  the 
cross,  that  he  might  bear  it  after  Jesus."  3  By  referring  to  the 
map,  the  reader  will  observe  that  Cyrene  is  in  Libya,  on  the  north 
coast  of  Africa.  All  the  commentators  we  have  been  able  to 
consult,  on  the  passage  quoted  below,  agree  that  this  man  Simon 
was  a  Negro,  —  a  black  man.  John  Melville  produced  a  very 
remarkable  sermon  from  this  passage.4  And  many  of  the  most 
celebrated  pictures  of  "  The  Crucifixion,"  in  Europe,  represent 
this  Cyrenian  as  black,  and  give  him  a  very  prominent  place  in 
the  most  tragic  scene  ever  witnessed  on  this  earth.  In  the  Acts 

1  Deut.  xxxii.  8,  9  :  "When  the  Most  High  divided  to  the  nations  their  inheritance,  when 
,he  separated  the  sons  of  Adam,  he  set  the  bounds  of  the  people  according  to  the  number  of  the 
children  of  Israel.  For  the  Lord's  portion  is  his  people;  Jacob  is  the  lot  of  his  inheritance." 

3  Rom.  v.  12,  14-21. 

3  Luke    xxiii.   26;  Acts  vi.  9,  also    second    chapter,  tenth  verse.      Matthew  records    the 
same  fact  in  the  twenty-seventh  chapter,  thirty-second  verse :  "  And  as  they  came  out,  they  found  a 
jman  of  Cyrene,  Simon  by  name  :  him  they  compelled  to  bear  his  cross." 

4  See  Melville's  Sermons. 


6        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  the  Apostles  we  have  a  very  full  and  interesting  account  of  the 
conversion  and  immersion  of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch,  "  a  man  of 
Ethiopia,  an  eunuch  of  great  authority  under  Candace,  Queen  of 
the  Ethiopians,  who  had  the  charge  of  all  her  treasure,  and  had 
come  to  Jerusalem  for  to  worship."  l  Here,  again,  we  find  that  all 
the  commentators  agree  as  to  the  nationality  of  the  eunuch  :  he 
was  a  Negro ;  and,  by  implication,  the  passage  quoted  leads  us  to 
the  belief  that  the  Ethiopians  were  a  numerous  and  wealthy  peo 
ple.  Candace  was  the  queen  that  made  war  against  Augustus 
Caesar  twenty  years  before  Christ,  and,  though  not  victorious, 
secured  an  honorable  peace.2  She  reigned  in  Upper  Egypt,  —  up 
the  Nile,  —  and  lived  at  Meroe,  that  ancient  city,  the  very  cradle 
of  Egyptian  civilization. 3 

"  In  the  time  of  our  Saviour  (and  indeed  from  that  time  forward),  by  Ethi 
opia  was  meant,  in  a  general  sense,  the  countries  south  of  Egypt,  then  but 
imperfectly  known ;  of  one  of  which  that  Candace  was  queen  whose  eunuch 
was  baptized  by  Philip.  Mr.  Bruce,  on  his  return  from  Abyssinia,  found  in 
latitude  16°  38'  a  place  called  Chendi,  where  the  reigning  sovereign  was  then  a 
queen  ;  and  where  a  tradition  existed  that  a  woman,  by  name  Hendaque  (which 
comes  as  near  as  possible  to  the  Greek  name  XavdaKrj),  once  governed  all  that 
country.  Near  this  place  are  extensive  ruins,  consisting  of  broken  pedestals 
and  obelisks,  which  Bruce  conjectures  to  be  those  of  Meroe,  the  capital  of  the 
African  Ethiopia,  which  is  described  by  Herodotus  as  a  great  city  in  his  time, 
namely,  four  hundred  years  before  Christ ;  and  where,  separated  from  the  rest 
of  the  world  by  almost  impassable  deserts,  and  enriched  by  the  commercial 
expeditions  of  their  travelling  brethren,  the  Cushites  continued  to  cultivate,  so- 
late  as  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  era,  some  portions  of  those  arts  and 
sciences  to  which  the  settlers  in  the  cities  had  always  more  or  less  devoted 
themselves."  4 

But  a  few  writers  have  asserted,  and  striven  to  prove,  that  the 
Egyptians  and  Ethiopians  are  quite  a  different  people  from  the 
Negro.  Jeremiah  seems  to  have  understood  that  these  people 
about  whom  we  have  been  writing  were  Negroes,  —  we  mean 
black.  "  Can  the  Ethiopian,"  asks  the  prophet,  "  change  his  skin, 
or  the  leopard  his  spots  ? "  The  prophet  was  as  thoroughly  aware 
that  the  Ethiopian  was  black,  as  that  the  leopard  had  spots  ;  and 
Luther's  German  has  for  the  word  "Ethiopia,"  " Negro-land,"  — 

1  Acts  viii.  27. 

2  Pliny  says  the  Ethiopian  government  subsisted  for  several  generations  in  the  hands  of 
queens  whose  name  was  Candace. 

3  See  Liddell  and  Scott's  Greek  Lexicon. 

4  Jones's  Biblical  Cyclopaedia,  p.  311. 


THE    UNITY  OF  MANKIND.  7 

the  country  of  the  blacks.1  The  word  "  Ethiop "  in  the  Greek 
literally  means  "sunburn." 

That  these  Ethiopians  were  black,  we  have,  in  addition  to  the 
valuable  testimony  of  Jeremiah,  the  scholarly  evidence  of  Herod 
otus,  Homer,  Josephus,  Eusebius,  Strabo,  and  others. 

It  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  use  the  term  "  Cush "  farther 
along  in  this  discussion  :  so  we  call  attention  at  this  time  to  the 
fact,  that  the  Cushites,  so  frequently  referred  to  in  the  Scriptures, 
are  the  same  as  the  Ethiopians. 

Driven  from  unscriptural  and  untenable  ground  on  the  unity 
of  the  races  of  mankind,  the  enemies  of  the  Negro,  falling  back 
in  confusion,  intrench  themselves  in  the  curse  of  Canaan.  "  And 
Noah  awoke  from  his  wine,  and  knew  what  his  younger  son  had 
done  unto  him.  And  he  said,  Cursed  be  Canaan  ;  a  servant  of 
servants  shall  he  be  unto  his  brethren."  2  This  passage  was  the 
leading  theme  of  the  defenders  of  slavery  in  the  pulpit  for  many 
years.  Bishop  Hopkins  says,  — 

"  The  heartless  irreverence  which  Ham,  the  father  of  Canaan,  displayed 
toward  his  eminent  parent,  whose  piety  had  just  saved  him  from  the  Deluge, 
presented  the  immediate  occasion  for  this  remarkable  prophecy ;  but  the  actual 
fulfilment  was  reserved  for  his  posterity  after  they  had  lost  the  knowledge  of 
God,  and  become  utterly  polluted  by  the  abominations  of  heathen  idolatry. 
The  Almighty,  foreseeing  this  total  degradation  of  the  race,  ordained  them  to 
servitude  or  slavery  under  the  descendants  of  Shem  and  Japheth,  doubtless 
because  he  judged  it  to  be  their  fittest  condition.  And  all  history  proves  how 
accurately  the  prediction  has  been  accomplished,  even  to  the  present  day."  3 

Now,  the  first  thing  to  be  done  by  those  who  adopt  this  view 
is,  to  prove,  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  that  Noah  was  inspired  to 
pronounce  this  prophecy.  Noah  had  been,  as  a  rule,  a  righteous 
man.  For  more  than  a  hundred  years  he  had  lifted  up  his  voice 
against  the  growing  wickedness  of  the  world.  His  fidelity  to  the 
cause  of  God  was  unquestioned  ;  and  for  his  faith  and  correct 
living,  he  and  his  entire  household  were  saved  from  the  Deluge. 
But  after  his  miraculous  deliverance  from  the  destruction  that 
overcame  the  old  world,  his  entire  character  is  changed.  There 
is  not  a  single  passage  to  show  us  that  he  continued  his  avoca 
tion  as  a  preacher.  He  became  a  husbandman  ;  he  kept  a  vine 
yard  ;  and,  more  than  all,  he  drank  of  the  wine  and  got  drunk  ! 

1  The  term  Ethiope  was  anciently  given  to  all  those  whose  color  was  darkened  by  the  sun.  — 
Smyth's  Unity  of  the  Human  Races,  chap.  i.  p.  34. 

2  Gen.  ix.  24,  25.     See  also  the  twenty-sixth  and  twenty-seventh  verses. 

3  Bible  Views  of  Slavery,  p.  7. 


8        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Awaking  from  a  state  of  inebriation,  he  knew  that  Ham  had 
beheld  his  nakedness  and  "told  his  two  brethren."  But  "Shem 
and  Japheth  took  a  garment,  and  laid  it  upon  both  their  shoul 
ders,  and  went  backward,  and  covered  the  nakedness  of  their 
father ;  and  their  faces  were  backward,  and  they  saw  not  their 
father's  nakedness." *  It  is  quite  natural  to  suppose,  that,  humil 
iated  and  chagrined  at  his  sinful  conduct,  and  angered  at  the 
behavior  of  his  son  and  grandson,  Ham  and  Canaan,  Noah  ex 
pressed  his  disapprobation  of  Canaan.  It  was  his  desire,  on  the 
impulse  of  the  moment,  that  Canaan  should  suffer  a  humiliation 
somewhat  commensurate  with  his  offence  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
it  was  appropriate  that  he  should  commend  the  conduct  of  his 
other  sons,  who  sought  to  hide  their  father's  shame.  And  all  this 
was  done  without  any  inspiration.  He  simply  expressed  himself 
as  a  fallible  man. 

Bishop  Hopkins,  however,  is  pleased  to  call  this  a  "prophecy." 
In  order  to  prophesy,  in  the  scriptural  meaning  of  the  word,  a 
man  must  have  the  divine  unction,  and  must  be  moved  by  the 
Holy  Ghost ;  and,  in  addition  to  this,  it  should  be  said,  that  a  true 
prophecy  always  comes  to  pass,  —  is  sure  of  fulfilment.  Noah 
was  not  inspired  when  he  pronounced  his  curse  against  Canaan, 
for  the  sufficient  reason  that  it  was  not  fulfilled.  He  was  not 
speaking  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy  when  he  blessed  Shem  and 
Japheth,  for  the  good  reason  that  their  descendants  have  often 
been  in  bondage.  Now,  if  these  words  of  Noah  were  prophetic, 
were  inspired  of  God,  we  would  naturally  expect  to  find  all  of 
Canaan  s  descendants  in  bondage,  and  all  of  Shem's  out  of  bond 
age, —  free!  If  this  prophecy — granting  this  point  to  the  learned 
bishop  for  argument's  sake  —  has  not  been  fulfilled,  then  we  con 
clude  one  of  two  things  ;  namely,  these  are  not  the  words  of  God, 
or  they  have  not  been  fulfilled.  But  they  were  not  the  words  of 
prophecy,  and  consequently  never  had  any  divine  authority.  It 
was  Canaan  upon  whom  Noah  pronounced  the  curse :  and  Canaan 
was  the  son  of  Ham ;  and  Ham,  it  is  said,  is  the  progenitor  of  the 
Negro  race.  The  Canaanites  were  not  bondmen,  but  freemen,  — 
powerful  tribes  when  the  Hebrews  invaded  their  country  ;  and 
from  the  Canaanites  descended  the  bold  and  intelligent  Car 
thaginians,  as  is  admitted  by  the  majority  of  writers  on  this 
subject.  From  Ham  proceeded  the  Egyptians,  Libyans,  the  Phu- 

1     Gen.  ix.  23. 


THE    UNITY  OF  MANKIND.  9 

tim,  and  the  Cushim  or  Ethiopians,  who,  colonizing  the  African 
side  of  the  Red  Sea,  subsequently  extended  themselves  indefi 
nitely  to  the  west  and  south  of  that  great  continent.  Egypt  was 
called  Chemia,  or  the  country  of  Ham  ;  and  it  has  been  thought 
that  the  Egyptian's  deity,  Hammon  or  Ammon,  was  a  deification 
of  Ham.1  The  Carthaginians  were  successful  in  numerous  wars 
against  the  sturdy  Romans.  So  in  this,  as  in  many  other  in 
stances,  the  prophecy  of  Noah  failed. 

Following  the  chapter  containing  the  prophecy  of  Noah,  the 
historian  records  the  genealogy  of  the  descendants  of  Ham  and 
Canaan.  We  will  quote  the  entire  account  that  we  may  be. 
assisted  to  the  truth. 

"And  the  sons  of  Ham;  Cush,  and  Mizraim,  and  Phut,  and  Canaan; 
and  the  sons  of  Cush;  Seba,  and  Havilah,  and  Sabtah,  and  Raamah,  and 
Sabtechah:  and  the  sons  of  Raamah;  Sheba  and  Dedan.  And  Cush  begat 
Nimrod  :  he  began  to  be  a  mighty  one  in  the  earth.  He  was  a  mighty  hunter 
before  the  Lord:  wherefore  it  is  said,  Even  as  Nimrod  the  mighty  hunter 
before  the  Lord.  And  the  beginning  of  his  kingdom  was  Babel,  and  Erech, 
and  Accad,  and  Calneh,  in  the  land  of  Shinar.  Out  of  that  land  went  forth 
Asshur,  and  builded  Nineveh,  and  the  city  Rehoboth,  and  Calah,  and  Resen 
between  Nineveh  and  Calah :  the  same  is  a  great  city.  And  Mizraim  begat 
Luclim,  and  Anamim,  and  Lehabim,  and  Naphtuhim,  and  Pathrusim,  and  Cas- 
luhim  (out  of  whom  came  Philistim),  and  Caphtorim.  And  Canaan  begat 
Sidon  his  first-born,  and  Heth,  and  the  Jebusite,  and  the  Amorite,  and  the 
Girgasite,  and  the  Hivite,  and  the  Arkite,  and  the  Sinite,  and  the  Arvadite, 
and  the  Zemarite,  and  the  Hamathite :  and  afterward  were  the  families  of  the 
Canaanites  spread  abroad.  And  the  border  of  the  Canaanites  was  from  Sidon, 
as  thou  comest  to  Gerar, unto  Gaza;  as  thou  goest,  unto  Sodom,  and  Gomor 
rah,  and  Admah,  and  Zeboim,  even  unto  Lasha.  These  are  the  sons  of  Ham, 
after  their  families,  after  their  tongues,  in  their  countries,  and  in  their  nations."2^ 

Here  is  a  very  minute  account  of  the  family  of  Ham,  who  it 
is  said  was  to  share  the  fate  of  his  son  Canaan,  and  a  clear 
account  of  the  children  of  Canaan.  "  Nimrod,"  says  the  record, 
"  began  to  be  a  mighty  one  in  the  earth.  He  was  a  mighty  hunter 
before  the  Lord.  .  .  .  And  the  beginning  of  his  kingdom,"  etc. 
We  find  that  Cush  was  the  oldest  son  of  Ham,  and  the  father  of 
Nimrod  the  "mighty  one  in  the  earth,"  whose  "kingdom"  was 
so  extensive.  He  founded  the  Babylonian  empire,  and  was 
the  father  of  the  founder  of  the  city  of  Nineveh,  one  of  the 
grandest  cities  of  the  ancient  world.  These  wonderful  achieve- 

1  Plutarch,  De  Iside  et  Osiride.     See  also  Dr.  Morton,  and  Ethnological  Journal,  4th  No- 
p.  172. 

2  Gen.  x.  6-20. 


10     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

inents  were  of  the  children  of  Cush,  the  ancestor  of  the  Negroes. 
It  is  fair  to  suppose  that  this  line  of  Ham's  posterity  was  not 
lacking  in  powers  necessary  to  found  cities  and  kingdoms,  and 
maintain  government. 

Thus  far  we  have  been  enabled  to  see,  according  to  the  Bible 
record,  that  the  posterity  of  Canaan  did  not  go  into  bondage  ; 
that  it  was  a  powerful  people,  both  in  point  of  numbers  and 
wealth ;  and,  from  the  number  and  character  of  the  cities  it  built, 
we  infer  that  it  was  an  intellectual  posterity.  We  conclude  that 
thus  far  there  is  no  evidence,  from  a  biblical  standpoint,  that 
Noah's  prophecy  was  fulfilled.  But,  notwithstanding  the  absence 
of  scriptural  proof  as  to  the  bondage  of  the  children  of  Canaan, 
the  venerable  Dr.  Mede  says,  "  There  never  has  been  a  son  of 
Ham  who  has  shaken  a  sceptre  over  the  head  of  Japheth.  Shem 
.has  subdued  Japheth,  and  Japheth  has  subdued  Shem  ;  but  Ham 
has  never  subdued  either."  The  doctor  is  either  falsifying  the 
facts  of  history,  or  is  ignorant  of  history.  The  Hebrews  were  in 
bondage  in  Egypt  for  centuries.  Egypt  was  peopled  by  Misraim, 
the  second  son  of  Ham.  Who  were  the  Shemites  ?  They  were 
Hebrews !  The  Shemites  were  in  slavery  to  the  Hamites.  Mel- 
chizedek,  whose  name  was  expressive  of  his  character,  —  king  of 
rigJiteousness  (or  a  righteous  king),  was  a  worthy  priest  of  the 
most  high  God ;  and  Abimelech,  whose  name  imports  parental 
king,  pleaded  the  integrity  of  his  heart  and  the  righteousness  of 
his  nation  before  God,  and  his  plea  was  admitted.  Yet  both 
these  personages  appear  to  have  been  Canaanites."  x  Melchize- 
dek  and  Abimelech  were  Canaanites,  and  the  most  sacred  and 
honorable  characters  in  Old-Testament  history.  It  was  Abra 
ham,  a  Shemite,  who,  meeting  Melchizedek,  a  Canaanite,  gave 
him  a  tenth  of  all  his  spoils.  It  was  Nimrod,  a  Cushite,  who 
"went  to  Asher,  and  built  Nineveh,"  after  subduing  the  Shem 
ites.  So  it  seems  very  plain  that  Noah's  prophecy  did  not  come 
true  in  every  respect,  and  that  it  was  not  the  word  of  God. 
"And  God  blessed  Noah  and  his  sons."2  God  pronounces  his 
blessing  upon  this  entire  family,  and  enjoins  upon  them  to  "  be 
fruitful  and  multiply,  and  replenish  the  earth."  Afterwards  Noah 
seeks  to  abrogate  the  blessing  of  God  by  his  "cursed  be  Canaan." 
But  this  was  only  the  bitter  expression  of  a  drunken  and  humilia 
ted  parent  lacking  divine  authority.  No  doubt  he  and  his  other 

Dr.  Bush.  2  Gen.  ix.  i. 


THE    UNITY  OF  MANKIND.  1 1 

two  sons  conformed  their  conduct  to  the  spirit  of  the  curse  pro 
nounced,  and  treated  the  Hamites  accordingly.  The  scholarly 
Dr.  William  Jones  r  says  that  Ham  was  the  youngest  son  of 
Noah.;  that  he  had  four  sons,  Cush,  Misraim,  Phut,  and  Canaan  ; 
and  that  they  peopled  Africa  and  part  of  Asia.2  The  Hamites 
were  the  offspring  of  Noah,  and  one  of  the  three  great  families 
that  have  peopled  the  earth.3 

1  Jones's  Biblical  Cyclopaedia,  p.  393.     Ps.  Ixxviii.  51. 

2  Ps.  cv.  23. 

3  If  Noah's  utterance  were  to  be  regarded  as  a  prophecy,  it  applied  only  to  the  Canaanites, 
the  descendants  of  Canaan,  Noah's  grandson.     Nothing  is  said  in  reference  to  any  person  but 
Canaan  in  the  supposed  prophecy. 


12      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE    NEGRO    IN    THE    LIGHT    OF    PHILOLOGY,    ETHNOLOGY,   AND- 

EGYPTOLOGY. 

CUSHIM  AND  ETHIOPIA.  —  ETHIOPIANS,  WHITE  AND  BLACK.  —  NEGRO  CHARACTERISTICS.  —  THE  DARK 
CONTINENT.  —  THE  ANTIQUITY  OF  THE  NEGRO.  —  INDISPUTABLE  EVIDENCE.  —  THE  MILITARY  AND 
SOCIAL  CONDITION  OF  NEGROES.  —  CAUSE  OF  COLOR.  —  THE  TERM  ETHIOPIAN. 

THERE  seems  to  be  a  great  deal  of  ignorance  and  confusion 
in   the*  use   of  the  word   "Negro;"1  and  about  as  much 
trouble  attends  the  proper-  classification  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Africa.     In  the  preceding  chapter  we  endeavored   to  prove, 
not  that  Ham  and  Canaan  were  the    progenitors  of   the    Negro 
races,  —  for  that  is  admitted  by  the  most  consistent  enemies  of 
the  blacks,  —  but  that  the  human  race  is  one,  and   that  Noah's 
curse  was  not  a  divine  prophecy. 

The  term  "  Negro "  seems  to  be  applied  chiefly  to  the  dark 
and  woolly-haired  people  who  inhabit  Western  Africa.  But  the 
Negro  is  to  be  found  also  in  Eastern  Africa.2  Zonaras  says, 
"  Chus  is  the  person  from  whom  the  Cuseans  are  derived.  They 
are  the  same  people  as  the  Ethiopians."  This  view  is  corrobo 
rated  by  Josephus,3  Apuleius,  and  Eusebius.  The  Hebrew  term 
"Gush  "is  translated  Ethiopia  by  the  Septuagint,  Vulgate,  and 
by  almost  all  other  versions,  ancient  and  modern,  as  well  as  by 
the  English  version.  "It  is  not,  therefore,  to  be  doubted  -that 

1  Edward  W.  Blyden,  LL.D.,  of  Liberia,  says,  "Supposing  that  this  term  was  originally 
used  as  a  phrase  of  contempt,  is  it  not  with  us  to  elevate  it  ?  How  often  has  it  not  happened 
that  names  originally  given  in  reproach  have  been  afterwards  adopted  as  a  title  of  honor  by  those 
against  whom  it  was  used?  —  Methodists,  Quakers,  etc.  But  as  a  proof  that  no  unfavorable 
signification  attached  to  the  word  when  first  employed,  I  may  mention,  that,  long  before  the  slave- 
trade  began,  travellers  found  the  blacks  on  the  coast  of  Africa  preferring  to  be  called  Negroes" 
(see  Purchas'  Pilgrimage  .  .  .).  And  in  all  the  pre-slavetrade  literature  the  word  was  spelled  with 
a  capital  N.  It  was  the  slavery  of  the  blacks  which  afterwards  degraded  the  term.  To  say  that 
the  name  was  invented  to  degrade  the  race,  some  of  whose  members  were  reduced  to  slavery,  is  to 
be  guilty  of  what  in  grammar  is  called  a  hysteron  proteron.  The  disgrace  became  attached  to 
the  name  in  consequence  of  slavery  ;  and  what  we  propose  to  do  is,  now  that  slavery  is  abolished, 
to  restore  it  to  its  original  place  and  legitimate  use,  and  therefore  to  restore  the  capital  N." 
2  Prichard,  vol.  ii.  p.  44.  3  Josephus,  Antiq.,  lib.  i,  chap.  6. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  LIGHT  OF  PHILOLOGY.          13 

the  term  '  Cushim '  has  by  the  interpretation  of  all  ages  been 
translated  by  '  Ethiopians/  because  they  were  also  known  by  their 
black  color,  and  their  transmigrations,  which  were  easy  and 
frequent."  J  But  while  it  is  a  fact,  supported  by  both  sacred  and 
profane  history,  that  the  terms  "  Cush  "  and  "  Ethiopian  "  were 
used  interchangeably,  there  seems  to  be  no  lack  of  proof  that 
the  same  terms  were  applied  frequently  to  a  people  who  were 
not  Negroes.  It  should  be  remembered,  moreover,  that  there 
were  nations  who  were  black,  and  yet  were  not  Negroes.  And 
the  only  distinction  amongst  all  these  people,  who  are  branches 
of  the  Hamitic  family,  is  the  texture  of  the  hair.  "  But  it  is 
equally  certain,  as  we  have  seen,  that  the  term  '  Cushite 9  is 
applied  in  Scripture  to  other  branches  of  the  same  family ;  as, 
for  instance,  to  the  Midianites,  from  whom  Moses  selected  his 
wife,  and  who  could  not  have  been  Negroes.  The  term  '  Gush- 
ite,'  therefore,  is  used  in  Scripture  as  denoting  nations  who  were 
not  black,  or  in  any  respect  Negroes,  and  also  countries  south  of 
Egypt,  whose  inhabitants  were  Negroes ;  and  yet  both  races  are 
declared  to  be  the  descendants  of  Cush,  the  son  of  Ham.  Even 
in  Ezekiel's  day  the  interior  African  nations'  were  not  of  one 
race ;  for  he  represents  Cush,  Phut,  Lud,  and  Chub,  as  either 
themselves  constituting,  or  as  being  amalgamated  with,  'a  min 
gled  people'  (Ezek.  xxx.  5) ;  'that  is  to  say,'  says  Faber,  'it  was 
a  nation  of  Negroes  who  are  represented  as  very  numerous, — 
#//  the  mingled  people.'  "  2 

The  term  "  Ethiopia  "  was  anciently  given  to  all  those  whose 
color  was  darkened  by  the  sun.  Herodotus,  therefore,  distin 
guishes  the  Eastern  Ethiopians  who  had  straight  hair,  from  the 
Western  Ethiopians  who  had  curly  or  woolly  hair.3  "They  are  a 
twofold  people,  lying  extended  in  a  long  tract  from  the  rising  to 
the  setting  sun."  4 

The  conclusion  is  patent.  The  words  "Ethiopia"  and  "  Cush  " 
were  used  always  to  describe  a  black  people,  or  the  country  where 
such  a  people  lived.  The  term  "Negro,"  from  the  Latin  " niger' 
and  the  French  " noir"  means  black;  and  consequently  is  a. 
modern  term,  with  all  the  original  meaning  of  Cush  and  Ethiopia, 
with  a  single  exception.  We  called 'attention  above  to  the  fact 
that  all  Ethiopians  were  not  of  the  pure  Negro  type,  but  were 


1  Poole.  2  Smyth's  Unity  Human  Races,  chap,  n,  p.  41. 

3  Herodotus,  vii.,  69,  70.    Ancient  Univ.  Hist.,  vol.  xviii.  pp.  254,  255.      *  Strabo,  vol.  i.  p.  60. 


14     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

nevertheless  a  branch  of  the  original  Hamitic  family  from  whence 
sprang  all  the  dark  races.  The  term  "  Negro  "  is  now  used  to 
designate  the  people,  who,  in  addition  to  their  dark  complexion, 
have  curly  or  woolly  hair.  It  is  in  this  connection  that  we  shall 
use  the  term  in  this  work.1 

Africa,  the  home  of  the  indigenous  dark  races,  in  a  geographic 
and  ethnographic  sense,  is  the  most  wonderful  country  in  the 
world.  It  is  thoroughly  tropical.  It  has  an  area  in  English 
square  miles  of  11,556,600,  with  a  population  of  192,520,000 
souls.  It  lies  between  the  latitudes  of  38°  north  and  35°  south; 
and  is,  strictly  speaking,  an  enormous  peninsula,  attached  to  Asia 
by  the  Isthmus  of  Suez.  The  most  northern  point  is  the  cape, 
situated  a  little  to  the  west  of  Cabo  Blanco,  and  opposite  Sicily, 
which  lies  in  latitude  37°  20'  40"  north,  longitude  9°  41'  east. 
Its  southernmost  point  is  Cabo  d'Agulhas,  in  34°  49'  15"  south; 
the  distance  between  these  two  points  being  4,330  geographical, 
or  about  5,000  English  miles.  The  westernmost  point  is  Cabo 
Verde,  in  longitude  17°  33'  west;  its  easternmost,  Cape  Jerdaffun, 
in  longitude  51°  21'  east,  latitude  10°  25'  north,  the  distance 
between  the  two  points  being  about  the  same  as  its  length. 
The  western  coasts  are  washed  by  the  Atlantic,  the  northern 
by  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  eastern  by  the  Indian  Ocean. 
The  shape  of  this  "dark  continent"  is  likened  to  a  triangle 
or  to  an  oval.  It  is  rich  in  oils,  ivory,  gold,  and  precious  timber. 
It  has  beautiful  lakes  and  mighty  rivers,  that  are  the  insoluble 
problems  of  the  present  times. 

Of  the  antiquity  of  the  Negro  there  can  be  no  doubt.  He 
is  known  as  thoroughly  to  history  as  any  of  the  other  families 
of  men.  He  appears  at  the  first  dawn  of  history,  and  has  con 
tinued  down  to  the  present  time.  The  scholarly  Gliddon  says, 
that  "  the  hieroglyphical  designation  of  '  KeSH,'  exclusively  ap 
plied  to  African  races  as  distinct  from  the  Egyptian,  has  been 
found  by  Lepsius  as  far  back  as  the  monuments  of  the  sixth 
dynasty,  3000  B.C.  But  the  great  influx  of  Negro  and  Mulatto 
races  into  Egypt  as  captives  dated  from  the  twelfth  dynasty  ; 
when,  about  the  twenty-second  century,  B.C.,  Pharaoh  SESOUR- 
TASEN  extended  his  conquests  up  the  Nile  far  into  Nigritia. 
After  the  eighteenth  dynasty  the  monuments  come  down  to  the 

1  It  is  not  wise,  to  say  the  least,  for  intelligent  Negroes  in  America  to  seek  to  drop  the  word 
11  Negro."  It  is  a  good,  strong,  and  healthy  word,  and  ought  to  live.  It  should  be  covered  with 
glory :  let  Negroes  do  it. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  LIGHT  OF  PHILOLOGY.          15 

third  century.  A.D.,  without  one  single  instance  in  the  Pharaonic 
or  Ptolemaic  periods  that  Negro  labor  was  ever  directed  to  any 
agricultural  or  utilitarian  objects."  J  The  Negro  was  found  in 
great  numbers  with  the  Sukim,  Thut,  Lubin,  and  other  African 
nations,  who  formed  the  strength  of  the  army  of  the  king  of 
Egypt,  Shishak,  when  he  came  against  Rehoboam  in  the  year 
971  B.C.  ;  and  in  his  tomb,  opened  in  1849,  there  were  found 
among  his  depicted  army  the  exact  representation  of  the  genuine 
Negro  race,  both  in  color,  hair,  and  physiognomy.  Negrqes  are 
also  represented  in  Egyptian  paintings  as  connected  with  the 
military  campaigns  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty.  They  formed  a 
part  of  the  army  of  Ibrahim  Pacha,  and  were  prized  as  gal 
lant  soldiers  at  Moncha  and  in  South  Arabia.2  And  Herodotus 
assures  us  that  Negroes  were  found  in  the  armies  of  Sesostris 
and  Xerxes  ;  and,  at  the  present  time,  they  are  no  inconsider 
able  part  of  the  standing  army  of  Egypt.3  Herodotus  states 
that  eighteen  of  the  Egyptian  kings  were  Ethiopians.4 

It  is  quite  remarkable  to  hear  a  writer  like  John  P.  Jeffries, 
who  evidently  is  not  very  friendly  in  his  criticisms  of  the  Negro, 
make  such  a  positive  declaration  as  ^he  following  :  — 

"Every  rational  mind  must,  therefore,  readily  conclude  that  the  African 
race  has  been  in  existence,  as  a  distinct  people,  over  four  thousand  two  hun 
dred  years ;  and  how  long  before  that  period  is  a  matter  of  conjecture  only, 
there  being  no  reliable  data  upon  which  to  predicate  any  reliable  opinion."  s 

It  is  difficult  to  find  a  writer  on  ethnology,  ethnography,  or 
Egyptology,  who  doubts  the  antiquity  of  the  Negroes  as  a  distinct 
people.  Dr.  John  C.  Nott  of  Mobile,  Ala.,  a  Southern  man  in 
the  widest  meaning,  in  his  "Types  of  Mankind,"  while  he  tries 
to  make  his  book  acceptable  to  Southern  slaveholders,  strongly 
maintains  the  antiquity  of  the  Negro. 

"  Ethnological  science,  then,  possesses  not  only  the  authoritative  testimo 
nies  of  Lepsius  and  Birch  in  proof  of  the  existence  of  Negro  races  during  the 
twenty-fourth  century,  B.C.,  but,  the  same  fact  being  conceded  by  all  living 
Egyptologists,  we  may  hence  infer  that  these  Nigritian  types  were  contem 
porary  with  the  earliest  Egyptians."6 

In  1829  there  was  a  remarkable  Theban  tomb  opened  by  Mr. 
Wilkinson,  and  in  1840  it  was  carefully  examined  by  Harris  and 

1  Journal  of  Ethnology,  No.  7,  p.  310.  2  Pickering's  Races  of  Men,  pp.  185-89. 

3  Burckhardt's  Travels,  p.  341.  4  Euterpe,  lib.  6. 

*  Jeffries's  Nat.  Hist,  of  Human  Race,  p.  315.         b  Types  of  Mankind,  p.  259. 


16      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Gliddon.     There  is  a  most  wonderful  collection  of  Negro  scenes 
in  it.     Of  one  of  these  scenes  even  Dr.  Nott  says,  — 

"  A  Negress,  apparently  a  princess,  arrives  at  Thebes,  drawn  in  a  plaustrum 
by  a  pair  of  humped  oxen,  the  driver  and  groom  being  red-colored  Egyptians, 
and,  one  might  almost  infer,  eunuchs.  Following  her  are  multitudes  of  Negroes 
and  Nubians,  bringing  tribute  from  the  upper  country,  as  well  as  black  slaves 
of  both  sexes  and  all  ages,  among  which  are  some  red  children,  whose  fathers 
were  Egyptians.  The  cause  of  her  advent  seems  to  have  been  to  make  offer 
ings  in  this  tomb  of  a  'royal  son  of  KeS^  —  Amunoph,'  who  may  have  been 
her  husband."  « 

It  is  rather  strange  that  the  feelings  of  Dr.  Nott  toward  the 
Negro  were  so  far  mollified  as  to  allow  him  to  make  a  statement 
that  destroys  his  heretofore  specious  reasoning  about  the  political 
and  social  status  of  the  Negro.  He  admits  the  antiquity  of  the 
Negro ;  but  makes  a  special  effort  to  place  him  in  a  servile  state 
at  all  times,  and  to  present  him  as  a  vanquished  vassal  before 
Ramses  III.  and  other  Egyptian  kings.  He  sees  no  change  in 
the  Negro's  condition,  except  that  in  slavery  he  is  better  fed  and 
clothed  than  in  his  native  home.  But,  nevertheless,  the  Negress 
of  whom  he  makes  mention,  and  the  entire  picture  in  the  Theban 
tomb,  put  down  the  learned  doctor's  argument.  Here  is  a  Negro 
princess  with  Egyptian  driver'  and  groom,  with  a  large  army  of 
attendants,  going  on  a  long  journey  to  the  tomb  of  her  royal  hus 
band  ! 

There  is  little  room  here  to  question  the  political  and  social 
conditions  of  the  Negroes.2  They  either  had  enjoyed  a  long 
and  peaceful  rule,  or  by  their  valor  in  offensive  warfare  had 
won  honorable  place  by  conquest.  And  the  fact  that  black  slaves 
are  mentioned  does  not  in  any  sense  invalidate  the  historical 
trustworthiness  of  the  pictures  found  in  this  Theban  tomb  ;  for 
Wilkinson  says,  in  reference  to  the  condition  of  society  at  this 
period,  — 

"It  is  evident  that  both  white  and  black  slaves  were  employed  as  ser 
vants  ;  they  attended  on  the  guests  when  invited  to  the  house  of  their  mas- 

1  Types  of  Mankind,  p.  262. 

2  Even  in  Africa  it  is  found  that  Negroes  possess  great  culture.     Speaking  of  Sego,  the 
capital  of  Bambara,  Mr,  Park  says  :  "  The  view  of  this  extensive  city,  the  numerous  canoes  upon 
the  river,  the  crowded  population,  and  the  cultivated  state  of  the  surrounding  country,  formed 
altogether  a  prospect  of  civilization  and  magnificence  which  I  little  expected  to  find  in  the  bosom 
of  Africa."     See  Park's  Travels,  chap.  ii. 

Mr.  Park  also  adds,  that  the  population  of  this  city,  Sego,  is  about  thirty  thousand.  It  had 
mosques,  and  even  ferries  were  busy  conveying  men  and  horses  over  the  Niger. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  LIGHT  OF  PHILOLOGY.          17 

ter ;  and,  from  their  being  in  the  families  of  priests  as  well  as  of  the  military 
chiefs,  we  may  infer  that  they  were  purchased  with  money,  and  that  the  right 
of  possessing  slaves  was  not  confined  to  those  who  had  taken  them  in  war. 
The  traffic  in  slaves  was  tolerated  by  the  Egyptians  ;  and  it  is  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  many  persons  were  engaged  ...  in  bringing  them  to  Egypt  for 
public  sale,  independent  of  those  who  were  sent  as  part  of  the  tribute,  and  who 
were  probably,  at  first,  the  property  of  the  monarch  ;  nor  did  any  difficulty  occur 
to  the  Ishmaelites  in  the  purchase  of  Joseph  from  his  brethren,  nor  in  his  sub 
sequent  sale  to  Potiphar  on  arriving  in  Egypt." 

So  we  find  that  slavery  was  not,  at  this  time,  confined  to  any 
particular  race  of  people.  This  Negro  princess  was  as  liable  to 
purchase  white  as  black  slaves  ;  and  doubtless  some  were  taken 
in  successful  wars  with  other  nations,  while  others  were  pur 
chased  as  servants. 

But  we  have  further  evidence  to  offer  in  favor  of  the  antiquity 
of  the  Negro.  In  Japan,  and  in  many  other  parts  of  the  East, 
there  are  to  be  found  stupendous  and  magnificent  temples,  that 
are  hoary  with  age.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  determine  the 
antiquity  of  some  of  them,  in  which  the  idols  are  exact  represen 
tations  of  woolly-haired  Negroes,  although  the  inhabitants  of  those 
countries  to-day  have  straight  hair.  Among  the  Japanese,  black 
is  considered  a  color  of  good  omen.  In  the  temples  of  Siam  we 
find  the  idols  fashioned  like  unto  Negroes.1  Osiris,  one  of  the 
principal  deities  of  the  Egyptians,  is  frequently  represented  as 
black.2  Bubastis,  also,  the  Diana  of  Greece,  and  a  member  of  the 
great  Egyptian  Triad,  is  now  on  exhibition  in  the  British  Museum, 
sculptured  in  black  basalt  sitting  figure.3  Among  the  Hindus, 
Kali,  the  consort  of  Siva,  one  of  their  great  Triad ;  Crishna, 
the  eighth  incarnation  of  Vishnu ;  and  Vishnu  also  himself,  the 
second  of  the  Trimerti  or  Hindu  Triad,  are  represented  of  a  black 
color.4  Dr.  Morton  says,  — 

"  The  Sphinx  may  have  been  the  shrine  of  the  Negro  population  of  Egypt, 
who,  as  a  people,  were  unquestionably  under  our  average  size.  Three  million 
Buddhists  in  Asia  represent  their  chief  deity,  Buddha,  with  Negro  features 
.and  hair.  There  are  two  other  images  of  Buddha,  one  at  Ceylon  and  the  other 
at  Calanee,  of  which  Lieut.  Mahoney  says,  '  Both  these  statues  agree  in  having 
crisped  hair  and  long,  pendent  ear-rings.'  "  s 

1  See  Ambassades  Memorables  de  la  Companie  des  Indes  orientales  des  Provinces  Unies  vers 
les  Empereurs  du  Japan,  Amst.,  1680  ;  and  Kaempfer. 

2  Wilkinson's  Egypt,  vol.  iii.  p.  340. 

3  Coleman's  Mythology  of  the  Hindus,  p.  91.     Dr.  William  Jones,  vol.  iii.,  p.  377. 

4  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  vi.  pp.  436-448. 

5  Heber's  Narrative,  vol.  i.  p.  254. 


1 8      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

And  the  learned  and  indefatigable  Hamilton  Smith  says,  — 
"In  the  plains  of  India  are  Nagpoor,  and  a  ruined  city  without  name  at 

the  gates  of  Benares  (perhaps  the  real  Kasi  of  tradition),  once  adorned  with 

statues  of  a  woolly-haired  race."  " 

Now,  these  substantial  and  indisputable  traces  of  the  march  of 
the  Negro  races  through  Japan  and  Asia  lead  us  to  conclude  that 
the  Negro  race  antedates  all  profane  history.  And  while  the  great 
body  of  the  Negro  races  have  been  located  geographically  in 
Africa,  they  have  been,  in  no  small  sense,  a  cosmopolitan  people. 
Their  wanderings  may  be  traced  from  the  rising  to  the  setting 
sun. 

"The  remains  of  architecture  and  sculpture  in  India  seem  to  prove  an 
early  connection  between  that  country  and  Africa.  .  .  .  The  Pyramids  of 
Egypt,  the  colossal  statues  described  by  Pausanias  and  others,  the  Sphinx,  and 
the  Hermes  Canis,  which  last  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  Varaha  Avatar, 
indicate  the  style  of  the  same  indefatigable  workmen  who  formed  the  vast  ex 
cavations  of  Canarah,  the  various  temples  and  images  of  Buddha,  and  the  idols 
which  are  continually  dug  up  at  Gaya  or  in  its  vicinity.  These  and  other  in 
dubitable  facts  may  induce  no  ill-grounded  opinion,  that  Ethiopia  and  Hindus 
tan  were  peopled  or  colonized  by  the  same  extraordinary  race ;  in  confirmation 
of  which  it  maybe  added,  that  the  mountaineers  of  Bengal  and  Benhar  can 
hardly  be  distinguished  in  some  of  their  features,  particularly  in  their  lips  and 
noses,  from  the  modern  Abyssinians."  2 

There  is  little  room  for  speculation  here  to  the  candid  searcher 
after  truth.  The  evidence  accumulates  as  we  pursue  our  investiga 
tions.  Monuments  and  temples,  sepulchred  stones  and  pyramids, 
rise  up  to  declare  the  antiquity  of  the  Negro  races.  Hamilton 
Smith,  after  careful  and  critical  investigation,  reaches  the  conclu 
sion,  that  the  Negro  type  of  man  was  the  most  ancient,  and  the 
indigenous  race  of  Asia,  as  far  north  as  the  lower  range  of  the 
Himalaya  Mountains,  and  presents  at  length  many  curious  facts 
which  cannot,  he  believes,  be  otherwise  explained. 

"In  this  view,  the  first  migrations  of  the  Negro  stock,  coasting  westward 
by  catamarans,  or  in  wretched  canoes,  and  skirting  South-western  Asia,  may 
synchronize  with  the  earliest  appearance  of  the  Negro  tribes  of  Eastern  Africa, 
and  just  precede  the  more  mixed  races,  which,  like  the  Ethiopians  of  Asia,; 
passed  the  Red  Sea  at  the  Straits  of  Bab-el-Mandeb,  ascended  the  Nile,  or 
crossed  that  river  to  the  west."  3 

Taking  the  whole  southern  portion  of  Asia  westward  to  Ara 
bia,  this  conjecture  —  which  likewise  was  a  conclusion  drawn, 

1  Nat.  Hist,  of  the  Human  Species,  pp.  209,  214,  217.  ' 

2  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  i.  p.  427.    Also  Sir  William  Jones,  vol.  iii.  3d  disc. 

3  Nat.  Hist.  Human  Species,  p.  126. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  LIGHT  OF  PHILOLOGY.          19 

after  patient  research,  by  the  late  Sir  T.  Stanford  Raffles  — 
accounts,  more  satisfactorily  than  any  other,  for  the  Oriental 
habits,  ideas,  traditions,  and  words  which  can  be  traced  among 
several  of  the  present  African  tribes  and  in  the  South-Sea  Islands. 
Traces  of  this  black  race  are  still  found  along  the  Himalaya 
range  from  the  Indus  to  Indo-China,  and  the  Malay  peninsula, 
and  in  a  mixed  form  all  through  the  southern  states  to  Ceylon.1 

But  it  is  unnecessary  to  multiply  evidence  in  proof  of  the 
antiquity  of  the  Negro.  His  presence  in  this  world  was  coetane- 
ous  with  the  other  families  of  mankind :  here  he  has  toiled  with 
a  varied  fortune;  and  here  under  God  —  his  God  —  he  will,  in  the 
process  of  time,  work  out  all  the  sublime  problems  connected 
with  his  future  as  a  man  and  a  brother. 

There  are  various  opinions  rife  as  to  the  cause  of  color  and 
texture  of  hair  in  the  Negro.  The  generally  accepted  theory 
years  ago  was,  that  the  curse  of  Cain  rested  upon  this  race ;  while 
others  saw  in  the  dark  skin  of  the  Negro  the  curse*  of  Noah  pro 
nounced  against  Canaan.  These  two  explanations  were  comfort 
ing  to  that  class  who  claimed  that  they  had  a  right  to  buy  and  sell 
the  Negro  ;  and  of  whom  the  Saviour  said,  "  For  they  bind  heavy 
burdens  and  grievous  to  be  borne,  and  lay  them  on  men's  shoul 
ders ;  but  they  themselves  will  not  move  them  with  one  of  their 
fingers."  2  But  science  has,  of  later  years,  attempted  a  solution  of 
this  problem.  Peter  Barrere,  in  his  treatise  on  the  subject,  takes 
the  ground  that  the  bile  in  the  human  system  has  much  to  do 
with  the  color  of  the  skin.3  This  theory,  however,  has  drawn  the 
fire  of  a  number  of  European  scholars,  who  have  combated  it  withi 
more  zeal  than  skill.  It  is  said  that  the  spinal  and  brain  matter 
are  of  a  dark,  ashy  color ;  and  by  careful  examination  it  is  proven 
that  the  blood  of  Ethiopians  is  black.  These  facts  would  seem  to 
clothe  this  theory  with  at  least  a  shadow  of  plausibility.  But  the 
opinion  of  Aristotle,  Strabo,  Alexander,  and  Blumenbach  is,  that 
the  climate,  temperature,  and  mode  of  life,  have  more  to  do  with 
giving  color  than  any  thing  else.  This  is  certainly  true  among 
animals  and  plants.  There  are  many  instances  on  record  where 
dogs  and  wolves,  etc.,  have  turned  white  in  winter,  and  then  as 
sumed  a  different  color  in*  the  spring.  If  you  start  at  the  north 
and  move  south,  you  will  find,  at  first,  that  the  flowers  are  very 

1  Prichard,  pp.  188-219.  2  Matt,  xxiii.  4. 

3  Discours  sur  la  cause  physicale  de  la  couleur  des  negres. 


20     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

white  and  delicate ;  but,  as  you  move  toward  the  tropics,  they 
begin  to  take  on  deeper  and  richer  hues  until  they  run  into 
almost  endless  varieties.  Guyot  argues  on  the  other  side  of  the 
question  to  account  for  the  intellectual  diversity  of  the  races  of 
mankind. 

"  While  all  the  types  of  animals  and  of  plants  go  on  decreasing  in  perfec 
tion,  from  the  equatorial  to  the  polar  regions,  in  proportion  to  the  tempera 
tures,  man  presents  to  our  view  his  purest,  his  most  perfect  type,  at  the  very 
centre  of  the  temperate  continents, — at  the  centre  of  Asia,  Europe,  in  the 
regions  of  Iran,  of  Armenia,  and  of  the  Caucasus ;  and,  departing  from  this 
geographical  centre  in  the  three  grand  directions  of  the  lands,  the  types  gradu 
ally  lose  the  beauty  of  their  forms,  in  proportion  to  their  distance,  even  to  the 
extreme  points  of  the  southern  continents,  where  we  find  the  most  deformed 
and  degenerate  races,  and  the  lowest  in  the  scale  of  humanity."  l 

The  learned  professor  seeks  to  carry  out  his  famous  geographi 
cal  argument,  and,  with  great  skill  and  labor,  weaves  his  theory 
of  the  influence  of  climate  upon  the  brain  and  character  of  man. 
But  while  no  scholar  would  presume  to  combat  the  theory  that 
plants  take  on  the  most  gorgeous  hues  as  one  nears  the  equator, 
and  that  the  races  of  mankind  take  on  a  darker  color  in  their 
march  toward  the  equator,  certainly  no  student  of  Oriental  his 
tory  will  assent  to  the  unsupported  doctrine,  that  the  intensity  of 
the  climate  of  tropical  countries  affects  the  intellectual  status  of 
races.  If  any  one  be  so  prejudiced  as  to  doubt  this,  let  him  turn 
to  "  Asiatic  Researches,"  and  learn  that  the  dark  races  have  made 
some  of  the  most  invaluable  contributions  to  science,  literature, 
civil-engineering,  art,  and  architecture  that  the  world  has  yet 
known.  Here  we  find  the  cradle  of  civilization,  ancient  and  remote. 

Even  changes  and  differences  in  color  are  to  be  noted  in 
almost  every  community. 

"  As  we  go  westward  we  observe  the  light  color  predominating  over  the 
dark;  and  then,  again,  when  we  come  within  the  influence  of  damp  from  the 
sea-air,  we  find  the  shade  deepened  into  the  general  blackness  of  the  coast 
population." 

The  artisan  and  farm-laborer  may  become  exceedingly  dark 
from  exposure,  and  the  sailor  is  frequently  so  affected  by  the 
weather  that  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  tell  his  nationality. 

"  It  is  well  known  that  the  Biscayan  women  are  a  shining  white,  the 
inhabitants  of  Granada  on  the  contrary  dark,  to  such  an  extent,  that,  in  this 

1  Earth  and  Man.     Lecture  x.  pp.  254,  255. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  LIGHT  OF  PHILOLOGY.          21 

region,  the  pictures  of  the  blessed  Virgin  and  other  saints  are  painted  of  the 
same  color."  1 

The  same  writer  calls  attention  to  the  fact,  that  the  people  on 
the  Cordilleras,  who  live  under  the  mountains  towards  the  west, 
and  are,  therefore,  exposed  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  are  quite,  or 
nearly,  as  fair  in  complexion  as  the  Europeans  ;  whereas,  on  the 
contrary,  the  inhabitants  of  the  opposite  side,  exposed  to  the 
burning  sun  and  scorching  winds,  are  copper-colored.  Of  this 
theory  of  climateric  influence  we  shall  say  more  farther  on. 

It  is  held  by  some  eminent  physicians  in  Europe  and  America, 
that  the  color  of  the  skin  depends  upon  substances  external  to 
the  cutis  vera.  Outside  of  the  cutis  are  certain  layers  of  a  sub 
stance  various  in  consistence,  and  scarcely  perceptible :  here  is 
the  home  and  seat  of  color  ;  and  these  may  be  regarded  as  secre 
tions  from  the  vessels  of  the  cutis.  The  dark  color  of  the  Negro 
principally  depends  on  the  substance  interposed  between  the  true 
skin  and  the  scarf-skin.  This  substance  presents  different  appear 
ances  :  and  it  is  described  sometimes  as  a  sort  of  organized  net 
work  or  reticular  tissue  ;  at  others,  as  a  mere  mucous  or  slimy 
layer  ;  and  it  is  odd  that  these  somewhat  incompatible  ideas  are 
l>oth  conveyed  by  the  term  reticulum  mucosum  given  to  the  inter 
mediate  portion  of  the  skin  by  its  orignal  discoverer,  Malpighi. 
There  is,  no  doubt,  something  plausible  in  all  the  theories 
advanced  as  to  the  color  and  hair  of  the  Negro ;  but  it  is  verily 
all  speculation.  One  theory  is  about  as  valuable  as  another. 

Nine  hundred  years  before  Christ  the  poet  Homer,  speaking 
of  the  death  of  Memnon,  killed  at  the  siege  of  Troy,  says,  "  He 
was  received  by  his  Ethiopians."  This  is  the  first  use  of  the 
word  Ethiopia  in  the  Greek  ;  and  it  is  derived  from  the  roots  cudm, 
"to  burn,"  and  coy,  "face."  It  is  safe  to  assume,  that,  when 
God  dispersed  the  sons  of  Noah,  he  fixed  the  "  bounds  of  their 
habitation,"  and,  that,  from  the  earth  and  sky  the  various  races 
have  secured  their  civilization.  He  sent  the  different  nations 
into  separate  parts  of  the  earth.  He  gave  to  each  its  racial 
peculiarities,  and  adaptibility  for  the  climate  into  which  it  went. 
He  gave  color,  language,  and  civilization ;  and,  when  by  wisdom 
we  fail  to  interpret  his  inscrutable  ways,  it  is  pleasant  to  know 
that  "he  worketh  all  things  after  the  counsel  of  his  own  mind." 

1  Blumenbach,  p.  107. 


22      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PRIMITIVE   NEGRO   CIVILIZATION. 

THE  ANCIENT  AND  HIGH  DEGREE  OF  NEGRO  CIVILIZATION.  —  EGYPT,  GREECE,  AND  ROME  BORROW 
FROM  THE  NEGRO  THE  CIVILIZATION  THAT  MADE  THEM  GREAT.  —  CAUSE  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND 
FALL  OF  NEGRO  CIVILIZATION.  —  CONFOUNDING  THE  TERMS  "NEGRO"  AND  "AFRICAN." 

IT  is  fair  to  presume  that  God  gave  all  the  races  of  mankind 
civilization  to  start  with.  We  infer  this  from  the  known  char 
acter  of  the  Creator.  Before  Romulus  founded  Rome,  before 
Homer  sang,  when  Greece  was  in  its  infancy,  and  the  world 
quite  young,  "hoary  Meroe  "  was  the  chief  city  of  the  Negroes 
along  the  Nile.  Its  private  and  public  buildings,  its  markets  and 
public  squares,  its  colossal  walls  and  stupendous  gates,  its  gor 
geous  chariots  and  alert  footmen,  its  inventive  genius  and  ripe 
scholarship,  made  it  the  cradle  of  civilization,  and  the  mother  of 
art.  It  was  the  queenly  city  of  Ethiopia,  —  for  it  was  founded 
by  colonies  of  Negroes.  Through  its  open  gates  long  and  cease 
less  caravans,  laden  with  gold,  silver,  ivory,  frankincense,  and  palm- 
oil,  poured  the  riches  of  Africa  into  the  capacious  lap  of  the  city. 
The  learning  of  this  people,  embalmed  in  the  immortal  hiero 
glyphic,  flowed  adown  the  Nile,  and,  like  spray,  spread  over  the 
delta  of  that  time-honored  stream,  on  by  the  beautiful  and  vener 
able  city  of  Thebes,  —  the  city  of  a  hundred  gates,  another  monu 
ment  to  Negro  genius  and  civilization,  and  more  ancient  than  the 
cities  of  the  Delta,  —  until  Greece  and  Rome  stood  transfixed  before 
the  ancient  glory  of  Ethiopia !  Homeric  mythology  borrowed  its; 
very  essence  from  Negro  hieroglyphics ;  Egypt  borrowed  her  light 
from  the  venerable  Negroes  up  the  Nile.  Greece  went  to  school 
to  the  Egyptians,  and  Rome  turned  to  Greece  for  law  and  the 
science  of  warfare.  England  dug  down  into  Rome  twenty  cen 
turies  to  learn  to  build  and  plant,  to  establish  a  government,  and 
maintain  it.  Thus  the  flow  of  civilization  has  been  from  the  East 
—  the  place  of  light  —  to  the  West ;  from  the  Oriental  to  the 
Occidental.  (God  fixed  the  mountains  east  and  west  in  Europe.) 


PRIMITIVE  NEGRO    CIVILIZATION.  23 

"  Tradition  universally  represents  the  earliest  men  descending,  it  is  true, 
from  the  high  table-lands  of  this  continent ;  but  it  is  in  the  low  and  fertile 
plains  lying  at  their  feet,  with  which  we  are  already  acquainted,  that  they  unite 
themselves  for  the  first  time  in  natural  bodies,  in  tribes,  with  fixed  habitations, 
devoting  themselves  to  husbandry,  building  cities,  cultivating  the  arts,  —  in  a 
word,  forming  well-regulated  societies.  The  traditions  of  the  Chinese  place 
the  first  progenitors  of  that  people  on  the  high  table-land,  whence  the  great 
rivers  flow :  they  make  them  advance,  station  by  station,  as  far  as  the  shores 
of  the  ocean.  The  people  of  the  Brahmins  come  down  from  the  regions  of  the 
Hindo-Khu,  and  from  Cashmere,  into  the  plains  of  the  Indus  and  the  Ganges ; 
Assyria  and  Bactriana  receive  their  inhabitants  from  the  table-lands  of  Arme 
nia  and  Persia. 

"  These  alluvial  plains,  watered  by  their  twin  rivers,  were  better  formed 
than  all  other  countries  of  the  globe  to  render  the  first  steps  of  man,  an  infant 
still,  easy  in  the  career  of  civilized  life.  A  rich  soil,  on  which  overflowing  rivers 
spread  every  year  a  fruitful  loam,  as  in  Egypt,  and  one  where  the  plough  is 
almost  useless,  so  movable  and  so  easily  tilled  is  it,  a  warm  climate,  finally, 
secure  to  the  inhabitants  of  these  fortunate  regions  plentiful  harvests  in  return 
for  light  labor.  Nevertheless,  the  conflict  with  the  river  itself  and  with  the 
desert,  —  which, 'on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  as  on  those  of  the  Nile  and  the 
Indus,  is  ever  threatening  to  invade  the  cultivated  lands,  —  the  necessity  of  irri 
gation,  the  inconstancy  of  the  seasons,  keep  forethought  alive,  and  give  birth  to 
the  useful  arts  and  to  the  sciences  of  observation.  The  abundance  of  resources, 
the  absence  of  every  obstacle,  of  all  separation  between  the  different  parts  of 
these  vast  plains,  allow  the  aggregation  of  a  great  number  of  men  upon  one 
and  the  same  space,  and  facilitate  the  formation  of  those  mighty  primitive 
states  which  amaze  us  by  the  grandeur  of  their  proportions. 

"  Each  of  them  finds  upon  its  own  soil  all  that  is  necessary  for  a  brilliant 
exhibition  of  its  resources.  We  see  those  nations  come  rapidly  forward,  and 
reach  in  the  remotest  antiquity  a  degree  of  culture  of  which  the  temples 
.and  the  monuments  of  Egypt  and  of  India,  and  the  recently  discovered  palaces 
•of  Nineveh,  are  living  and  glorious  witnesses. 

"  Great  nations,  then,  are  separately  formed  in  each  of  these  areas,  cir 
cumscribed  by  nature  within  natural  limits.  Each  has  its  religion,  its  social 
principles,  its  civilization  severally.  But  nature,  as  we  have  seen,  has  sep 
arated  them ;  little  intercourse  is  established  between  them ;  the  social 
principle  on  which  they  are  founded  is  exhausted  by  the  very  formation  of 
the  social  state  they  enjoy,  and  is  never  renewed.  A  common  life  is  wanting 
to  them:  they  do  not  reciprocally  share  with  each  other  their  riches.  With 
them  movement  is  stopped :  every  thing  becomes  stable  and  tends  to  remain 
stationary. 

"  Meantime,  in  spite  of  the  peculiar  seal  impressed  on  each  of  these 
Oriental  nations  by  the  natural  conditions  in  the  midst  of  which  they  live,  they 
have,  nevertheless,  some  grand  characteristics  common  to  all,  some  family  traits 
that  betray  the  nature  of  the  continent  and  the  period  of  human  progress  to 
which  they  belong,  making  them  known  on  the  one  side  as  Asiatic,  and  on  the 
other  side  as  primitive."  » 

1  Earth  and  Man,  pp.  300-302. 


24     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Is  it  asked  what  caused  the  decline  of  all  this  glory  of  the 
primitive  Negro  ?  why  this  people  lost  their  position  in  the 
world's  history  ?  Idolatry  !  Sin  ! l 

Centuries  have  flown  apace,  tribes  have  perished,  cities  have 
risen  and  fallen,  and  even  empires,  whose  boast  was  their  dura 
tion,  have  crumbled,  while  Thebes  and  Meroe  stood.  And  it  is  a 
remarkable  fact,  that  the  people  who  built  those  cities  are  less- 
mortal  than  their  handiwork.  Notwithstanding  their  degradation, 
their  woes  and  wrongs,  the  perils  of  the  forest  and  dangers  of  the 
desert,  this  remarkable  people  have  not  been  blotted  out.  They 
still  live,  and  are  multiplying  in  the  earth.  Certainly  they  have 
been  preserved  for  some  wise  purpose,  in  the  future  to  be  un 
folded. 

But,  again,  what  was  the  cause  of  the  Negro's  fall  from  his 
high  state  of  civilization  ?  It  was  forgetfulness  of  God,  idolatry  F 
"  Righteousness  exalteth  a  nation  ;  but  sin  is  a  reproach  to  any 
people." 

The  Negro  tribes  of  Africa  are  as  widely  separated  by  mental, 
moral,  physical,  and  social  qualities  as  the  Irish,  Huns,  Copts,  and 
Druids  are.  Their  location  on  the  Dark  Continent,  their  sur 
roundings,  and  the  amount  of  light  that  has  come  to  them  from 
the  outside  world,  are  the  thermometer  of  their  civilization.  It 
is  as  manifestly  improper  to  call  all  Africans  Negroes  as  to  call 
Americans  Indians. 

"  The  Negro  nations  of  Africa  differ  widely  as  to  their  manner  of  life  and 
their  characters,  both  of  mind  and  body,  in  different  parts  of  that  continent, 
according  as  they  have  existed  under  different  moral  and  physical  conditions. 
Foreign  culture,  though  not  of  a  high  degree,  has  been  introduced  among  the 
population  of  some  regions ;  while  from  others  it  has  been  shut  out  by  almost 
impenetrable  barriers,  beyond  which  the  aboriginal  people  remain  secluded 
amid  their  mountains  and  forests,  in  a  state  of  instinctive  existence,  —  a  state 
from  which,  history  informs  us,  that  human  races  have  hardly  emerged,  until 
moved  by  some  impulse  from  without.  Neither  Phoenician  nor  Roman  culture 
seems  to  have  penetrated  into  Africa  beyond  the  Atlantic  region  and  the 
desert.  The  activity  and  enthusiasm  of  the  propagators  of  Islam  have  reached 
farther.  In  the  fertile  low  countries  beyond  the  Sahara,  watered  by  rivers 
which  descend  northward  from  the  central  highlands,  Africa  has  contained  for 
centuries  several  Negro  empires,  originally  founded  by  Mohammedans.  The 
Negroes  of  this  part  of  Africa  are  people  of  a  very  different  description  from 

1  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the  absence  of  salt  in  the  food  of  the  Eastern  nations,  espe 
cially  the  dark  nations  or  races,  has  been  very  deleterious.  An  African  child  will  eat  salt  by  the 
handful ;  and,  once  tasting  it,  will  cry  for  it.  The  ocean  is  the  womb  of  nature ;  and  the  Creator 
has  wisely  designed  salt  as  the  savor  of  life,  the  preservative  element  in  human  food. 


PRIMITIVE  NEGRO    CIVILIZATION.  25 

the  black  pagan  nations  farther  towards  the  South.  They  have  adopted  many 
of  the  arts  of  civilized  society,  and  have  subjected  themselves  to  governments 
and  political  institutions.  They  practise  agriculture,  and  have  learned  the 
necessary,  and  even  some  of  the  ornamental,  arts  of  life,  and  dwell  in  towns  of 
considerable  extent ;  many  of  which  are  said  to  contain  ten  thousand,  and  even 
thirty  thousand  inhabitants,  —  a  circumstance  which 'implies  a  considerable 
advancement  in  industry  and  the  resources  of  subsistence.  All  these  improve 
ments  were  introduced  into  the  interior  of  Africa  three  or  four  centuries  ago ; 
and  we  have  historical  testimony,  that  in  the  region  where  trade  and  agriculture 
now  prevail  the  population  consisted,  previous  to  the  introduction  of  Islam,  of 
savages  as  wild  and  fierce  as  the  natives  farther  towards  the  south,  whither 
the  missionaries  of  that  religion  have  never  penetrated.  It  hence  appears  that 
human  society  has  not  been  in  all  parts  of  Africa  stationary  and  unprogres- 
sive  from  age  to  age.  The  first  impulse  to  civilization  was  late  in  reaching  the 
interior  of  that  continent,  owing  to  local  circumstances  which  are  easily  under 
stood  ;  but,  when  it  had  once  taken  place,  an  improvement  has  resulted  which 
is,  perhaps,  proportional  to  the  early  progress  of  human  culture  in  other  more 
favored  regions  of  the  world."  » 

But  in  our  examination  of  African  tribes  we  shall  not  confine 
ourselves  to  that  class  of  people  known  as  Negroes,  but  call 
attention  to  other  tribes  as  well.  And  while,  in  this  country,  all 
persons  with  a  visible  admixture  of  Negro  blood  in  them  are  con 
sidered  Negroes,  it  is  technically  incorrect.  For  the  real  Negro 
was  not  the  sole  subject  sold  into  slavery:  very  many  of  the 
noblest  types  of  mankind  in  Africa  have,  through  the  uncertain 
ties  of  war,  found  their  way  to  the  horrors  of  the  middle  passage, 
and  finally  to  the  rice  and  cotton  fields  of  the  Carolinas  and  Vir 
ginias.  So,  in  speaking  of  the  race  in  this  country,  in  subsequent 
chapters,  I  shall  refer  to  them  as  colored  people  or  Negroes. 

1  Physical  History  of  Mankind,  vol.  ii.  pp.  45,  46. 


26     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

NEGRO   KINGDOMS    OF    AFRICA. 

BENIN:  ITS  LOCATION.  —  ITS  DISCOVERY  BY  THE  PORTUGUESE.  —  INTRODUCTION  OF  THE  CATHOLIC 
RELIGION.  — THE  KING  AS  A  MISSIONARY.  —  His  FIDELITY  TO  THE  CHURCH  PURCHASED  BY  A 
WHITE  WIFE.  —  DECLINE  OF  RELIGION. —  INTRODUCTION  OF  SLAVERY.  —  SUPPRESSION  OF  THE 
TRADE  BY  THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT.  — RESTORATION  AND  PEACE. 

DAHOMEY:  ITS  LOCATION.  —  ORIGIN  OF  THE  KINGDOM. —  MEANING  OF  THE  NAME.— WAR. —CAP 
TURE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNOR,  AND  HIS  DEATH.  —  THE  MILITARY  ESTABLISHMENT.  — 
WOMEN  AS  SOLDIERS.  —  WARS  AND  THEIR  OBJECTS.  —  HUMAN  SACRIFICES.  —  THE  KING  A 
DESPOT.  —  His  POWERS.  —  His  WIVES.  —  POLYGAMY.  —  KINGLY  SUCCESSION.  —  CORONATION.  — 
CIVIL  AND  CRIMINAL  LAW.  —  REVENUE  SYSTEM.  —  ITS  FUTURE. 

YORUBA:  ITS  LOCATION. —SLAVERY  AND  ITS  ABOLITION.  —  GROWTH  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  ABEOKUTA. 
—  MISSIONARIES  AND  TEACHERS  FROM  SIERRA  LEONE.  —  PROSPERITY  AND  PEACE  ATTEND  THE 
PEOPLE.  —  CAPACITY  OF  THE  PEOPLE  FOR  CIVILIZATION.  —  BISHOP  CROWTHER.  —  His  INFLUENCE. 

BENIN. 

THE  vast  territory  stretching  from  the  Volta  River  on  the 
west  to  the  Niger  in  the  Gulf  of  Benin  on  the  east,  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  on  the  south,  and  the  Kong  Mountains  on 
the  north,  embraces  the  three  powerful  Negro  kingdoms  of  Benin, 
Dahomey,  and  Yoruba.  From  this  country,  more  than  from  any 
other  part  of  Africa,  were  the  people  sold  into  American  slavery. 
Two  or  three  hundred  years  ago  there  were  several  very  powerful 
Negro  empires  in  Western  Africa.  They  had  social  and  political 
government,  and  were  certainly  a  very  orderly  people.  But  in 
1485  Alfonso  de  Aviro,  a  Portuguese,  discovered  Benin,  the  most 
easterly  province ;  and  as  an  almost  immediate  result  the  slave- 
trade  was  begun.  It  is  rather  strange,  too,  in  the  face  of  the  fact, 
that,  when  De  Aviro  returned  to  the  court  of  Portugal,  an  ambas 
sador  from  the  Negro  king  of  Benin  accompanied  him  for  the 
purpose  of  .  requesting  the  presence  of  Christian  missionaries 
among  this  people.  Portugal  became  interested,  and  despatched 
Fernando  Po  to  the  Gulf  of  Benin  ;  who,  after  discovering  the 
island  that  bears  his  name,  ascended  the  Benin  River  to  Gaton, 
where  he  located  a  Portuguese  colony.  The  Romish  Church 
lifted  her  standard  here.  The  brothers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
if  they  did  not  convert  the  king,  certainly  had  him  in  a  humor  to 


NEGRO  KINGDOMS   OF  AFRICA.  27 

bring  all  of  his  regal  powers  to  bear  upon  his  subjects  to  turn 
them  into  the  Catholic  Church.  He  actually  took  the  contract 
to  turn  his  subjects  over  to  this  Church!  But  this  shrewd  sav 
age  did  not  agree  to  undertake  this  herculean  task  for  nothing. 
He  wanted  a  white  wife.  He  told  the  missionaries  that  he  would 
deliver  his  subjects  to  Christianity  for  a  white  wife,  and  they 
agreed  to  furnish  her.  Some  priests  were  sent  to  the  Island  of 
St.  Thomas  to  hunt  the  wife.  This  island  had,  even  at  that  early 
day,  a  considerable  white  population.  A  strong  appeal  was  made 
to  the  sisters  there  to  consider  this  matter  as  a  duty  to  the  holy 
Church.  It  was  set  forth  as  a  missionary  enterprise.  After  some 
contemplation,  one  of  the  sisters  agreed  to  accept  the  hand  of  the 
Negro  king.  It  was  a  noble  act,  and  one  for  which  she  should 
have  been  canonized,  but  we  believe  never  was. 

The  Portuguese  continued  to  come.  Gat  on  grew.  The  mis 
sionary  worked  with  a  will.  Attention  was  given  to  agriculture 
and  commerce.  But  the  climate  was  wretched.  Sickness  and 
death  swept  the  Portuguese  as  the  fiery  breath  of  tropical  light 
ning.  They  lost  their  influence  over  the  people.  They  estab 
lished  the  slave-trade,  but  the  Church  and  slave-pen  would  not 
agree.  The  inhuman  treatment  they  bestowed  upon  the  people 
gave  rise  to  the  gravest  suspicions  as  to  the  sincerity  of  the  mis 
sionaries.  History  gives  us  the  sum  total  of  a  religious  effort 
that  was  not  of  God.  There  isn't  a  trace  of  Roman  Catholicism 
in  that  country,  and  the  last  state  of  that  people  is  worse  than  the 
former. 

The  slave-trade  turned  the  heads  of  the  natives.  Their  cruel 
and  hardened  hearts  assented  to  the  crime  of  man-stealing.  They 
turned  aside  from  agricultural  pursuits.  They  left  their  fish-nets 
on  the  seashore,  their  cattle  uncared  for,  their  villages  neglected, 
and  went  forth  to  battle  against  their  weaker  neighbors.  They 
sold  their  prisoners  of  war  to  slave-dealers  on  the  coast,  who  gave 
them  rum  and  tobacco  as  an  exceeding  great  reward.  When  war 
failed  to  give  from  its  bloody  and  remorseless  jaws  the  victims  for 
whom  a  ready  market  awaited,  they  turned  to  duplicity,  treachery, 
and  cruelty.  "  And  men's  worst  enemies  were  those  of  their  own 
household."  The  person  suspicioned  of  witchcraft  was  speedily 
found  guilty,  and  adjudged  to  slavery.  The  guilty  and  the  inno 
cent  often  shared  the  same  fate.  The  thief,  the  adulterer,  and  the 
aged  were  seized  by  the  rapacity  that  pervaded  the  people,  and 
were  hurled  into  the  hell  of  slavery. 


28      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Now,  as  a  result  of  this  condition  of  affairs,  the  population  was 
depleted,  the  people  grew  indolent  and  vicious,  and  finally  the 
empire  was  rent  with  political  feuds.  Two  provinces  was  the 
•result.  One  still  bore  the  name  of  Benin,  the  other  was  called 
Waree.  The  capital  of  the  former  contains  about  38,000  inhab 
itants,  and  the  chief  town  and  island  of  Waree  only  contain  about 
16,000  of  a  population. 

Finally  England  was  moved  to  a  suppression  of  the  slave- 
trade  at  this  point.  The  ocean  is  very  calm  along  this  coast, 
which  enabled  her  fleets  to  run  down  slave-vessels  and  make 
prizes  of  them.  This  had  a  salutary  influence  upon  the  natives. 
Peace  and  quietness  came  as  angels.  A  spirit  of  thrift  possessed 
the  people.  They  turned  to  the  cultivation  of  the  fields  and 
to  commercial  pursuits.  On  the  river  Bonny,  and  along  other 
streams,  large  and  flourishing  palm-oil  marts  sprang  up ;  and  a 
score  or  more  of  vessels  are  needed  to  export  the  single  article 
of  palm-oil.  The  morals  of  the  people  are  not  what  they  ought 
to  be ;  but  they  have,  on  the  whole,  made  wonderful  improvement 
during  the  last  fifty  years. 

DAHOMEY. 

This  nation  is  flanked  by  Ashantee  on  the  west,  and  Yoruba 
on  the  east ;  running  from  the  seacoast  on  the  south  to  the  Kong 
mountains  on  the  north.  It  is  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  in 
width,  by  two  hundred  in  breadth.  Whydah  is  the  principal  town 
on  the  seacoast.  The  story  runs,  that,  about  two  hundred  and 
seventy-five  years  ago,  Tacudons,  chief  of  the  Foys,  carried  a  siege 
against  the  city  of  Abomey.  He  made  a  solemn  vow  to  the  gods, 
that,  if  they  aided  him  in  pushing  the  city  to  capitulate,  he  would 
build  a  palace  in  honor  of  the  victory.  He  succeeded.  He  laid 
the  foundations  of  his  palace,  and  then  upon  them  ripped  open  the 
bowels  of  Da.  He  called  the  building  Da-Omi,  which  meant  Da's 
belly.  He  took  the  title  of  King  of  Dahomey,  which  has  remained 
until  the  present  time.  The  neighboring  tribes,  proud  and  am 
bitious,  overran  the  country,  and  swept  Whydah  and  adjacent 
places  with  the  torch  and  spear.  Many  whites  fell  into  their 
hands  as  prisoners ;  all  of  whom  were  treated  with  great  consider 
ation,  save  the  English  governor  of  the  above-named  town.  They 
put  him  to  death,  because,  as  they  charged,  he  had  incited  and 
excited  the  people  of  Dahomey  to  resist  their  king. 

This  is  a  remarkable  people.     They  are  as  cruel  as  they  are 


NEGRO.  KINGDOMS   OF  AFRICA.  29 

cunning.  The  entire  population  is  converted  into  an  army  :  even 
women  are  soldiers.  Whole  regiments  of  women  are  to  be  found 
in  the  army  of  the  king  of  Dahomey,  and  they  are  the  best  foot- 
regiments  in  the  kingdom.  They  are  drilled  at  stated  periods, 
are  officered,  and  well  disciplined.  The  army  is  so  large,  and  is  so 
constantly  employed  in  predatory  raids  upon  neighboring  tribes, 
that  the  consuming  element  is  greater  than  the  producing.  The 
object  of  these  raids  was  threefold  :  to  get  slaves  for  human  sacri 
fices,  to  pour  the  blood  of  the  victims  on  the  graves  of  their  ances 
tors  yearly,  and  to  secure  human  skulls  to  pave  the  court  of  the 
king  and  to  ornament  the  walls  about  the  palace  !  After  a  suc 
cessful  war,  the  captives  are  brought  to  the  capital  of  the  king 
dom.  A  large  platform  is  erected  in  the  great  market  space, 
encircled  by  a  parapet  about  three  feet  high.  The  platform  blazes 
with  rich  clothes,  elaborate  umbrellas,  and  all  the  evidences  of 
kingly  wealth  and  splendor,  as  well  as  the  spoils  taken  in  battle. 
The  king  occupies  a  seat  in  the  centre  of  the  platform,  attended 
by  his  imperturbable  wives.  The  captives,  rum,  tobacco,  and  cow 
ries  are  now  ready  to  be  thrown  to  the  surging  mob  below.  They 
have  fought  gallantly,  and  now  clamor  for  their  reward.  "  Feed 
us,  king!"  they  cry,  "feed  us,  king!  for  we  are  hungry!"  and 
as  the  poor  captives  are  tossed  to  the  mob  they  are  despatched 
without  ceremony  ! 

But  let  us  turn  from  this  bloody  and  barbarous  scene.  The 
king  is  the  most  absolute  despot  in  the  world.  He  is  heir-at-law 
to  all  his  subjects.  He  is  regarded  as  a  demigod.  It  is  unlawful  to 
indicate  that  the  king  eats,  sleeps,  or  drinks.  No  one  is  allowed 
to  approach  him,  except  his  nobles,  who  at  a  court  levee  disrobe 
themselves  of  all  their  elegant  garments,  and,  prostrate  upon  the 
ground,  they  crawl  into  his  royal  presence.  The  whole  people  are 
the  cringing  lickspittles  of  the  nobles  in  turn.  Every  private  in 
the  army  is  ambitious  to  please  the  king  by  valor.  The  king  is 
literally  monarch  of  all  he  surveys.  He  is  proprietor  of  the  land, 
and  has  at  his  disposal  every  thing  animate  or  inanimate  in  his. 
kingdom.  He  has  about  three  thousand  wives.1  Every  man  who- 
would  marry  must  buy  his  spouse  from  the  king ;  and,  while  the 
system  of  polygamy  obtains  everywhere  throughout  the  kingdom, 
the  subject  must  have  care  not  to  secure  so  many  wives  that  it 


1  The  king  of  Dahomey  is  limited  to  3,333  wives !     It  is  hardly  fair  to  suppose  that  his, 
majesty  feels  cramped  under  the  ungenerous  act  that  limits  the  number  of  his  wives.. 


30     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

would  appear  that  he  is  attempting  to  rival  the  king.  The  robust 
women  are  consigned  to  the  military  service.  But  the  real  con 
dition  of  woman  in  this  kingdom  is  slavery  of  the  vilest  type. 
She  owns  nothing.  She  is  always  in  the  market,  and  lives  in 
a  state  of  constant  dread  of  being  sold.  When  the  king  dies,  a 
large  number  of  his  wives  are  sacrificed  upon  his  grave.  This 
fact  inspires  them  to  take  good  care  of  him  !  In  case  of  death, 
the  king's  brother,  then  his  nephew,  and  so  on,  take  the  throne. 
An  inauguration  generally  lasts  six  days,  during  which  time  hun 
dreds  of  human  lives  are  sacrificed  in  honor  of  the  new  monarch. 

The  code  of  Dahomey  is  very  severe.  Witchcraft  is  punished 
with  death  ;  and  in  this  regard  stalwart  old  Massachusetts  bor 
rowed  from  the  barbarian.  Adultery  is  punished  by  slavery  or 
sudden  death.  Thieves  are  also  sold  into  slavery.  Treason  and 
cowardice  and  murder  are  punished  by  death.  The  civil  code  is 
as  complicated  as  the  criminal  is  severe.  Over  every  village, 
is  a  Caboceer,  equivalent  to  our  mayor.  He  can  convene  a  court 
by  prostrating  himself  and  kissing  the  ground.  The  court  con 
venes,  tries  and  condemns  the  criminal.  If  it  be  a  death  sen 
tence,  he  is  delivered  to  a  man  called  the  Milgan,  or  equivalent 
to  our  sheriff,  who  is  the  ranking  officer  in  the  state.  If  the  crim 
inal  is  sentenced  to  slavery,  he  is  delivered  to  the  Mayo,  who  is 
second  in  rank  to  the  Milgan,  or  about  like  our  turnkey  or  jailer. 
All  sentences  must  be  referred  to  the  king  for  his  approval ;  and 
all  executions  take  place  at  the  capital,  where  notice  is  given  of 
the  same  by  a  public  crier  in  the  market-places. 

The  revenue  system  of  this  kingdom  is  oppressive.  The 
majority  of  slaves  taken  in  war  are  the  property  of  the  king.  A 
tax  is  levied  on  each  person  or  slave  exported  from  the  kingdom. 
In  relation  to  domestic  commerce,  a  tax  is  levied  on  every  article 
of  food  and  clothing.  A  custom-service  is  organized,  and  the 
tax-collectors  are  shrewd  and  exacting. 

The  religion  of  the  people  is  idolatry  and  fetich,  or  supersti 
tion.  They  have  large  houses  where  they  worship  snakes ;  and 
so  great  is  their  reverence  for  the  reptile,  that,  if  any  one  kills 
one  that  has  escaped,  he  is  punished  with  death.  But,  above 
their  wild  and  superstitious'  notions,  there  is  an  ever-present  con 
sciousness  of  a  Supreme  Being.  They  seldom  mention  the  name 
of  God,  and  then  with  fear  and  trembling. 

"  The  worship  of  God  in  the  absurd  symbol  of  the  lower  animals  I  do  not 


NEGRO  KINGDOMS   OF  AFRICA.  31 

wish  to  defend :  but  it  is  all  that  these  poor  savages  can  do ;  and  is  not  that 
less  impious  than  to  speak  of  the  Deity  with  blasphemous  familiarity,  as  our 
illiterate  preachers  often  do  ?  "  * 

But  this  people  are  not  in  a  hopeless  condition  of  degradation. 

"The  Wesleyan  Missionary  Society  of  England  have  had  a  mission- 
station  at  Badagry  for  some  years,  and  not  without  some  important  and  encour 
aging  tokens  of  success.  .  .  .  The  king,  it  is  thought,  is  more  favorable  to 
Christian  missions  now  than  he  formerly  was."  2 

And  we  say  Amen  ! 

YORUBA. 

This  kingdom  extends  from  the  seacoast  to  the  river  Niger, 
by  which  it  is  separated  from  the  kingdom  of  Nufi.  It  contains 
more  territory  than  either  Benin  or  Dahomey.  Its  principal  sea 
port  is  Lagos.  For  many  years  it  was  a  great  slave-mart,  and 
only  gave  up  the  traffic  under  the  deadly  presence  of  English 
guns.  Its  facilities  for  the  trade  were  great.  Portuguese  and 
Spanish  slave-traders  took  up  their  abode  here,  and,  teaching  the 
natives  the  use  of  fire-arms,  made  a  stubborn  stand  for  their  lucra 
tive  enterprise;  but  in  1852  the  slave-trade  was  stopped,  and  the 
slavers  driven  from  the  seacoast.  The  place  came  under  the 
English  flag ;  and,  as  a  result,  social  order  and  business  enterprise 
have,  been  restored  and  quickened.  The  slave-trade  wrought 
great  havoc  among  this  people.  It  is  now  about  fifty-five  years 
since  a  few  weak  and  fainting  tribes,  decimated  by  the  slave-trade, 
fled  to  Ogun,  a  stream  seventy-five  miles  from  the  coast,  where 
they  took  refuge  in  a  cavern.  In  the  course  of  time  they  were 
joined  by  other  tribes  that  fled  before  the  scourge  of  slave-hunt 
ers.  Their  common  danger  gave  them  a  commonality  of  inter 
ests.  They  were,  at  first,  reduced  to  very  great  want.  They 
lived  for  a  long  time  on  berries,  herbs,  roots,  and  such  articles  of 
food  as  nature  furnished  without  money  and  without  price ;  but, 
leagued  together  to  defend  their  common  rights,  they  grew  bold, 
and  began  to  spread  out  around  their  hiding-place,  and  engage  in 
agriculture.  Homes  and  villages  began  to  rise,  and  the  desert 
to  blossom  as  the  rose.  They  finally  chose  a  leader,  — a  wise  and 
judicious  man  by  the  name  of  Shodeke  ;  and  one  hundred  and 
thirty  towns  were  united  under  one  government.  In  1853,  less 
than  a  generation,  a  feeble  people  had  grown  to  be  nearly  one 

1  Savage  Africa,  p.  51.  2  Western  Africa,  p.  207. 


32      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

hundred  thousand  (100,000) ;  and  Abeokuta,  named  for  their  cave, 
contains  at  present  nearly  three  hundred  thousand  souls. 

In  1839  some  colored  men  from  Sierra  Leone,  desirous  of 
engaging  in  trade,  purchased  a  small  vessel,  and  called  at  Lagos 
and  Badagry.  They  had  been  slaves  in  this  country,  and  had  been 
taken  to  Sierra  Leone,  where  they  had  received  a  Christian  educa 
tion.  Their  visit,  therefore,  was  attended  with  no  ordinary  inter 
est.  They  recognized  many  of  their  friends  and  kindred,  and 
were  agreeably  surprised  at  the  wonderful  change  that  had  taken 
place  in  so  short  a  time.  They  returned  to  Sierra  Leone,  only  to 
inspire  their  neighbors  with  a  zeal  for  commercial  and  missionary 
enterprise.  Within  three  years,  five  hundred  of  the  best  colored 
people  of  Sierra  Leone  set  out  for  Lagos  and  Badagry  on  the  sea- 
coast,  and  then  moved  overland  to  Abeokuta,  where  they  intended 
to  make  their  home.  In  this  company  of  noble  men  were  mer 
chants,  mechanics,  physicians,  school-teachers,  and  clergymen. 
Their  people  had  fought  for  deliverance  from  physical  bondage : 
these  brave  missionaries  had  come  to  deliver  them  from  intel 
lectual  and  spiritual  bondage.  The  people  of  Abeokuta  gave  the 
missionaries  a  hearty  welcome.  The  colony  received  new  blood 
and  energy.  School-buildings  and  churches  rose  on  every  hand. 
Commerce  was  revived,  and  even  agriculture  received  more  skil 
ful  attention.  Peace  and  and  plenty  began  to  abound.  Every 
thing  wore  a  sunny  smile,  and  many  tribes  were  bound  together 
by  the  golden  cords  of  civilization,  and  sang  their  Te  Deum 
together.  Far-away  England  caught  their  songs  of  peace,  and 
sent  them  agricultural  implements,  machinery,  and  Christian 
ministers  and  teachers.  So,  that,  nowhere  on  the  continent  of 
Africa  is  there  to  be  found  so  many  renewed  households,  so  many 
reclaimed  tribes,  such  substantial  results  of  a  vigorous,  Christian 
civilization. 

The  forces  that  quickened  the  inhabitants  of  Abeokuta  were 
not  all  objective,  exoteric  :  there  were  subjective  and  inherent 
forces  at  work  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.  They  were  capable 
of  civilization,  —  longed  for  it ;  and  the  first  blaze  of  light  from 
without  aroused  their  slumbering  forces,  and  showed  them  the 
broad  and  ascending  road  that  led  to  the  heights  of  freedom  and 
usefulness.  That  they  sought  this  road  with  surprising  alacrity, 
we  have  the  most  abundant  evidence.  Nor  did  all  the  leaders 
come  from  abroad.  Adgai,  in  the  Yoruba  language,  but  Crow- 
ther,  in  English,  was  a  native  of  this  country.  In  1822  he  was 


NEGRO  KINGDOMS   OF  AFRICA.  33 

sold  into  slavery  at  the  port  of  Badagry.  The  vessel  that  was  to 
bear  him  away  to  the  "  land  of  chains  and  stocks  "  was  captured 
by  a  British  man-of-war,  and  taken  to  Sierra  Leone.  Here  he 
came  under  the  influence  of  Christian  teachers.  He  proved  to  be 
one  of  the  best  pupils  in  his  school.  He  received  a  classical 
education,  fitted  for  the  ministry,  and  then  hastened  back  to  his 
native  country  to  carry  the  gospel  of  peace.  It  is  rather  remarka 
ble,  but  he  found  his  mother  and  several  sisters  still  "  in  the  gall 
of  bitterness  and  in  the  bonds  of  iniquity."  The  son  and  brother 
became  their  spiritual  teacher,  and,  ere  long,  had  the  great  satis 
faction  of  seeing  them  "  clothed,  in  their  right  mind,  and  sitting  at 
the  feet  of  Jesus."  His  influence  has  been  almost  boundless.  A 
man  of  magnificent  physical  proportions,  —  tall,  a  straight  body 
mounted  by  a  ponderous  head,  shapely,  with  a  kind  eye,  benevo 
lent  face,  a  rich  cadence  in  his  voice,  —  the  "black  Bishop" 
Crowther  is  a  princely  looking  man,  who  would  attract  the  atten 
tion  of  cultivated  people  anywhere.  He  is  a  man  of  eminent 
piety,  broad  scholarship,  and  good  works.  He  has  translated  the 
Bible  into  the  Yoruba  language,  founded  schools,  and  directed 
the  energies  of  his  people  with  a  matchless  zeal.  His  beautiful 
and  beneficent  life  is  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  possibilities  of 
Negro  manhood  so  long  injured  by  the  dehumanizing  influences 
of  slavery.  Others  have  caught  the  inspiration  that  has  made 
Bishop  Crowther's  life  "as  terrible  as  an  army  with  banners"  to 
the  enemies  of  Christ  and  humanity,  and  are  working  to  dissipate 
darkness  of  that  land  of  night. 


34     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  ASHANTEE  EMPIRE. 

ITS  LOCATION  AND  EXTENT.  —  ITS  FAMOUS  KINGS.  — THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  ASHANTEES  OBSCURE. — 
THE  WAR  WITH  DENKERA.  —  THE  ASHANTEES  AGAINST  THE  FIELD  CONQUER  TWO  KINGDOMS 
AND  ANNEX  THEM.  — DEATH  OF  OSAI  TUTU.  —  THE  ENVY  OF  THE  KlNG  OF  DAHOMEY.  —  INVA 
SION  OF  THE  ASHANTEE  COUNTRY  BY  THE  KING  OF  DAHOMEY.  —  His  DEFEAT  SHARED  BY  HIS 
ALLIES.  —  AKVVASI  PURSUES  THE  ARMY  OF  DAHOMEY  INTO  ITS  OWN  COUNTRY.  —  GETS  A  MOR 
TAL  WOUND  AND  SUFFERS  A  HUMILIATING  DEFEAT.  —  THE  KlNG  OF  DAHOMEY  SENDS  THE 

ROYAL  KUDJOH  HIS  CONGRATULATIONS.  —  KWAMINA  DEPOSED  FOR  ATTEMPTING  TO  INTRODUCE 
MOHAMMEDANISM  INTO  THE  KINGDOM. — THE  ASHANTEES  CONQUER  THE  MOHAMMEDANS. — 
NUMEROUS  WARS.  —  INVASION  OF  THE  FANTI  COUNTRY.  —  DEATH  OF  SIR  CHARLES  MCCARTHY. 
—  TREATY.  — PEACE. 

THE  kingdom  of  Ashantee  lies  between  the  Kong  Mountains 
and  the  vast  country  of  the  Fantis.  The  country  occupied 
by  the  Ashantees  was,  at  the  first,  very  small ;  but  by  a 
series  of  brilliant  conquests  they  finally  secured  a  territory  of 
three  hundred  square  miles.  One  of  their  most  renowned  kings,, 
Osai  Tutu,  during  the  last  century,  added  to  Ashantee  by  con 
quest  the  kingdoms  of  Sarem,  Buntuku,  Warsaw,  Denkera,  and 
Axim.  Very  little  is  known  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Ashantees. 
They  were  discovered  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century 
in  the  great  valley  between  the  Kong  Mountains  and  the  river 
Niger,  from  whence  they  were  driven  by  the  Moors  and  Moham 
medan  Negroes.  They  exchanged  the  bow  for  fire-arms,  and 
soon  became  a  warlike  people.  Osai  Tutu  led  in  a  desperate 
engagement  against  the  king  of  Denkera,  in  which  the  latter  was 
slain,  his  army  was  put  to  rout,  and  large  quantities  of  booty  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  victorious  Ashantees.  The  king  of  Aximi 
unwittingly  united  his  forces  to  those  of  the  discomforted  Den 
kera,  and,  drawing  the  Ashantees  into  battle  again,  sustained 
heavy  losses,  and  was  put  to  flight.  He  was  compelled  to  accept: 
the  most  exacting  conditions  of  peace,  to  pay  the  king  of  the: 
Ashantees  four  thousand  ounces  of  gold  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
the  war,  and  have  his  territory  made  tributary  to  the  conqueror. 
In  a  subsequent  battle  Osai  Tutu  was  surprised  and  killed.  His 
courtiers  and  wives  were  made  prisoners,  with  much  goods.  This 


THE  ASH  ANTE  E  EMPIRE.  35 

enraged  the  Ashantees,  and  they  reeked  vengeance  on  the  heads 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Kromanti,  who  laid  the  disastrous  ambus 
cade.  They  failed,  however,  to  recover  the  body  of  their  slain 
king;  but  many  of  his  attendants  were  retaken,  and  numerous 
enemies,  whom  they  sacrificed  to  the  manes  of  their  dead  king  at 
Kumasi. 

After  the  death  of  the  noble  Osai  Tutu,  dissensions  arose 
among  his  followers.  The  tribes  and  kingdoms  he  had  bound  to 
his  victorious  chariot-wheels  began  to  assert  their  independence. 
His  life-work  began  to  crumble.  Disorder  ran  riot ;  and,  after  a 
few  ambitious  leaders  were  convinced  that  the  throne  of  Ashantee 
demanded  brains  and  courage,  they  cheerfully  made  way  for  the 
coronation  of  Osai  Opoko,  brother  to  the  late  king.  He  was- 
equal  to  the  existing  state  of  affairs.  He  proved  himself  a  states 
man,  a  soldier,  and  a  wise  ruler.  He  organized  his  army,  and  took 
the  field  in  person  against  the  revolting  tribes.  He  reconquered 
all  the  lost  provinces.  He  defeated  his  most  valorous  foe,  the 
king  of  Gaman,  after  driving  him  into  the  Kong  Mountains. 
When  his  jealous  underlings  sought  his  overthrow  by  conspiracy, 
he  conquered  them  by  an  appeal  to  arms.  His  rule  was  attended 
by  the  most  lasting  and  beneficent  results.  He  died  in  1742,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  brother,  Osai  Akwasi. 

The  fame  and  military  prowess  of  the  kings  of  the  Ashantees 
were  borne  on  every  passing  breeze,  and  told  by  every  fleeing  fugi 
tive.  The  whole  country  was  astounded  by  the  marvellous  achieve 
ments  of  this  people,  and  not  a  little  envy  was  felt  among  adjoining 
nations.  The  king  of  Dahomey  especially  felt  like  humiliating 
this  people  in  battle.  This  spirit  finally  manifested  itself  in 
feuds,  charges,  complaints,  and,  laterally,  by  actual  hostilities. 
The  king  of  Dahomey  felt  that  he  had  but  one  rival,  the  king  of 
Ashantee.  He  felt  quite  sure  of  victory  on  account  of  the  size, 
spirit,  and  discipline  of  his  army.  It  was  idle  at  this  time,  and 
was  ordered  to  the  Ashantee  border.  The  first  engagement  took 
place  near  the  Volta.  The  king  of  Dahomey  had  succeeded  in 
securing  an  alliance  with  the  armies  of  Kawaku  and  Bourony, 
but  the  valor  and  skill  of  the  Ashantees  were  too  much  for  the 
invading  armies.  If  King  Akwasi  had  simply  maintained  his- 
defensive  position,  his  victory  would  have  been  lasting ;  but,  over 
joyed  at  his  success,  he  unwittingly  pursued  the  enemy  beyond 
the  .Volta,  and  carried  war  into  the  kingdom  of  Dahomey.  Troops 
fight  with  great  desperation  in  their  own  country.  The  Ashantee 


36      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

army  was  struck  on  its  exposed  flanks,  its  splendid  companies  of 
Caboceers  went  down  before  the  intrepid  Amazons.  Back  to  the 
Volta,  the  boundary-line  between  the  two  empires,  fled  the  routed 
Ashantees.  Akwasi  received  a  mortal  wound,  from  which  he  died 
in  1752,  when  his  nephew,  Osai  Kudjoh,  succeeded  to  the  throne. 
Three  brothers  had  held  the  sceptre  over  this  empire,  but 
now  it  passed  to  another  generation.  The  new  king  was  worthy 
of  his  illustrious  family.  After  the  days  of  mourning  for  his 
royal  uncle  were  ended,  before  he  ascended  the  throne,  several 
provinces  revolted.  He  at  once  took  the  field,  subdued  his  recal 
citrant  subjects,  and  made  them  pay  a  heavy  tribute.  He  won 
other  provinces  by  conquest,  and  awed  the  neighboring  tribes 
until  an  unobstructed  way  was  open  to  his  invincible  army  across 
the  country  to  Cape  Palmas.  His  fame  grew  with  each  military 
manoeuvre,  and  each  passing  year  witnessed  new  triumphs. 
Fawning  followed  envy  in  the  heart  of  the  king  of  Dahomey ; 
and  a  large  embassy  was  despatched  to  the  powerful  Kudjoh,  con 
gratulating  him  upon  his  military  achievements,  and  seeking  a 
friendly  alliance  between  the  two  governments.  Peace  was  now 
restored ;  and  the  armies  of  Ashantee  very  largely  melted  into 
agricultural  communities,  and  great  prosperity  came.  But  King 
Kudjoh  was  growing  old  in  the  service  of  his  people;  and,  as  he 
tould  no  longer  give  his  personal  attention  to  public  affairs,  dis 
sensions  arose  in  some  of  the  remote  provinces.  With  impaired 
vision  and  feeble  health  he,  nevertheless,  put  an  army  into  the 
field  to  punish  the  insubordinate  tribes ;  but  before  operations 
began  he  died.  His  grandson,  Osai  Kwamina,  was  designated  as 
legal  successor  to  the  throne  in  1781.  He  took  a  solemn  vow 
that  he  would  not  enter  the  palace  until  he  secured  the  heads  of 
Akombroh  and  Afosee,  whom  he  knew  had  excited  and  incited 
the  people  to  rebellion  against  his  grandfather.  His  vengeance 
was  swift  and  complete.  The  heads  of  the  rebel  leaders  were 
long  kept  at  Kumasi  as  highly  prized  relics  of  the  reign  of  King 
Kwamina.  His  reign  was  brief,  however.  He  was  deposed  for 
attempting  to  introduce  the  Mohammedan  religion  into  the  king 
dom.  Osai  Apoko  was  crowned  as  his  successor  in  1797.  The 
Gaman  and  Kongo  armies  attached  themselves  to  the  declining 
fortunes  of  the  deposed  king,  and  gave  battle  for  his  lost  crown. 
It  was  a  lost  cause.  The  new  king  could  wield  his  sword  as  well 
as  wear  a  crown.  He  died  of  a  painful  sickness,  and  was  suc 
ceeded  by  his  son,  Osai  Tutu  Kwamina,  in  1800. 


THE  ASHANTEE   EMPIRE.  37 

The  new  king  was  quite  youthful,  —  only  seventeen  ;  but  he 
inherited  splendid  qualities  from  a  race  of  excellent  rulers.  He 
re-organized  his  armies,  and  early  won  a  reputation  for  courage, 
sagacity,  and  excellent  ability,  extraordinary  in  one  so  young. 
He  inherited  a  bitter  feeling  against  the  Mohammedans,  and 
made  up  his  mind  to  chastise  two  of  their  chiefs,  Ghofan  and 
Ghobago,  and  make  the  territory  of  Banna  tributary  to  Ashantee. 
He  invaded  their  country,  and  burned  their  capital.  In  an  engage 
ment  fought  at  Kaha,  the  entire  Moslem  army  was  defeated  and 
captured.  The  king  of  Ghofan  was  wounded  and  made  prisoner, 
and  died  in  the  camp  of  the  Ashantee  army.  Two  more  provinces 
were  bound  to  the  throne  of  Kwamina ;  and  we  submit  that  this 
is  an  historical  anomaly,  in  that  a  pagan  people  subdued  an  army 
that  emblazoned  its  banner  with  the  faith  of  the  one  God  ! 

The  Ashantee  empire  had  reached  the  zenith  of  its  glory.  Its 
flag  waved  in  triumph  from  the  Volta  to  Bossumpea,  and  the 
Kong  Mountains  had  echoed  the  exploits  of  the  veterans  that 
formed  the  strength  of  its  army.  The  repose  that  even  this  un 
civilized  people  longed  for  was  denied  them  by  a  most  unfortunate 
incident. 

Asim  was  a  province  tributary  to  the  Ashantee  empire.  Two 
of  the  chiefs  of  Asim  became  insubordinate,  gave  offence  to  the 
king,  and  then  fled  into  the  country  of  the  Fantis,  one  of  the  most 
numerous  and  powerful  tribes  on  the  Gold  Coast.  The  Fantis 
promised  the  fugitives  armed  protection.  There  was  no  extradi 
tion  treaty  in  those  days.  The  king  despatched  friendly  messen 
gers,  who  were  instructed  to  set  forth  the  faults  of  the  offending 
subjects,  and  to  request  their  return.  The  request  was  contemptu 
ously  denied,  and  the  messengers  subjected  to  a  painful  death. 
The  king  of  Ashantee  invaded  the  country  of  the  enemy,  and 
defeated  the  united  forces  of  Fanti  and  Asim.  He  again  made 
them  an  offer  of  peace,  and  was  led  to  believe  it  would  be  accepted. 
But  the  routed  army  was  gathering  strength  for  another  battle, 
although  Chibbu  and  Apontee  had  indicated  to  the  king  that  the 
conditions  of  peace  were  agreeable.  The  king  sent  an  embassy 
to  learn  when  a  formal  submission  would  take  place ;  and  they, 
also,  were  put  to  death.  King  Osai  Tutu  Kwamina  took  "the 
great  oath"  and  vowed  that  he  would  never  return  from  the  seat 
of  war  or  enter  his  capital  without  the  heads  of  the  rebellious  chiefs. 

The  Ashantee  army  shared  the  desperate  feelings  of  their 
leader;  and  a  war  was  begun,  which  for  cruelty  and  carnage  has 


38      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

no  equal  in  the  annals  of  the  world's  history.  Pastoral  communi 
ties,  hamlets,  villages,  and  towns  were  swept  by  the  red  waves  of 
remorseless  warfare.  There  was  no  mercy  in  battle  :  there  were 
no  prisoners  taken  by  day,  save  to  be  spared  for  a  painful  death  at 
nightfall.  Their  groans,  mingling  with  the  shouts  of  the  victors, 
made  the  darkness  doubly  hideous ;  and  the  blood  of  the  van 
quished  army,  but  a  short  distance  removed,  ran  cold  at  the 
thoughts  of  the  probable  fate  that  waited  them  on  the  morrow. 
Old  men  and  old  women,  young  men  and  young  women,  the 
rollicking  children  whose  light  hearts  knew  no  touch  of  sorrow, 
as  well  as  the  innocent  babes  clinging  to  the  agitated  bosoms  of 
their  mothers,  —  unable  to  distinguish  between  friend  or  foe,  — 
felt  the  cruel  stroke  of  war.  All  were  driven  to  an  inhospitable 
grave  in  the  place  where  the  fateful  hand  of  war  made  them  its 
victims,  or  perished  in  the  sullen  waters  of  the  Volta.  For  nearly 
a  hundred  miles  "  the  smoke  of  their  torment "  mounted  the  skies. 
Nothing  was  left  in  the  rear  of  the  Ashantee  army,  not  even 
cattle  or  buildings.  Pursued  by  a  fleet-footed  and  impartial  dis 
aster,  the  fainting  Fantis  and  their  terrified  allies  turned  their 
faces  toward  the  seacoast.  And  why  ?  Perhaps  this  fleeing  army 
had  a  sort  of  superstitious  belief  that  the  sea  might  help  them. 
Then,  again,  they  knew  that  there  were  many  English  on  the  Gold 
Coast ;  that  they  had  forts  and  troops.  They  trusted,  also,  that 
the  young  king  of  the  Ashantees  would  not  follow  his  enemy 
under  the  British  flag  and  guns.  They  were  mistaken.  The  twa 
revolting  chiefs  took  refuge  in  the  fort  at  Anamabo.  On  came 
the  intrepid  king,  thundering  at  the  very  gates  of  the  English 
fort.  The  village  was  swept  with  the  hot  breath  of  battle.  Thou 
sands  perished  before  this  invincible  army.  The  English  soldiers 
poured  hot  shot  and  musketry  into  the  columns  of  the  advancing 
army ;  but  on  they  marched  to  victory  with  an  impurturbable  air, 
worthy  of  "the  old  guard"  under  Ney  at  Waterloo.  Preparations 
were  completed  for  blowing  up  the  walls  of  the  fort ;  and  it 
would  have  been  but  a  few  hours  until  the  king  of  Ashantee 
would  have  taken  the  governor's  chair,  had  not  the  English  capitu 
lated.  During  the  negotiations  one  of  the  offending  chiefs  made 
good  his  escape  to  a  little  village  called  Cape  Coast ;  but  the  other 
was  delivered  up,  and,  having  been  taken  back  to  Kumasi,  was 
tortured  to  death.  Twelve  thousand  persons  fell  in  the  engage 
ment  at  Anamabo,  and  thousands  of  lives  were  lost  in  other 
engagements.  This  took  place  in  rSo/. 


THE  ASH  ANTE  E  EMPIRE.  39 

In  1811  the  king  of  Ashantee  sent  an  army  to  Elmina  to  pro 
tect  his  subjects  against  predatory  bands  of  Fantis.  Three  or 
four  battles  were  fought,  and  were  invariably  won  by  the  Ashantee 
troops. 

Barbarians  have  about  as  long  memories  as  civilized  races. 
They  are  a  kind-hearted  people,  but  very  dangerous  and  ugly  when 
they  are  led  to  feel  that  they  have  been  injured.  "  The  great 
'Oath  "  means  a  great  deal ;  and  the  king  was  not  happy  in  the 
thought  that  one  of  the  insolent  chiefs  had  found  refuge  in  the 
town  of  Cape  Coast,  which  was  in  the  Fanti  country.  So  in  1817 
lie  invaded  this  country,  and  called  at  Cape  Coast,  and  reduced  the 
place  to  the  condition  of  a  siege.  The  English  authorities  saw 
the  Fantis  dying  under  their  eyes,  and  paid  the  fine  imposed 
by  the  King  of  Ashantee,  rather  than  bury  the  dead  inhabitants 
of  the  beleaguered  town.  The  Ashantees  retired. 

England  began  to  notice  the  Ashantees.  They  had  proven 
themselves  to  be  a  most  heroic,  intelligent,  and  aggressive  people. 
The  Fantis  lay  stretched  between  them  and  the  seacoast.  The 
frequent  invasion  of  this  country,  for  corrective  purposes  as  the 
Ashantees  believed,  very  seriously  interrupted  the  trade  of  the 
coast ;  and  England  began  to  feel  it.  The  English  had  been 
defeated  once  in  an  attempt  to  assist  the  Fantis,  and  now  thought 
it  wise  to  turn  attention  to  a  pacific  policy,  looking  toward  the 
establishment  of  amicable  relations  between  the  Ashantees  and 
themselves.  There  had  never  been  any  unpleasant  relations  be 
tween  the  two  governments,  except  in  the  instance  named.  The 
Ashantees  rather  felt  very  kindly  toward  England,  and  for  pru 
dential  and  commercial  reasons  desired  to  treat  the  authorities  at 
the  coast  with  great  consideration.  They  knew  that  the  English 
gave  them  a  market  for  their  gold,  and  an  opportunity  to  purchase 
manufactured  articles  that  they  needed.  But  the  Fantis,  right 
under  the  English  flag,  receiving  a  rent  for  the  ground  on  which 
the  English  had  their  fort  and  government  buildings,  grew  so  in 
tolerably  abusive  towards  their  neighbors,  the  Ashantees,  that  the 
British  saw  nothing  before  them  but  interminable  war.  It  was 
their  desire  to  avoid  it  if  possible.  Accordingly,  they  sent  an 
embassy  to  the  king  of  the  Ashantees,  consisting  of  Gov.  James, 
of  the  fort  at  Akra,  a  Mr.  Bowdich,  nephew  to  the  governor-in- 
chief  at  Cape  Coast,  a  Mr.  Hutchinson,  and  the  surgeon  of  the 
English  settlement,  Dr.  Teddlie.  Mr.  Bowdich  headed  the  em 
bassy  to  the  royal  court,  where  they  were  kindly  received.  A 


40     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

treaty  was  made.  The  rent  that  the  Fantis  had  been  receiving- 
for  ground  occupied  by  the  English  —  four  ounces  of  gold  per 
month  —  was  to  be  paid  to  the  king  of  Ashantee,  as  his  by  right 
of  conquest.  Diplomatic  relations  were  to  be  established  between 
the  two  governments,  and  Mr.  Hutchinson  was  to  remain  at  Ku- 
masi  as  the  British  resident  minister.  He  was  charged  with 
the  carrying  out  of  so  much  of  the  treaty  as  related  to  his 
government.  The  treaty  was  at  once  forwarded  to  the  home 
government,  and  Mr.  Dupuis  was  appointed  consul  of  his  Ma 
jesty's  government  to  the  court  of  Ashantee.  A  policy  was  out 
lined  that  meant  the  opening  up  of  commerce  with  the  distant 
provinces  of  the  Ashantee  empire  along  the  Kong  Mountains. 
In  those  days  it  took  a  long  time  to  sailfrom  England  to  the  Gold 
Coast  in  Western  Africa ;  and  before  Consul  Dupuis  reached  the 
coast,  the  king  of  Ashantee  was  engaged  in  a  war  with  the  king 
of  Gaman.  The  Ashantee  army  was  routed.  The  news  of  the 
disaster  was  hailed  by  the  Fantis  on  the  coast  with  the  most  bois 
terous  and  public  demonstrations.  This  gave  the  king  of  Ashan 
tee  offence.  The  British  authorities  were  quite  passive  about 
the  conduct  of  the  Fantis,  although  by  solemn  treaty  they  had 
become  responsible  for  their  deportment.  The  Fantis  grew  very 
insulting  and  offensive  towards  the  Ashantees.  The  king  of  the 
latter  called  the  attention  of  the  authorities  at  the  Cape  to  the  con 
duct  of  the  Fantis,  but  no  official  action  was  taken.  In  the 
mean  while  Mr.  Dupuis  was  not  allowed  to  proceed  on  his  mission 
to  the  capital  of  the  Ashantees.  Affairs  began  to  assume  a  very 
threatening  attitude ;  and  only  after  the  most  earnest  request 
was  he  permitted  to  proceed  to  the  palace  of  the  king  of  Ashan 
tee.  He  received  a  hearty  welcome  at  the  court,  and  was  enter 
tained  with  the  most  lavish  kindness.  After  long  and  painstaking 
consideration,  a  treaty  was  decided  upon  that  was  mutually  agree 
able  ;  but  the  self-conceited  and  swaggering  insolence  of  the 
British  authorities  on  the  coast  put  it  into  the  waste-basket.  The 
commander  of  the  British  squadron  put  himself  in  harmony  with 
the  local  authorities,  and  refused  to  give  Consul  Dupuis  trans 
portation  to  England  for  the  commissioners  of  the  Ashantee 
government,  whom  he  had  brought  to  the  coast  with  the  intention 
of  taking  to  London  with  him. 

A  war-cloud  was  gathering.  Dupuis  saw  it.  He  sent  word 
to  the  king  of  Ashantee  to  remember  his  oath,  and  refrain  from 
hostilities  until  he  could  communicate  with  the  British  govern- 


THE  ASH  ANTE E  EMPIRE.  41 

ment.  The  treaty  stipulated  for  the  recognition,  by  the  British 
authorities,  of  the  authority  of  the  Ashantee  king  over  the  Fantis. 
Only  those  immediately  around  the  fort  were  subject  to  English 
law,  and  then  not  to  an  extent  to  exempt  them  from  tax  imposed 
by  the  Ashantee  authorities. 

In  the  midst  of  these  complications,  Parliament,  by  a  special 
act,  abolished  the  charter  of  the  African  Company.  This  put 
all  its  forts,  arsenals,  and  stations  under  the  direct  control  of  the 
crown.  Sir  Charles  McCarthy  was  made  governor-general  of 
the  British  possessions  on  the  Gold  Coast,  and  took  up  his  head 
quarters  at  Cape  Coast  in  March,  1822.  Two  months  had  passed 
now  since  Dupuis  had  sailed  for  England ;  and  not  a  syllable  had 
reached  the  king's  messenger,  who,  all  this  time,  had  waited  to 
hear  from  England.  The  country  was  in  an  unsettled  state, 
Gov.  McCarthy  was  not  equal  to  the  situation.  He  fell  an  easy 
prey  to  the  fawning  and  lying  Fantis.  They  received  him  as  the 
champion  of  their  declining  fortunes,  and  did  every  thing  in  their 
power  to  give  him  an  unfriendly  opinion  of  the  Ashantees.  The 
king  of  the  Ashantees  began  to  lose  faith  in  the  British.  His 
faithful  messenger  returned  from  the  coast  bearing  no  friendly 
tidings.  The  king  withdrew  his  troops  from  the  seacoast,  and 
began  to  put  his  army  upon  a  good  war-footing.  When  all  was 
in  readiness  a  Negro  sergeant  in  the  British  service  was  seized, 
and  put  to  a  torturous  death.  This  was  a  signal  for  the  grand 
opening.  Of  course  the  British  were  bound  to  demand  redress. 
Sir  Charles  McCarthy  was  informed  by  some  Fantis  scouts  that 
the  king  of  Ashantee,  at  the  head  of  his  army,  was  marching  for 
Cape  Coast.  Sir  Charles  rallied  his  forces,  and  went  forth  to  give 
him  battle.  His  object  was  to  fight  the  king  at  a  distance  from 
the  cape,  and  thus  prevent  him  from  devastating  the  entire  coun 
try  as  in  former  wars.  Sir  Charles  McCarthy  was  a  brave  man, 
and  worthy  of  old  England ;  but  in  this  instance  his  courage  was 
foolhardy.  He  crossed  the  Prah  River  to  meet  a  wily  and  des 
perate  foe.  His  troops  were  the  worthless  natives,  hastily  gath 
ered,  and  were  intoxicated  with  the  hope  of  deliverance  from. 
Ashantee  rule.  He  should  have  waited  for  the  trained  troops  of 
Major  Chisholm.  This  was  his  fatal  mistake.  His  pickets  felt 
the  enemy  early  in  the  morning  of  the  2ist  of  January,  1824. 
A  lively  skirmish  followed.  In  a  short  time  the  clamorous  war- 
horns  of  the  advancing  Ashantees  were  heard,  and  a  general 
engagement  came  on.  The  first  fighting  began  along  a  shallow 


42      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

stream.  The  Ashantees  came  up  with  the  courage  and  measured 
tread  of  a  well-disciplined  army.  They  made  a  well-directed 
charge  to  gain  the  opposite  bank  of  the  stream,  but  were  repulsed 
by  an  admirable  bayonet  charge  from  Sir  Charles's  troops.  The 
Ashantees  then  crossed  the  stream  above  and  below  the  British 
army,  and  fell  with  such  desperation  upon  its  exposed  and  naked 
flanks,  that  it  was  bent  into  the  shape  of  a  letter  A,  and  hurled 
back  toward  Cape  Coast  in  dismay.  Wounded  and  exhausted, 
toward  evening  Sir  Charles  fled  from  his  exposed  position  to  the 
troops  of  his  allies  under  the  command  of  the  king  of  Denkera. 
He  concentrated  his  artillery  upon  the  heaviest  columns  of  the 
enemy ;  but  still  they  came  undaunted,  bearing  down  upon  the 
•centre  like  an  avalanche.  Sir  Charles  made  an  attempt  to 
retreat  with  his  staff,  but  met  instant  death  at  the  hands  of 
the  Ashantees.  His  head  was  removed  from  the  body  and  sent 
to  Kumasi.  His  heart  was  eaten  by  the  chiefs  of  the  army  that 
they  might  imbibe  his  courage,  while  his  flesh  was  dried  and 
issued  in  small  rations  among  the  line-officers  for  the  same  pur 
pose.  His  bones  were  kept  at  the  capital  of  the  Ashantee 
kingdom  as  national  fetiches.1 

Major  Chisholm  and  Capt.  Laing,  learning  of  the  disaster 
that  had  well-nigh  swallowed  up  Sir  Charles's  army,  retreated  to 
'Cape  Coast.  There  were  about  thirty  thousand  troops  remaining, 
but  they  were  so  terrified  at  the  disaster  of  the  day  that  they 
could  not  be  induced  to  make  a  stand  against  the  gallant  Ashan 
tees.  The  king  of  Ashantee,  instead  of  following  the  routed 
army  to  the  gates  of  Cape  Coast,  where  he  could  have  dealt  it  a 
death-blow,  offered  the  English  conditions  of  peace.  Capt.  Rick- 
etts  met  the  Ashantee  messengers  at  Elmina,  and  heard  from 
them  the  friendly  messages  of  the  king.  The  Ashantees  only 
wanted  the  British  to  surrender  Kudjoh  Chibbu  of  the  province 
of  Denkera;  but  this  fugitive  from  the  Ashantee  king,  while 
negotiations  were  pending,  resolved  to  rally  the  allied  armies  and 
make  a  bold  stroke.  He  crossed  the  Prah  at  the  head  of  a  con- 


1  The  following  telegram  shocks  the  civilized  world.  It  serves  notice  on  the  Christians  of 
the  civilized  world,  that,  in  a  large  missionary  sense,  they  have  come  far  short  of  their  duty  to 
the  "nations  beyond,"  who  sit  in  darkness  and  the  shadow  of  death. 

"MASSACRE  OF  MAIDENS.  LONDON,  Nov.  10,  1881.  —  Advices  from  Cape  Coast  Castle 
report  that  the  king  of  Ashantee  killed  two  hundred  young  girls  for  the  purpose  of  using  their 
blood  for  mixing  mortar  for  repair  of  one  of  the  state  buildings.  The  report  of  the  massacre  was 
received  from  a  refugee  chosen  for  one  of  the  victims.  Such  wholesale  massacres  are  known  to  be 
<a  custom  with  the  king."  —  Cinn.  Commercial. 


THE  ASHANTEE  EMPIRE.  43 

siderable  force,  and  fell  upon  the  Ashantee  army  in  its  camp. 
The  English  were  charmed  by  this  bold  stroke,  and  sent  a  reserve 
force ;  but  the  whole  army  was  again  defeated  by  the  Ashantees, 
and  came  back  to  Cape  Coast  in  complete  confusion. 

The  Ashantee  army  were  at  the  gates  of  the  town.  Col. 
Southerland  arrived  with  re-enforcements,  but  was  beaten  into 
the  fort  by  the  unyielding  courage  of  the  attacking  force.  A  new 
king,  Osai  Ockote,  arrived  with  fresh  troops,  and  won  the  confi 
dence  of  the  army  by  marching  right  under  the  British  guns,  and 
hissing  defiance  into  the  face  of  the  foe.  The  conflict  that  fol 
lowed  was  severe,  and  destructive  to  both  life  and  property.  All 
the  native  and  British  forces  were  compelled  to  retire  to  the  fort ; 
while  the  Ashantee  troops,  inspired  by  the  dashing  bearing  of 
their  new  king,  closed  in  around  them  like' tongues  of  steel.  The 
invading  army  was  not  daunted  by  the  belching  cannon  that  cut 
away  battalion  after  battalion.  On  they  pressed  for  revenge  and 
victory.  The  screams  of  fainting  women  and  terrified  children, 
the  groans  of  the  dying,  and  the  bitter  imprecations  of  desperate 
combatants,  —  a  mingling  medley,  —  swelled  the  great  diapason 
of  noisy  battle.  The  eyes  of  the  beleaguered  were  turned  toward 
the  setting  sun,  whose  enormous  disk  was  leaning  against  the  far 
away  mountains,  and  casting  his  red  and  vermilion  over  the 
dusky  faces  of  dead  Ashantees  and  Fantis ;  and,  imparting  a 
momentary  beauty  to  the  features  of  the  dead  white  men  who 
fell  so  far  away  from  home  and  friends,  he  sank  to  rest.  There 
was  a  sad,  far-off  look  in  the  eye  of  the  impatient  sailor  who  kept 
his  lonely  watch  on  the  vessel  that  lay  at  rest  on  the  sea.  Night 
was  wished  for,  prayed  for,  yearned  for.  It  came  at  last,  and 
threw  its  broad  sable  pinions  over  the  dead,  the  dying,  and  the 
living.  Hostilities  were  to  be  renewed  in  the  morning ;  but  the 
small-pox  broke  out  among  the  soldiers,  and  the  king  of  Ashantee 
retired. 

Sir  Neill  Campbell  was  appointed  governor-general  at  Cape 
Coast.  One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  call  for  all  the  chiefs  of  the 
Fantis,  and  give  them  to  understand  that  hostilities  between 
themselves  and  the  king  of  Ashantee  must  stop.  He  then 
required  Osai  Ockoto  to  deposit  four  thousand  ounces  of  gold 
($72,000),  as  a  bond  to  keep  the  peace.  In  case  he  provoked 
hostilities,  the  seventy-two  thousand  dollars  were  to  be  used  to 
purchase  ammunition  with  which  to  chastise  him.  In  1831  the 
king  was  obliged  to  send  two  of  his  royal  family,  Kwanta  Missah, 


44     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  JN  AMERICA. 


• 


his  own  son,  and  Ansah,  the  son  of  the  late  king,  to  be  held  as. 
hostages.  These  boys  were  sent  to  England,  where  they  were 
educated,  but  are  now  residents  of  Ashantee. 

Warsaw  and  Denkera,  interior  provinces,  were  lost  to  the 
Ashantee  empire ;  but,  nevertheless,  it  still  remains  one  of  the 
most  powerful  Negro  empires  of  Western  Africa. 

The  king  of  Ashantee  has  a  fair  government.  His  power  is 
well-nigh  absolute.  He  has  a  House  of  Lords,  who  have  a  check- 
power.  Coomassi  is  the  famous  city  of  gold,  situated  in  the  cen 
tre  of  the  empire.  The  communication  through  to  the  seacoast  is 
unobstructed  ;  and  it  is  rather  remarkable  that  the  Ashantees  are 
the  only  nation  in  Africa,  who,  living  in  the  interior,  have  direct 
communication  with  the  Caucasian.  They  have  felt  the  some 
what  elevating  influence  of  Mohammedanism,  and  are  not  uncon 
scious  of  the  benefits  derived  by  the  literature  and  contact  of  the 
outside  world.  They  are  a  remarkable  people:  brave,  generous, 
industrious,  and  mentally  capable.  The  day  is  not  distant  when 
the  Ashantee  kingdom  will  be  won  to  the  Saviour,  and  its 
inhabitants  brought  under  the  beneficent  influences  of  Christian 
civilization. 


THE  NEGRO   TYPE.  45 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    NEGRO    TYPE. 

CLIMATE  THE  CAUSE.  —  His  GEOGRAPHICAL  THEATRE.  —  HE   is   SUSCEPTIBLE  TO  CHRISTIANITY 

AND  CIVILIZATION. 

IF  the  reader  will  turn  to  a  map  of  Africa,  the  Mountains  of  the 
Moon1  will  be  found  to  run  right  through  the  centre  of  that 
continent.  They  divide  Africa  into  two  almost  equal  parts. 
In  a  dialectic  sense,  also,  Africa  is  divided.  The  Mountains  of  the 
Moon,  running  east  and  west,  seem  to  be  nature's  dividing  line 
between  two  distinct  peoples.  North  of  these  wonderful  moun 
tains  the  languages  are  numerous  and  quite  distinct,  and  lacking 
affinity.  For  centuries  these  tribes  have  lived  in  the  same  lati 
tude,  under  the  same  climatic  influences,  and  yet,  without  a  writ 
ten  standard,  have  preserved  the  idiomatic  coloring  of  their  tribal 
language  without  corruption.  Thus  they  have  eluded  the  fate  that 
has  overtaken  all  other  races  who  without  a  written  language, 
living  together  by  the  laws  of  affinity,  sooner  or  later  have  found 
one  medium  of  speech  as  inevitable  as  necessary. 

But  coming  south  of  the  Mountains  of  the  Moon,  until  we 
reach  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  there  is  to  be  found  one  great 
family.  Nor  is  the  difference  between  the  northern  and  southern 
tribes  only  linguistic.  The  physiological  difference  between  these 
people  is  great.  They  range  in  color  from  the  dead  black  up  to 
pure  white,  and  from  the  dwarfs  on  the  banks  of  the  Casemanche 
to  the  tall  and  giant-like  Vei  tribe  of  Cape  Mount. 

"  The  Fans  which  inhabit  the  mountain  terraces  are  altogether  of  a  dif 
ferent  complexion  from  the  seacoast  tribes.  Their  hair  is  longer  :  that  of  the 
women  hangs  down  in  long  braids  to  their  shoulders,  while  the  men  have  tol 
erably  long  two-pointed  beards.  It  would  be  impossible  to  find  such  long  hair 
among  the  coast  tribes,  even  in  a  single  instance. 

"  In  the  low,  swampy  land  at  the  mouth  of  the  Congo,  one  meets  with 
typical  Negroes  ;  and  there  again,  as  one  reaches  a  higher  soil,  one  finds  a  dif 
ferent  class  of  people. 

"  The  Angolese  resemble  the  Fula.     They  are  scarcely  ever  black.    Their 

1  See  Keith  Johnson's  Map  of  Africa,  1863. 


46      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

hands  and  feet  are  exquisitely  small ;  and  in  every  way  they  form  a  contrast 
with  the  slaves  of  the  Portuguese,  who,  brought  for  the  most  part  from  the 
Congo,  are  brutal  and  debased. 

"  I  have  divided  Africa  into  three  grand  types,  —  the  Ethiopian,  the  inter 
mediate,  and  the  Negro.  In  the  same  manner  the  Negro  may  be  divided  into 
three  sub-classes :  — 

"  The  bronze-colored  class  :  gracefully  formed,  with  effeminate  features, 
small  hands  and  feet,  long  fingers,  intelligent  minds,  courteous  and  polished 
manners.  Such  are  the  Mpongwe  of  the  Gaboon,  the  Angolese,  the  Fanti  of 
the  Gold  Coast,  and  most  probably  the  Haoussa  of  the  Niger,  a  tribe  with 
which  I  am  not  acquainted. 

"  The  black-skinned  class :  athletic  shapes,  rude  manners,  less  intelligence, 
but  always  with  some  good  faculties,  thicker  lips,  broader  noses,  but  seldom 
prognathous  to  any  great  degree.  Such  are  the  Wollof,  the  Kru-men,  the 
Benga  of  Corisco,  and  the  Cabinda  of  Lower  Guinea,  who  hire  themselves  out 
as  sailors  in  the  Congo  and  in  Angola  precisely  as  do  the  Kru-men  of  North 
Guinea. 

"  Lastly,  the  typical  Negroes  :  an  exceptional  race  even  among  the  Negroes, 
whose  disgusting  type  it  is  not  necessary  to  re-describe.  They  are  found  chiefly 
along  the  coast  between  the  Casemanche  and  Sierra  Leone,  between  Lagos 
and  the  Cameroons,  in  the  Congo  swamps,  and  in  certain  swampy  plains  and 
mountain-hollows  of  the  interior."  « 

That  climate  has  much  to  do  with  physical  and  mental  char 
acter,  we  will  not  have  to  prove  to  any  great  extent.  It  is  a  fact 
as  well  established  as  any  principle  in  pathology.  Dr.  Joseph 
Brown  says,  — 

"  It  is  observed  that  the  natives  of  marshy  districts  who  permanently  reside 
in  them  lose  their  whole  bodily  and  mental  constitution,  contaminated  by  the 
poison  they  inhale.  Their  aspect  is  sallow  and  prematurely  senile,  so  that  chil 
dren  are  often  wrinkled,  their  muscles  flaccid,  their  hair  lank,  and  frequently 
pale,  the  abdomen  tumid,  the  stature  stunted,  and  the  intellectual  and  moral 
character  low  and  degraded.  They  rarely  attain  what  in  more  wholesome 
regions  would  be  considered  old  age.  In  the  marshy  districts  of  certain  coun 
tries,— for  example,  Egypt,  Georgia,  and  Virginia,  —  the  extreme  term  of  life 
is  stated  to  be  forty  in  the  latter  place.  ...  In  portions  of  Brittany  which 
.adjoin  the  Loire,  the  extreme  duration  of  life  is  fifty,  at  which  age  the  inhabit 
ant  wears  the  aspect  of  eighty  in  a  healthier  district.  It  is  remarked  that  the 
inferior  animals,  and  even  vegetables,  partake  of  the  general  deprivation :  they 
are  stunted  and  short-lived." 

In  his  "Ashango  Land,"  Paul  B.  du  Chaillu  devotes  a  large 
part  of  his  fifteenth  chapter  to  the  Obongos,  or  Dwarfs.  Nearly 
all  African  explorers  and  travellers  have  been  much  amazed  at 
the  diversity  of  color  and  stature  among  the  tribes  they  met.  This 

1  Savage  Africa,  pp.  403,  404. 


THE  NEGRO   TYPE.  47 

diversity  in  physical  and  mqntal  character  owes  its  existence  to 
the  diversity  and  perversity  of  African  climate. 

The  Negro,  who  is  but  a  fraction  of  the  countless  indigenous 
races  of  Africa,  has  been  carried  down  to  his  low  estate  by  the 
invincible  forces  of  nature.  Along  the  ancient  volcanic  tracts  are 
to  be  found  the  Libyan  race,  with  a  tawny  complexion,  features 
quite  Caucasian,  and  long  black  hair.  On  the  sandstones  are  to 
be  found  an  intermediate  type,  darker  somewhat  than  their  pro 
genitors,  lips  thick,  and  nostrils  wide  at  the  base.  Then  comes 
the  Negro  down  in  the  alluvia,  with  dark  skin,  woolly  hair,  and 
prognathous  development. 

"  The  Negro  forms  an  exceptional  race  in  Africa.  He  inhabits  that  im 
mense  tract  of  marshy  land  which  lies  between  the  mountains  and  the  sea, 
from  Senegal  to  Benguela,  and  the  low  lands  of  the  eastern  side  in  the  same 
manner.  He  is  found  in  the  parts  about  Lake  Tchad,  in  Sennaar,  along  the 
marshy  banks  of  rivers,  and  in  several  isolated  spots  besides." I 

The  true  Negro  inhabits  Northern  Africa.  When  his  coun 
try,  of  which  we  know  absolutely  nothing,  has  been  crowded,  the 
nomadic  portion  of  the  population  has  poured  itself  over  the 
mountain  terraces,  and,  descending  into  the  swamps,  has  be 
come  degraded  in  body  and  mind. 

Technically  speaking,  we  do  not  believe  the  Negro  is  a  dis 
tinct  species. 

"It  is  certain  that  the  woolly  hair,  the  prognathous  development,  and  the 
deep  black  skin  of  the  typical  Negro,  are  not  peculiar  to  the  African  conti 
nent."  2 

The  Negro  is  found  in  the  low,  marshy,  and  malarious  dis 
tricts.  We  think  the  Negro  is  produced  in  a  descending  scale. 
The  African  who  moves  from  the  mountain  regions  down  into  the 
miasmatic  districts  may  be  observed  to  lose  his  stature,  his  com 
plexion,  his  hair,  and  his  intellectual  vigor  :  he  finally  becomes 
the  Negro.  Pathologically  considered,  he  is  weak,  sickly,  and 
short-lived.  His  legs  are  slender  and  almost  calf-less  :  the  head 
is  developed  in  the  direction  of  the  passions,  while  the  whole 
form  is  destitute  of  symmetry. 

"  It  will  be  understood  that  the  typical  Negroes,  with  whom  the  slavers 
are  supplied,  represent  the  dangerous,  the  destitute,  and  diseased  classes  of 
African  society.  They  may  be  compared  to  those  which  in  England  fill  our 

1  Savage  Africa,  p.  400.  2  Savage  Africa,  p.  412. 


48     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

jails,  our  workhouses,  and  our  hospitals.  So  far  from  being  equal  to  us,  the 
polished  inhabitants  of  Europe,  as  some  ignorant  people  suppose,  they  are 
immeasurably  below  the  Africans  themselves. 

"  The  typical  Negro  is  the  true  savage  of  Africa ;  and  I  must  paint  the 
deformed  anatomy  of  his  mind,  as  I  have  already  done  that  of  his  body. 

"  The  typical  Negroes  dwell  in  petty  tribes,  where  all  are  equal  except  the 
women,  who  are  slaves  ;  where  property  is  common,  and  where,  consequently, 
there  is  no  property  at  all;  where  one  may  recognize  the  Utopia  of  philos 
ophers,  and  observe  the  saddest  and  basest  spectacles  which  humanity  can 
afford. 

"  The  typical  Negro,  unrestrained  by  moral  laws,  spends  his  days  in  sloth, 
his  nights  in  debauchery.  He  smokes  hashish  till  he  stupefies  his  senses  or 
falls  into  convulsions ;  he  drinks  palm-wine  till  he  brings  on  a  loathsome  dis 
ease  ;  he  abuses  children,  stabs  the  poor  brute  of  a  woman  whose  hands  keep 
him  from  starvation,  and  makes  a  trade  of  his  own  offspring.  He  swallows 
up  his  youth  in  premature  vice ;  he  lingers  through  a  manhood  of  disease,  and 
his  tardy  death  is  hastened  by  those  who  no  longer  care  to  find  him  food.  .  .  . 
If  you  wish  to  know  what  they  have  been,  and  to  what  we  may  restore  them, 
look  at  the  portraits  which  have  been  preserved  of  the  ancient  Egyptians :  and 
in  those  delicate  and  voluptuous  forms  ;  in  those  round,  soft  features  ;  in 
those  long,  almond-shaped,  half-closed,  languishing  eyes  ;  in  those  full  pout 
ing  lips,  large  smiling  mouths,  and  complexions  of  a  warm  and  copper-colored 
tint,  —  you  will  recognize  the  true  African  type,  the  women-men  of  the  Old 
World,  of  which  the  Negroes  are  the  base,  the  depraved  caricatures."  « 

But  the  Negro  is  not  beyond  the  influences  of  civilization  and 
Christianization.  Hundreds  of  thousands  have  perished  in  the 
cruel  swamps  of  Africa;  hundreds  of  thousands  have  been  de 
voured  by  wild  beasts  of  the  forests ;  hundreds  of  thousands  have 
perished  before  the  steady  and  murderous  columns  of  stronger 
tribes ;  hundreds  of  thousands  have  perished  from  fever,  small 
pox,  and  cutaneous  diseases ;  hundreds  of  thousands  have  been 
sold  into  slavery;  hundreds  of  thousands  have  perished  in  the 
"middle-passage;"  hundreds  of  thousands  have  been  landed  in 
this  New  World  in  the  West :  and  yet  hundreds  of  thousands  are 
still  swarming  in  the  low  and  marshy  lands  of  Western  Africa. 
Poor  as  this  material  is,  out  of  it  we  have  made,  here  in  the  United 
States,  six  million  citizens ;  and  out  of  this  cast-away  material  of 
Africa,  God  has  raised  up  many  children. 

To  the  candid  student  of  ethnography,  it  must  be  conclusive 
that  the  Negro  is  but  the  most  degraded  and  disfigured  type  of 
the  primeval  African.  And  still,  with  all  his  interminable  woes 
and  wrongs,  the  Negro  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa,  in  Liberia 

1  Savage  Africa,  p.  430. 


THE  NEGRO   TYPE.  49 

and  Sierra  Leone,  as  well  as  in  the  southern  part  of  the  United 
States,  shows  that  centuries  of  savagehood  and  slavery  have  not 
drained  him  of  all  the  elements  of  his  manhood.  History  fur 
nishes  us  with  abundant  and  specific  evidence  of  his  capacity  to 
-civilize  and  Christianize.  We  shall  speak  of  this  at  length  in  a 
subsequent  chapter. 


50     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES. 

PATRIARCHAL  GOVERNMENT.  —  CONSTRUCTION  OF  VILLAGES. — NEGRO  ARCHITECTURE.  —  ELECTION 
OF  KINGS. —  CORONATION  CEREMONY.  —  SUCCESSION.  —  AFRICAN  QUEENS.  —  LAW,  CIVIL  AND 
CRIMINAL.  —  PRIESTS.  —  THEIR  FUNCTIONS.  —  MARRIAGE.  —  WARFARE.  —  AGRICULTURE.  —  ME 
CHANIC  ARTS.  — BLACKSMITHS. 

ALL  the  tribes  on  the  continent  of  Africa  are  under,  to  a 
greater  or  less  degree,  the  patriarchal  form  of  government. 
It  is  usual  for  writers  on  Africa  to  speak  of  "  kingdoms  " 
and  "empires;"  but  these  kingdoms  are  called  so  more  by  com 
pliment  than  with  any  desire  to  convey  the  real  meaning  that  we 
get  when  the  empire  of  Germany  or  kingdom  of  Spain  is  spoken  of. 
The  patriarchal  government  is  the  most  ancient  in  Africa.     It  is 
true  that  great  kingdoms  have  risen  in  Africa;  but  they  were  the 
result  of   devastating  wars  rather  than  the  creation   of   political 
genius  or  governmental  wisdom. 

"  Pangola  is  the  child  or  vassal  of  Mpende.  Sandia  and  Mpende  are  the 
only  independent  chiefs  from  Kebrabasa  to  Zumbo,  and  belong  to  the  tribe 
Manganja.  The  country  north  of  the  mountains,  here  in  sight  frcm  the  Zam 
besi,  is  called  Senga,  and  its  inhabitants  Asenga  or  Basenga ;  but  all  appear  to 
be  of  the  same  family  as  the  rest  of  the  Manganja  and  Maravi.  Formerly  all 
the  Manganja  were  united  under  the  government  of  their  great  chief,  Undi, 
whose  empire  extended  from  Lake  Shirwa  to  the  River  Loangwa ;  but  after 
Undi's  death  it  fell  to  pieces,  and  a  large  portion  of  it  on  the  Zambesi  was 
absorbed  by  their  powerful  Southern  neighbors,  the  Bamjai.  This  has  been 
the  inevitable  fate  of  every  African  empire  from  time  immemorial.  A  chief  of 
more  than  ordinary  ability  arises,  and,  subduing  all  his  less  powerful  neighbors, 
founds  a  kingdom,  which  he  governs  more  or  less  wisely  till  he  dies.  His  suc 
cessor,  not  having  the  talents  of  the  conqueror,  cannot  retain  the  dominion, 
and  some  of  the  abler  under-chiefs  set  up  for  themselves ;  and,  in  a  few  years, 
the  remembrance  only  of  the  empire  remains.  This,  which  may  be  considered 
as  the  normal  state  of  African  society,  gives  rise  to  frequent  and  desolating 
wars,  and  the  people  long  in  vain  for  a  power  able  to  make  all  dwell  in  peace. 
In  this  light  a  European  colony  would  be  considered  by  the  natives  as  an 
inestimable  boon  to  inter-tropical  Africa.  Thousands  of  industrious  natives 
would  gladly  settle  around  it,  and  engage  in  that  peaceful  pursuit  of  agriculture 


AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES.  51 

and  trade  of  which  they  are  so  fond ;  and,  undistracted  by  wars  or  rumors  of 
wars,  might  listen  to  the  purifying  and  ennobling  truths  of  the  gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ.  The  Manganja  on  the  Zambesi,  like  their  countrymen  on  the  Shire, 
are  fond  of  agriculture ;  and,  in  addition  to  the  usual  varieties  of  food,  culti 
vate  tobacco  and  cotton  in  quantities  more  than  equal  to  their  wants.  To  the 
question,  *  Would  they  work  for  Europeans  ? '  an  affirmative  answer  may  be 
given ;  if  the  Europeans  belong  to  the  class  which  can  pay  a  reasonable  price 
for  labor,  and  not  to  that  of  adventurers  who  want  employment  for  themselves. 
All  were  particularly  well  clothed  from  Sandia's  to  Pangola's ;  and  it  was 
noticed  that  all  the  cloth  was  of  native  manufacture,  the  product  of  their  own 
looms.  In  Senga  a  great  deal  of  iron  is  obtained  from  the  ore,  and  manufac 
tured  very  cleverly."  » 

The  above  is  a  fair  description  of  the  internecine  wars  that 
have  been  carried  on  between  the  tribes  in  Africa,  back  "to  a 
time  whereof  the  memory  of  man  runneth  not  to  the  contrary." 
In  a  preceding  chapter  we  gave  quite  an  extended  account  of  four 
Negro  empires.  We  call  attention  here  to  the  villages  of  these 
people,  and  shall  allow  writers  who  have  paid  much  attention  to 
this  subject  to  give  their  impressions.  Speaking  of  a  village  of 
the  Aviia  tribe  called  Mandji,  Du  Chaillu  says, — 

"  It  was  the  dirtiest  village  I  had  yet  seen  in  Africa,  and  the  inhabitants 
appeared  to  me  of  a  degraded  class  of  Negroes.  The  shape  and  arrangement 
of  the  village  were  quite  different  from  any  thing  I  had  seen  before.  The 
place  was  in  the  form  of  a  quadrangle,  with  an  open  space  in  the  middle  not 
more  than  ten  yards  square ;  and  the  huts,  arranged  in  a  continuous  row  on 
two  sides,  were  not  more  than  eight  feet  high  from  the  ground  to  the  roof. 
The  doors  were  only  four  feet  high,  and  of  about  the  same  width,  with  sticks 
placed  across  on  the  inside,  one  above  the  other,  to  bar  the  entrance.  The 
place  for  the  fire  was  in  the  middle  of  the  principal  room,  on  each  side  of 
which  was  a  little  dark  chamber;  and  on  the  floor  was  an  orala,  or  stage,  to 
smoke  meat  upon.  In  the  middle  of  the  yard  was  a  hole  dug  in  the  ground 
for  the  reception  of  offal,  from  which  a  disgusting  smell  arose,  the  wretched 
inhabitants  being  too  lazy  or  obtuse  to  guard  against  this  by  covering  it  with 
earth. 

"  The  houses  were  built  of  a  framework  of  poles,  covered  with  the  bark  of 
trees,  and  roofed  with  leaves.  In  the  middle  of  the  village  stood  the  public 
shed,  or  palaver-house,  —  a  kind  of  town-hall  found  in  almost  all  West- African 
villages.  A  large  fire  was  burning  in  it,  on  the  ground ;  and  at  one  end  of  the 
shed  stood  a  huge  wooden  idol,  painted  red  and  white,  and  rudely  fashioned  in 
the  shape  of  a  woman.  The  shed  was  the  largest  building  in  the  village,  for 
it  was  ten  feet  high,  and  measured  fifteen  feet  by  ten.  It  is  the  habit  of  the 
lazy  negroes  of  these  interior  villages  —  at  least,  the  men  —  to  spend  almost 
the  whole  day  lying  down  under  the  palaver-shed,  feeding  their  morbid  ima 
ginations  with  tales  of  witchcraft,  and  smoking  their  condoquais" 

1  Livingstone's  Expedition  to  the  Zambesi,  pp.  216,  217. 


52      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO    RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

But  all  the  villages  of  these  poor  children  of  the  desert  are 
not  so  untidy  as  the  one  described  above.  There  is  a  wide  differ 
ence  in  the  sanitary  laws  governing  these  villages. 

"The  Ishogo  villages  are  large.  Indeed,  what  most  strikes  the  traveller 
in  coming  from  the  seacoast  to  this  inland  country,  is  the  large  size,  neatness, 
and  beauty  of  the  villages.  They  generally  have  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
or  one  hundred  and  sixty  huts,  arranged  in  streets,  which  are  very  broad  and 
kept  remarkably  clean.  Each  house  has  a  door  of  wood  which  is  painted  in 
fanciful  designs  with  red,  white,  and  black.  One  pattern  struck  me  as  simple 
and  effective ;  it  was  a  number  of  black  spots  margined  with  white,  painted  in 
regular  rows  on  a  red  ground.  But  my  readers  must  not  run  away  with  the 
idea  that  the  doors  are  like  those  of  the  houses  of  civilized  people  ;  they  are 
seldom  more  than  two  feet  and  a  half  high.  The  door  of  my  house  was  just 
twenty-seven  inches  high.  It  is  fortunate  that  I  am  a  short  man.  otherwise  it 
would  have  been  hard  exercise  to  go  in  and  out  of  my  lodgings.  The  planks 
of  which  the  doors  are  made  are  cut  with  great  labor  by  native  axes  out  of 
trunks  of  trees,  one  trunk  seldom  yielding  more  than  one  good  plank.  My 
hut,  an  average-sized  dwelling,  was  twenty  feet  long  and  eight  feet  broad.  It 
was  divided  into  three  rooms  or  compartments,  the  middle  one,  into  which  the 
door  opened,  being  a  little  larger  than  the  other  two.  .  .  .  Mokenga  is  a  beau 
tiful  village,  containing  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  houses ;  they  were  the 
largest  dwellings  I  had  yet  seen  on  the  journey.  The  village  was  surrounded 
by  a  dense  grove  of  plantain-trees,  many  of  which  had  to  be  supported  by 
poles,  on  account  of  the  weight  of  the  enormous  bunches  of  plantains  they 
bore.  Little  groves  of  lime-trees  were  scattered  everywhere,  and  the  limes, 
like  so  much  golden  fruit,  looked  beautiful  amidst  the  dark  foliage  that  sur 
rounded  them.  Tall,  towering  palm-trees  were  scattered  here  and  there. 
Above  and  behind  the  village  was  the  dark  green  forest.  The  street  was  the 
broadest  I  ever  saw  in  Africa ;  one  part  of  it  was  about  one  hundred  yards 
broad,  and  not  a  blade  of  grass  could  be  seen  in  it.  The  Sycobii  were  building 
their  nests  everywhere,  and  made  a  deafening  noise,  for  there  were  thousands 
and  thousands  of  these  little  sociable  birds."  * 

The  construction  of  houses  in  villages  in  Africa  is  almost  uni 
form,  as  far  as  our  studies  have  led  us.2  Or,  rather,  we  ought  to 
modify  this  statement  by  saying  there  are  but  two  plans  of  con 
struction.  One  is  where  the  houses  are  erected  on  the  rectilinear, 
the  other  is  where  they  are  built  on  the  circular  plan.  In  the  more 
warlike  tribes  the  latter  plan  prevails.  The  hillsides  and  elevated 
places  near  the  timber  are  sought  as  desirable  locations  for  vil 
lages.  The  plan  of  architecture  is  simple.  The  diameter  is 
first  considered,  and  generally  varies  from  ten  to  fifteen  feet.  A 
circle  is  drawn  in  the  ground,  and  then  long  flexible  sticks  are 
driven  into  the  earth.  The  builder,  standing  inside  of  the  circle, 

1  Ashango  Land,  pp.  288,  289,  291,  292.        2  Western  Africa,  p.  257  sq. 


AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES.  53 

binds  the  sticks  together  at  the  top ;  where  they  are  secured 
together  by  the  use  of  the  "monkey-rope,"  a  thick  vine  that 
stretches  itself  in  great  profusion  from  tree  to  tree  in  that  coun 
try.  Now,  the  reader  can  imagine  a  large  umbrella  with  the 
handle  broken  off  even  with  the  ribs  when  closed  up,  and  without 
any  cloth, — nothing  but  the  ribs  left.  Now  open  it,  and  place  it 
on  the  ground  before  you,  and  you  have  a  fair  idea  of  the  hut  up 
to  the  present  time.  A  reed  thatching  is  laid  over  the  frame,  and 
secured  firmly  by  parallel  lashings  about  fifteen  inches  apart. 
The  door  is  made  last  by  cutting  a  hole  in  the  side  of  the  hut 
facing  toward  the  centre  of  the  contemplated  circle  of  huts.1  The 
door  is  about  eighteen  inches  in  height,  and  just  wide  enough  to 
admit  the  body  of  the  owner.  The  sharp  points,  after  the  cut 
ting,  are  guarded  by  plaited  twigs.  The  door  is  made  of  quite  a 
number  of  stout  sticks  driven  into  the  ground  at  equal  distances 
apart,  through  which,  in  and  out,  are  woven  pliant  sticks.  When 
this  is  accomplished,  the  maker  cuts  off  the  irregular  ends  to  make 
it  fit  the  door,  and  removes  it  to  its  place.  Screens  are  often 
used  inside  to  keep  out  the  wind :  they  are  made  so  as  to  be 
placed  in  whatever  position  the  wind  is  blowing.  Some  of  these 
houses  are  built  with  great  care,  and  those  with  domed  roofs  are 
elaborately  decorated  inside  with  beads  of  various  sizes  and 
colors. 

The  furniture  consists  of  a  few  mats,  several  baskets,  a  milk- 
pail,  a  number  of  earthen  pots,  a  bundle  of  assagais,  and  a  few 
other  weapons  of  war.  Next,  to  guard  against  the  perils  of  the 
rainy  season,  a  ditch  about  two  feet  in  width  and  of  equal  depth 
is  made  about  the  new  dwelling.  Now  multiply  this  hut  by  five 
hundred,  preserving  the  circle,  and  you  have  the  village.  The 
palaver-house,  or  place  for  public  debates,  is  situated  in  the  cen 
tre  of  the  circle  of  huts.  Among  the  northern  and  southern 
tribes,  a  fence  is  built  around  their  villages,  when  they  are  called 
•"kraals."  The  space  immediately  outside  of  the  fence  is  cleared, 
so  as  to  put  an  enemy  at  a  disadvantage  in  an  attack  upon  the 
village.  Among  the  agricultural  tribes,  as,  for  example,  the  Kaf 
firs,  they  drive  their  cattle  into  the  kraal,  and  for  the  young 
build  pens. 

The  other  method  of  building  villages  is  to  have  one  long 
street,  with  a  row  of  houses  on  each  side,  rectangular  in  shape. 

1  Through  the  Dark  Continent,  vol.  i.  p.  489. 


54     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

They  are  about  twenty-five  or  thirty  feet  in  length,  anJ.  about 
twelve  to  fifteen  feet  in  width.  Six  or  eight  posts  are  used  to 
join  the  material  of  the  sides  to.  The  roofs  are  flat.  Three 
rooms  are  allowed  to  each  house.  The  two  end  rooms  are  larger 
than  the  centre  one,  where  the  door  opens  out  into  the  street. 
Sometimes  these  rooms  are  plastered,  but  it  is  seldom  ;  and  then 
it  is  in  the  case  of  the  well-to-do  class.1 

We  said,  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  that  the  government 
in  Africa  was  largely  patriarchal  ;  and  yet  we  have  called  atten 
tion  to  four  great  kingdoms.  There  is  no  contradiction  here, 
although  there  may  seem  to  be  ;  for  even  kings  are  chosen  by  ballot, 
and  a  sort  of  a  house  of  lords  has  a  veto  power  over  royal  edicts. 

"  Among  the  tribes  which  I  visited  in  my  explorations  I  found  but  one 
form  of  government,  which  may  be  called  the  patriarchal.  There  is  not  suffi 
cient  national  unity  in  any  of  the  tribes  to  give  occasion  for  such  a  despotism 
as  prevails  in  Dahomey,  and  in  other  of  the  African  nationalities.  I  found  the 
tribes  of  equatorial  Africa  greatly  dispersed,  and,  in  general,  no  bond  of  union 
between  parts  of  the  same  tribe.  A  tribe  is  divided  up  into  numerous  clans, 
and  these  again  into  numberless  little  villages,  each  of  which  last  possesses  an 
independent  chief.  The  villages  are  scattered ;  are  often  moved  for  death  or 
witchcraft,  as  I  have  already  explained  in  the  narrative  ;  and  not  infrequently 
are  engaged  in  war  with  each  other. 

"  The  chieftainship  is,  to  a  certain  extent,  hereditary,  the  right  of  succes 
sion  vesting  in  the  brother  of  the  reigning  chief  or  king.  The  people,  however, 
and  particularly  the  elders  of  the  village,  have  a  veto  power,  and  can,  for  suffi 
cient  cause,  deprive  the  lineal  heir  of  his  succession,  and  put  in  over  him  some 
one  thought  of  more  worth.  In  such  cases  the  question  is  put  to  the  vote  of 
the  village ;  and,  where  parties  are  equally  divided  as  to  strength,  there  ensue 
sometimes  long  and  serious  palavers  before  all  can  unite  in  a  choice.  The 
chief  is  mostly  a  man  of  great  influence  prior  to  his  accession,  and  generally  an 
old  man  when  he  gains  power. 

"  His  authority,  though  greater  than  one  would  think,  judging  from  the 
little  personal  deference  paid  to  him,  is  final  only  in  matters  of  every-day  use. 
In  cases  of  importance,  such  as  war,  or  any  important  removal,  the  elders  of 
the  village  meet  together  and  deliberate  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  popula 
tion,  which  last  finally  decide  the  question. 

"  The  elders,  who  possess  other  authority,  and  are  always  in  the  counsels 
of  the  chief,  are  the  oldest  members  of  important  families  in  the  village. 
Respect  is  paid  to  them  on  account  of  their  years,  but  more  from  a  certain 
regard  for  'family,'  which  the  African  has  very  strongly  wherever  I  have 
known  him.  These  families  form  the  aristocracy."2 

Here  are  democracy  and  aristocracy  blended  somewhat.  The 
king's  power  seems  to  be  in  deciding  everyday  affairs,  while 

1  Uncivilized  Races  of  Men,  vol.  i.  chap,  vii,  2  Equatorial  Africa,  pp.  377,  378. 


AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES.  55 

the  weighty  matters  which  affect  the  whole  tribe  are  decided  by 
the  elders  and  the  people.  Mr.  Reade  says  of  such  govern 
ment,  — 

• 
"Among  these  equatorial  tribes  the  government  is  patriarchal,  which  is 

almost  equivalent  to  saying  that  there  is  no  government  at  all.  The  tribes  are 
divided  into  clans.  Each  clan  inhabits  a  separate  village,  or  group  of  villages  ; 
.and  at  the  head  of  each  is  a  patriarch,  the  parody  of  a  king.  They  are  distin 
guished  from  the  others  by  the  grass-woven  cap  which  they  wear  on  their 
heads,  and  by  the  staff  which  they  carry  in  their  hands.  They  are  always  rich 
and  aged :  therefore  they  are  venerated ;  but,  though  they  can  exert  influence, 
they  cannot  wield  power;  they  can  advise,  but  they  cannot  command.  In  some 
instances,  as  in  that  of  Quenqueza,  King  of  the  Rembo,  the  title  and  empty 
honors  of  royalty  are  bestowed  upon  the  most  influential  patriarch  in  a  district. 
This  is  a  vestige  of  higher  civilization  and  of  ancient  empire  which  disappears 
as  one  descends  among  the  lower  tribes."  » 

"The  African  form  of  government  is  patriarchal,  and,  according  to  the 
temperament  of  the  chief,  despotic,  or  guided  by  the  counsel  of  the  elders  of 
the  tribe.  Reverence  for  loyalty  sometimes  leads  the  mass  of  the  people  to 
submit  to  great  cruelty,  and  even  murder,  at  the  hands  of  a  despot  or  madman ; 
but,  on  the  whole,  the  rule  is  mild ;  and  the  same  remark  applies  in  a  degree  to 
their  religion."  2 

When  a  new  king  is  elected,  he  has  first  to  repair  to  the  pon 
tiff's  house,  who  —  apropos  of  priests  —  is  more  important  than  the 
king  himself.  The  king  prostrates  himself,  and,  with  loud  cries, 
entreats  the  favor  of  this  high  priest.  At  first  the  old  man 
inside,  with  a  gruff  voice,  orders  him  away,  says  he  cannot  be 
annoyed ;  but  the  king  enumerates  the  presents  he  has  brought 
him,  and  finally  the  door  opens,  and  the  priest  appears,  clad  in 
white,  a  looking-glass  on  his  breast,  and  long  white  feathers  in  his 
head.  The  king  is  sprinkled,  covered  with  dust,  walked  over, 
and  then,  finally,  the  priest  lies  upon  him.  He  has  to  swear  that 
he  will  obey,  etc. ;  and  then  he  is  allowed  to  go  to  the  coronation. 
Then  follow  days  and  nights  of  feasting,  and,  among  some  tribes, 
human  sacrifices. 

The  right  of  succession  is  generally  kept  on  the  male  side  of 
the  family.  The  crown  passes  from  brother  to  brother,  from 
uncle  to  nephew,  from  cousin  to  cousin.  Where  there  are  no 
brothers,  the  son  takes  the  sceptre.  In  all  our  studies  on  Africa, 
we  have  found  only  two  women  reigning.  A  woman  by  the 
name  of  Shinga  ascended  the  throne  of  the  Congo  empire  in 
1640.  She  rebelled  against  the  ceremonies  sought  to  be  intro- 

1  Savage  Africa,  p.  216.  z  Expedition  to  Zambesi,  pp.  626,  627. 


56     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA.. 

duced  by  Portuguese  Catholic  priests,  who  incited  her  nephew  to* 
treason.  Defeated  in  several  pitched  battles,  she  fled  into  the 
Jaga  country,  where  she  was  crowned  with  much  success.  In 
1646  she  won  her  throne  again,  and  concluded  an  honorable 
peace  with  the  Portuguese.  The  other  queen  was  the  blood 
thirsty  Tembandumba  of  the  Jagas.  She  was  of  Arab  blood, 
and  a  cannibal  by  practice.  She  fought  many  battles,  achieved 
great  victories,  flirted  with  beautiful  young  savages,  and  finally 
was  poisoned. 

The  African  is  not  altogether  without  law. 

"Justice  appears,  upon  the  whole,  to  be  pretty  fairly  administered  among 
the  Makololo.  A  headman  took  some  beads  and  a  blanket  from  one  of  his 
men  who  had  been  with  us;  the  matter  was  brought  before  the  chief;  and  he 
immediately  ordered  the  goods  to  be  restored,  and  decreed,  moreover,  that  no 
headman  should  take  the  property  of  the  men  who  had  returned.  In  theory 
all  the  goods  brought  back  belonged  to  the  chief;  the  men  laid  them  at  his 
feet,  and  made  a  formal  offer  of  them  all:  he  looked  at  the  articles,  and  told 
the  men  to  keep  them.  This  is  almost  invariably  the  case.  Tuba  Mokoro, 
however,  fearing  lest  Sekeletu  might  take  a  fancy  to  some  of  his  best  goods, 
exhibited  only  a  few  of  his  old  and  least  valuable  acquisitions.  Masakasa  had 
little  to  show:  he  had  committed  some  breach  of  native  law  in  one  of  the 
villages  on  the  way,  and  paid  a  heavy  fine  rather  than  have  the  matter  brought 
to  the  doctor's  ears.  Each  carrier  is  entitled  to  a  portion  of  the  goods  in  his^ 
bundle,  though  purchased  by  the  chief's  ivory;  and  they  never  hesitate  to  claim 
their  rights:  but  no  wages  can  be  demanded  from  the  chief  if  he  fails  to 
respond  to  the  first  application."  * 

We  have  found  considerable  civil  and  criminal  law  among  the 
different  tribes.  We  gave  an  account  of  the  civil  and  criminal 
code  of  Dahomey  in  the  chapter  on  that  empire.  In  the  Congo 
country  all  civil  suits  are  brought  before  a  judge.  He  sits  on  a 
mat  under  a  large  tree,  and  patiently  hears  the  arguments  pro  and 
con.  His  decisions  are  final.  There  is  no  higher  court,  and  hence 
no  appeal.  The  criminal  cases  are  brought  before  the  Chitom£t 
or  priest.  He  keeps  a  sacred  fire  burning  in  his  house  that  is 
never  suffered  to  go  out.  He  is  supported  by  the  lavish  and 
delicate  gifts  of  the  people,  and  is  held  to  be  sacred.  No  one 
is  allowed  to  approach  his  house  except  on  the  most  urgent  busi 
ness.  He  never  dies,  so  say  the  people.  When  he  is  seriously 
sick  his  legal  successor  steals  quietly  into  his  house,  and  beats  his 
brains  out,  or  strangles  him  to  death.  It  is  his  duty  to  hear  all 
criminal  cases,  and  to  this  end  he  makes  a  periodical  circuit 

1  Livingstone's  Expedition  to  the  Zambesi,  pp.  307,  308. 


AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES.  57 

among  the  tribe.  Murder,  treason,  adultery,  killing  the  escaped! 
snakes  from  the  fetich-house, — and  often  stealing,  —  are  pun 
ished  by  death,  or  by  being  sold  into  slavery.  A  girl  who  loses 
her  standing,  disgraces  her  family  by  an  immoral  act,  is  banished 
from  the  tribe.  And  in  case  of  seduction  the  man  is  tied  up  and 
flogged.  In  case  of  adultery  a  large  sum  of  money  must  be  paid. 
If  the  guilty  one  is  unable  to  pay  the  fine,  then  death  or  slavery 
is  the  penalty. 

"Adultery  is  regarded  by  the  Africans  as  a  kind  of  theft.  It  is  a  vice, 
therefore,  and  so  common  that  one  might  write  a  Decameron  of  native  tales 
like  those  of  Boccaccio.  And  what  in  Boccaccio  is  more  poignant  and  more 
vicious  than  this  song  of  the  Benga,  which  I  have  often  heard  them  sing, 
young  men  and  women  together,  when  no  old  men  were  present  ?  — 

'  The  old  men  young  girls  married. 
The  young  girls  made  the  old  men  fools  ; 
For  they  love  to  kiss  the  young  men  in  the  dark, 
Or  beneath  the  green  leaves  of  the  plantain-tree. 
The  old  men  then  threatened  the  young  men, 
And  said,  "  You  make  us  look  like  fools ; 

But  we  will  stab  you  with  our  knives  till  your  blood  runs  forth !  '*" 
"  Oh,  stab  us,  stab  us  !  "  cried  the  young  men  gladly, 
"  For  then  your  wives  -will  fasten  up  our  wounds." '  " x 

The  laws  of  marriage  among  many  tribes  are  very  wholesome 
and  elevating.  When  the  age  of  puberty  arrives,  it  is  the  custom 
in  many  tribes  for  the  elderly  women,  who  style  themselves 
Negemba,  to  go  into  the  forest,  and  prepare  for  the  initiation  of 
the  igonji,  or  novice.  They  clear  a  large  space,  build  a  fire,  which 
is  kept  burning  for  three  days.  They  take  the  young  woman  into 
the  fetich-house,  —  a  new  one  for  this  ceremony,  —  where  they  go 
through  some  ordeal,  that,  thus  far,  has  never  been  understood  by 
men.  When  a  young  man  wants  a  wife,  there  are  two  things, 
necessary ;  viz.,  he  must  secure  her  consent,  and  then  buy  her. 
The  apparent  necessary  element  in  African  courtship  is  not  a 
thing  to  be  deprecated  by  the  contracting  parties.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  the  sine  qua  non  of  matrimony.  It  is  proof  positive 
when  a  suitor  gives  cattle  for  his  sweetheart,  first,  that  he  is, 
wealthy  ;  and,  second,  that  he  greatly  values  the  lady  he  fain  would 
make  his  bride.  He  first  seeks  the  favor  of  the  girl's  parents. 
If  she  have  none,  then  her  next  of  kin,  as  in  Israel  in  the  days 
of  Boaz.  For  it  is  a  law  among  many  tribes,  that  a  young  girl 

1  Savage  Africa,  p.  219. 


58      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

shall  never  be  without  a  guardian.  When  the  relatives  are  favor 
ably  impressed  with  the  suitor,  they  are  at  great  pains  to  sound 
his  praise  in  the  presence  of  the  girl ;  who,  after  a  while,  consents 
to  see  him.  The  news  is  conveyed  to  him  by  a  friend  or  relative 
of  the  girl.  The  suitor  takes  a  bath,  rubs  his  body  with  palm-oil, 
dons  his  best  armor,  and  with  beating  heart  and  proud  stride 
hastens  to  the  presence  of  the  fastidious  charmer.  She  does  not 
speak.  He  sits  down,  rises,  turns  around,  runs,  and  goes  through 
many  exercises  to  show  her  that  he  is  sound  and  healthy.  The 
girl  retires,  and  the  anxious  suitor  receives  the  warm  congratula 
tions  of  the  spectators  on  his  noble  bearing.  The  fair  lady  con 
veys  her  assent  to  the  waiting  lover,  and  the  village  rings  with 
.shouts  of  gladness.  Next  come  the  preliminary  matters  before 
the  wedding.  Marriage  among  most  African  tribes  is  a  coeta- 
neous  contract.  The  bride  is  delivered  when  the  price  is  paid  by 
the  bridegroom.  No  goods,  no  wife.  Then  follow  the  wedding 
and  feasting,  firing  of  guns,  blowing  of  horns,  music,  and 
dancing.1 

Polygamy  is  almost  universal  in  Africa,  and  poor  woman  is 
the  greater  sufferer  from  the  accursed  system.  It  is  not  enough 
that  she  is  drained  of  her  beauty  and  strength  by  the  savage 
passions  of  man :  she  is  the  merest  abject  slave  everywhere. 
The  young  women  are  beautiful,  but  it  is  only  for  a  brief  season  : 
it  soon  passes  like  the  fragile  rose  into  the  ashes  of  premature 
old  age.  In  Dahomey  she  is  a  soldier ;  in  Kaffir-land  she  tends 
the  herds,  and  builds  houses ;  and  in  Congo  without  her  industry 
man  would  starve.  Everywhere  man's  cruel  hand  is  against  her. 
Everywhere  she  is  the  slave  of  his  unholy  passions.2 

It  is  a  mistaken  notion  that  has  obtained  for  many  years,  that 
the  Negro  in  Africa  is  physically  the  most  loathsome  of  all  man 
kind.  True,  the  Negro  has  been  deformed  by  degradation  and 
abuse  ;  but  this  is  not  his  normal  condition.  We  have  seen 
native  Africans  who  were  jet  black,  woolly-haired,  and  yet  pos 
sessing  fine  teeth,  beautiful  features,  tall,  graceful,  and  athletic. 

"  In  reference  to  the  status  of  the  Africans  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  we  have  seen  nothing  to  justify  the  notion  that  they  are  of  a  different 
'breed '  or  *  species  '  from  the  most  civilized.  The  African  is  a  man  with  every 

1  See  Savage  Africa,  p.  207.     Livingstone's  Life- Work,  pp.  47,  48.     Uncivilized  Races  of 
.Men,  vol.  i.  pp.  71-86 ;  also  Du  Chaillu  and  Denham  and  Clappterton. 

2  Savage  Africa,  .pp.  424,  425. 


AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES.  59 

attribute  of  human  kind.  Centuries  of  barbarism  have  had  the  same  deterio 
rating  effects  on  Africans  as  Prichard  describes  them  to  have  had  on  certain 
of  the  Irish  who  were  driven,  some  generations  back,  to  the  hills  in  Ulster  and 
Connaught ;  and  these  depressing  influences  have  had  such  moral  and  physical 
effects  on  some  tribes,  that  ages  probably  will  be  required  to  undo  what  ages 
have  done.  This  degradation,  however,  would  hardly  be  given  as  a  reason  for 
holding  any  race  in  bondage,  unless  the  advocate  had  sunk  morally  to  the 
same  low  state.  Apart  from  the  frightful  loss  of  life  in  the  process  by  which, 
it  is  pretended,  the  Negroes  are  better  provided  for  than  in  a  state  of  liberty 
in  their  own  country,  it  is  this  very  system  that  perpetuates,  if  not  causes,  the 
unhappy  condition  with  which  the  comparative  comfort  of  some  of  them  in 
slavery  is  contrasted. 

"  Ethnologists  reckon  the  African  as  by  no  means  the  lowest  of  the  human 
family.  He  is  nearly  as  strong  physically  as  the  European ;  and,  as  a  race,  is 
wonderfully  persistent  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Neither  the  diseases 
nor  the  ardent  spirits  which  proved  so  fatal  to  North-American  Indians,  South- 
Sea  Islanders,  and  Australians,  seem  capable  of  annihilating  the  Negroes. 
Even  when  subjected  to  that  system  so  destructive  to  human  life,  by  which 
they  are  torn  from  their  native  soil,  they  spring  up  irrepressibly,  and  darken 
half  the  new  continent.  They  are  gifted  by  nature  with  physical  strength 
capable  of  withstanding  the  sorest  privations,  and  a  lightheartedness  which, 
as  a  sort  of  compensation,  enables  them  to  make  the  best  of  the  worst  situa 
tions.  It  is  like  that  power  which  the  human  frame  possesses  of  withstanding 
heat,  and  to  an  extent  which  we  should  never  have  known,  had  not  an  adven 
turous  surgeon  gone  into  an  oven,  and  burnt  his  fingers  with  his  own  watch. 
The  Africans  have  wonderfully  borne  up  under  unnatural  conditions  that  would 
have  proved  fatal  to  most  races. 

"  It  is  remarkable  that  the  power  of  resistance  under  calamity,  or,  as  some 
would  say,  adaptation  for  a  life  of  servitude,  is  peculiar  only  to  certain  tribes 
on  the  continent  of  Africa.  Climate  cannot  be  made  to  account  for  the  fact 
that  many  would  pine  in  a  state  of  slavery,  or  voluntarily  perish.  No  Kroo- 
man  can  be  converted  into  a  slave,  and  yet  he  is  an  inhabitant  of  the  low, 
unhealthy  west  coast ;  nor  can  any  of  the  Zulu  or  Kaffir  tribes  be  reduced  to 
bondage,  though  all  these  live  on  comparatively  elevated  regions.  We  have 
heard  it  stated  by  men  familiar  with  some  of  the  Kaffirs,  that  a  blow,  given 
even  in  play  by  a  European,  must  be  returned.  A  love  of  liberty  is  observable 
in  all  who  have  the  Zulu  blood,  as  the  Makololo,  the  Watuta,  and  probably  the 
Masai.  But  blood  does  not  explain  the  fact.  A  beautiful  Barotse  woman  at 
Naliele,  on  refusing  to  marry  a  man  whom  she  did  not  like,  was  in  a  pet  given 
by  the  headman  to  some  Mambari  slave-traders  from  Benguela.  Seeing  her 
fate,  she  seized  one  of  their  spears,  and,  stabbing  herself,  fell  down  dead."  l 

Dr.  David  Livingstone  is  certainly  entitled  to  our  utmost  con 
fidence  in  all  matters  that  he  writes  about.  Mr.  Archibald  Forbes 
says  he  has  seen  Africans  dead  upon  the  field  of  battle  that  would 
measure  nine  feet ;  and  it  was  only  a  few  months  ago  that  we 

1  Livingstone's  Expedition  to  the  Zambesi,  pp.  625,  626. 


60     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

had  the  privilege  of  seeing  a  Zulu  who  was  eight  feet  and  eleven 
inches  in  height.  As  to  the  beauty  of  the  Negro,  nearly  all  African 
travellers  agree. 

"  But  if  the  women  of  Africa  are  brutal,  the  men  of  Africa  are  feminine. 
Their  faces  are  smooth  ;  their  breasts  are  frequently  as  full  as  those  of  Euro 
pean  women ;  their  voices  are  never  gruff  or  deep  ;  their  fingers  are  long ;  and 
they  can  be  very  proud  of  their  rosy  nails.  While  the  women  are  nearly  always 
ill-shaped  after  their  girlhood,  the  men  have  gracefully  moulded  limbs,  and 
always  after  a  feminine  type,  —  the  arms  rounded,  the  legs  elegantly  formed,, 
without  too  much  muscular  development,  and  the  feet  delicate  and  small. 

"  When  I  first  went  ashore  on  Africa,  viz.,  at  Bathurst,  I  thought  all  the 
men  who  passed  me,  covered  in  their  long  robes,  were  women,  till  I  saw  one 
of  the  latter  sex,  and  was  thereby  disenchanted. 

"  While  no  African's  face  ever  yet  reminded  me  of  a  man  whom  I  had 
known  in  England,  I  saw  again  and  again  faces  which  reminded  me  of  women  j 
and  on  one  occasion,  in  Angola,  being  about  to  chastise  a  carregadore,  he  sank 
on  his  knees  as  I  raised  my  stick,  clasped  his  hands,  and  looked  up  imploringly 
toward  me,  —  was  so  like  a  young  lady  I  had  once  felt  an  affection  for,  that,  in 
spite  of  myself,  I  flung  the  stick  away,  fearing  to  commit  a  sacrilege. 

"  Ladies  on  reading  this  will  open  their  eyes,  and  suppose  that  either  I 
have  very  bad  taste,  or  that  I  am  writing  fiction.  But  I  can  assure  them  that 
among  the  Angolas,  and  the  Mpongwe,  •  and  the  Mandingoes,  and  the  Fula, 
I  have  seen  men  whose  form  and  features  would  disgrace  no  petticoats,  —  not 
even  satin  ones  at  a  drawing-room. 

"  While  the  women  are  stupid,  sulky,  and  phlegmatic,  the  men  are  viva 
cious,  timid,  inquisitive,  and  garrulous  beyond  belief.  They  make  excellent 
domestic  servants,  are  cleanly,  and  even  tedious  in  the  nicety  with  which  they 
arrange  dishes  on  a  table  or  clothes  on  a  bed.  They  have  also  their  friend 
ships  after  the  manner  of  woman,  embracing  one  another,  sleeping  on  the  same 
mat,  telling  one  another  their  secrets,  betraying  them,  and  getting  terribly  jeal 
ous  of  one  another  (from  pecuniary  motives)  when  they  happen  to  serve  the 
same  master. 

"  They  have  none  of  that  austerity,  that  reserve,  that  pertinacity,  that  per 
severance,  that  strong-headed  stubborn  determination,  or  that  ferocious  courage, 
which  are  the  common  attributes  of  our  sex.  They  have,  on  the  other  hand,, 
that  delicate  tact,  that  intuition,  that  nervous  imagination,  that  quick  perception 
of  character,  which  have  become  the  proverbial  characteristics  of  cultivated 
women.  They  know  how  to  render  themselves  impenetrable  ;  and  if  they  desire 
to  be  perfidious,  they  wear  a  mask  which  few  eyes  can  see  through,  while  at 
the  same  time  a  certain  sameness  of  purpose  models  their  character  in  similar 
moulds.  Their  nature  is  an  enigma;  but  solve  it,  and  you  have  solved  the 
race.  They  are  inordinately  vain  :  they  buy  looking-glasses ;  they  will  pass 
hours  at  their  toilet,  in  which  their  wives  must  act  as  femmes  de  chambre  j 
they  will  spend  all  their  money  on  ornaments  and  dress,  in  which  they  can 
display  a  charming  taste.  They  are  fond  of  music,  of  dancing,  and  are  not 
insensible  to  the  beauties  of  nature.  They  are  indolent,  and  have  little  ambi 
tion  except  to  be  admired  and  well  spoken  of.  They  are  so  sensitive  that  a 


AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES.  6 1 

harsh  word  will  rankle  in  their  hearts,  and  make  them  unhappy  for  a  length  o£ 
time  ;  and  they  will  strip  themselves  to  pay  the  griots  for  their  flattery,  and  to 
escape  their  satire.  Though  naturally  timid,  and  loath  to  shed  blood,  they  wit 
ness  without  horror  the  most  revolting  spectacles  which  their  religion  sanc 
tions  ;  and,  though  awed  by  us  their  superiors,  a  real  injury  will  transform  their 
natures,  and  they  will  take  a  speedy  and  merciless  revenge. 

"According  to  popular  belief,  the  Africans  are  treacherous  and  hostile. 
The  fact  is,  that  all  Africans  are  supposed  to  be  Negroes,  and  that  which  is 
criminal  is  ever  associated  with  that  which  is  hideous.  But,  with  the  exception 
of  some  Mohammedan  tribes  toward  the  north,  one  may  travel  all  over  Africa 
without  risking  one's  life.  They  may  detain  you ;  they  may  rob  you,  if  you 
are  rich  ;  they  may  insult  you,  and  refuse  to  let  you  enter  their  country,  if 
you  are  poor :  but  your  life  is  always  safe  till  you  sacrifice  it  by  some  impru 
dence. 

"  In  ancient  times  the  blacks  were  known  to  be  so  gentle  to  strangers  that 
many  believed  that  the  gods  sprang  from  them.  Homer. sings  of  the  Ocean, 
father  of  the  gods  ;  and  says  that,  when  Jupiter  wishes  to  take  a  holiday,  he 
visits  the  sea,  and  goes  to  the  banquets  of  the  blacks,  —  a  people  humble, 
courteous,  and  devout."  l 

We  have  quoted  thus  extensively  from  Mr.  Reade  because  he 
has  given  a  fair  account  of  the  peoples  he  met.  He  is  a  good 
writer,  but  sometimes  gets  real  funny ! 

It  is  a  fact  that  all  uncivilized  races  are  warlike.  The  tribes 
of  Africa  are  a  vast  standing  army.  Fighting  seems  to  be  their 
employment.  We  went  into  this  matter  of  armies  so  thoroughly 
in  the  fourth  chapter  that  we  shall  not  have  much  to  say  here. 
The  bow  and  arrow,  the  spear  and  assagai  were  the  primitive 
weapons  of  African  warriors  ;  but  they  have  learned  the  use  of 
fire-arms  within  the  last  quarter  of  a  century.  The  shield  and 
assagai  are  not,  however,  done  away  with.  The  young  Prince 
Napoleon,  whose  dreadful  death  the  reader  may  recall,  was  slain 
by  an  assagai.  These  armies  are  officered,  disciplined,  and  drilled 
to  great  perfection,  as  the  French  and  English  troops  have  abun 
dant  reason  to  know. 

"  The  Zulu  tribes  are  remarkable  for  being  the  only  people  in  that  part  of 
Africa  who  have  practised  war  in  an  European  sense  of  the  word.  The  other- 
tribes  are  very  good  at  bush-fighting,  and  are  exceedingly  crafty  at  taking  an 
enemy  unawares,  and  coming  on  him  before  he  is  prepared  for  them.  Guerilla 
warfare  is,  in  fact,  their  only  mode  of  waging  battle ;  and,  as  is  necessarily  the 
case  in  such  warfare,  more  depends  on  the  exertion  of  individual  combatants 
than  on  the  scientific  combinations  of  masses.  But  the  Zulu  tribe  have,  since 
the  time  of  Tchaka,  the  great  inventor  of  military  tactics,  carried  on  war  in  a 
manner  approaching  the  notions  of  civilization. 

1  Savage  Africa,  pp.  426,  427. 


62      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Their  men  are  organized  into  regiments,  each  subdivided  into  companies, 
and  each  commanded  by  its  own  chief,  or  colonel  ;  while  the  king,  as  com 
manding  general,  leads  his  forces  to  war,  disposes  them  in  battle-array,  and 
personally  directs  their  movements.  They  give  an  enemy  notice  that  they  are 
about  to  march  against  him,  and  boldly  meet  him  in  the  open  field.  There  is  a 
military  etiquette  about  them  which  some  of  our  own  people  have  been  slow  to 
understand.  They  once  sent  a  message  to  the  English  commander  that  they 
would  'come  and  breakfast  with  him.'  He  thought  it  was  only  a  joke,  and  was 
very  much  surprised  when  the  Kaffirs,  true  to  their  promise,  came  pouring  like 
a  torrent  over  the  hills,  leaving  him  barely  time  to  get  his  men  under  arms 
before  the  dark  enemies  arrived."  r 

And  there  are  some  legends  told  about  African  wars  that 
would  put  the  "Arabian  Nights"  tQ  the  blush.2 

In  Africa,  as  in  districts  of  Germany  and  Holland,  woman  is 
burdened  with  agricultural  duties.  The  soil  of  Africa  is  very 
rich,3  and  consequently  Nature  furnishes  her  untutored  children 
with  much  spontaneous  vegetation.  It  is  a  rather  remarkable 
fact,  that  the  average  African  warrior  thinks  it  a  degradation  for 
him  to  engage  in  agriculture.  He  will  fell  trees,  and  help  move 
a  village,  but  will  not  go  into  the  field  to  work.  The  women  — 
generally  the  married  ones  —  do  the  gardening.  They  carry  the 
seed  on  their  heads  in  a  large  basket,  a  hoe  on  their  shoulder, 
and  a  baby  slung  on  the  back.  They  scatter  the  seed  over  the 
ground,  and  then  break  up  the  earth  to  the  depth  of  three  or  four 
inches. 

"  Four  or  five  gardens  are  often  to  be  seen  round  a  kraal,  each  situated 
•so  as  to  suit  some  particular  plant.  Various  kinds  of  crops  are  cultivated  by 
the  Kaffirs,  the  principal  being  maize,  millet,  pumpkins,  and  a  kind  of  spurious 
:sugar-cane  in  great  use  throughout  Southern  Africa,  and  popularly  known  by 
the  name  of  'sweet-reed.'  The  two  former  constitute,  however,  the  neces 
saries  of  life,  the  latter  belonging  rather  to  the  class  of  luxuries.  The  maize, 
or,  as  it  is  popularly  called  when  the  pods  are  severed  from  the  stem,  'mealies,' 
is  the  very  staff  of  life  to  a  Kaffir ;  as  it  is  from  the  mealies  that  is  made  the 
thick  porridge  on  which  the  Kaffir  chiefly  lives.  If  a  European  hires  a  Kaffir, 
whether  as  guide,  servant,  or  hunter,  he  is  obliged  to  supply  him  with  a  stipu 
lated  quantity  of  food,  of  which  the  maize  forms  the  chief  ingredient.  Indeed, 
so  long  as  the  native  of  Southern  Africa  can  get  plenty  of  porridge  and  sour 
milk,  he  is  perfectly  satisfied  with  his  lot.  When  ripe,  the  ears  of  maize  are 
removed  from  the  stem,  the  leafy  envelope  is  stripped  off,  and  they  are  hung  in 
pairs  over  sticks  until  they  are  dry  enough  to  be  taken  to  the  storehouse."  4 

1  Uncivilized  Races  of  Men,  vol.  i.  p.  94. 

2  Through  the  Dark  Continent,  vol.  i.  p.  344  sq, ;  also  vol.  ii.  pp.  87,  88. 

3  Livingstone's  Zambesi,  pp.  613-617. 

*  Uncivilized  Races  of  Men,  vol.  i.  p.  146. 


AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES.  63 

The  cattle  are  cared  for  by  the  men,  and  women  are  not 
allowed  to  engage  in  the  hunt  for  wild  animals.  The  cattle 
among  the  mountain  and  sandstone  tribes  are  of  a  fine  stock; 
but  those  of  the  tribes  in  the  alluvia,  like  their  owners,  are  small 
and  sickly. 

The  African  pays  more  attention  to  his  weapons  of  offensive 
warfare  than  he  does  to  his  wives ;  but  in  many  instances  he  is 
quite  skilful  in  the  handicrafts. 

"  The  Ishogo  people  are  noted  throughout  the  neighboring  tribes  for  the 
superior  quality  and  fineness  of  the  bongos,  or  pieces  of  grass-cloth,  which  they 
manufacture.  They  are  industrious  and  skilful  weavers.  In  walking  down  the 
main,  street  of  Mokenga,  a  number  of  ouandjas,  or  houses  without  walls,  are 
seen,  each  containing  four  or  five  looms,  with  the  weavers  seated  before  them 
weaving  the  cloth.  In  the  middle  of  the  floor  of  the  ouandjay  a  wood-fire  is 
seen  burning;  and  the  weavers,  as  you  pass  by,  are  sure  to  be  seen  smoking 
their  pipes,  and  chatting  to  one  another  whilst  going  on  with  their  work.  The 
weavers  are  all  men,  and  it  is  men  also  who  stitch  the  bongos  together  to 
make  denguis  or  robes  of  them;  the  stitches  are  not  very  close  together,  nor 
is  the  thread  very  fine,  but  the  work  is  very  neat  and  regular,  and  the  needles 
are  of  their  own  manufacture.  The  bongos  are  very  often  striped,  and  some 
times  made  even  in  check  patterns ;  this  is  done  by  their  dyeing  some  of  the 
threads  of  the  warp,  or  of  both  warp  and  woof,  with  various  simple  colors ; 
the  dyes  are  all  made  of  decoctions  of  different  kinds  of  wood,  except  for 
black,  when  a  kind  of  iron-ore  is  used.  The  bongos  are  employed  as  money 
in  this  part  of  Africa.  Although  called  grass-cloth  by  me,  the  material  is  not 
made  of  grass,  but  of  the  delicate  and  firm  cuticle  of  palm  leaflets,  stripped 
off  in  a  dexterous  manner  with  the  fingers."  * 

Nearly  all  his  mechanical  genius  seems  to  be  exhausted  in  the 
perfection  of  his  implements  of  war;  and  Dr.  Livingstone  is  of 
the  opinion,  that  when  a  certain  perfection  in  the  arts  is  reached, 
the  natives  pause.  This,  we  think,  is  owing  to  their  far  remove 
from  other  nations.  Livingstone  says,  — 

"The  races  of  this  continent  seem  to  have  advanced  to  a  certain  point 
and  no  farther;  their  progress  in  the  arts  of  working  iron  and  copper,  in  pot 
tery,  basket-making,  spinning,  weaving,  making  nets,  fish-hooks,  spears,  axes, 
knives,  needles,  and  other. things,  whether  originally  invented  by  this  people 
or  communicated  by  another  instructor,  appears  to  have  remained  in  the  same 
rude  state  for  a  great  number  of  centuries.  This  apparent  stagnation  of  mind 
in  certain  nations  we  cannot  understand  ;  but,  since  we  have  in  the  latter  ages 
of  the  world  made  what  we  consider  great  progress  in  the  arts,  we  have  uncon 
sciously  got  into  the  way  of  speaking  of  some  other  races  in  much  the  same 
tone  as  that  used  by  the  Celestials  in  the  Flowery  Land.  These  same  Chinese 

1  Ashango  Land,  pp.  290,  291. 


64     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

anticipated  us  in  several  most  important  discoveries  by  as  many  centuries  as  we 
may  have  preceded  others.  In  the  knowledge  of  the  properties  of  the  magnet, 
the  composition  of  gunpowder,  the  invention  of  printing,  the  manufacture  of 
porcelain,  of  silk,  and  in  the  progress  of  literature,  they  were  before  us.  But 
then  the  power  of  making  further  discoveries  was  arrested,  and  a  stagnation  of 
the  intellect  prevented  their  advancing  in  the  path  of  improvement  or  in 
vention." 

Mr.  Wood  says,  — 

"  The  natives  of  Southern  Africa  are  wonderful  proficients  in  forging  iron ; 
and,  indeed,  a  decided  capability  for  the  blacksmith's  art  seems  to  be  inherent 
in  the  natives  of  Africa,  from  north  to  south,  and  from  east  to  west.  None  of 
the  tribes  can  do  very  much  with  the  iron,  but  the  little  which  they  require  is 
worked  in  perfection.  As  in  the  case  with  all  uncivilized  beings,  the  whole 
treasures  of  the  art  are  lavished  on  their  weapons ;  and  so,  if  we  wish  to  see 
what  an  African  savage  can  do  with  iron,  we  must  look  at  his  spears,  knives, 
and  arrows  —  the  latter,  indeed,  being  but  spears  in  miniature." 

The  blacksmith,  then,  is  a  person  of  some  consequence  in  his 
village.  He  gives  shape  and  point  to  the  weapons  by  which  game 
is  to  be  secured  and  battles  won.  All  seek  his  favor. 

"  Among  the  Kaffirs,  a  blacksmith  is  a  man  of  considerable  importance, 
and  is  much  respected  by  the  tribe.  He  will  not  profane  the  mystery  of  his 
craft  by  allowing  uninitiated  eyes  to  inspect  his  various  processes,  and  there 
fore  carries  on  his  operations  at  some  distance  from  the  kraal.  His  first  care 
is  to  prepare  the  bellows.  The  form  which  he  uses  prevails  over  a  very  large 
portion  of  Africa,  and  is  seen,  with  some  few  modifications,  even  among  the 
many  islands  of  Polynesia.  It  consists  of  two  leathern  sacks,  at  the  upper 
end  of  which  is  a  handle.  To  the  lower  end  of  each  sack  is  attached  the  hol 
low  horns  of  some  animal,  that  of  the  cow  or  eland  being  most  commonly 
used;  and  when  the  bags  are  alternately  inflated  and  compressed,  the  air 
passes  out  through  the  two  horns. 

"Of  course  the  heat  of  the  fire  would  destroy  the  horns  if  they  were 
allowed  to  come  in  contact  with  it;  and  they  are  therefore  inserted,  not  into  the 
fire,  but  into  an  earthenware  tube  which  communicates  with  the  fire.  The 
use  of  valves  is  unknown ;  but  as  the  two  horns  do  not  open  into  the  fire,  but 
into  the  tube,  the  fire  is  not  drawn  into  the  bellows  as  would  otherwise  be  the 
case.  This  arrangement,  however,  causes  considerable  waste  of  air,  so  that 
the  bellows-blower  is  obliged  to  work  much  harder  than  would  be  the  case  if 
he  were  provided  with  an  instrument  that  could  conduct  the  blast  directly  to 
its  destination.  The  ancient  Egyptians  used  a  bellows  of  precisely  similar 
construction,  except  that  they  did  not  work  them  entirely  by  hand.  They 
stood  with  one  foot  on  each  sack,  and  blew  the  fire  by  alternately  pressing  on 
them  with  the  feet,  and  raising  them  by  means  of  a  cord  fastened  to  their 
upper  ends. 

"  When  the  blacksmith  is  about  to  set  to  work,  he  digs  a  hole  in  the 
ground,  in  which  the  fire  is  placed ;  and  then  sinks  the  earthenware  tube  in  a 
sloping  direction,  so  that  the  lower  end  opens  at  the  bottom  of  the  hole, 


AFRICAN  IDIOSYNCRASIES^  65 

while  the  upper  end  projects  above  the  level  of  the  ground.  The  two  horns 
are  next  inserted  into  the  upper  end  of  the  earthenware  tube ;  and  the  bellows 
are  then  fastened  in  their  places,  so  that  the  sacks  are  conveniently  disposed 
for  the  hands  of  the  operator,  who  sits  between  them.  A  charcoal-fire  is  then 
laid  in  the  hole,  and  is  soon  brought  to  a  powerful  heat  by  means  of  the  bel 
lows.  A  larger  stone  serves  the  purpose  of  an  anvil,  and  a  smaller  stone  does 
duty  for  a  hammer.  Sometimes  the  hammer  is  made  of  a  conical  piece  of  iron, 
but  in  most  cases  a  stone  is  considered  sufficient.  The  rough  work  of  ham 
mering  the  iron  into  shape  is  generally  done  by  the  chief  blacksmith's  assist 
ants,  of  whom  he  has  several,  all  of  whom  will  pound  away  at  the  iron  in 
regular  succession.  The  shaping  and  finishing  the  article  is  reserved  by  the 
smith  for  himself.  The  other  tools  are  few  and  simple,  and  consist  of  punches 
and  rude  pinchers  made  of  two  rods  of  iron. 

"  With  these  instruments  the  Kaffir  smith  can  cast  brass  into  various  orna 
ments.  Sometimes  he  pours  it  into  a  cylindrical  mould,  so  as  to  make  a  bar 
from  which  bracelets  and  similar  ornaments  can  be  hammered,  and  sometimes 
he  makes  studs  and  knobs  by  forming  their  shape  in  clay  moulds."  * 

Verily,  the  day  will  come  when  these  warlike  tribes  shall  beat 
their  spears  into  pruning-hooks,  and  their  assagais  into  plough 
shares,  and  shall  learn  war  no  more !  The  skill  and  cunning  of 
their  artificers  shall  be  consecrated  to  the  higher  and  nobler  ends 
of  civilization,  and  the  noise  of  battle  shall  die  amid  the  music  of 
a  varied  industry ! 

1  Uncivilized  Races  of  Men,  vol.  i.  pp.  97,  98. 


66     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND   RELIGION. 

STRUCTURE   OF  AFRICAN    LANGUAGES.  —  THE  MPONGWE,  MANDINGO,  AND  GREBO.  —  POETRY  :   EPIC, 
IDYLLIC,  AND  MISCELLANEOUS.  —  RELIGIONS  AND  SUPERSTITIONS. 

PHILOLOGICALLY  the  inhabitants  of  Africa  are  divided 
into  two  distinct  families.  The  dividing  line  that  Nature 
drew  across  the  continent  is  about  two  degrees  north  of  the 
equator.  Thus  far  science  has  not  pushed  her  investigations  into- 
Northern  Africa ;  and,  therefore,  little  is  known  of  the  dialects  of 
that  section.  But  from  what  travellers  have  learned  of  portions, 
of  different  tribes  that  have  crossed  the  line,  and  made  their  way 
as  far  as  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  we  infer,  that,  while  there  are 
many  dialects  in  that  region,  they  all  belong  to  one  common 
family.  During  the  Saracen  movement,  in  the  second  century  of 
the  Christian  era,  the  Arab  turned  his  face  toward  Central  Africa. 
Everywhere  traces  of  his  language  and  religion  are  to  be  found, 
He  transformed  whole  tribes  of  savages.  He  built  cities,  and 
planted  fields  ;  he  tended  flocks,  and  became  trader.  He  poured 
new  blood  into  crumbling  principalities,  and  taught  the  fingers  of 
the  untutored  savage  to  war.  His  religion,  in  many  places,  put 
out  the  ineffectual  fires  of  the  fetich-house,  and  lifted  the  grovel 
ling  thoughts  of  idolaters  heavenward.  His  language,  like  the 
new  juice  of  the  vine,  made  its  way  to  the  very  roots  of  Negro 
dialects,  and  gave  them  method  and  tone.  In  the  song  and  narra 
tive,  in  the  prayer  and  precept,  of  the  heathen,  the  Arabic  comes 
careering  across  each  sentence,  giving  cadence  and  beauty  to  all. 

On  the  heels  of  the  Mohammedan  followed  the  Portuguese,. 
the  tried  and  true  servants  of  Rome,  bearing  the  double  swords 
and  keys.  Not  so  extensive  as  the  Arab,  the  influence  of  the 
Portuguese,  nevertheless,  has  been  quite  considerable. 

All  along  the  coast  of  Northern  Guinea,  a  distance  of  nearly 
fifteen  hundred  miles,  — from  Cape  Mesurado  to  the  mouth  of  the- 
Niger, — the  Kree,  Grebo,  and  Basa  form  one  general  family,  and 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND  RELIGION.          6? 

speak  the  Mandu  language.  On  the  Ivory  Coast  another  language 
is  spoken  between  Frisco  and  Dick's  Cove.  It  is  designated  as 
the  Avekwom  language,  and  in  its  verbal  and  inflective  char 
acter  is  not  closely  related  to  the  Mandu.  The  dialects  of  Popo, 
Dahomey,  Ashantee,  and  Akra  are  resolvable  into  a  family  or 
language  called  the  Fantyipin.  All  these  dialects,  to  a  greater 
or  less  extent,  have  incorporated  many  foreign  words,  —  Dutch, 
French,  Spanish,  English,  Portuguese,  and  even  many  words  from 
Madagascar.  The  language  of  the  Gold  and  Ivory  Coasts  we 
find  much  fuller  than  those  on  the  Grain  Coast.  Wherever  com 
merce  or  mechanical  enterprise  imparts  a  quickening  touch,  we 
find  the  vocabulary  of  the  African  amplified.  Susceptible,  apt, 
and  cunning,  the  coast  tribes,  on  account  of  their  intercourse  with 
the  outside  world,  have  been  greatly  changed.  We  are  sorry 
that  the  change  has  not  always  been  for  the  better.  Uncivilized 
sailors,  and  brainless  and  heartless  speculators,  have  sown  the 
rankest  seeds  of  an  effete  Caucasian  civilization  in  the  hearts  of 
the  unsuspecting  Africans.  These  poor  people  have  learned  to 
cheat,  lie,  steal ;  are  capable  of  remarkable  diplomacy  and  treach 
ery  ;  have  learned  well  the  art  of  flattery  and  extreme  cruelty. 
Mr.  Wilson  says,  — 

"  The  Sooahelee,  or  Swahere  language,  spoken  by  the  aboriginal  inhabitants 
of  Zanzibar,  is  very  nearly  allied  to  the  Mpongwe,  which  is  spoken  on  the 
western  coast  in  very  nearly  the  same  parallel  of  latitude.  One-fifth  of  the 
words  of  these  two  dialects  are  either  the  same,  or  so  nearly  so  that  they  may 
easily  be  traced  to  the  same  root" 

The  Italics  are  our  own.  The  above  was  written  just  a  quarter 
of  a  century  ago. 

"The  language  of  Uyanzi  seemed  to  us  to  be  a  mixture  of  almost  all 
Central  African  dialects.  Our  great  stock  of  native  words,  in  all  dialects, 
proved  of  immense  use  to  me ;  and  in  three  days  I  discovered,  after  classi 
fying  and  comparing  the  words  heard  from  the  Wy-anzi  with  other  African 
words,  that  I  was  tolerably  proficient,  at  least  for  all  practical  purposes,  in 
the  Kiyanzi  dialect."  J 

Mr.  Stanley  wrote  the  above  in  Africa  in  March,  1877.  It 
was  but  a  repetition  of  the  experiences  of  Drs.  Livingstone  and 
Kirk,  that,  while  the  dialects  west  and  south-west  of  the  Moun 
tains  of  the  Moon  are  numerous,  and  apparently  distinct,  they  are 

1  Stanley's  Through  the  Dark  Continent,  vol.  ii.  pp.  320,  321 ;  see,  also,  pp.  3,  78,  123*. 
245,  414. 


68      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

referable  to  one  common  parent.  The  Swahere  language  has  held 
its  place  from  the  beginning.  Closely  allied  to  the  Mpongwe,  it 
is  certainly  one  of  great  strength  and  beauty. 

"  This  great  family  of  languages  —  if  the  Mpongwe  dialect  may  be  taken 
as  a  specimen  —  is  remarkable  for  its  beauty,  elegance,  and  perfectly  philo 
sophical  arrangements,  as  well  as  for  its  almost  indefinite  expansibility.  In  these 
respects  it  not  only  differs  essentially  and  radically  from  all  the  dialects  north 
of  the  Mountains  of  the  Moon,  but  they  are  such  as  may  well  challenge  a 
comparison  with  any  known  language  in  the  world."  r 

The  dialects  of  Northern  Africa  are  rough,  irregular  in  struc 
ture,  and  unpleasant  to  the  ear.  The  Mpongwe  we  are  inclined 
to  regard  as  the  best  of  all  the  dialects  we  have  examined.  It  is 
spoken,  with  but  slight  variations,  among  the  Mpongwe,  Ayomba, 
Oroungou,  Rembo,  Camma,  Ogobay,  Anenga,  and  Ngaloi  tribes. 
A  careful  examination  of  several  other  dialects  leads  us  to  suspect 
that  they,  too,  sustain  a  distant  relationship  to  the  Mpongwe. 

Next  to  this  remarkable  language  comes  the  Bakalai,  with 
its  numerous  dialectic  offspring,  scattered  amongst  the  follow 
ing  tribes :  the  Balengue,  Mebenga,  Bapoukow,  Kombe,  Mbiki, 
Mbousha,  Mbondemo,  Mbisho,  Shekiani,  Apingi,  Evili,  with  other 
tribes  of  the  interior. 

The  two  families  of  languages  we  have  just  mentioned  —  the 
Mpongwe  and  the  Bakalai  —  are  distinguished  for  their  system  and 
grammatical  structure.  It  is  surprising  that  these  unwritten  lan 
guages  should  hold  their  place  among  roving,  barbarous  tribes 
through  so  many  years.  In  the  Mpongwe  language  and  its 
dialects,  the  liquid  and  semi-vowel  r  is  rolled  with  a  fulness  and 
richness  harmonious  to  the  ear.  The  Bakalai  and  its  branches 
have  no  r ;  and  it  is  no  less  true  that  all  tribes  that  exclude  this 
letter  from  their  dialects  are  warlike,  nomadic,  and  much  inferior 
to  the  tribes  that  use  it  freely. 

The  Mpongwe  language  is  spoken  on  each  side  of  the 
Gabun,  at  Cape  Lopez,  and  at  Cape  St.  Catharin  in  Southern 
Guinea ;  the  Mandingo,  between  Senegal  and  the  Gambia ;  and 
the  Grebo  language,  in  and  about  Cape  Palmas.  It  is  about 
twelve  hundred  miles  from  Gabun  to  Cape  Palmas,  about  two 
thousand  miles  from  Gabun  to  Senegambia,  and  about  six  hun 
dred  miles  from  Cape  Palmas  to  Gambia.  It  is  fair  to  presume 
that  these  tribes  are  sufficiently  distant  from  each  other  to  be 

1  Western  Africa,  p.  455. 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND  RELIGION.          69 

called  strangers.  An  examination  of  their  languages  may  not 
fail  to  interest. 

It  has  been  remarked  somewhere,  that  a  people's  homes  are 
the  surest  indications  of  the  degree  of  civilization  they  have 
attained.  It.  is  certainly  true,  that  deportment  has  much  to  do 
with  the  polish  of  language.  The  disposition,  temperament,  and 
morals  of  a  people  who  have  no  written  language  go  far  toward 
giving  their  language  its  leading  characteristics.  The  Grebo 
people  are  a  well-made,  quick,  and  commanding-looking  people. 
In  their  intercourse  with  one  another,  however,  they  are  unpol 
ished,  of  sudden  temper,  and  revengeful  disposition.1  Their 
language  is  consequently  monosyllabic.  A  great  proportion  of 
Grebo  words  are  of  the  character  indicated.  A  few  verbs  will 
illustrate.  Kba,  carry ;  la,  kill ;  ya,  bring ;  mu,  go  ;  wa,  walk ; 
ni,  do;  and  so  on.  This  is  true  of  objects,  or  nouns.  Ge,  farm; 
bro,  earth  ;  wenh,  sun  ;  tu,  tree ;  gi,  leopard  ;  na,  fire  ;  yi,  eye ;  bo, 
leg  ;  lu,  head ;  mi,  rain  ;  kai,  house.  The  Grebo  people  seem  to 
have  no  idea  of  syllabication.  They  do  not  punctuate ;  but, 
speaking  with  the  rapidity  with  which  they  move,  run  their  words 
together  until  a  whole  sentence  might  be  taken  for  one  word.  If 
any  thing  has  angered  a  Grebo  he  will  say,  "  E ya  mu  kra  wudi ;  " 
being  interpreted,  "  It  has  raised  a  great  bone  in  my  throat."  But 
he  says  it  so  quickly  that  he  pronounces  it  in  this  manner, 
yamukroure.  There  are  phrases  in  this  language  that  are  beyond 
the  ability  of  a  foreigner  to  pronounce.  It  has  no  contractions, 
and  often  changes  the  first  and  second  person  of  the  personal  pro 
noun,  and  the  first  and  second  person  plural,  by  lowering  or  pitch 
ing  the  voice.  The  orthography  remains  the  same,  though  the 
significations  of  those  words  are  radically  different. 

The  Mpongwe  language  is  largely  polysyllabic.  It  is  burdened 
with  personal  pronouns,  and  its  adjectives  have  numerous  changes 
in  addition  to  their  degrees  of  comparison.  We  find  no  inflec 
tions  to  suggest  case  or  gender.  The  adjective  mpolo,  which 
means  "  large,"  carries  seven  or  eight  forms.  While  it  is  impossi 
ble  to  tell  whether  a  noun  is  masculine,  feminine,  or  neuter,  they 
use  one  adjective  for  all  four  declensions,  changing  its  form  to 
suit  each. 

The  following  form  of  declensions  will  serve  to  impart  a 
clearer  idea  of  the  arbitrary  changes  in  the  use  of  the  adjective: 

1  Western  Africa,  p.  456. 


70     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

<  Singular,  nyare  mpolu,  a  large  cow. 
First  Declension.      -j  pj^  inyare  .^^  Jarge  CQWS> 


«  Singular,  egara  evolu,  a  large  chest. 
Second  Declension.  \  Plural>^ra  volu,  large  chests> 

t  Singular,  iddmbe  ivolu,  a  large  sheep. 
on'     1  Plural,  iddmbe  ampolu,  large  sheep. 

(  Singular,  omamba  ompolu,  a  large  snake. 
Fourth  Declension,  j  plural>  imamba  ^^  }arge  snakes<  , 

We  presume  it  would  be  a  difficult  task  for  a  Mpongwe  to 
explain  the  arbitrary  law  by  which  such  changes  are  made.  And 
yet  he  is  as  uniform  and  strict  in  his  obedience  to  this  law  as  if 
it  were  written  out  in  an  Mpongwe  grammar,  and  taught  in 
every  village. 

His  verb  has  four  moods  ;  viz.,  indicative,  imperative,  condi 
tional,  and  subjunctive.  The  auxiliary  particle  gives  the  indica 
tive  mood  its  grammatical  being.  The  imperative  is  formed  from 
the  present  of  the  indicative  by  changing  its  initial  consonant 
into  its  reciprocal  consonant  as  follows  :  — 

tonda,  to  love. 
ronda,  love  thou. 
denda,  to  do. 
lenda,  do  thou. 

The  conditional  mood  has  a  form  of  its  own  ;  but  the  conjunc 
tive  particles  are  used  as  auxiliaries  at  the  same  time,  and  differ 
ent  conjunctive  particles  are  used  with  different  tenses.  The 
subjunctive,  having  but  one  form,  in  a  sentence  where  there  are 
two  verbs  is  used  as  the  second  verb.2  So  by  the  use  of  the 
auxiliary  particles  the  verb  can  form  the  infinitive  and  potential 
mood.  The  Mpongwe  verb  carries  four  tenses,  —  present,  past 
or  historical,  perfect  past,  and  future.  Upon  the  principle  of 
alliteration  the  perfect  past  tense,  representing  an  action  as  com 
pleted,  is  formed  from  the  present  tense  by  prefixing  a,  and  by 
changing  <z-final  into  i:  for  example,  tonda,  "to  love;"  atondi> 
"did  love."  The  past  or  historical  tense  is  derived  from  the 
imperative  by  prefixing  a,  and  by  changing  tf-final  into  i.  Thus 
ronda,  "love;"  arondi,  "have  loved."  The  future  tense  is  con 
structed  by  the  aid  of  the  auxiliary  particle  be,  as  follows  :  mi  be 
tonda,  "  I  am  going  to  love." 

We  have  not  been  able  to  find  a  Mandingo  grammar,  except 
Mr.  MacBrair's,  which  is,  as  far  as  we  know,  the  only  one  in 

1  Western  Africa,  p.  470.  2  Equatorial  Africa,  p.  531. 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND  RELIGION.          71 

-existence.  We  have  had  but  little  opportunity  to  study  the 
structure  of  that  language.  But  what  scanty  material  we  have 
at  hand  leads  us  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  quite  loosely  put 
together.  The  saving  element  in  its  verb  is  the  minuteness  with 
which  it  defines  the  time  of  an  action.  The  causative  form  is 
made  by  the  use  of  a  suffix.  It  does  not  use  the  verb  "to  go  "  or 
"come"  in  order  to  express  a  future  tense.  Numerous  particles 
are  used  in  the  substantive  verb  sense.  The  Mandingo  language 
is  rather  smooth.  The  letters  v  and  z  are  not  in  it.  About  one- 
-fiith  of  the  verbs  and  nouns  commence  with  vowels,  and  the  noun 
always  terminates  in  the  letter  o. 

Here  is  a  wide  and  interesting  field  for  philologists  :  it  should 
be  cultivated. 

The  African's  nature  is  as  sunny  as  the  climate  he  lives  in. 
He  is  not  brutal,  as  many  advocates  of  slavery  have  asserted.  It 
is  the  unanimous  testimony  of  all  explorers  of,  and  travellers 
through,  the  Dark  Continent,  that  the  element  of  gentleness  pre 
dominates  among  the  more  considerable  tribes  ;  that  they  have  a 
'keen  sense  of  the  beautiful,  and  are  susceptible  of  whatever 
culture  is  brought  within  their  reach.  The  Negro  nature  is  not 
sluggish,  but  joyous  and  vivacious.  In  his  songs  he  celebrates 
victories,  and  laughs  at  death  with  the  complacency  of  the  Greek 
.Stoics. 

"  Rich  man  and  poor  fellow,  all  men  must  die : 
Bodies  are  only  shadows.     Why  should  I  be  sad  ?  "  * 

He  can  be  deeply  wrought  upon  by  acts  of  kindness ;  and 
bears  a  friendship  to  those  who  show  him  favor,  worthy  of  a  better 
.state  of  society.  When  Henry  M.  Stanley  (God  bless  him ! 
noble,  brave  soul !)  was  about  emerging  from  the  Dark  Conti 
nent,  he  made  a  halt  at  Kabinda  before  he  ended  his  miraculous 
journey  at  Zanzibar  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  had  been  accom 
panied  in  his  perilous  journey  by  stout-hearted,  brave,  and  faith 
ful  natives.  Their  mission  almost  completed,  they  began  to  sink 
into  that  listlessness  which  is  often  the  precursor  of  death.  They 
had  been  true  to  their  master,  and  were  now  ready  to  die  as  bravely 
•as  they  had  lived.  Read  Mr.  Stanley's  account  without  emotion 
if  you  can  :  — 

"  '  Do  you  wish  to  see  Zanzibar,  boys  ? '  I  asked. 

"  '  Ah,  it  is  far.    Nay,  speak  not,  master.     We  shall  never  see  it,'  they  replied. 

1  Savage  Africa,  p.  212. 


72      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"'But  you  will  die  if  you  go  on  in  this  way.  Wake  up  —  shake  your 
selves —  show  yourselves  to  be  men.' 

" '  Can  a  man  contend  with  God  ?  Who  fears  death  ?  Let  us  die  undis 
turbed,  and  be  at  rest  forever,'  they  answered. 

"  Brave,  faithful,  loyal  souls  !  They  were,  poor  fellows,  surrendering  them 
selves  to  the  benumbing  influences  of  a  listlessness  and  fatal  indifference  to 
life  !  Four  of  them  died  in  consequence  of  this  strange  malady  at  Loanda, 
three  more  on  board  her  Majesty's  ship  Industry,  and  one  woman  breathed 
her  last  the  day  after  we  arrived  at  Zanzibar.  But  in  their  sad  death  they  had 
one  consolation,  in  the  words  which  they  kept  constantly  repeating  to  them 
selves  — 

" '  We  have  brought  our  master  to  the  great  sea,  and  he  has  seen  his  white 
brothers.  La  il  Allah,  il  Allah  !  There  is  no  God  but  God ! '  they  said  —  and 
died. 

"  It  is  not  without  an  overwhelming  sense  of  grief,  a  choking  in  the  throat, 
and  swimming  eyes,  that  I  write  of  those  days  ;  for  my  memory  is  still  busy 
with  the  worth  and  virtues  of  the  dead.  In  a  thousand  fields  of  incident, 
adventure,  and  bitter  trials,  they  had  proved  their  stanch  heroism  and  their 
fortitude ;  they  had  lived  and  endured  nobly.  I  remember  the  enthusiasm  with 
which  they  responded  to  my  appeals ;  I  remember  their  bold  bearing  during 
the  darkest  days ;  I  remember  the  Spartan  pluck,  the  indomitable  courage,  with 
which  they  suffered  in  the  days  of  our  adversity.  Their  voices  again  loyally 
answer  me,  and  again  I  hear  them  address  each  other  upon  the  necessity  of 
standing  by  the  *  master.'  Their  boat-song,  which  contained  sentiments  similar 
to  the  following :  — 

'  The  pale-faced  stranger,  lonely  here, 
In  cities  afar,  where  his  name  is  dear, 
Your  Arab  truth  and  strength  shall  show; 
He  trusts  in  us,  row,  Arabs,  row  '  — 

despite  all  the  sounds  which  now  surround  me,  still  charms  my  listening 
ear. »  .  .  . 

"  They  were  sweet  and  sad  moments,  those  of  parting.  What  a  long,  long, 
and  true  friendship  was  here  sundered  !  Through  what  strange  vicissitudes  of 
life  had  they  not  followed  me  !  What  wild  and  varied  scenes  had  we  not  seen 
together !  What  a  noble  fidelity  these  untutored  souls  had  exhibited !  The 
chiefs  were  those  who  had  followed  me  to  Ujiji  in  1871 ;  they  had  been  wit 
nesses  of  the  joy  of  Livingstone  at  the  sight  of  me ;  they  were  the  men  to 
whom  I  intrusted  the  safe-guard  of  Livingstone  on  his  last  and  fatal  journey, 
who  had  mourned  by  his  corpse  at  Muilala,  and  borne  the  illustrious  dead  to 
the  Indian  Ocean. 

"  And  in  a  flood  of  sudden  recollection,  all  the  stormy  period  here  ended 
rushed  in  upon  my  mind ;  the  whole  panorama  of  danger  and  tempest  through 
which  these  gallant  fellows  had  so  stanchly  stood  by  me  —  these  gallant  fel 
lows  now  parting  from  me.  Rapidly,  as  in  some  apocalyptic  vision,  every 
scene  of  strife  with  Man  and  Nature,  through  which  these  poor  men  and 
women  had  borne  me  company,  and  solaced  me  by  the  simple  sympathy  of 

1  Through  the  Dark  Continent,  vol.  ii.  pp.  470,  471. 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND  RELIGION.          73; 

common  suffering,  came  hurrying  across  my  memory ;  for  each  face  before  me 
was  associated  with  some  adventure  or  some  peril,  reminded  me  of  some  tri 
umph  or  of  some  loss.  What  a  wild,  weird  retrospect  it  was,  —  that  mind's 
flash  over  the  troubled  past !  so  like  a  troublous  dream ! 

u  And  for  years  and  years  to  come,  in  many  homes  in  Zanzibar,  there  will 
be  told  the  great  story  of  our  journey,  and  the  actors  in  it  will  be  heroes 
among  their  kith  and  kin.  For  me  too  they  are  heroes,  these  poor,  ignorant 
children  of  Africa,  for,  from  the  first  deadly  struggle  in  savage  Ituru  to  the- 
last  staggering  rush  into  Embomma,  they  had  rallied  to  my  voice  like  veterans, 
and  in  the  hour  of  need  they  had  never  failed  me.  And  thus,  aided  by  their 
willing  hands  and  by  their  loyal  hearts,  the  expedition  had  been  successful,  and' 
the  three  great  problems  of  the  Dark  Continent's  geography  had  been  fairly 
settled."  i 

How  many  times  we  have  read  this  marvellous  narrative  o£ 
Stanley's  march  through  the  Dark  Continent,  we  do  not  know ; 
but  we  do  know  that  every  time  we  have  read  it  with  tears  and 
emotion,  have  blessed  the  noble  Stanley,  and  thanked  God  for 
the  grand  character  of  his  black  followers  !  There  is  no  romance: 
equal  to  these  two  volumes.  The  trip  was  one  awful  tragedy 
from  beginning  to  end,  and  the  immortal  deeds  of  his  untutored 
guards  are  worthy  of  the  famous  Light  Brigade. 

On  the  fourth  day  of  August,  1877,  Henry  M.  Stanley  arrived 
at  the  village  of  Nsanda  on  his  way  to  the  ocean.  He  had  in  his 
command  one  hundred  and  fifteen  souls.  Foot-sore,  travel-soiled, 
and  hungry,  his  people  sank  down  exhausted.  He  tried  to  buy 
food  from  the  natives  ;  but  they,  with  an  indifference  that  was 
painful,  told  them  to  wait  until  market-day.  A  foraging  party 
scoured  the  district  for  food,  but  found  none.  Starvation  was 
imminent.  The  feeble  travellers  lay  upon  the  ground  in  the  camp, 
with  death  pictured  on  their  dusky  features.  Stanley  called  his 
boat-captains  to  his  tent,  and  explained  the  situation.  He  knew 
that  he  was  within  a  few  days  march  of  Embomma,  and  that  here 
were  located  one  Englishman,  one  Frenchman,  one  Spaniard,  and 
one  Portuguese.  He  told  the  captains  that  he  had  addressed' 
a  letter  to  these  persons  for  aid  ;  and  that  resolute,  swift,  and, 
courageous  volunteers  were  needed  to  go  for  the  relief,  —  without 
which  the  whole  camp  would  be  transformed  into  a  common 
graveyard.  We  will  now  quote  from  Mr.  Stanley  again  in  proof 
of  the  noble  nature  of  the  Negro  :  — 

"  The  response  was  not  long  coming ;  for  Uledi  sprang  up  and  said,  '  O 
master,  don't  talk  more  !  I  am  ready  now.  See,  I  will  only  buckle  on  my  belt,. 

1  Through  the  Dark  Continent,  vol.  ii.  pp.  482,  483. 


74     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  I  shall  start  at  once,  and  nothing  will  stop  me.  I  will  follow  on  the  track 
like  a  leopard.' 

" '  And  I  am  one,'  said  Kacheche.  *  Leave  us  alone,  master.  If  there  are 
white  men  at  Embomma,  we  will  find  them  out.  We  will  walk  and  walk,  and 
when  we  cannot  walk  we  will  crawl.' 

'"Leave  off  talking,  men,'  said  Muini  Pembe,  'and  allow  others  to  speak, 
won't  you  ?  Hear  me,  my  master.  I  am  your  servant.  I  will  outwalk  the 
two.  I  will  carry  the  letter,  and  plant  it  before  the  eyes  of  the  white  men.' 

"  '  I  will  go  too,  sir,'  said  Robert. 

"'Good!  It  is  just  as  I  should  wish  it;  but,  Robert,  you  cannot  follow 
ihese  three  men.  You  will  break  down,  my  boy.' 

"  '  Oh,  we  will  carry  him  if  be  breaks  down,'  said  Uledi.  '  Won't  we, 
Kacheche  ? " 

"  *  Inshallah  ! '  responded  Kache'che  decisively.  '  We  must  have  Robert 
along  with  us,  otherwise  the  white  men  won't  understand  us.' " 

What  wonderful  devotion  !  What  sublime  self-forgetfulness ! 
The  world  has  wept  over  such  stories  as  Bianca  and  Heloise,  and 
.has  built  monuments  that  will  stand,  — 

"  While  Fame  her  record  keeps, 
Or  Honor  paints  the  hallowed  spot 
Where  Valor  proudly  sleeps?  — 

and  yet  these  black  heroes  are  unremembered.  "I  will  follow 
the  track  like  a  leopard,"  gives  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  strong  will 
•of  Uledi ;  and  Kacheche's  brave  words  are  endowed  with  all  the 
attributes  of  that  heroic  abandon  with  which  a  devoted  general 
hurls  the  last  fragment  of  wasting  strength  against  a  stubborn 
enemy.  And  besides,  there  is  something  so  tender  in  these  words 
that  they  seem  to  melt  the  heart.  "  We  will  walk  and  walk,  and 
when  we  cannot  walk  we  will  crawl ! "  We  have  never  read  but 
one  story  that  approaches  this  narrative  of  Mr.  Stanley,  and  that 
was  the  tender  devotion  of  Ruth  to  her  mother-in-law.  We  read  it 
in  the  Hebrew  to  Dr.  O.  S.  Stearns  of  Newton,  Mass.  ;  and  confess 
that,  though  it  has  been  many  years  since,  the  blessed  impres 
sion  still  remains,  and  our  confidence  in  humanity  is  strengthened 
thereby. 

Here  are  a  few  white  men  in  the  wilds  of  Africa,  surrounded 
by  the  uncivilized  children  of  the  desert.  They  have  money  and 
valuable  instruments,  a  large  variety  of  gewgaws  that  possessed 
the  power  of  charming  the  fancy  of  the  average  savage  ;  and 
therefore  the  whites  would  have  been  a  tempting  prey  to  the 
blacks.  But  not  a  hair  of  their  head  was  harmed.  The  white 
.men  had  geographical  fame  to  encourage  them  in  the  struggle,  — 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND  RELIGION.      75 

friends  and  loved  ones  far  away  beyond  the  beautiful  blue  sea. 
These  poor  savages  had  nothing  to  steady  their  purposes  save  a 
paltry  sum  of  money  as  day-wages,  —  no  home,  no  friends;  and 
yet  they  were  as  loyal  as  if  a  throne  were  awaiting  them.  No, 
no  !  nothing  waited  on  their  heroic  devotion  to  a  magnificent 
cause  but  a  lonely  death  when  they  had  brought  the  " master" 
to  the  sea.  When  their  stomachs,  pinched  by  hunger ;  when  their 
limbs,  stiff  from  travel ;  when  their  eyes,  dim  with  the  mists  of 
death ;  when  every  vital  force  was  slain  by  an  heroic  ambition  to 
serve  the  great  Stanley ;  when  the  fires  of  endeavor  were  burnt 
to  feeble  embers, — then,  and  only  then,  would  these  faithful 
Negroes  fail  in  the  fulfilment  of  their  mission,  so  full  of  peril,  and 
yet  so  grateful  to  them,  because  it  was  in  the  line  of  duty. 

Cicero  urged  virtue  as  necessary  to  effective  oratory.  The  great 
majority  of  Negroes  in  Africa  are  both  orators  and  logicians.  A 
people  who  have  such  noble  qualities  as  this  race  seems  to  possess 
has,  as  a  logical  necessity,  the  poetic  element  in  a  large  degree. 

In  speaking  of  Negro  poetry,  we  shall  do  so  under  three  dif 
ferent  heads ;  viz,,  the  Epic,  Idyllic,  Religious,  or  miscellaneous. 

The  epic  poetry  of  Africa,  so  far  as  known,  is  certainly  worthy 
of  careful  study.  The  child  must  babble  before  it  can  talk,  and 
all  barbarians  have  a  sense  of  the  sublime  in  speech.  Mr.  Taine, 
in  his  "  History  of  English  Literature,"  speaking  of  early  Saxon 
poetry,  says,  — 

"  One  poem  nearly  whole,  and  two  or  three  fragments,  are  all  that  remain 
of  this  lay-poetry  of  England.  The  rest  of  the  pagan  current,  German  and 
barbarian,  was  arrested  or  overwhelmed,  first  by  the  influx  of  the  Christian 
religion,  then  by  the  conquest  of  the  Norman-French.  But  what  remains  more 
than  suffices  to  show  the  strange  and  powerful  poetic  genius  of  the  race,  and 
to  exhibit  beforehand  the  flower  in  the  bud. 

"  If  there  has  ever  been  anywhere  a  deep  and  serious  poetic  sentiment, 
it  is  here.  They  do  not  speak  :  they  sing,  or  rather  they  shout.  Each  little 
verse  is  an  acclamation,  which  breaks  forth  like  a  growl ;  their  strong  breasts 
heave  with  a  groan  of  anger  or  enthusiasm,  and  a  vehement  or  indistinct  phrase 
or  expression  rises  suddenly,  almost  in  spite  of  them,  to  their  lips.  There  is 
no  art,  no  natural  talent,  for  describing,  singly  and  in  order,  the  different  parts 
of  an  object  or  an  event.  The  fifty  rays  of  light  which  every  phenomenon 
emits  in  succession  to  a  regular  and  well-directed  intellect,  come  to  them  at 
once  in  a  glowing  and  confused  mass,  disabling  them  by  their  force  and 
convergence.  Listen  to  their  genuine  war-chants,  unchecked  and  violent,  as 
became  their  terrible  voices  !  To  this  day,  at  this  distance  of  time,  separated 
as  they  are  by  manners,  speech,  ten  centuries,  we  seem  to  hear  them  still."  « 

1  History  of  English  Literature,  vol.  i.  pp.  48,  49. 


76      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  JN  AMERICA. 

This  glowing  description  of  the  poetry  of  the  primitive  and 
hardy  Saxon  gives  the  reader  an  excellent  idea  of  the  vigorous, 
earnest,  and  gorgeous  effusions  of  the  African.  Panda  was  king 
of  the  Kaffirs.  He  was  considered  quite  a  great  warrior.  It 
took  a  great  many  isi-bongas  to  describe  his  virtues.  His  chief 
isi-bongas  was  "  O-Elephant."  This  was  chosen  to  describe  his 
strength  and  greatness.  Mr.  Wood  gives  an  account  of  the  song 
in  honor  of  Panda  :  — 

"  i.  Thou  brother  of  the  Tchaks,  considerate  f order, 

2.  A  swallow  which  fled  in  the  sky  j 

3.  A  swallow  with  a  whiskered  breast ; 

4.  Whose  cattle  was  ever  in  so  huddled  a  crowd, 

5.  They  stumble  for  room  when  they  ran. 

6.  Thou  false  adorer  of  the  valor  of  another, 

7.  That  valor  thou  tookest  at  the  battle  of  Makonko* 

8.  Of  the  stock  of  N'dabazita,  ramrod  of  brass, 

9.  Survivor  alone  of  all  other  rods  j 

10.  Others  they  broke  and  left  this  in  the  soot, 

11.  Thinking  to  burn  at  some  rainy  cold  day. 

12.  Thigh  of  the  bullock  of  Inkakavini, 

13.  Always  delicious  if  only  'tis  roasted, 

14.  It  will  always  be  tasteless  if  boiled. 

15.  The  woman  from  Mankeba  is  delighted; 

1 6.  She  has  seen  the  leopards  of  Jama, 

17.  Fighting  together  between  the  Makonko. 

18.  He  passed  between  the  Jutuma  and  Ihliza, 

19.  The  Celestial  who  thundered  between  the  Makonko. 

20.  I  praise  thee,  O  king !  son  of  Jokwane,  the  son  of  Undabay 

21.  The  merciless  opponent  of  every  conspiracy. 

22.  Thou  art  an  elephant,  an  elephant,  an  elephant. 

23.  All  glory  to  thee,  thou  monarch  who  art  black." 

"The  first  isi-bonga,  in  line  I,  alludes  to  the  ingenuity  with  which  Panda 
succeeded  in  crossing  the  river  so  as  to  escape  out  of  the  district  where  Din- 
gan  exercised  authority.  In  the  second  line,  '  swallow  which  fled  in  the  sky  * 
is  another  allusion  to  the  secrecy  with  which  he  managed  his  flight,  which  left 
no  more  track  than  the  passage  of  a  swallow  through  the  air.  Lines  4  and  5, 
allude  to  the  wealth,  i.e.,  the  abundance  of  cattle,  possessed  by  Panda.  Line 
6  asserts  that  Panda  was  too  humble-minded,  and  thought  more  of  the  power 
of  Dingan  than  it  deserved ;  while  line  7  offers  as  proof  of  this  assertion,  that, 
when  they  came  to  fight,  Panda  conquered  Dingan.  Lines  8  to  II  all  relate  to 
the  custom  of  seasoning  sticks  by  hanging  them  over  the  fireplaces  in  Kaffir 
huts.  Line  14  alludes  to  the  fact  that  meat  is  very  seldom  roasted  by  the 
Kaffirs,  but  is  almost  invariably  boiled,  or  rather  stewed,  in  closed  vessels. 
In  line  15  the  '  woman  from  Mankebe '  is  Panda's  favorite  wife.  In  line  19, 
'The  Celestial'  alludes  to  the  name  of  the  great  Zulu  tribe  over  which  Panda 
reigned;  the  word  'Zulu'  meaning  celestial,  and  having  much  the  same  im- 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND  RELIGION.          77 

port  as  the  same  word  when  employed  by  the  Chinese  to  denote  their  origin. 
Line  21  refers  to  the  attempts  of  Panda's  rivals  to  dethrone  him,  and  the  inge 
nious  manner  in  which  he  contrived  to  defeat  their  plans  by  forming  judicious 
alliances." 

There  is  a  daring  insolence,  morbid  vanity,  and  huge  descrip 
tion  in  this  song  of  Panda,  that  make  one  feel  like  admitting  that 
the  sable  bard  did  his  work  of  flattery  quite  cleverly.  It  should 
not  be  forgotten  by  the  reader,  that,  in  the  translation  of  these 
songs,  much  is  lost  of  their  original  beauty  and  perspicuity.  The 
following  song  was  composed  to  celebrate  the  war  triumphs  of 
Dinga,  and  is,  withal,  exciting,  and  possessed  of  good  movement. 
It  is,  in  some  instances,  much  like  the  one  quoted  above : — 

"  Thou  needy  offspring  of  Umpikazi, 
Eyer  of  the  cattle  of  men ; 
Bird  of  Maube,  fleet  as  a  bullet, 
Sleek,  erect,  of  beautiful  parts ; 
Thy  cattle  like  the  comb  of  the  bees  ; 
O  head  too  large,  too  huddled  to  move ; 
Devourer  of  Moselekatze,  son  of  Machobana; 
Devourer  of  'Swazi,  son  of  Sobuza; 
Breaker  of  the  gates  of  Machobana ; 
Devourer  of  Gundave  of  Machobana ; 
A  monster  in  size,  of  mighty  power; 
Devourer  of  Ungwati  of  ancient  race ; 
Devourer  of  the  kingly  Uomape; 
Like  heaven  above,  raining  and  shining." 

The  poet  has  seen  fit  to  refer  to  the  early  life  of  his  hero,  to 
call  attention  to  his  boundless  riches,  and,  finally,  to  celebrate  his 
war  achievements.  It  is  highly  descriptive,  and  in  the  Kaffir 
language  is  quite  beautiful. 

Tchaka  sings  a  song  himself,  the  ambitious  sentiments  of 
which  would  have  been  worthy  of  Alexander  the  Great  or  Napo 
leon  Bonaparte.  He  had  carried  victory  on  his  spear  throughout 
all  Kaffir-land.  Everywhere  the  tribes  had  bowed  their  submis 
sive  necks  to  his  yoke ;  everywhere  he  was  hailed  as  king.  But 
out  of  employment  he  was  not  happy.  He  sighed  for  more  tribes, 
to  conquer,  and  thus  delivered  himself  :  — 

"  Thou  hast  finished,  finished  the  nations  ! 
Where  will  you  go  out  to  battle  now? 
Hey  !  where  will  you  go  out  to  battle  now  ? 
Thou  hast  conquered  kings  ! 
Where  are  you  going  to  battle  now? 


78      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Thou  hast  finished,  finished  the  nations  ! 
Where  are  you  going  to  battle  now  ? 
Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah  ! 
Where  are  you  going  to  battle  now?  " 

There  is  really  something  modern  in  this  deep  lament  of  the 
noble  savage ! 

The  following  war  song  of  the  Wollof,  though  it  lacks  the 
sonorous  and  metrical  elements  of  real  poetry,  contains  true 
military  aggressiveness,  mixed  with  the  theology  of  the  fatalist. 

A   WAR   SONG. 

"  I  go  in  front.  I  fear  not  death.  I  am  not  afraid.  If  I  die,  I  will  take 
my  blood  to  bathe  my  head. 

"  The  man  who  fears  nothing  marches  always  in  front,  and  is  never  hit  by 
the  murderous  ball.  The  coward  hides  himself  behind  a  bush,  and  is  killed. 

"Go  to  the  battle.  It  is  not  lead  that  kills.  It  is  Fate  which  strikes  us, 
and  which  makes  us  die." 

Mr.  Reade  says  of  the  musicians  he  met  up  the  Senegal,  — 

"There  are  three  classes  of  these  public  minstrels,  —  i,  those  who  play 
such  vulgar  instruments  as  the  flute  and  drum;  2,  those  who  play  on  the 
ballafond,  which  is  the  marimba  of  Angola  and  South  America,  and  on  the 
harp ;  3,  those  who  sing  the  legends  and  battle-songs  of  their  country,  or  who 
improvise  satires  or  panegyrics.  This  last  class  are  dreaded,  though  despised. 
They  are  richly  rewarded  in  their  lifetime,  but  after  death  they  are  not  even 
given  a  decent  burial.  If  they  were  buried  in  the  ground,  it  would  become 
barren ;  if  in  the  river,  the  water  would  be  poisoned,  and  the  fish  would  die : 
so  they  are  buried  in  hollow  trees. 

The  idyllic  poetry  of  Africa  is  very  beautiful  in  its  gorgeous 
native  dress.  It  requires  some  knowledge  of  their  mythology  in 
order  to  thoroughly  understand  all  their  figures  of  speech.  The 
following  song  is  descriptive  of  the  white  man,  and  is  the  produc 
tion  of  a  Bushman. 

"  In  the  blue  palace  of  the  deep  sea 
Dwells  a  strange  creature  : 
His  skin  as  white  as  salt / 
His  hair  long  and  tangled  as  the  sea-weed. 
He  is  more  great  than  the  princes  of  the  earth  ; 
He  is  clothed  with  the  skins  of  fishes,  — 
Fishes  more  beautiful  than  birds. 
His  house  is  built  of  brass  rods  j 
His  garden  is  a  forest  of  tobacco. 
On  his  soil  white  beads  are  scattered 
Like  sand-grains  on  the  seashore?1 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND  RELIGION.          79 

The  following  idyl,  extemporized  by  one  of  Stanley's  black 
soldiers,  on  the  occasion  of  reaching  Lake  Nyanza,  possesses  more 
energy  of  movement,  perspicuity  of  style,  and  warm,  glowing 
imagery,  than  any  song  of  its  character  we  have  yet  met  with  from 
the  lips  of  unlettered  Negroes.  It  is  certainly  a  noble  song  of 
triumph.  It  swells  as  it  rises  in  its  mission  of  praise.  It  breathes 
the  same  victorious  air  of  the  song  of  Miriam  :  "  Sing  ye  to  the 
Lord,  for  he  hath  triumphed  gloriotisly  ;  the  horse  and  the  rider 
hath  he  thrown  into  the  sea."  And  in  the  last  verse  the  child- 
nature  of  the  singer  riots  like  "  The  May  Queen  "  of  Tennyson. 

THE   SONG   OF   TRIUMPH. 

"  Sing,  O  friends,  sing ;  the  journey  is  ended  : 
Sing  aloud,  O  friends ;  sing  to  the  great  Nyanza. 
Sing  all,  sing  loud,  O  friends,  sing  to  the  great  sea; 
Give  your  last  look  to  the  lands  behind,  and  then  turn  to  the  sea. 

Long  time  ago  you  left  your  lands, 

Your  wives  and  children,  your  brothers  and  your  friends ; 

Tell  me,  have  you  seen  a  sea  like  this 

Since  you  left  the  great  salt  sea  ? 

CHORUS. 

Then  sing,  O  friends  !  sing;  the  journey  is  ended: 
Sing  aloud,  O  friend  !  sing  to  this  great  sea. 

This  sea  is  fresh,  is  good  and  sweet ; 
Your  sea  is  salt,  and  bad,  unfit  to  drink. 
This  sea  is  like  wine  to  drink  for  thirsty  men ; 
The  salt  sea  —  bah !  it  makes  men  sick. 

Lift  up  your  heads,  O  men,  and  gaze  around ; 
Try  if  you  can  see  its  end. 
See,  it  stretches  moons  away, 
This  great,  sweet,  fresh-water  sea. 

We  come  from  Usukuma  land, 
The  land  of  pastures,  cattle,  sheep  and  goats, 
The  land  of  braves,  warriors,  and  strong  men, 
And,  lo !  this  is  the  far-known  Usukuma  sea. 

Ye  friends,  ye  scorned  at  us  in  other  days. 

Ah,  ha !  Wangwana.     What  say  ye  now  ? 

Ye  have  seen  the  land,  its  pastures  and  its  herds, 

Ye  now  see  the  far-known  Usukuma  sea. 

Kaduma's  land  is  just  below  ; 

He  is  rich  in  cattle,  sheep,  and  goats. 

The  Msungu  is  rich  in  cloth  and  beads ; 

His  hand  is  open,  and  his  heart  is  free. 


80     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

To-morrow  the  Msungu  must  make  us  strong 
With  meat  and  beer,  wine  and  grain. 
We  shall  dance  and  play  the  livelong  day, 
And  eat  and  drink,  and  sing  and  play." 

The  religious  and  miscellaneous  poetry  is  not  of  the  highest 
order.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the  Kaffir  tribe  was 
Sicana,  a  powerful  chief  and  a  Christian.  He  was  a  poet,  and 
composed  hymns,  which  he  repeated  to  his  people  till  they  could 
retain  them  upon  their  memories.  The  following  is  a  specimen 
of  his  poetical  abilities,  and  which  the  people  are  still  accustomed 
to  sing  to  a  low  monotonous  air :  — 

"  Ulin  guba  inkulu  siambata  tina 
Ulodali  bom'  unadali  pezula, 
Umdala  undala  idala  izula, 
Yebinza  inquinquis  zixeliela. 
UTIKA  umkula  gozizuline, 
Yebinza  inquinquis  nozilimele. 
Umze  uakonana  subiziele, 
Umkokeli  ua  sikokeli  tina, 
Uenza  infama  zenza  go  bomi ; 
Imali  inkula  subiziele, 
Wena  wen  a  q'aba  inyaniza, 
Wena  wena  kaka  linyaniza, 
Wena  wena  klati  linyaniza ; 
Invena  inh'inani  subiziele, 
Ugaze  laku  ziman'  heba  wena, 
Usanhla  zaku  ziman'  heba  wena, 
Umkokili  ua,  sikokeli  tina: 
Ulodali  bom'  uadali  pezula, 
Umdala  uadala  idala  izula." 

TRANSLATION. 

"  Mantle  of  comfort !    God  of  love ! 

The  Ancient  One  on  high ! 
Who  guides  the  firmament  above, 
The  heavens,  and  starry  sky; 

Creator,  Ruler,  Mighty  One ; 

The  only  Good,  All-wise,  — 
To  him,  the  great  eternal  God, 

Our  fervent  prayers  arise. 

Giver  of  life,  we  call  on  him, 

On  his  high  throne  above, 
Our  Rock  of  refuge  still  to  be, 

Of  safety  and  of  love ; 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND   RELIGION.         8 1 

Our  trusty  shield,  our  sure  defence, 

Our  leader,  still  to  be  : 
We  call  upon  our  pitying  God, 

Who  makes  the  blind  to  see. 

We  supplicate  the  Holy  Lamb 

Whose  blood  for  us  was  shed, 
Whose  feet  were  pierced  for  guilty  man, 

Whose  hands  for  us  have  bled ; 

Even  our  God  who  gave  us  life, 

From  heaven,  his  throne  above, 
The  great  Creator  of  the  world, 

Father,  and  God  of  love." 

When  any  person  is  sick,  the  priests  and  devout  people 
consult  their  favorite  spirits.  At  Goumbi,  in  Equatorial  Africa, 
this  ceremony  is  quite  frequent.  Once  upon  a  time  the  king 
fell  sick.  Quengueza  was  the  name  of  the  afflicted  monarch. 
Ilogo  was  a  favorite  spirit  who  inhabited  the  moon.  The  time  to 
invoke  the  favor  of  this  spirit  is  during  the  full  moon.  The  moon, 
in  the  language  of  Equatorial  Africa,  is  Ogouayli.  Well,  the 
people  gathered  in  front  of  the  king's  house,  and  began  the  cere 
mony,  which  consisted  chiefly  in  singing  the  following  song :  — 

"  Ilogo,  we  ask  thee  ! 
Tell  who  has  bewitched  the  king! 

Ilogo,  we  ask  thee, 

What  shall  we  do  to  cure  the  king? 

The  forests  are  thine,  Ilogo  / 
The  rivers  are  thine,  Ilogo  / 

The  moon  is  thine  / 
O  moon  !  O  moon  !  O  moon  / 
Thou  art  the  house  of  Ilogo  ! 
Shall  the  king  die?  O  Ilogo  ! 
O  Ilogo  !  O  moon  /  O  moon  /  "  r 

In  African  caravans  or  processions,  there  is  a  man  chosen  to 
go  in  front  and  sing,  brandishing  a  stick  somewhat  after  the  man 
ner  of  our  band-masters.  The  song  is  rather  an  indifferent  howl, 
with  little  or  no  relevancy.  It  is  a  position  much  sought  after, 
and  affords  abundant  opportunity  for  the  display  of  the  voice. 

1  Equatorial  Africa,  pp.  448,  449. 


82      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Such  a  person  feels  the  dignity  of  the  position.     The  following 
is  a  sample  :  — 

"  Shove  him  on  ! 
But  is  he  a  good  man  ? 
No,  I  think  he 's  a  stingy  fellow  : 
Shove  him  on  / 

Let  him  drop  in  the  road,  then. 
No,  he  has  a  big  stick  : 
Shove  him  on  ! 

Oh,  matta-bicho  !  matta-bicho  ! 
IV ho  will  give  me  matta-bicho  ?  " 

Of  this  song  Mr.  Reade  says, — 

"Matta-bicho  is  a  bunda  compound  meaning  kill-worm;  the  natives  sup 
posing  that  their  entrails  are  tormented  by  a  small  worm,  which  it  is  necessary 
to  kill  with  raw  spirits.  From  the  frequency  of  their  demand,  it  would  seem 
to  be  the  worm  that  ever  gnaws,  and  that  their  thirst  is  the  fire  which  is  never 
quenched." 

The  Griot,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  sings  for  money. 
He  is  a  most  accomplished  parasite  and  flatterer.  He  makes  a 
study  of  the  art.  Here  is  one  of  his  songs  gotten  up  for  the 
occasion. 

I. 

"  The  man  who  had  not  feared  to  pass  the  seas  through  a  love  of  study 
and  of  science  heard  of  the  poor  Griot.  He  had  him  summoned.  He  made 
him  sing  songs  which  made  the  echoes  of  the  Bornou  mountains,  covered  with 
palm-trees,  ring  louder  and  louder  as  the  sounds  flew  over  the  summits  of  the- 
trees. 

II. 

"  The  songs  touched  the  heart  of  the  great  white  man,  and  the  dew  of  his. 
magnificence  fell  upon  the  Griot's  head.  Oh  !  how  can  he  sing  the  wonderful 
deeds  of  the  Toubab?  His  voice  and  his  breath  would  not  be  strong  enough 
to  sing  that  theme.  He  must  be  silent,  and  let  the  lion  of  the  forest  sing  his, 
battles  and  his  victories. 

III. 

"  Fatimata  heard  the  songs  of  the  Griot.  She  heard,  too,  the  deeds  which 
the  Toubab  had  accomplished.  She  sighed,  and  covered  her  head  with  her 
robe.  Then  she  turned  to  her  young  lover,  and  she  said,  *  Go  to  the  wars  ;  let 
the  flying  ball  kill  thee :  for  Fatimata  loves  thee  no  longer.  The  white  man. 
fills  her  thoughts.' " 

The  most  beautiful  nursery  song  ever  sung  by  any  mother,  in 
any  language,  may  be  heard  in  the  Balengi  county,  in  Central! 
Africa.  There  is  wonderful  tenderness  in  it,  —  tenderness  that 


LANGUAGES,   LITERATURE,   AND  RELIGION.        83 

would  melt  the  coldest  heart.     It  reveals  a  bright  spot  in  the 
heart-life  of  this  people.1 

"  Why  dost  thou  weep,  my  child? 

The  sky  is  bright;  the  sun  is  shining :  why  dost  thou  weep  ? 
Go  to  thy  father  :  he  loves  thee ;  go,  tell  him  why  thou  weepest. 
What!  thou  weepest  still!     Thy  father  loves  thee;  I  caress  thee  :  yet  still 

thou  art  sad. 
Tell  me  then,  my  child,  why  dost  thou  weep  ?  " 

It  is  not  so  very  remarkable,  when  we  give  the  matter 
thought,  that  the  African  mother  should  be  so  affectionate  and 
devoted  in  her  relations  to  her  children.  The  diabolical  system 
of  polygamy  has  but  this  one  feeble  apology  to  offer  in  Africa. 
The  wives  of  one  man  may  quarrel,  but  the  children  always  find 
loving  maternal  arms  ready  to  shelter  their  heads  against  the 
wrath  of  an  indifferent  and  cruel  father.  The  mother  settles  all 
the  disputes  of  the  children,  and  cares  for  them  with  a  zeal  and 
tenderness  that  would  be  real  beautiful  in  many  American 
mothers  ;  and,  in  return,  the  children  are  very  noble  in  their  rela 
tions  to  their  mothers.  "  Curse  me,  but  do  not  speak  ill  of  my 
mother,"  is  a  saying  in  vogue  throughout  nearly  all  Africa.  The 
old  are  venerated,  and  when  they  become  sick  they  are  abandoned 
to  die  alone. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  describe  the  religions  and  supersti 
tions  of  Africa.2  To  do  this  would  occupy  a  book.  The  world 
knows  that  this  poor  people  are  idolatrous,  —  "  bow  down  to  wood 
and  stone"  They  do  not  worship  the  true  God,  nor  conform  their 
lives  unto  the  teachings  of  the  Saviour.  They  worship  snakes, 
the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  trees,  and  water-courses.  But  the  bloody 
human  sacrifice  which  they  make  is  the  most  revolting  feature  of 
their  spiritual  degradation.  Dr.  Prichard  has  gone  into  this  sub 
ject  more  thoroughly  than  our  time  or  space  will  allow. 

"  Nowhere  can  the  ancient  African  religion  be  studied  better  than  in  the 
kingdom  of  Congo.  Christianity  in  Abyssinia,  and  Mohammedanism  in  North 
ern  Guinea,  have  become  so  mingled  with  pagan  rites  as  to  render  it  extremely 
difficult  to  distinguish  between  them. 

1  On  the  intellectual  faculties  of  the  Negro,  see  Prichard,  third  ed.,  1837,  vol.  ii.  p.  346, 
sect.  lii.    Peschel's  Races  of  Men,  p.  462,  sq.,  especially  Blumenbach's  Life  and  Works,  p.  305,  sq. 
Western  Africa,  p.  379,  — all  of  chap.  xi. 

2  See  Prichard,  fourth  ed.,  1841,  vol.  i.  p.  197,  sect.  v.     Moffat's  Southern  Africa;  Uncivil 
ized  Races  of  Men,  vol.  i.  pp.  183-219. 


84     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  The  inhabitants  of  Congo,  whom  I  take  as  a  true  type  of  the  tribes  of 
Southern  Guinea  generally,  and  of  Southern  Central  Africa,  believe  in  a 
supreme  Creator,  and  in  a  host  of  lesser  divinities.  These  last  they  represent 
by  images ;  each  has  its  temple,  its  priests,  and  its  days  of  sacrifice,  as  among 
the  Greeks  and  Romans."  » 

The  false  religions  of  Africa  are  but  the  lonely  and  feeble 
reaching  out  of  the  human  soul  after  the  true  God. 

1  Savage  Africa,  p.  287,  sy. 


SIERRA   LEONE.  85 


CHAPTER    IX. 

SIERRA    LEONE. 

ITS  DISCOVERY  AND  SITUATION.  —  NATURAL  BEAUTY.  —  FOUNDING  OF  A  NEGRO  COLONY.  —  THE 
SIERRA  LEONE  COMPANY.  —  FEVER  AND  INSUBORDINATION.  —  IT  BECOMES  AN  ENGLISH  PROVINCE. 
—  CHARACTER  OF  ITS  INHABITANTS.  —  CHRISTIAN  MISSIONS,  ETC. 

SIERRA  LEONE  was  discovered  and  named  by  Piedro  de 
Cintra.  It  is  a  peninsula,  about  thirty  miles  in  length  by 
about  twenty-five  in  breadth,  and  is  situated  8°  and  30'  north 
latitude,  and  is  about  13!°  west  longitude.  Its  topography  is  rather 
queer.  On  the  south  and  west  its  mountains  bathe  their  feet  in 
the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  on  the  east  and  north  its  boundaries  are 
washed  by  the  river  and  bay  of  Sierra  Leone.  A  range  of  moun 
tains,  co-extensive  with  the  peninsula,  —  forming  its  backbone, — 
rises  between  the  bay  of  Sierra  Leone  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
from  two  to  three  thousand  feet  in  altitude.  Its  outlines  are  as 
severe  as  Egyptian  architecture,  and  the  landscape  view  from  east 
or  west  is  charming  beyond  the  power  of  description.  Freetown 
is  the  capital,  with  about  twenty  thousand  inhabitants,  situated  on 
the  south  siffc  of  Sierra  Leone  River,  and  hugged  in  by  an  amphi 
theatre  of  beautiful  hills  and  majestic  mountains. 

"  On  the  side  of  the  hill  [says  Mr.  Reed]  which  rises  behind  the  town 
is  a  charming  scene,  which  I  will  attempt  to  describe.  You  have  seen  a  rural 
hamlet,  where  each  cottage  is  half  concealed  by  its  own  garden.  Now  convert 
your  linden  into  graceful  palm,  your  apples  into  oranges,  your  gooseberry-bushes 
into  bananas,  your  thrush  which  sings  in  its  wicker  cage  into  a  gray  parrot 
whistling  on  a  rail;  .  .  .  sprinkle  this  with  strange  and  powerful  perfumes; 
place  in  the  west  a  sun  flaming  among  golden  clouds  in  a  prussian-blue  sea, 
dotted  with  white  sails ;  imagine  those  mysterious  and  unknown  sounds,  those 
breathings  of  the  earth-soul,  with  which  the  warm  night  of  Africa  rises  into 
life,  —  and  then  you  will  realize  one  of  those  moments  of  poetry  which  reward 
poor  travellers  for  long  days  and  nights  of  naked  solitude."  « 

In  1772  Lord  Mansfield  delivered  his  celebrated  opinion  on 
the  case  of  the  Negro  man  Sommersett,  whose  master,  having 

1  Savage  Africa,  p.  25. 


86     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

abandoned  him  in  a  sick  condition,  afterwards  sought  to  reclaim 
him.  The  decision  was  to  the  effect  that  no  man,  white  or  black, 
could  set  foot  on  British  soil  and  remain  a  slave.  The  case  was 
brought  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Granville  Sharp.  The  decision 
created  universal  comment.  Many  Negroes  in  New  England,  who 
had  found  shelter  under  the  British  flag  on  account  of  the  procla 
mation  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  went  to  England.  Free  Negroes 
from  other  parts  —  Jamaica,  St.  Thomas,  and  San  Domingo  — 
hastened  to  breathe  the  free  air  of  the  British  metropolis.  Many 
came  to  want,  and  wandered  about  the  streets  of  London,  strangers 
in  a  strange  land.  Granville  Sharp,  a  man  of  great  humanity, 
was  deeply  affected  by  the  sad  condition  of  these  people.  He 
consulted  with  Dr.  Smeathman,  who  had  spent  considerable  time 
in  Africa ;  and  they  conceived  the  plan  of  transporting  them  to 
the  west  coast  of  Africa,  to  form  a  colony.1  The  matter  was 
agitated  in  London  by  the  friends  of  the  blacks,  and  finally  the 
government  began  to  be  interested.  A  district  of  about  twenty 
square  miles  was  purchased  by  the  government  of  Naimbanna, 
king  of  Sierra  Leone,  on  which  to  locate  the  proposed  colony. 
About  four  hundred  Negroes  and  sixty  white  persons,  the  greater 
portion  of  the  latter  being  "women  of  the  town,"  2  were  embarked 
on  "  The  Nautilus,"  Capt.  Thompson,  and  landed  at  Sierra  Leone 
on  the  Qth  of  May,  1787.  The  climate  was  severe,  the  sanitary 
condition  of  the  place  vile,  and  the  habits  of  the  people  immoral. 
The  African  fever,  with  its  black  death-stroke,  reaped  a  harvest ; 
while  the  irregularities  and  indolence  of  the  majority  of  the 
colonists,  added  to  the  deeds  of  plunder  perpeti^ted  by  pre 
datory  bands  of  savages,  reduced  the  number  of  the  colonists 
to  about  sixty-four  souls  in  1791. 

The  dreadful  news  of  the  fate  of  the  colony  was  borne  to  the 
philanthropists  in  England.  But  their  faith  in  colonization  stood 
as  unblanched  before  the  revelation  as  the  Iron  Duke  at  Waterloo. 
An  association  was  formed  under  the  name  of  "  St.  George's  Bay," 
but  afterwards  took  the  name  of  the  "  Sierra  Leone  Company," 
with  a  capital  stock  of  one  million  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars,  with  such  humanitarians  as  Granville  Sharp,  Thornton, 
Wilberforce,  and  Clarkson  among  its  directors.  The  object  of 
the  company  was  to  push  forward  the  work  of  colonization.  One 

1  Precis  sur  PEtablissement  des  Colonies  de  Sierra  Leona  et  de  Boulama,  etc.  Par  C.  B. 
Wadstrom,  pp.  3-28. 


Wadstrom  Essay  on  Colonization,  p 


SIERRA   LEONE.  87 

hundred  Europeans  landed  at  Sierra  Leone  in  the  month  of 
February,  1792,  and  were  followed  in  March  by  eleven  hundred 
and  thirty-one  Negroes.  A  large  number  of  them  had  served  in 
the  British  army  during  the  Revolutionary  War  in  America,  and, 
accepting  the  offer  of-  the  British  Government,  took  land  in  this 
colony  as  a  reward  for  services  performed  in  the  army.  Another 
fever  did  its  hateful  work ;  and  fifty  or  sixty  Europeans,  and  many 
blacks,  fell  under  its  parching  and  consuming  touch.1  Jealous 
feuds  rent  the  survivors,  and  idleness  palsied  every  nerve  of 
industry  in  the  colony.  In  1794  a  French  squadron  besieged 
the  place,  and  the  people  sustained  a  loss  of  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  Once  more  an  effort  was  made  to 
revive  the  place,  and  get  its  drowsy  energies  aroused  in  the  dis 
charge  of  necessary  duties.  Some  little  good  began  to  show 
itself ;  but  it  was  only  the  tender  bud  of  promise,  and  was  soon 
trampled  under  the  remorseless  heel  of  five  hundred  and  fifty 
insurrectionary  maroons  from  Jamaica  and  Nova  Scotia. 

The  indifferent  character  of  the  colonists,  and  the  hurtful 
touch  of  the  climate,  had  almost  discouraged  the  friends  of  the 
movement  in  England.  It  was  now  the  year  1800.  This  vine 
yard  planted  by  good  men  yielded  "  nothing  but  leaves."  No 
industry  had  been  developed,  no  substantial  improvement  had 
been  made,  and  the  future  was  veiled  in  harassing  doubts  and 
fears.  The  money  of  the  company  had  almost  all  been  expended. 
The  company  barely  had  the  signs  of  organic  life  in  it,  but  the 
light  of  a  beautiful  Christian  faith  had  not  gone  out  across  the 
sea  in  stalwart  old  England.  The  founders  of  the  colony  believed 
that  good  management  would  make  the  enterprise  succeed :  so 
they  looked  about  for  a  master  hand  to  guide  the  affair.  On  the 
8th  of  August,  1807,  the  colony  was  surrendered  into  the  hands 
of  the  Crown,  and  was  made  an  English  colony.  During  the 
same  year  in  which  this  transfer  was  made,  Parliament  declared 
the  slave-trade  piracy ;  and  a  naval  squadron  was  stationed  along 
the  coast  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing  it.  At  the  first,  many 
colored  people  of  good  circumstances,  feeling  that  they  would  be 
safe  under  the  English  flag,  moved  from  the  United  States  to 
Sierra  Leone.  But  the  chief  source  of  supply  of  population  was 
the  captured  slaves,  who  were  always  unloaded  at  this  place. 

1  This  led  to  the  sending  of  119  whites,  along  with  a  governor,  as  counsellors,  physicians, 
soldiers,  clerks,  overseers,  artificers,  settlers,  and  servants.  Of  this  company  57  died  within  the 
year,  22  returned,  and  40  remained.  See  Wadstrom,  pp.  121,  sq. 


88      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

When  the  English  Government  took  charge  of  Sierra  Leone,  the 
population  was  2,000,  the  majority  of  whom  were  from  the  West 
Indies  or  Nova  Scotia.  In  1811  it  was  nearly  5,000;  in  1820  it 
was  12,000;  it  1833  it  was  30,000;  in  1835  it  was  35,000;  in  1844 
it  was  40,000;  in  1869  it  was  55,3/4,  with  but  129  white  men. 
On  the  3  ist  of  March,  1827,  the  slaves  that  had  been  captured 
and  liberated  by  the  English  squadron  numbered  11,878;  of  which 
there  were  4,701  males  above,  and  1,875  under,  fourteen  years  of 
age.  There  were  2,717  females  above,  and  1,517  under,  the  age 
of  fourteen,  besides  1,068  persons  who  settled  in  Freetown,  work 
ing  in  the  timber-trade. 

With  the  dreadful  scourge  of  slavery  driven  from  the  sea,  the 
sanitary  condition  of  the  place  greatly  improved ;  and  with  a 
vigorous  policy  of  order  and  education  enforced,  Sierra  Leone 
began  to  bloom  and  blossom  as  a  rose.  When  the  slaver  dis 
appeared,  the  merchant-vessel  came  on  her  peaceful  mission  of 
commerce. 

The  annual  trade-returns  presented  to  Parliament  show  that 
the  declared  value  of  British  and  Irish  produce  and  manufactures 
exported  to  the  West  Coast  of  Africa,  arranged  in  periods  of  five 
years  each,  has  been  as  follows :  — 

EXPOKTS  FROM  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

1846-50.        .        .     ^2,773,408;  or  a  yearly  average  of  ^554,681 
1851-55.        .        .       4,314,752;     "        "  862,950 

1856-60.        .        .       5,582,941;      "        «  «         1,116,588 

1861-63.        .        .       4,216,045;     «        «  «         1,405,348 

IMPORTS. 

The  same  trade-returns  show  that  the  imports  of  African- 
produce  from  the  West  Coast  into  Great  Britain  have  been  as 
follows.  The  "official  value"  is  given  before  1856,  after  that  date 
the  "  computed  real  value  "  is  given. 

Official  value,  1851-55       .        .        .     ^4,154,725 ;  average,  .£830,945 

Computed  real  value,  1856-60  .        .        9,376,251;        "         1,875,250 

«       1861-63.        .        5,284,611;        "         i,76i,537 

The  value  of  African  produce  has  decreased  during  the  last 
few  years  in  consequence  of  the  discovery  of  the  petroleum  or 
rock-oil  in  America.  In  1864  between  four  and  five  thousand 
bales  of  cotton  were  shipped  to  England. 

It  is  to  be  borne  in  mind,  that  under  the  system  which  existed 
when  Sierra  Leone,  the  Gambia,  and  Gold  Coast  settlements  were 


SIERRA   LEONE.  89 

maintained  for  the  promotion  of  the  slave-trade,  the  lawful  com 
merce  was  only  £20,000  annually,  and  that  now  the  amount 
of  tonnage  employed  in  carrying  legal  merchandise  is  greater 
than  was  ever  engaged  in  carrying  slaves.1  W.  Win  wood  Readc 
visited  Sierra  Leone  during  the  Rebellion  in  America ;  but,  being 
somewhat  prejudiced  against  the  Negro,  we  do  not  expect  any 
thing  remarkably  friendly.  But  we  quote  from  him  the  view  he 
took  of  the  people  he  met  there  :  — 

"  The  inhabitants  of  the  colony  may  be  divided  into  four  classes  :  — 

"First,  The  street-venders,  who  cry  cassada-cakes,  palm-oil,  pepper, 
pieces  of  beef,  under  such  names  as  agedee,  aballa,  akalaray,  and  which  are 
therefore  as  unintelligible  as  the  street-cries  of  London.  This  is  the  coster- 
monger  type. 

"  Second,  The  small  market-people,  who  live  in  frame  houses,  sell  nails, 
fish-hooks,  tape,  thread,  ribbons,  etc.,  and  who  work  at  handicrafts  in  a  small 
way. 

"  Third,  The  shopkeepers,  who  inhabit  frame  houses  on  stone  foundations, 
and  within  which  one  may  see  a  sprinkling  of  mahogany,  a  small  library  of 
religious  books,  and  an  almost  English  atmosphere  of  comfort. 

"  Lastly,  The  liberated  Africans  of  the  highest  grade,  who  occupy  two- 
story  stone  houses  enclosed  all  around  by  spacious  piazzas,  the  rooms  furnished 
with  gaudy  richness ;  and  the  whole  their  own  property,  being  built  from  the 
proceeds  of  their  .  .  .  thrift." 

When  England  abolished  the  slave-trade  on  the  West  Coast 
of  Africa,  Christianity  arose  with  healing  in  her  wings.  Until 
slavery  was  abolished  in  this  colony,  missionary  enterprises  were 
abortive ;  but  when  the  curse  was  put  under  the  iron  heel  of 
British  prohibition,  the  Lord  did  greatly  bless  the  efforts  of  the 
missionary.  The  Episcopal  Church — "the  Church  of  England'" 
—  was  the  first  on  the  ground  in  1808;  but  it  was  some  years, 
before  any  great  results  were  obtained.  In  1832  this  Church  had 
638  communicants,  294  candidates  for  baptism,  684  sabbath- 
school  pupils,  and  1,388  children  in  day-schools.  This  Church 
carried  its  missionary  work  beyond  its  borders  to  the  tribes  that 
were  "sitting  in  darkness  ;"  and  in  1850  had  built  54  seminaries 
and  schools,  had  6,600  pupils,  2,183  communicants,  and  7,500 
attendants  on  public  worship.  It  is  pleasant  to  record  that  out 
of  6 1  teachers,  56  were  native  Africans!  In  1865  there  were 
sixteen  missionary  societies  along  the  West  Coast  of  Africa. 
Seven  were  American,  six  English,  two  German,  and  one  West- 
Indian.  These  societies  maintained  104  European  or  American 

1  See  Livingstone's  Zambesi,  pp.  633,  634. 


90     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

missionaries,  had  1 10  mission-stations,  13,000  scholars,  236  schools, 
19,000  registered  communicants ;  representing  a  Christian  popu 
lation  of  60,000  souls. 

The  Wesleyan  Methodists  began  their  work  in  1811;  and  in 
1831  they  had  two  missionaries,  294  members  in  their  churches, 
and  1 60  pupils  in  school.  They  extended  their  missions  westward 
to  the  Gambia,  and  eastward  toward  Cape  Coast  Castle,  Badagry, 
Abbeokuta,  and  Kumasi ;  and  in  this  connection,  in  1850,  had  44 
houses  of  worship,  13  out-stations,  42  day-schools,  97  teachers, 
4,500  pupils  in  day  and  sabbath  schools,  6,000  communicants,  560 
on  probation,  and  14,600  in  attendance  on  public  worship.  In 
1850  the  population  of  Sierra  Leone  was  45,000;  of  which  36,000 
were  Christians,  against  1,734  Mohammedans. 

Sierra  Leone  represents  the  most  extensive  composite  popula 
tion  in  the  world  for  its  size.  About  one  hundred  different  tribes 
are  represented,  with  as  many  different  languages  or  dialects. 
Bishop  Vidal,  under  direction  of  the  British  Parliament,  gave 
special  attention  to  this  matter,  and  found  not  less  than  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty-one  distinct  languages,  besides  several  dialects, 
spoken  in  Sierra  Leone.  They  were  arranged  under  twenty-six 
groups,  and  yet  fifty-four  are  unclassified  that  are  as  distinct  as 
German  and  French.  "  God  makes  the  wrath  of  man  to  praise 
him,  and  the  remainder  thereof  he  will  restrain."  Through  these 
numerous  languages,  poor  benighted  Africa  will  yet  hear  the  gospel. 

Some  years  ago  Dr.  Ferguson,  who  was  once  governor  of  the 
Sierra  Leone  colony,  and  himself  a  colored  man,  wrote  an  ex 
tended  account  of  the  situation  there,  which  was  widely  circulated 
in  England  and  America  at  the  time.  It  is  so  manifestly  just 
and  temperate  in  tone,  so  graphic  and  minute  in  description,  that 
we  reproduce  it  in  extenso :  — 

"  i.  Those  most  recently  arrived  are  to  be  found  occupying  mud  houses 
and  small  patches  of  ground  in  the  neighborhood  of  one  or  other  of  the  vil 
lages  (the  villages  are  about  twenty  in  number,  placed  in  different  parts  of  the 
colony,  grouped  in  three  classes  or  districts ;  namely,  mountain,  river,  and  sea 
districts).  The  majority  remain  in  their  locations  as  agriculturists ;  but  sev 
eral  go  to  reside  in  the  neighborhood  of  Freetown,  looking  out  for  work  as 
laborers,  farm-servants,  servants  to  carry  wood  and  water,  grooms,  house- 
servants,  etc. ;  others  cultivate  vegetables,  rear  poultry  and  pigs,  and  supply 
eggs,  for  the  Sierra  Leone  market.  Great  numbers  are  found  offering  for  sale 
in  the  public  market  and  elsewhere  a  vast  quantity  of  cooked  edible  substances 
—  rice,  corn,  and  cassava  cakes  ;  heterogeneous  compounds  of  rice  and  corn 
flower,  yams,  cassava,  palm-oil,  pepper,  pieces  of  beef,  mucilaginous  vegetables, 


SIERRA   LEONE.  91 

etc.,  etc.,  under  names  quite  unintelligible  to  a  stranger,  such  as  aagedee, 
aballa,  akalaray,  cabona,  etc.,  etc.,  cries  which  are  shouted  along  the  streets  of 
Freetown  from  morn  till  night.  These,  the  lowest  grade  of  liberated  Africans, 
are  a  harmless  and  well-disposed  people ;  there  is  no  poverty  among  them,  nor 
begging;  their  habits  are  frugal  and  industrious;  their  anxiety  to  possess 
money  is  remarkable :  but  their  energies  are  allowed  to  run  riot  and  be  wasted 
from  the  want  of  knowledge  requisite  to  direct  them  in  proper  channels. 

"  2.  Persons  of  grade  higher  than  those  last  described  are  to  be  found 
occupying  frame  houses :  they  drive  a  petty  trade  in  the  market,  where  they 
expose  for  sale  nails,  fish-hooks,  door-hinges,  tape,  thread,  ribbons,  needles, 
pins,  etc.  Many  of  this  grade  also  look  out  for  the  arrival  of  canoes  from  the 
country  laden  with  oranges,  kolas,  sheep,  bullocks,  fowls,  rice,  etc.,  purchase 
the  whole  cargo  at  once  at  the  water-side,  and  derive  considerable  profit  from 
selling  such  articles  by  retail  in  the  market  and  over  the  town.  Many  of  this 
grade  are  also  occupied  in  curing  and  drying  fish,  an  article  which  always  sells 
well  in  the  market,  and  is  in  great  request  by  people  at  a  distance  from  the 
water-side,  and  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  A  vast  number  of  this  grade  are 
tailors,  straw-hat  makers,  shoemakers,  cobblers,  blacksmiths,  carpenters,  masons, 
etc.  Respectable  men  of  this  grade  meet  with  ready  mercantile  credits  amount 
ing  from  twenty  pounds  to  sixty  pounds  ;  and  the  class  is  very  numerous. 

"  3.  Persons  of  grade  higher  than  that  last  mentioned  are  found  occupying 
frame  houses  reared  on  a  stone  foundation  of  from  six  to  ten  feet  in  height. 
These  houses  are  very  comfortable ;  they  are  painted  outside  and  in ;  have 
piazzas  in  front  and  rear,  and  many  of  them  all  round ;  a  considerable  sprin 
kling  of  mahogany  furniture  of  European  workmanship  is  to  be  found  in  them ; 
several  books  are  to  be  seen  lying  about,  chiefly  of  a  religious  character;  and  a 
general  air  of  domestic  comfort  pervades  the  whole,  which,  perhaps  more  than 
any  thing  else,  bears  evidence  of  the  advanced  state  of  intelligence  at  which 
they  have  arrived.  This  grade  is  nearly  altogether  occupied  in  shopkeeping, 
hawking,  and  other  mercantile  pursuits.  At  sales  of  prize  goods,  public  auc 
tions,  and  every  other  place  affording  a  probability  of  cheap  bargains,  they  are 
to  be  seen  in  great  numbers,  where  they  club  together  in  numbers  of  from 
three  to  six,  seven,  or  more,  to  purchase  large  lots  or  unbroken  bales.  And  the 
scrupulous  honesty  with  which  the  subdivision  of  the  goods  is  afterwards 
made  cannot  be  evidenced  more  thoroughly  than  this :  that,  common  as  such 
transactions  are,  they  have  never  yet  been  known  to  become  the  subject  of 
controversy  or  litigation.  The  principal  streets  of  Freetown,  as  well  as  the 
approaches  to  the  town,  are  lined  on  each  side  by  an  almost  continuous  range 
of  booths  and  stalls,  among  which  almost  every  article  of  merchandise  is 
offered  for  sale,  and  very  commonly  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  similar  articles  are 
sold  in  the  shops  of  the  merchants. 

"  Two  rates  of  profit  are  recognized  in  the  mercantile  transactions  of  the 
European  merchants  ;  namely,  a  wholesale  and  retail  profit,  the  former  varying 
from  thirty  to  fifty  per  cent,  the  latter  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  per  cent.  The 
working  of  the  retail  trade  in  the  hands  of  Europeans  requires  a  considerable 
outlay  in  the  shape  of  shop-rent,  shopkeepers'  and  clerks'  wages,  etc.  The 
liberated  Africans  were  not  slow  in  observing  nor  in  seizing  on  the  advantages 
which  their  peculiar  position  held  out  for  the  successful  prosecution  of  the 
retail  trade. 


92      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Clubbing  together,  as  before  observed,  and  holding  ready  money  in  their 
hands,  the  merchants  are  naturally  anxious  to  execute  for  them  considerable 
orders  on  such  unexceptionable  terms  of  payment ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
liberated  Africans,  seeing  clearly  their  advantage,  insist  most  pertinaciously  on 
the  lowest  possible  percentage  of  wholesale  profit. 

"  Having  thus  become  possessed  of  the  goods  at  the  lowest  possible  ready- 
money  rate,  their  subsequent  transactions  are  not  clogged  with  the  expense  of 
shop-rents,  shopkeepers'  and  clerks'  wages  and  subsistence,  etc.,  etc.,  expenses 
unavoidable  to  Europeans.  They  are  therefore  enabled  at  once  to  undersell 
the  European  retail  merchants,  and  to  secure  a  handsome  profit  to  themselves ; 
a  consummation  the  more  easily  attained,  aided  as  it  is  by  the  extreme  sim 
plicity  and  abstemiousness  of  their  mode  of  living,  which  contrast  so  favorably 
for  them  with  the  expensive  and  almost  necessary  luxuries  of  European  life. 
Many  of  this  grade  possess  large  canoes,  with  which  they  trade  in  the  upper 
part  of  the  river,  along  shore,  and  in  the  neighboring  rivers  ;  bringing  down 
rice,  palm-oil,  cam-wood,  ivory,  hides,  etc.,  etc.,  in  exchange  for  British  manu 
factures.  They  are  all  in  easy  circumstances,  readily  obtaining  mercantile 
credits  from  sixty  pounds  to  two  hundred  pounds.  Persons  of  this  and  the 
grade  next  to  be  mentioned  evince  great  anxiety  to  become  possessed  of 
houses  and  lots  in  old  Freetown.  These  lots  are  desirable  because  of  their 
proximity  to  the  market-place  and  the  great  thoroughfares,  and  also  for  the 
superior  advantages  which  they  afford  for  the  establishment  of  their  darling 
object, — 'a  retail  store.'  Property  of  this  description  has  of  late  years  become 
much  enhanced  in  value,  and  its  value  is  still  increasing,  solely  from  the  annu 
ally  increasing  numbers  and  prosperity  of  this  and  the  next  grade.  The  town- 
lots  originally  granted  to  the  Nova-Scotian  settlers  and  the  Maroons  are,  year 
after  year,  being  offered  for  sale  by  public  auction ;  and  in  every  case  liberated 
Africans  are  the  purchasers.  A  striking  instance  of  their  desire  to  possess 
property  of  this  description,  and  of  its  increasing  value,  came  under  my  imme 
diate  notice  a  few  months  ago. 

"  The  gentlemen  of  the  Church  Missionary  Society  having  been  for  some 
time  looking  about  in  quest  of  a  lot  on  which  to  erect  a  new  chapel,  a  lot 
suitable  for  the  purpose  was  at  length  offered  for  sale  by  public  auction ;  and 
at  a  meeting  of  the  society's  local  committee,  it  was  resolved,  in  order  to  secure 
the  purchase  of  the  property  in  question,  to  offer  as  high  as  sixty  pounds. 
The  clergyman  delegated  for  this  purpose,  at  my  recommendation,  resolved,  on 
his  own  responsibility,  to  offer,  if  necessary,  as  high  as  seventy  pounds ;  but. 
to  the  surprise  and  mortification  of  us  all,  the  lot  was  knocked  down  at  upward 
of  ninety  pounds,  and  a  liberated  African  was  the  purchaser.  He  stated  very 
kindly  that  if  he  had  known  the  society  were  desirous  of  purchasing  the  lot  he 
would  not  have  opposed  them ;  he  nevertheless  manifested  no  desire  of  trans 
ferring  to  them  the  purchase,  and  even  refused  an  advance  of  ten  pounds  on 
his  bargain. 

"4.  Persons  of  the  highest  grade  of  liberated  Africans  occupy  comfort 
able  two-story  stone  houses,  enclosed  all  round  with  spacious  piazzas.  These 
houses  are  their  own  property,  and  are  built  from  the  proceeds  of  their  own 
industry.  In  several  of  them  are  to  be  seen  mahogany  chairs,  tables,  sofas, 
and  four-post  bedsteads,  pier-glasses,  floor-cloths,  and  other  articles  indicative 
of  domestic  comfort  and  accumulating  wealth. 


SIERRA   LEONE.  93 

"  Persons  of  this  grade,  like  those  last  described,  are  almost  wholly  en 
gaged  in  mercantile  pursuits.  Their  transactions,  however,  are  of  greater 
magnitude  and  value,  and  their  business  is  carried  on  with  an  external  appear 
ance  of  respectability  commensurate  with  their  superior  pecuniary  means 
thus,  instead  of  exposing  their  wares  for  sale  in  booths  or  stalls  by  the  way 
side,  they  are  to  be  found  in  neatly  fitted-up  shops  on  the  ground-floors  of  their 
stone  dwelling-houses. 

"  Many  individual  members  of  this  grade  have  realized  very  considerable 
sums  of  money,  —  sums  which,  to  a  person  not  cognizant  of  the  fact,  would 
appear  to  be  incredible.  From  the  studied  manner  in  which  individuals  con 
ceal  their  pecuniary  circumstances  from  the  world,  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  a 
correct  knowledge  of  the  wealth  of  the  class  generally.  The  devices  to  which 
they  have  recourse  in  conducting  a  bargain  are  often  exceedingly  ingenious ; 
and  to  be  reputed  rich  might  materially  interfere  with  their  success  on  such 
occasions.  There  is  nothing  more  common  than  to  hear  a  plea  of  poverty  set 
up  and  most  pertinaciously  urged,  in  extenuation  of  the  terms  of  a  purchase, 
by  persons  whose  outward  condition,  comfortable  well-furnished  houses,  and 
large  mercantile  credits,  indicate  any  thing  but  poverty. 

"  There  are  circumstances,  however,  the  knowledge  of  which  they  cannot 
conceal,  and  which  go  far  to  exhibit  pretty  clearly  the  actual  state  of  matters . 
such  as,  First,  the  facility  with  which'  they  raise  large  sums  of  cash  prompt ' 
at  public  auctions.  Second,  the  winding  up  of  the  estates  of  deceased  persons. 
(Peter  Newland,  a  liberated  African,  died  a  short  time  before  I  left  the  colony : 
and  his  estate  realized,  in  houses,  merchandise,  and  cash,  upward  of  fifteen 
hundred  pounds.)  Third,  the  extent  of  their  mercantile  credits.  I  am  well 
acquainted  with  an  individual  of  this  grade  who  is  much  courted  and  caressed 
by  every  European  merchant  in  the  colony,  who  has  transactions  in  trade  with 
all  of  them,  and  whose  name,  shortly  before  my  departure  from  the  colony, 
stood  on  the  debtor  side  of  the  books  of  one  of  the  principal  merchants  to  the 
amount  of  nineteen  hundred  pounds,  to  which  sum  it  had  been  reduced  from 
three  thousand  pounds  during  the  preceding  two  months.  A  highly  respectable 
female  has  now,  and  has  had  for  several  years,  the  government  contract  for  the 
supplying  of  fresh  beef  to  the  troops  and  the  naval  squadron ;  and  I  have  not 
heard  that  on  a  single  occasion  there  has  been  cause  of  complaint  for  negli 
gence  or  non-fulfilment  of  the  terms  of  the  contract.  Fourth,  many  of  them 
at  the  present  moment  have  their  children  being  educated  in  England  at  their 
own  expense.  There  is  at  Sierra  Leone  a  very  fine  regiment  of  colonial  militia, 
more  than  eight-tenths  of  which  are  liberated  Africans.  The  amount  of  prop 
erty  which  they  have  acquired  is  ample  guaranty  for  their  loyalty,  should  that 
ever  be  called  in  question.  They  turn  out  with  great  alacrity  and  cheerfulness, 
on  all  occasions  for  periodical  drill.  But  perhaps  the  most  interesting  point  oi 
view  in  which  the  liberated  Africans  are  to  be  seen,  and  that  which  will  render 
their  moral  condition  most  intelligible  to  those  at  a  distance,  is  where  they  sit 
at  the  Quarter  Sessions  as  petty,  grand,  and  special  jurors.  They  constitute 
a  considerable  part  of  the  jury  at  every  session;  and  I  have  repeatedly  heard 
the  highest  legal  authority  in  the  colony  express  his  satisfaction  with  their 
decisions." 


94     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

But  this  account  was  written  at  the  early  sunrise  of  civili 
zation  in  Sierra  Leone.  Now  civilization  is  at  its  noonday  tide, 
and  the  hopes  of  the  most  sanguine  friends  of  the  liberated  Negro 
have  been  more  than  realized.  How  grateful  this  renewed  spot 
on  the  edge  of  the  Dark  Continent  would  be  to  the  weary  and 
battle-dimmed  vision  of  Wilberforce,  Sharp,  and  other  friends  of 
the  colony  !  And  if  they  still  lived,  beholding  the  wonderful 
results,  would  they  not  gladly  say,  "  Lord,  now  lettest  thou  thy 
servant  depart  in  peace,  according  to  thy  word  :  for  mine  eyes 
have  seen  thy  salvation  which  thou  hast  prepared  before  the  face 
of  all  people ;  a  light  to  lighten  the  Gentiles,  and  the  glory  of  thy 
people  Israel "  ? 


THE  REPUBLIC   OF  LIBERIA.  95 


CHAPTER    X. 

THE    REPUBLIC    OF    LIBERIA. 

LIBERIA.  —  ITS  LOCATION.  —  EXTENT.  —  RIVERS  AND  MOUNTAINS.  —  HISTORY  OF  THE  FIRST  COLONY. 

—  THE  NOBLE  MEN  WHO  LAID  THE  FOUNDATION  OF  THE  LIBERIAN  REPUBLIC.  —  NATIVE  TRIBES. 

—  TRANSLATION  OF  THE   NEW  TESTAMENT  INTO  THE  VEI   LANGUAGE.  —  THE   BEGINNING  AND 
TRIUMPH  OF  CHRISTIAN  MISSIONS  TO   LIBERIA. — HISTORY  OF  THE   DIFFERENT   DENOMINATIONS 
ON  THE    FIELD. — A   MISSIONARY    REPUBLIC   OF    NEGROES.  —  TESTIMONY   OF  OFFICERS    OF   THE 
ROYAL  NAVY  AS  TO  THE  EFFICIENCY  OF  THE   REPUBLIC  IN  SUPPRESSING  THE  SLAVE-TRADE.  — 
THE  WORK  OF  THE  FUTURE. 

THAT  section  of  country  on  the  West  Coast  of  Africa  known 
as  Liberia,  extending  from  Cape  Palmas  to  Cape  Mount,  is 
about  three  hundred  miles  coastwise.  Along  this  line  there 
are  six  colonies  of  Colored  people,  the  majority  of  the  original 
settlers  being  from  the  United  States.  The  settlements  are 
Cape  Palmas,  Cape  Mesurado,  Cape  Mount,  River  Junk,  Basa, 
and  Sinon.  The  distance  between  them  varies  from  thirty-five 
to  one  hundred  miles,  and  the  only  means  of  communication  is 
the  coast-vessels.  Cape  Palmas,  though  we  include  it  under  the 
general  title  of  Liberia,  was  founded  by  a  company  of  intelligent 
Colored  people  from  Maryland.  This  movement  was  started  by 
the  indefatigable  J.  H.  B.  Latrobe  and  Mr.  Harper  of  the  Mary 
land  Colonization  Society.  This  society  purchased  at  Cape  Pal 
mas  a  territory  of  about  twenty  square  miles,  in  which  there  was 
at  that  time  —  more  than  a  half-century  ago  —  a  population  of 
about  four  thousand  souls.  Within  two  years  from  the  time  of  the 
first  purchase,  this  enterprising  society  held  deeds  from  friendly 
proprietors  for  eight  hundred  square  miles,  embracing  the  domin 
ions  of  nine  kings,  who  bound  themselves  to  the  colonists  in 
friendly  alliance.  This  territory  spread  over  both  banks  of  the 
Cavally  River,  and  from  the  ocean  to  the  town  of  Netea,  which 
is  thirty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  river.  In  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  Cape  Palmas,  —  say  within  an  area  of  twenty  miles,— 
there  was  a  native  population  of  twenty-five  thousand.  Were  we 
to  go  toward  the  interior  from  the  Cape  about  forty-five  or  fifty 
miles,  we  should  find  a  population  of  at  least  seventy  thousand 


96      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

natives,  the  majority  of  whom  we  are  sure  are  anxious  to  enjoy 
the  blessings  of  education,  trade,  civilization,  and  Christianity. 
The  country  about  Cape  Palmas  is  very  beautiful  and  fertile.  The 
cape  extends  out  into  the  sea  nearly  a  mile,  the  highest  place 
being  about  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  feet.  Looking  from 
the  beach,  the  ground  rises  gradually  until  its  distant  heights  are 
crowned  with  heavy,  luxuriant  foliage  and  dense  forest  timber. 
And  to  plant  this  colony  the  Maryland  Legislature  appropriated 
the  sum  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars !  And  the  colony  has 
done  worthily,  has  grown  rapidly,  and  at  present  enjoys  all  the 
blessings  of  a  Christian  community.  Not  many  years  ago  it  de 
clared  its  independence. 

But  Liberia,  in  the  proper  use  of  the  term,  is  applied  to  all  the 
settlements  along  the  West  Coast  of  Africa  that  were  founded  by 
Colored  people  from  the  United  States.  It  is  the  most  beautiful 
spot  on  the  entire  coast.  The  view  is  charming  in  approaching 
this  country.  Rev.  Charles  Rockwell  says, — 

"  One  is  struck  with  the  dark  green  hue  which  the  rank  and  luxuriant 
growth  of  forest  and  of  field  everywhere  presents.  In  this  respect  it  strongly 
resembles  in  appearance  the  dark  forests  of  evergreens  which  line  a  portion 
of  the  coast  of  Eastern  Virginia.  ...  At  different  points  there  are  capes  or 
promontories  rising  from  thirty  or  forty  to  one  or  two  hundred  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  sea ;  while  at  other  places  the  land,  though  somewhat  uneven,  has 
not,  near  the  sea,  any  considerable  hills.  In  some  places  near  the  mouths 
of  the  rivers  are  thickly  wooded  marshes ;  but  on  entering  the  interior  of  the 
country  the  ground  gradually  rises,  the  streams  become  rapid,  and  at  the  dis 
tance  of  twenty  miles  or  more  from  the  sea,  hills,  and  beyond  them  mountains, 
are  often  met  with." 

The  physical,  social,  and  political  bondage  of  the  Colored  peo 
ple  in  America  before  the  war  was  most  discouraging.  They 
were  mobbed  in  the  North,  and  sold  in  the  South.  It  was  not 
enough  that  they  were  isolated  and  neglected  in  the  Northern 
States  :  they  were  proscribed  by  the  organic  law  of  legislatures, 
and  afflicted  by  the  most  burning  personal  indignities.  They  had 
a  few  friends  ;  but  even  their  benevolent  acts  were  often  hampered 
by  law,  and  strangled  by  caste-prejudice.  Following  the  plans  of 
Granville  Sharp  and  William  Wilberforce,  Liberia  was  founded  as 
a  refuge  to  all  Colored  men  who  would  avail  themselves  of  its 
blessings. 

Colonization  societies  sprang  into  being  in  many  States,  and 
large  sums  of  money  were  contributed  to  carry  out  the  objects  of 


THE  REPUBLIC   OF  LIBERIA.  97 

these  organizations.  Quite  a  controversy  arose  inside  of  anti- 
slavery  societies,  and  much  feeling  was  evinced ;  but  the  men 
who  believed  colonization  to  be  the  solution  of  the  slavery  ques 
tion  went  forward  without  wavering  or  doubting.  In  March,  1820, 
the  first  emigrants  sailed  for  Africa,  being  eighty-six  in  number  ; 
and  in  January,  1822,  founded  the  town  of  Monrovia,  named  for 
President  Monroe.  Rev.  Samuel  J.  Mills,  while  in  college  in 
1806,  was  moved  by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  turn  his  face  toward 
Africa  as  a  missionary.  His  zeal  for  missionary  labor  touched 
the  hearts  of  Judson,  Newell,  Nott,  Hall,  and  Rice,  who  went  to 
mission-fields  in  the  East  as  early  as  I8I2.1  The  American 
Colonization  Society  secured  the  services  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  J. 
Mills  and  Rev.  Ebenezer  Burgess  to  locate  the  colony  at  Monro 
via.  Mr.  Mills  found  an  early,  watery  grave ;  but  the  report  of 
Mr.  Burgess  gave  the  society  great  hope,  and  the  work  was 
carried  forward. 

The  first  ten  years  witnessed  the  struggles  of  a  noble  band  of 
Colored  people,  who  were  seeking  a  new  home  on  the  edge  of  a 
continent  given  over  to  the  idolatry  of  the  heathen.  The  funds 
of  the  society  were  not  as  large  as  the  nature  and  scope  of  the 
work  demanded.  Emigrants  went  slowly,  not  averaging  more 
than  170  per  annum,  —  only  1,232  in  ten  years:  but  the  average 
from  the  first  of  January,  1848,  to  the  last  of  December,  1852,  was 
540  yearly ;  and,  in  the  single  year  of  1853,  782  emigrants  arrived 
at  Monrovia.  In  1855  the  population  of  Monrovia  and  Cape 
Palmas  had  reached  about  8,000. 

Going  south  from  Monrovia  for  about  one  hundred  miles,  and 
inland  about  twenty,  the  country  was  inhabited  by  the  Bassa 
tribe  and  its  branches ;  numbering  about  130,000  souls,  and  speak 
ing  a  common  language.  "They  were  peaceful,  domestic,  and 
industrious  ;  and,  after  fully  supplying  their  own  wants,  furnish  a 
large  surplus  of  rice,  oil,  cattle,  and  other  articles  of  common  use, 
for  exportation."  2  This  tribe,  like  the  Veis,  of  whom  we  shall 
make  mention  subsequently,  have  reduced  their  language  to  a 
written  system.  The  New  Testament  has  been  translated  into 
their  language  by  a  missionary,  and  they  have  had  the  gospel 
these  many  years  in  their  own  tongue. 

The  "Greybo  language,"  spoken  in  and  about  Cape  Palmas, 
has  been  reduced  to  a  written  form ;  and  twenty  thousand  copies 

1  Ethiope,  p.  197.  2  Foreign  Travel  and  Life  at  Sea,  vol.  ii.  p.  359. 


98      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  eleven  different  works  have  been  printed  and  distributed. 
There  are  about  seventy-five  thousand  natives  within  fifty  miles 
of  Cape  Palmas ;  and,  as  a  rule,  they  desire  to  avail  themselves  of 
the  blessings  of  civilization.  The  Veis  occupy  about  fifty  miles 
of  seacoast ;  extending  from  Gallinas  River,  one  hundred  miles 
north  of  Monrovia,  and  extending  south  to  Grand  Mount.  Their 
territory  runs  back  from  the  seacoast  about  thirty  miles,  and  they 
are  about  sixteen  thousand  strong. 

This  was  a  grand  place  to  found  a  Negro  state,  —  a  mission 
ary  republic,  as  Dr.  Christy  terms  it.  When  the  republic  rose, 
the  better,  wealthier  class  of  free  Colored  people  from  the  United 
States  embarked  for  Liberia'.  Clergymen,  physicians,  merchants, 
mechanics,  and  school-teachers  turned  their  faces  toward  the  new 
republic,  with  an  earnest  desire  to  do  something  for  themselves 
and  race;  and  history  justifies  the  hopes  and  prayers  of  all  sin 
cere  friends  of  Liberia.  Unfortunately,  at  the  first,  many  white 
men  were  more  anxious  to  get  the  Negro  out  of  the  country  than 
to  have  him  do  well  when  out ;  and,  in  many  instances,  some 
unworthy  Colored  people  got  transportation  to  Liberia,  of  whom 
Americans  were  rid,  but  of  whom  Liberians  could  not  boast.  But 
the  law  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest  carried  the  rubbish  to  the 
bottom.  The  republic  grew  and  expanded  in  every  direction. 
From  year  to  year  new  blood  and  fresh  energy  were  poured  into 
the  social  and  business  life  of  the  people ;  and  England,  America, 
and  other  powers  acknowledged  the  republic  by  sending  resident 
ministers  there. 

The  servants  of  Christ  saw,  at  the  earliest  moment  of  the  con 
ception  to  build  a  black  government  in  Africa,  that  the  banner  of 
the  cross  must  wave  over  the  new  colony,  if  good  were  to  be 
expected.  The  Methodist  Church,  with  characteristic  zeal  and 
aggressiveness,  sent  with  the  first  colonists  several  members  of 
their  denomination  and  two  "  local  preachers ; "  and  in  March, 
1833,  the  Rev.  Melville  B.  Cox,  an  ordained  minister  of  this 
church,  landed  at  Monrovia.  The  mission  experienced  many 
severe  trials ;  but  the  good  people  who  had  it  in  charge  held  on 
with  great  tenacity  until  the  darkness  began  to  give  away  before 
the  light  of  the  gospel.  Nor  did  the  Board  of  the  Methodist 
Missionary  Society  in  America  lose  faith.  They  appropriated 
for  this  mission,  in  1851,  $22,000;  in  1852,  $26,000;  in  1853, 
$32,957;  and 'in  1854,  $32,957.  In  the  report  of  the  board  of 
managers  for  1851,  the  following  encouraging  statement  occurs  :  — 


THE  REPUBLIC   OF  LIBERIA.  99 

"All  eyes  are  now  turned  toward  this  new  republic  on  the  western  coast 
of  Africa  as  the  star  of  hope  to  the  colored  people,  both  bond  and  free,  in  the 
United  States.  The  republic  is  establishing  and  extending  itself;  and  its 
Christian  population  is  in  direct  contact  with  the  natives,  both  Pagans  and 
Mohammedans.  Thus  the  republic  has,  indirectly,  a  powerful  missionary 
influence,  and  its  moral  and  religious  condition  is  a  matter  of  grave  concern  to 
the  Church.  Hence  the  Protestant  Christian  missions  in  Liberia  are  essential 
to  the  stability  and  prosperity  of  the  republic ;  and  the  stability  and  prosperity 
of  the  republic  are  necessary  to  the  protection  and  action  of  the  missions.  It 
will  thus  appear  that  the  Christian  education  of  the  people  is  the  legitimate 
work  of  the  missions." 
• 

At  this  time  (1851)  they  had  an  annual  Conference,  with 
three  districts,  with  as  many  presiding  elders,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  visit  all  the  churches  and  schools  in  their  circuit.  The 
Conference  had  21  members,  all  of  whom  were  colored  men. 
The  churches  contained  1,301  members,  of  whom  115  were  on 
probation,  and  116  were  natives.  There  were  20  week-day 
schools,  with  839  pupils,  50  of  whom  were  natives.  Then  there 
were  seven  schools  among  the  natives,  with  127  faithful  attend 
ants. 

Bishop  Scott,  of  the  General  Conference  of  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church,  was,  by  order  of  his  Conference,  sent  on  an 
official  visit  to  Liberia.  He  spent  more  than  two  months  among 
the  missions,  and  returned  in  1853  much  gratified  with  the  results 
garnered  in  that  distant  field. 

"The  government  of  the  republic  of  Liberia,  which  is  formed  on  the 
model  of  our  own,  and  is  wholly  in  the  hands  of  colored  men,  seems  to  be 
exceedingly  well  administered.  I  never  saw  so  orderly  a  people.  I  saw  but  one 
intoxicated  colonist  while  in  the  country,  and  I  heard  not  one  profane  word. 
The  sabbath  is  kept  with  singular  strictness,  and  the  churches  crowded  with 
attentive  and  orderly  worshippers."  « 

The  above  is  certainly  re-assuring,  and  had  its  due  influence 
among  Christian  people  at  the  time  it  appeared.  At  an  anni 
versary  meeting  of  the  Methodist  Church,  held  in  Cincinnati,  O., 
in  the  same  year,  1853,  Bishop  Ames  gave  utterance  to  senti 
ments  in  regard  to  the  character  of  the  government  of  Liberia 
that  quite  shocked  some  pro-slavery  people  who  held  "hired 
pews "  in  the  Methodist  Church.  His  utterances  were  as  brave 
as  they  were  complimentary. 

1  Bishop  Scott's  Letter  in  the  Colonization  Herald,  October,  1853. 


100      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Nations  reared  under  religious  and  political  restraint  are  not  capable  of 
self-government,  while  those  who  enjoy  only  partially  these  advantages  have 
set  an  example  of  such  capability.  We  have  in  illustration  of  this  a  well- 
authenticated  historical  fact :  we  refer  to  the  colored  people  of  this  country, 
"who,  though  they  have  grown  up  under  the  most  unfavorable  circumstances, 
were  enabled  to  succeed  in  establishing  a  sound  republican  government  in 
Africa.  They  have  given  the  most  clear  and  indubitable  evidence  of  their 
capability  of  self-government,  and  in  this  respect  have  shown  a  higher  grade 
of  manhood  than  the  polished  Frenchman  himself."  J 

The  Presbyterian  Board  of  Missions  sent  Rev.  J.  B.  Pinny 
into  the  field  in  1833.  In  1837,  missions  were  established  among 
the  natives,  and  were  blessed  with  very  good  results.  In  1850 
there  were,  under  the  management  of  this  denomination,  three 
congregations,  with  116  members,  two  ordained  ministers,  and 
a  flourishing  sabbath-school.  A  high-school  was  brought  into 
existence  in  1852,  with  a  white  gentleman,  the  Rev.  D.  A.  Wilson, 
as  its  principal.  It  was  afterward  raised  into  a  college,  and  was 
always  crowded. 

The  American  Protestant-Episcopal  Church  raised  its  mis 
sionary  standard  in  Liberia  in  1836.  The  Rev.  John  Payne  was 
at  the  head  oi  this  enterprise,  assisted  by  six  other  clergymen, 
until  1850,  when  he  was  consecrated  missionary  bishop  for  Africa. 
He  was  a  white  gentleman  of  marked  piety,  rare  scholarship,  and 
large  executive  ability.  The  station  at  Monrovia  was  under  the 
care  of  the  Rev.  Alexander  Crummell,  an  educated  and  eloquent 
preacher  of  the  Negro  race.  There  was  an  excellent  training- 
school  for  religious  and  secular  teachers ;  there  are  several  board 
ing-schools  for  natives,  with  an  average  attendance  of  a  hundred ; 
and  up  to  1850  more  than  a  thousand  persons  had  been  brought 
into  fellowship  with  this  church. 

The  Foreign  Missionary  Board  of  the  Southern  Baptist  Con 
vention  in  1845  turned  its  attention  to  this  fruitful  field.  In  1855, 
ten  years  after  they  began  work,  they  had  19  religious  and 
secular  teachers,  1 1  day-schools,  400  pupils,  and  484  members  in 
their  churches.  There  were  13  mission-stations,  and  all  the 
teachers  were  colored  men. 

We  have  said,  a  few  pages  back  in  this  chapter,  that  the 
Methodist  Church  was  first  on  the  field  when  the  colony  of 
Liberia  was  founded.  We  should  have  said  one  of  the  first ; 
because  we  find,  in  "  Gammell's  History  of  the  American  Baptist 

1  In  Methodist  Missionary  Advocate,  1853. 


THE  REPUBLIC    OF  LIBERIA.  IOI 

Missions,"  that  the  Baptists  were  in  this  colony  as  missionaries 
in  1822;  that  under  the  direction  of  the  Revs.  Lot  Carey  and 
Collin  Teage,  two  intelligent  Colored  Baptists,  a  church  was 
founded.  Mr.  Carey  was  a  man  of  most  exemplary  character. 
He  had  received  an  education  in  Virginia,  where  he  had  resided 
as  a  freeman  for  some  years,  having  purchased  his  freedom  by  his 
personal  efforts,  and  where  also  he  was  ordained  in  1821. 

"  In  September,  1826,  he  was  unanimously  elected  vice-agent  'of  the 
colony  ;  and  on  the  return  of  Mr.  Ashmun  to  the  United  States,  in  1828,  he  was 
appointed  to  discharge  the  duties  of  governor  in  the  interim,  —  a  task  which 
he  performed  during  the  brief  remnant  of  his  life  with  wisdom,  and  with  credit 
to  himself.  His  death  took  place  in  a  manner  that  was  fearfully  sudden  and 
extraordinary.  The  natives  of  the  country  had  committed  depredations  upon 
the  property  of  the  colony,  and  were  threatening  general  hostilities.  Mr. 
Carey,  ife  his  capacity  as  acting  governor,  immediately  called  out  the  military 
forces  of  the  colony,  and  commenced  vigorous  measures  for  repelling  the 
assault  and  protecting  the  settlements.  He  was  at  the  magazine,  engaged  in 
superintending  the  making  of  cartridges,  when,  by  the  oversetting  of  a  lamp, 
a  large  mass  of  powder  became  ignited,  and  produced  an  explosion  which 
resulted  in  the  death  of  Mr.  Carey,  and  seven  others  who  were  engaged  with 
him.  In  this  sudden  and  awful  manner  perished  an  extraordinary  man, — one 
who  in  a  higher  sphere  might  have  developed  many  of  the  noblest  energies  of 
character,  and  who,  even  in  the  humble  capacity  of  a  missionary  among  his 
own  benighted  brethren,  deserves  a  prominent  place  in  the  list  of  those  who 
.have  shed  lustre  upon  the  African  race. 

"At  the  period  of  Mr.  Carey's  death,  the  church  of  which  he  was  the 
pastor  contained  a  hundred  members,  and  was  in  a  highly  flourishing  condi 
tion.  It  was  committed  to  the  charge  of  Collin  Teage,  who  now  returned  from 
Sierra  Leone,  and  of  Mr.  Waring,  one  of  its  members,  who  had  lately  been 
ordained  a  minister.  The  influences  which  had  commenced  with  the  inde 
fatigable  founder  of  the  mission  continued  to  be  felt  long  after  he  had  ceased 
to  live.  The  church  at  Monrovia  was  increased  to  two  hundred  members ;  and 
the  power  of  the  gospel  was  manifested  in  other  settlements  of  the  Coloniza 
tion  Society,  and  even  among  the  rude  natives  of  the  coast,  of  whom  nearly 
a  hundred  were  converted  to  Christianity,  and  united  with  the  several  churches 
-of  the  colony."  * 

We  regret  that  statistics  on  Liberia  are  not  as  full  as  desira 
ble  ;  but  we  have  found  enough  to  convince  us  that  the  cause  of 
religion,  education,  and  republican  government  are  in  safe  hands, 
and  on  a  sure  foundation.  There  are  now  more  than  three  thou 
sand  members  within  their  churches.  The  sabbath-schools  have 
about  eighteen  hundred  children,  seven  hundred  of  whom  are 

1  Gammell's  History  of  the  American  Baptist  Missions,  pp.  248,  249. 


102      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

natives  ; *  and  in  the  day-schools  are  gathered  about  two  thousand 
bright  and  promising  pupils. 

Many  noble  soldiers  of  the  cross  have  fallen  on  this  field, 
where  a  desperate  battle  has  been  waged  between  darkness  and 
light,  heathenism  and  religion,  the  wooden  gods  of  men  and  the 
only  true  God  who  made  heaven  and  earth.  Many  have  been 
mortally  touched  by  the  poisonous  breath  of  African  fever,  and, 
like  the  sainted  Gilbert  Haven,  have  staggered  back  to  home  and 
friends  to  die.  Few  of  the  white  teachers  have  been  able  to- 
remain  on  the  field.  During  the  first  thirty  years  of  missionary 
effort  in  the  field,  the  mortality  among  the  white  missionaries  was. 
terrible.  Up  to  1850  the  Episcopal  Church  had  employed  twenty 
white  teachers,  but  only  three  of  them  were  left.  The  rest  died, 
or  were  driven  home  by  the  climate.  Of  nineteen  missionaries 
sent  out  by  the  Presbyterian  Church  up  to  1850,  nine  diati,  seven 
returned  home,  and  but  three  remained.  The  Methodist  Church 
sent  out  thirteen  white  teachers  :  six  died,  six  returned  home,  and 
but  one  remained.  Among  the  colored  missionaries  the  mor 
tality  was  reduced  to  a  minimum.  Out  of  thirty-one  in  the 
employ  of  the  Methodist  Church,  only  seven  died  natural  deaths, 
and  fourteen  remained  in  the  service.  On  this  subject  of  mor 
tality,  Bishop  Payne  says,  — 

"  It  is  now  very  generally  admitted,  that  Africa  must  be  evangelized  chiefly 
by  her  own  children.  It  should  be  our  object  to  prepare  them,  so  far  as  we 
may,  for  their  great  work.  And  since  colonists  afford  the  most  advanced 
material  for  raising  up  the  needed  instruments,  it  becomes  us,  in  wise  co-opera 
tion  with  Providence,  to  direct  our  efforts  in  the  most  judicious  manner  to 
them.  To  do  this,  the  most  important  points  should  be  occupied,  to  become  in. 
due  time  radiating  centres  of  Christian  influence  to  colonists  and  natives."  2 

In  thirty-three  years  Liberia  gained  wonderfully  in  population, 
and,  at  the  breaking-out  of  the  Rebellion  in  the  United  States, 
had  about  a  hundred  thousand  souls,  besides  the  three  hundred 
thousand  natives  in  the  vast  territory  over  which  her  govern 
ment  is  recognized.  Business  of  every  kind  has  grown  up.  The 
laws  are  wholesome ;  the  law-makers  intelligent  and  upright  ;  the 
army  and  navy  are  creditable,  and  the  republic  is  in  every  sense 
a  grand  success.  Mr.  Wilson  says,  — 

1  Edward  W.  Blyden,  LL.D.,  president  of  Liberia  College,  a  West  Indian,  is  a  scholar  of 
marvellous  erudition,  a  writer  of  rare  abilities,  a  subtle  reasoner,  a  preacher  of  charming  graces, 
and  one  of  the  foremost  Negroes  of  the  world.     He  is  himself  the  best  argument  in  favor  of  the 
Negro's  capacity  for  Christian  civilization.     He  ranks  amongst  the  world's  greatest  linguists. 

2  Report  of  Bishop  Payne,  June  6,  1853. 


THE  REPUBLIC   OF  LIBERIA.  103 

"  Trade  is  the  chosen  employment  of  the  great  mass  of  the  Liberians,  and 
:some  of  them  have  been  decidedly  successful  in  this  vocation.  It  consists  in 
the  exchange  of  articles  of  American  or  European  manufacture  for  the  natural 
products  of  the  country;  of  which  palm-oil,  cam-wood,  and  ivory  are  the  princi 
pal  articles.  Cam-wood  is  a  rich  dye-wood,  and  is  brought  to  Monrovia  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  natives  from  a  great  distance.  It  is  worth  in  the  European 
and  American  markets  from  sixty  to  eighty  dollars  per  ton.  The  ivory  of  this 
region  does  not  form  an  important  item  of  commerce.  Palm-oil  is  the  main 
article  of  export,  and  is  procured  along  the  seacoast  between  Monrovia  and 
Cape  Palmas.  The  Liberian  merchants  own  a  number  of  small  vessels,  built 
•by  themselves,  and  varying  in  size  from  ten  or  fifteen  to  forty  or  fifty  tons: 
These  are  navigated  by  the  Liberian  sailors,  and  are  constantly  engaged  in 
bringing  palm-oil  to  Monrovia,  from  whence  it  is  again  shipped  in  foreign 
vessels  for  Liverpool  or  New  York.  I  made  inquiry,  during  a  short  sojourn  at 
this  place  in  1852  on  my  way  to  this  country,  about  the  amount  of  property 
owned  by  the  wealthier  merchants  of  Monrovia,  and  learned  that  there  were 
four  or  five  who  were  worth  from  fifteen  thousand  to  twenty  thousand  dollars, 
a  large  number  who  owned  property  to  the  amount  of  ten  thousand  dollars,  and 
perhaps  twelve  or  fifteen  who  were  worth  as  much  as  five  thousand  dollars. 
The  property  of  some  of  these  may  have  increased  materially  since  that  time. 

"  The  settlers  along  the  banks  of  the  St.  Paul  have  given  more  attention  to 
the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  They  raise  sweet-potatoes,  cassava,  and  plantains, 
for  their  own  use,  and  also  supply  the  Monrovia  market  with  the  same.  Ground 
nuts  and  arrow-root  are  also  cultivated,  but  to  a  very  limited  extent.  A  few 
individuals  have  cultivated  the  sugar-cane  with  success,  and  have  manufactured 
a  considerable  quantity  of  excellent  sugar  and  molasses.  Some  attention  has 
been  given  to  the  cultivation  of  the  coffee-tree.  It  grows  luxuriantly,  and  bears 
most  abundantly.  The  flavor  of  the  coffee  is  as  fine  as  any  in  the  world  ;  and, 
if  the  Liberians  would  give  the  attention  to  it  they  ought,  it  would  probably  be 
as  highly  esteemed  as  any  other  in  the  world.  It  is  easily  cultivated,  and 
requires  little  or  no  outlay  of  capital ;  and  we  are  surprised  that  it  has  not  already 
become  an  article  of  export.  The  want  of  disposition  to  cultivate  the  soil  is, 
perhaps,  the  most  discouraging  feature  in  the  prospects  of  Liberia.  Mercan 
tile  pursuits  are  followed  with  zeal  and  energy,  but  comparatively  few  are  will 
ing  to  till  the  ground  for  the  means  of  subsistence." 

Liberia  had  its  first  constitution  in  1825.  It  was  drawn  at  the 
instance  of  the  Colonization  Society  in  the  United  States.  It  set 
forth  the  objects  of  the  colony,  defined  citizenship,  and  declared 
the  objects  of  the  government.  It  remained  in  force  until  1836. 
In  1839  a  "Legislative  Council"  was  created,  and  the  constitu 
tion  amended  to  meet  the  growing  wants  of  the  government.  In 
1847  Liberia  declared  herself  an  independent  republic.  The 
first  article  of  the  constitution  of  1847  reads  as  follows  :  — 

"  ARTICLE  I.,  SECTION  i.  All  men  are  born  equally  free  and  independent, 
and  among  their  natural,  inherent  and  inalienable  rights  are  the  rights  of  enjoy 
ing  and  defending  life  and  LIBERTY." 


104      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

This  section  meant  a  great  deal  to  a  people  who  had  aban 
doned  their  homes  in  the  United  States,  where  a  chief  justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court  had  declared  that  "a  Negro  has  no  rights 
which  a  white  man  is  bound  to  respect,"  —  a  country  where  tho 
Federal  Congress  had  armed  every  United-States  marshal  in  all 
the  Northern  States  with  the  inhuman  and  arbitrary  power  to 
apprehend,  load  with  chains,  and  hurl  back  into  the  hell  of 
slavery,  every  poor  fugitive  who  sought  to  find  a  home  in  a  pro 
fessedly  free  section  of  "  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of 
the  brave"  These  brave  black  pilgrims,  who  had  to  leave  "the 
freest  land  in  the  world  "  in  order  to  get  their  freedom,  did  not 
intend  that  the  solemn  and  formal  declaration  of  principles  con 
tained  in  their  constitution  should  be  reduced  to  a  reductio  ad 
absurdum,  as  those  in  the  American  Constitution  were  by  the 
infamous  Fugitive-slave  Law.  And  in  section  4  of  their  constitu 
tion  they  prohibit  "the  sum  of  all  villanies  "  —  slavery!  The 
article  reads  :  — 

"  There  shall  be  no  slavery  within  this  republic.  Nor  shall  any  citizen  of 
this  republic,  or  any  person  resident  therein,  deal  in  slaves,  either  within  or 
without  this  republic." 

They  had  no  measure  of  compromise  by  which  slavery  could 
be  carried  on  beyond  certain  limits  "for  highly  commercial  and 
business  interests  of  a  portion  of  their  fellow-citizens."  Libe- 
rians  might  have  grown  rich  by  merely  suffering  the  slave-trade 
to  be  carried  on  among  the  natives.  The  constitution  fixed  a 
scale  of  revenue,  and  levied  a  tariff  on  all  imported  articles.  A 
customs-service  was  introduced,  and  many  reforms  enforced  which 
greatly  angered  a  few  avaricious  white  men  whose  profession  as 
men-stealers  was  abolished  by  the  constitution.  Moreover,  there 
were  others  who  for  years  had  been  trading  and  doing  business 
along  the  coast,  without  paying  any  duties  on  the  articles  they 
exported.  The  new  government  incurred  their  hostility. 

In  April,  1850,  the  republic  of  Liberia  entered  into  a  treaty 
with  England,  and  in  article  nine  of  said  treaty  bound  herself  to 
the  suppression  of  the  slave-trade  in  the  following  explicit  lan 
guage  :  — 

"  Slavery  and  the  slave-trade  being  perpetually  abolished  in  the  republic 
of  Liberia,  the  republic  engages  that  a  law  shall  be  passed  declaring  it  to  be 
piracy  for  any  Liberian  citizen  or  vessel  to  be  engaged  or  concerned  in  the 
slave-trade." 


THE  REPUBLIC    OF  LIBERIA.  105 

Notwithstanding  the  above  treaty,  the  enemies  of  the  republic 
circulated  the  report  in  England  and  America  that  the  Liberian 
government  was  secretly  engaged  in  the  slave-trade.  The  friends 
of  colonization  in  both  countries  were  greatly  alarmed  by  the 
rumor,  and  sought  information  in  official  quarters,  —  of  men  on 
the  ground.  The  following  testimony  will  show  that  the  charge 
was  malicious  :  — 

"  Capt.  Arabian,  R.N.,  in  one  of  his  despatches  says,  '  Nothing  had  been 
done  more  to  suppress  the  slave-trade  in  this  quarter  than  the  constant  inter 
course  of  the  natives  with  these  industrious  colonists ; '  and  again,  *  Their  char 
acter  is  exceedingly  correct  and  moral,  their  minds  strongly  impressed  with 
religious  feeling,  and  their  domestic  habits  remarkably  neat  and  comfortable.' 
'Wherever  the  influence  of  Liberia  extends,  the  slave-trade  has  been  aban 
doned  by  the  natives.' 

"Lieut.  Stott,  R.N.,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Hodgkin,  dated  July,  1840,  says,  it 
(Liberia)  promises  to  be  the  only  successful  institution  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
keeping  in  mind  its  objects  ;  viz.,  '  that  of  raising  the  African  slave  into  a  free 
man,  the  extinction  of  the  slave-trade,  and  the  religious  and  moral  improve 
ment  of  Africa; '  and  adds,  'The  surrounding  Africans  are  aware  of  the  nature 
of  the  colony,  taking  refuge  when  persecuted  by  the  few  neighboring  slave- 
traders.  The  remnant  of  a  tribe  has  lately  fled  to  and  settled  in  the  colony 
on  land  granted  them.  Between  my  two  visits,  a  lapse  of  only  a  few  days,  four 
or  five  slaves  sought  refuge  from  their  master,  who  was  about  to  sell,  or  had 
sold,  them  to  the  only  slave-factory  on  the  coast.  The  native  chiefs  in  the 
neighborhood  have  that  respect  for  the  colonists  that  they  have  made  treaties 
for  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade.' 

"Capt.  Irving,  R.N.,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Hodgkin,  Aug.  3,  1840,  observes, 
'  You  ask  me  if  they  aid  in  the  slave-trade  ?  I  assure  you,  no  !  and  I  am  sure 
the  colonists  would  feel  themselves  much  hurt  should  they  know  such  a  ques 
tion  could  possibly  arise  in  England.  In  my  opinion  it  is  the  best  and  safest 
plan  for  the  extinction  of  the  slave-trade,  and  the  civilization  of  Africa;  for  it 
is  a  well-known  fact,  that  wherever  their  flag  flies  it  is  an  eye-sore  to  the  slave- 
dealers.' 

"  Capt.  Herbert,  R.N. :  '  With  regard  to  the  present  state  of  slave-taking 
in  the  colony  of  Liberia,  I  have  never  known  one  instance  of  a  slave  being 
owned  or  disposed  of  by  a  colonist.  On  the  contrary,  I  have  known  them  to 
render  great  facility  to  our  cruisers  in  taking  vessels  engaged  in  that  nefarious 
traffic.' 

"  Capt.  Dunlop,  who  had  abundant  opportunities  for  becoming  acquainted 
with  Liberia  during  the  years  1848-50,  says,  '  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  no  such 
thing  as  domestic  slavery  exists  in  any  shape  amongst  the  citizens  of  the 
republic.' 

"  Commodore  Sir  Charles  Hotham,  commander-in-chief  of  her  British 
Majesty's  squadron  on  the  western  coast  of  Africa,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Admiralty,  dated  April  7,  1847,  and  published  in  the  Parliamentary 
Returns,  says,  '  On  perusing  the  correspondence  of  my  predecessors,  I  found 
a  great  difference  of  opinion  existing  as  to  the  views  and  objects  of  the  settlers :. 


106      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

some  even  accusing  the  governor  of  lending  himself  to  the  slave-trade.  After 
discussing  the  whole  subject  with  officers  and  others  best  qualified  to  judge  on 
the  matter,  I  not  only  satisfied  my  own  mind  that  there  is  no  reasonable  cause 
for  such  a  suspicion,  but  further,  that  this  establishment  merits  all  the  support 
we  can  give  it ;  for  it  is  only  through  their  means  that  we  can  hope  to  improve 
the  African  race.'  Subsequently,  in  1849,  the  same  officer  gave  his  testimony 
before  the  House  of  Lords,  in  the  following  language  :  '  There  is  no  necessity 
for  the  squadron  watching  the  coast  between  Sierra  Leone  and  Cape  Palmas, 
as  the  Liberian  territory  intervenes,  and  there  the  slave-trade  has  been  extin 
guished.'  " ' 

The  government  was  firmly  and  wisely  administered,  and  its 
friends  everywhere  found  occasion  for  great  pleasure  in  its  marked 
success.  While  the  government  had  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
million  of  natives  under  its  care,  the  greatest  caution  was  exer 
cised  in  dealing  with  them  legally.  The  system  was  not  so  com 
plicated  as  our  Indian  system,  but  the  duties  of  the  officers  in 
dealing  with  the  uncivilized  tribes  were  as  delicate  as  those  of  an 
Indian  agent  in  the  United  States. 

"  The  history  of  a  single  case  will  illustrate  the  manner  in  which  Liberia 
exerts  her  influence  in  preventing  the  native  tribes  from  warring  upon  each 
other.  The  territory  of  Little  Cape  Mount,  Grand  Cape  Mount,  and  Gallinas 
was  purchased,  three  or  four  years  since,  and  added  to  the  Republic.  The 
chiefs,  by  the  term  of  sale,  transferred  the  rights  of  sovereignty  and  of  soil  to 
Liberia,  and  bound  themselves  to  obey  her  laws.  The  government  of  Great 
Britain  had  granted  to  Messrs.  Hyde,  Hodge,  &  Co.,  of  London,  a  contract 
for  the  supply  of  laborers  from  the  coast  of  Africa  to  the  planters  of  her  West 
India  colonies.  This  grant  was  made  under  the  rule  for  the  substitution  of 
apprentices,  to  supply  the  lack  of  labor  produced  by  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves.  The  agents  of  Messrs.  Hyde,  Hodge,  &  Co.  visited  Grand  Cape 
Mount,  and  made  an  offer  of  ten  dollars  per  head  to  the  chiefs  for  each  person 
they  could  supply  as  emigrants  for  this  object.  The  offer  excited  the  cupidity 
of  some  of  the  chiefs ;  and  to  procure  the  emigrants  and  secure  the  bounty  one 
of  them,  named  Boombo,  of  Little  Cape  Mount,  resorted  to  war  upon  several  of 
the  surrounding  tribes.  He  laid  waste  the  country,  burned  the  towns  and  vil 
lages,  captured  and  murdered  many  of  the  inhabitants,  carried  off  hundreds  of 
others,  and  robbed  several  factories  in  that  region  belonging  to  merchants  in 
Liberia.  On  the  26th  of  February,  1853,  President  Roberts  issued  his  procla 
mation  enjoining  a  strict  observance  of  the  law  regulating  passports,  and  for 
bidding  the  sailing  of  any  vessel  with  emigrants  without  first  visiting  the  port 
of  Monrovia,  where  each  passenger  should  be  examined  as  to  his  wishes.  On 
the  ist  of  March  the  president,  with  two  hundred  men,  sailed  for  Little  Cape 
Mount,  arrested  Boombo  and  fifty  of  his  followers,  summoned  a  council  of  the 
other  chiefs  at  Monrovia  for  his  trial  on  the  I4th,  and  returned  home  with  his 
prisoners.  At  the  time  appointed,  the  trial  was  held,  Boombo  was  found 

1  Colonization  Herald,  December,  1852. 


THE  REPUBLIC    OF  LIBERIA.  107 

guilty  of  'high  misdemeanor?  and  sentenced  'to  make  restitution,  restora 
tion,  and  reparation  of  goods  stolen,  people  captured,  and  damages  committed ; 
to  pay  a  fine  of  five  hundred  dollars,  and  be  imprisoned  for  two  years.'  When 
the  sentence  was  pronounced,  the  convict  shed  tears,  regarding  the  ingredient 
of  imprisonment  in  his  sentence  to  be  almost  intolerable.  These  rigorous 
measures,  adopted  to  maintain  the  authority  of  the  government  and  majesty  of 
the  laws,  have  had  a  salutary  influence  upon  the  chiefs.  No  outbreaks  have 
since  occurred,  and  but  little  apprehension  of  danger  for  the  future  is  enter 
tained."  r 

The  republic  did  a  vast  amount  of  good  bfeore  the  Great 
Rebellion  in  the  United  States,  but  since  emancipation  its 
population  has  been  fed  by  the  natives  who  have  been  educated 
and  converted  to  Christianity.  Professor  David  Christy,  the  great 
•colonizationist,  said  in  a  lecture  delivered  in  1855,  — 

"  If,  then,  a  colony  of  colored  men,  beginning  with  less  than  a  hundred, 
and  gradually  increasing  to  nine  thousand,  has  in  thirty  years  established  an 
independent  republic  amidst  a  savage  people,  destroyed  the  slave-trade  on  six 
hundred  miles  of  the  African  coast,  put  down  the  heathen  temples  in  one  of 
its  largest  counties,  afforded  security  to  all  the  missions  within  its  limits,  and 
now  casts  its  shield  over  three  hundred  thousand  native  inhabitants,  what 
may  not  be  done  in  the  next  thirty  years  by  colonization  and  missions  com 
bined,  were  sufficient  means  supplied  to  call  forth  all  their  energies  ? " 

The  circumstances  that  led  to  the  founding  of  the  Negro 
republic  in  the  wilds  of  Africa  perished  in  the  fires  of  civil  war. 
The  Negro  is  free  everywhere ;  but  the  republic  of  Liberia 
stands,  and  should  stand  until  its  light  shall  have  penetrated  the 
gloom  of  Africa,  and  until  the  heathen  shall  gather  to  the  bright 
ness  of  its  shining.  May  it  stand  through  the  ages  as  a  Christian 
republic,  as  a  faithful  light-house  along  the  dark  and  trackless 
sea  of  African  paganism  ! 

1  Ethiope,  pp.  207,  208. 


108      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


THE  UNITY  OF  THE  HUMAN  FAMILY  RE-AFFIRMED  —Goo  GAVE  ALL  RACES  OF  MEN  CIVILIZATION.  — 
THE  ANTIQUITY  OK  THE  NEGRO  BEYOND  DISPUTE  —  IDOLATRY  THE  CAUSE  OF  THE  DEGRADATION- 
OF  THE  AFRICAN  RACES.  —  HE  HAS  ALWAYS  HAD  A  PLACE  IN  HISTORY,  THOUGH  INCIDENTAL.  — 
NEGRO  TYPE  CAUSED  BY  DEGRADATION.  —  NEGRO  EMPIRES  AN  EVIDENCE  OF  CRUDE  ABILITY  FOR 
SELF-GOVERNMENT.  —  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  TWO  CHRISTIAN  GOVERNMENTS  ON  THE  WEST  COAST 
UPON  THE  HEATHEN.  —  ORATION  ON  EARLY  CHRISTIANITY  IN  AFRICA.  —  THE  DUTY  OF  CHRISTI 

ANITY  TO  EVANGELIZE  AFRICA. 

r  I  ^HE  preceding  ten  chapters  are  introductory  in  their  nature. 
We  felt  that  they  were  necessary  to  a  history  of  the  Colored 
race  in  the  United  States.  We  desired  to  explain  and  ex 
plode  two  erroneous  ideas,  —  the  curse  of  Canaan,  and  the  theory 
that  the  Negro  is  a  distinct  species,  —  that  were  educated  into  our 
white  countrymen  during  the  long  and  starless  night  of  the  bond 
age  of  the  Negro.  It  must  appear  patent  to  every  honest  student 
of  God's  word,  that  the  slavery  interpretation  of  the  curse  of  Canaan 
is  without  warrant  of  Scripture,  and  at  war  with  the  broad  and 
catholic  teachings  of  the  New  Testament.  It  is  a  sad  commen 
tary  on  American  civilization  to  find  even  a  few  men  like  Helper, 
"Ariel,"  and  the  author  of  "  The  Adamic  Race"  still  croaking 
about  the  inferiority  of  the  Negro  ;  but  it  is  highly  gratifying  to 
know  that  they  no  longer  find  an  audience  or  readers,  not  even 
in  the  South.  A  man  never  hates  his  neighbors  until  he  has  in 
jured  them.  Then,  in  justification  of  his  unjustifiable  conduct, 
he  uses  slander  for  argument. 

During  the  late  war  thousands  of  mouths  filled  with  vitupera 
tive  wrath  against  the  colored  race  were  silenced  as  in  the  pres 
ence  of  the  heroic  deeds  of  "  the  despised  race,"  and  since  the 
war  the  obloquy  of  the  Negro's  enemies  has  been  turned  into  the 
most  fulsome  praise. 

We  stand  in  line  and  are  in  harmony  with  history  and  histo 
rians  —  modern  and  ancient,  sacred  and  profane  —  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  unity  of  the  human  family.  There  are,  however,  a  few 


RESUME.  109 

who  differ;  but  their  wild,  incoherent,  and  unscholarly  theories 
deserve  the  mercy  of  our  silence. 

It  is  our  firm  conviction,  and  it  is  not  wholly  unsupported  by 
history,  that  the  Creator  gave  all  the  nations  arts  and  sciences. 
Where  nations  have  turned  aside  to  idolatry  they  have  lost  their 
civilization.  The  Canaanites,  Jebusites,  Hivites,  etc.,  the  idola 
trous  l  nations  inhabiting  the  land  of  Canaan,  were  the  descend 
ants  of  Canaan;  and  the  only  charge  the  Lord  brought  against 
them  when  he  commanded  Joshua  to  exterminate  them  was,  that 
they  were  his  enemies 2  in  all  that  that  term  implies.  The  sacred 
record  tells  us  that  they  were  a  warlike,  powerful  people,3  living 
in  walled  cities,  given  to  agriculture,  and  possessing  quite  a 
respectable  civilization  ;  but  they  were  idolaters  —  God's  enemies. 

It  is  worthy  of  emphasis,  that  the  antiquity  of  the  Negro  race 
is  beyond  dispute.  This  is  a  fact  established  by  the  most  immu 
table  historical  data,  and  recorded  on  the  monumental  brass  and 
marble  of  the  Oriental  nations  of  the  most  remote  period  of  time. 
The  importance  and  worth  of  the  Negro  have  given  him  a  place 
in  all  the  histories  of  Egypt,  Greece,  and  Rome.  His  position,  it 
is  true,  in  all  history  up  to  the  present  day,  has  been  accidental, 
incidental,  and  collateral ;  but  it  is  sufficient  to  show  how  he  has 
been  regarded  in  the  past  by  other  nations.  His  brightest  days 
were  when  history  was  an  infant ;  and,  since  he  early  turned  from 
God,  he  has  found  the  cold  face  of  hate  and  the  hurtful  hand  of  the 
Caucasian  against  him.  The  Negro  type  is  the  result  of  degrada 
tion.  It  is  nothing  more  than  the  lowest  strata  of  the  African 
race.  Pouring  over  the  venerable  mountain  terraces,  an  abundant 
stream  from  an  abundant  and  unknown  source,  into  the  malarial 
districts,  the  genuine  African  has  gradually  degenerated  into  the 
typical  Negro.  His  blood  infected  with  the  poison  of  his  low 
habitation,  his  body  shrivelled  by  disease,  his  intellect  veiled  in 
pagan  superstitions,  the  noblest  yearnings  of  his  soul  strangled  at 
birth  by  the  savage  passions  of  a  nature  abandoned  to  sensualityr 
—  the  poor  Negro  of  Africa  deserves  more  our  pity  than  our 
contempt. 

It  is  true  that  the  weaker  tribes,  or  many  of  the  Negroid  type, 
were  the  chief  source  of  supply  for  the  slave-market  in  this 
country  for  many  years;  but  slavery  in  the  United  States  —  a 
severe  ordeal  through  which  to  pass  to  citizenship  and  civilization 

1  Deut.  xii.  2,  3,  also  301)1  verse.        2  Deut.  vi.  19.        3  Deut.  vii.  7. 


HO      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

—  had  the  effect  of  calling  into  life  many  a  slumbering  and  dying 
attribute  in  the  Negro  nature.  The  cruel  institution  drove  him 
from  an  extreme  idolatry  to  an  extreme  religious  exercise  of  his 
faith  in  worship.  And  now  that  he  is  an  American  citizen, —  the 
condition  and  circumstances  which  rendered  his  piety  appropriate 
abolished,  —  he  is  likely  to  move  over  to  an  extreme  rationalism. 

The  Negro  empires  to  which  we  have  called  attention  are  an 
argument  against  the  theory  that  he  is  without  government ; 
and  his  career  as  a  soldier  *  would  not  disgrace  the  uniform  of  an 
American  soldier.  Brave,  swift  in  execution,  terrible  in  the 
onslaught,  tireless  in  energy,  obedient  to  superiors,  and  clannish 
to  a  fault, — the  abilities  of  these  black  soldiers  are  worthy  of  a 
good  cause. 

On  the  edge  of  the  Dark  Continent,  Sierra  Leone  and  Liberia 
have  sprung  up  as  light-houses  on  a  dark  and  stormy  ocean  of  lost 
humanity.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  degraded  Negroes  have 
been  snatched  from  the  vile  swamps,  and  Christianity  has  been 
received  and  appreciated  by  them.  These  two  Negro  settlements 
have  solved  two  problems ;  viz.,  the  Negro's  ability  to  administer 
a  government,  and  the  capacity  of  the  native  for  the  reception  of 
education  and  Christian  civilization.  San  Domingo  and  Jamaica 
have  their  lessons  too,  but  it  is  not  our  purpose  to  write  the 
history  of  the  Colored  people  of  the  world.  The  task  may  be 
undertaken  some  time  in  the  future,  however. 

It  must  be  apparent  to  the  interested  friends  of  languishing 
Africa,  that  there  are  yet  two  more  problems  presented  for  our 
solution ;  and  they  are  certainly  difficult  of  solution.  First,  we 
must  solve  the  problem  of  African  geography;  second,  we  must 
redeem  by  the  power  of  the  gospel,  with  all  its  attending  bless 
ings,  the  savage  tribes  of  Africans  who  have  never  heard  the 
beautiful  song  of  the  angels  :  "Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and  on 
earth  peace,  good-will  toward  men."  That  this  work  will  be  done 
we  do  not  doubt.  We  have  great  faith  in  the  outcome  of  the 
missionary  work  going  on  now  in  Africa ;  and  we  are  especially 
encouraged  by  the  wide  and  kindly  interest  awakened  on  behalf 
of  Africa  by  the  noble  life-work  of  Dr.  David  Livingstone,  and  the 
thrilling  narrative  of  Mr.  Henry  M.  Stanley. 

It  is  rather  remarkable  now,  in  the  light  of  recent  events,  that 
we  should  have  chosen  a  topic  at  the  close  of  both  our  academic 

1  News  comes  to  us  from  Egypt  that  Arabi  Pacha's  best  artillerists  are  Negro  soldiers. 


RESUME.  1 1 1 

and  theological  course  that  we  can  see  now  was  in  line  with  this 
work  so  near  our  heart.  The  first  oration  was  on  "  The  Footsteps 
of  the  Nation,"  the  second  was  "  Early  Christianity  in  Africa." 
Dr.  Livingstone  had  just  fallen  a  martyr  to  the  cause  of  geography, 
and  the  orators  and  preachers  of  enlightened  Christendom  were 
busy  with  the  virtues  and  worth  of  the  dead.  It  was  on  the  tenth 
day  of  June,  1874,  that  we  delivered  the  last-named  oration;  and 
we  can,  even  at  this  distance,  recall  the  magnificent  audience  that 
greeted  it,  and  the  feeling  with  which  we  delivered  it.  We  were 
the  first  Colored  man  who  had  ever  taken  a  diploma  from  that 
venerable  and  world-famed  institution  (Newton  Seminary,  New 
ton  Centre,  Mass.),  and  therefore  there  was  much  interest  taken 
in  our  graduation.  We  were  ordained  on  the  following  evening 
at  Watertown,  Mass. ;  and  the  original  poem  written  for  the  occa 
sion  by  our  pastor,  the  Rev.  Granville  S.  Abbott,  D.D.,  contained 
the  following  significant  verses  :  — 

"Ethiopia's  hands  long  stretching, 
Mightily  have  plead  with  God  ; 
Plead  not  vainly  :  time  is  fetching 
Answers,  as  her  faith's  reward. 

God  is  faithful, 
Yea,  and  Amen  is  his  word. 

Countless  prayers,  so  long  ascending, 

Have  their  answer  here  and  now ; 
Threads  of  purpose,  wisely  meeting 

In  an  ordination  vow. 
Afric  brother, 

To  thy  mission  humbly  bow." 

The  only,  and  we  trust  sufficient,  apology  we  have  to  offer  to 
the  reader  for  mentioning  matters  personal  to  the  author  is,  that 
we  are  deeply  touched  in  reading  the  oration,  after  many  years,  in 
the  original  manuscript,  preserved  by  accident.  It  is  fitting  that 
it  should  be  produced  here  as  bearing  upon  the  subject  in  hand. 


EARLY    CHRISTIANITY   IN   AFRICA. 

ORATION   BY   GEORGE  W.   WILLIAMS, 

ON    THE   OCCASION    OF    HIS    GRADUATION    FROM    NEWTON    THEOLOGICAL 
SEMINARY,    NEWTON    CENTRE,    MASS.,    JUNE  10,   1874. 

Africa  was  one  of  the  first  countries  to  receive  Christianity.     Simon,  a 
Cyrenian,  from  Africa,  bore  the  cross  of  Jesus  for  him  to  Calvary.     There  was 


112      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

more  in  that  singular  incident  than  we  are  apt  to  recognize,  for  the  time  soon 
came  when  Africa  did  indeed  take  up  the  Saviour's  cross. 

The  African,  in  his  gushing  love,  welcomed  the  new  religion  to  his  coun 
try  and  to  his  heart.  He  was  willing  to  share  its  persecutions,  and  endure 
shame  for  the  cross  of  Christ. 

Africa  became  the  arena  in  which  theological  gladiators  met  in  dubious 
strife.  It  was  the  scene  of  some  of  the  severest  doctrinal  controversies  of  the 
early  Church.  Here  men  and  women,  devoted  to  an  idea,  stood  immovable, 
indomitable  as  the  pyramids,  against  the  severest  persecution.  Her  sons  swelled 
the  noble  army  of  martyrs  and  confessors.  The  eloquence  of  their  shed  blood 
has  been  heard  through  the  centuries,  and  pleads  the  cause  of  the  benighted 
to-day. 

It  was  Africa  that  gave  the  Christian  Church  Athanasius  and  Origen, 
Cyprian,  Tertullian,  and  Augustine,  her  greatest  writers  and  teachers.  Athana 
sius,  the  missionary  of  monachism  to  the  West,  was  the  indefatigable  enemy 
of  Arianism,  the  bold  leader  of  the  catholic  party  at  Alexandria,  at  the  early 
age  of  thirty  (30)  elevated  to  its  bishopric,  one  of  the  most 'important  sees  in 
the  East.  Ever  conscientious  and  bold,  the  whole  Christian  Church  felt  his 
influence,  while  emperors  and  kings  feared  his  power.  His  life  was  stormy, 
because  he  loved  the  truth  and  taught  it  in  all  boldness.  He  hated  his  own  life 
for  the  truth's  sake.  He  counted  all  things  but  loss,  that  he  might  gain  Christ. 
He  was  often  in  perils  by  false  brethren ,  was  driven  out  into  the  solitary  places 
of  the  earth,  —  into  the  monasteries  of  the  Thebaid ;  and  yet  he  endured  as 
seeing  Him  who  is  invisible,  looking  for  the  reward  of  the  promise,  knowing 
that  He  who  promised  is  faithful. 

Origen  was  an  Alexandrian  by  birth  and  culture,  an  able  preacher,  a  forci 
ble  writer,  and  a  theologian  of  great  learning.  His  influence  while  living  was 
great,  and  was  felt  long  after  his  death. 

In  North  Africa,  Cyprian,  the  great  writer  of  Church  polity,  a  pastor  and 
teacher  of  rare  gifts,  was  the  first  bishop  to  lay  down  his  life  for  the  truth's  sake. 

The  shadows  of  fifteen  centuries  rest  upon  his  name;  but  it  is  as  fade 
less  to-day  as  when  a  weeping  multitude  followed  him  to  his  martyrdom,  and 
exclaimed,  "  Let  us  die  with  our  holy  bishop." 

The  weary  centuries  intervene,  and  yet  the  student  of  Church  polity  is 
fascinated  and  instructed  by  the  brilliant  teachings  of  Cyprian.  His  bitterest 
enemies  —  those  who  have  most  acrimoniously  assailed  him  —  have  at  length 
recognized  in  him  the  qualities  of  a  great  writer  and  teacher ;  and  his  puissant 
name,  sending  its  influence  along  the  ages,  attracts  the  admiration  of  the  eccle 
siastical  scholars  of  every  generation. 

Tertullian,  the  leader  of  the  Montanists,  fiery,  impulsive,  the  strong  preacher, 
the  vigorous  writer,  the  bold  controversialist,  organized  a  sect  which  survived 
him,  though  finally  disorganized  through  the  influence  of  Augustine,  the  master 
theologian  of  the  early  Church,  indeed  of  the  Church  universal. 

Other  fathers  built  theological  systems  that  flourished  for  a  season ;  but 
the  system  that  Augustine  established  survived  him,  has  survived  the  inter 
vening  centuries,  and  lives  to-day. 

Africa  furnished  the  first  dissenters  from  an  established  church, — the 
Donatists.  They  were  the  Separatists  and  Puritans  of  the  early  Church. 

Their  struggle  was  long,  severe,  but  useless.     They  were  condemned,  not 


RESUME.  113 

convinced;  discomfited,  not  subdued;  and  the  patient,  suffering,  indomitable 
spirit  they  evinced  shows  what  power  there  is  in  a  little  truth  held  in  faith. 

Christianity  had  reached  its  zenith  in  Africa.  It  was  her  proudest  hour. 
Paganism  had  been  met  and  conquered.  The  Church  had  passed  through  a 
baptism  of  blood,  and  was  now  wholly  consecrated  to  the  cause  of  its  Great 
Head.  Here  Christianity  flowered  ;  here  it  brought  forth  rich  fruit  in  the  lives 
of  its  tenacious  adherents.  Here  the  acorn  had  become  the  sturdy  oak,  under 
which  the  soldiers  of  the  cross  pitched  their  tents.  The  African  Church  had 
triumphed  gloriously. 

But,  in  the  moment  of  signal  victory,  the  Saracens  poured  into  North 
Africa,  and  Mohammedanism  was  established  upon  the  ruins  of  Christianity. 

The  religion  of  Christ  was  swept  from  its  moorings,  the  saint  was  trans 
formed  into  the  child  of  the  desert,  and  quiet  settlements  became  bloody  fields 
where  brother  shed  brother's  blood. 

Glorious  and  sublime  as  was  the  triumph  of  Christianity  in  North  Africa, 
we  must  not  forget  that  only  a  narrow  belt  of  that  vast  country,  on  the  Medi 
terranean,  was  reached  by  Christianity.  Its  western  and  southern  portions 
are  yet  almost  wholly  unknown.  Her  vast  deserts,  her  mighty  rivers,  and  her 
dusky  children  are  yet  beyond  the  reach  of  civilization ;  and  her  forests  have 
been  the  grave  of  many  who  would  explore  her  interior.  To-day  England 
stands  by  the  new-made  grave  of  the  indomitable  Livingstone,  —  her  courageous 
son,  who,  as  a  missionary  and  geographer  spent  his  best  days  and  laid  down  his 
life  in  the  midst  of  Africa. 

For  nearly  three  centuries  Africa  has  been  robbed  of  her  sable  sons.  For 
nearly  three  centuries  they  have  toiled  in  bondage,  unrequited,  in  this  youthful 
republic  of  the  West.  They  have  grown  from  a  small  company  to  be  an  exceed 
ingly  great  people,  —  five  millions  in  number.  No  longer  chattels,  they  are 
human  beings ;  no  longer  bondmen,  they  are  freemen,  with  almost  every  civil 
disability  removed. 

Their  weary  feet  now  press  up  the  mount  of  science.  Their  darkened 
intellect  now  sweeps,  unfettered,  through  the  realms  of  learning  and  culture. 
With  his  Saxon  brother,  the  African  slakes  his  insatiable  thirstings  for  knowl 
edge  at  the  same  fountain.  In  the  Bible,  he  reads  not  only  the  one  unalterable 
text,  "  Servants,  obey  your  masters,"  but  also,  "  Ye  are  all  brethren."  "  God 
hath  made  of  one  blood  all  nations  of  men  for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the 
earth."  "  He  is  no  respecter  of  persons." 

The  Negro  in  this  country  has  begun  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  a  free  citi 
zenship.  Under  the  sunny  sky  of  a  Christian  civilization  he  hears  the  cla'rion 
voices  of  progress  about  him,  urging  him  onward  and  upward.  From  across 
the  ocean,  out  of  the  jungles  of  Africa,  come  the  voices  of  the  benighted  and 
perishing.  Every  breeze  is  freighted  with  a  Macedonian  call,  "Ye  men  of  the 
African  race,  come  over  and  help  us  !  " 

"  Shall  we,  whose  souls  are  lighted 

By  wisdom  from  on  high,  — 
Shall  we,  to  men  benighted 
The  lamp  of  life  deny  ?  " 

God  often  permits  evil  on  the  ground  of  man's  free  agency,  but  he  does 
not  commit  evil. 


114      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  Negro  of  this  country  can  turn  to  his  Saxon  brothers  and  say,  as 
Joseph  said  to  his  brethren  who  wickedly  sold  him,  "  As  for  you,  ye  meant  it 
unto  evil,  but  God  meant  it  unto  good ;  that  we,  after  learning  your  arts  and 
sciences,  might  return  to  Egypt  and  deliver  the  rest  of  our  brethren  who  are 
yet  in  the  house  of  bondage." 

That  day  will  come  !  Her  chains  will  be  severed  by  the  sword  of  civiliza 
tion  and  liberty.  Science  will  penetrate  her  densest  forests,  and  climb  her 
loftiest  mountains,  and  discover  her  richest  treasures.  The  Sun  of  righteous 
ness,  and  the  star  of  peace,  shall  break  upon  her  sin-clouded  .vision,  and  smile 
upon  her  renewed  households.  The  anthem  of  the  Redeemer's  advent  shall 
float  through  her  forests,  and  be  echoed  by  her  mountains.  Those  dusky  chil 
dren  of  the  desert,  who  now  wander  and  plunder,  will  settle  to  quiet  occupa 
tions  of  industry.  Gathering  themselves  into  villages,  plying  the  labors  of 
handicraft  and  agriculture,  they  will  become  a  well-disciplined  society,  instead 
of  being  a  roving,  barbarous  horde. 

The  sabbath  bells  will  summon  from  scattered  cottages  smiling  popula 
tions,  linked  together  by  friendship,  and  happy  in  all  the  sweetness  of  domestic 
charities.  Thus  the  glory  of  her  latter  day  shall  be  greater  than  at  the  begin 
ning,  and  Ethiopia  shall  stretch  forth  her  hands  unto  God. 

It  is  our  earnest  desire  and  prayer,  that  the  friends  of  missions 
in  all  places  where  God  in  his  providence  may  send  this  history 
will  give  the  subject  of  the  civilization  and  Christianization  of 
Africa  prayerful  consideration.  The  best  schools  the  world  can 
afford  should  be  founded  on  the  West  Coast  of  Africa.  The  na 
tive  should  be  educated  at  home,  and  mission-stations  should  be 
planted  under  the  very  shadow  of  the  idol-houses  of  the  heathen. 
The  best  talent  and  abundant  means  have  been  sent  to  Siam,. 
China,  and  Japan.  Why  not  send  the  best  talent  and  needful 
means  to  Liberia,  Sierra  Leone,  and  Cape  Palmas,  that  native 
missionaries  may  be  trained  for  the  outposts  of  the  Lord  ?  There 
is  not  a  more  promising  mission-field  in  the  world  than  Africa,, 
and  yet  our  friends  in  America  take  so  little  interest  in  this  work  t 
The  Lord  is  going  to  save  that  Dark  Continent,  and  it  behooves-- 
his  servants  here  to  honor  themselves  in  doing  something  to  has 
ten  the  completion  of  this  inevitable  work !  Africa  is  to  be  re 
deemed  by  the  African,  and  the  white  Christians  of  this  country 
can  aid  the  work  by  munificent  contributions.  Will  you  do  it> 
brethren  ?  God  help  you  ! 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  1 15. 


51* 
SLAVERY  IN  THE   COLONIES.1 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  COLONY   OF  VIRGINIA. 
1619-1775. 

INTRODUCTION  OF  THE  FIRST  SLAVES.  —  "  THE  TREASURER  "  AND  THE  DUTCH  MAN-OF-WAR.  —  THE 
CORRECT  DATE.  —  THE  NUMBER  OF  SLAVES.  —  WERE  THERE  TWENTY,  OR  FOURTEEN?  —  LITIGA 
TION  ABOUT  THE  POSSESSION  OF  THE  SLAVES. — CHARACTER  OF  THE  SLAVES  IMPORTED,  AND 

THE  CHARACTER  OF  THE  COLONISTS.— RACE  PREJUDICES.  — LEGAL  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  SLAVERY. 
—  WHO  ARE  SLAVES  FOR  LIFE.  —  DUTIES  ON  IMPORTED  SLAVES.  — POLITICAL  AND  MILITARY 
PROHIBITIONS  AGAINST  NEGROES.  —  PERSONAL  RIGHTS.  —  CRIMINAL  LAWS  AGAINST  SLAVES. — 
EMANCIPATION.  —  How  BROUGHT  ABOUT.  —  FREE  NEGROES.  —  THEIR  RIGHTS.  —  MORAL  AND- 
RELIGIOUS  TRAINING.  —  POPULATION.  —  SLAVERY  FIRMLY  ESTABLISHED. 

VIRGINIA  was  the  mother  of  slavery  as  well  as  "  the  mother 
of  Presidents."  Unfortunate  for  her,  unfortunate  for  the 
other  colonies,  and  thrice  unfortunate  for  the  poor  Colored 
people,  who  from  1619  to  1863  yielded  their  liberty,  their  toil, — 
unrequited, — their  bodies  and  intellects  to  an  institution  that 
ground  them  to  powder.  No  event  in  the  history  of  North 
America  has  carried  with  it  to  its  last  analysis  such  terrible 
forces.  It  touched  the  brightest  features  of  social  life,  and  they 
faded  under  the  contact  of  its  poisonous  breath.  It  affected  legis 
lation,  local  and  national  ;  it  made  and  destroyed  statesmen  ;  it 
prostrated  and  bullied  honest  public  sentiment ;  it  strangled  the 
voice  of  the  press,  and  awed  the  pulpit  into  silent  acquiescence ; 
it  organized  the  judiciary  of  States,  and  wrote  decisions  for  judges; 
it  gave  States  their  political  being,  and  afterwards  dragged  them 

1  A  Flemish  favorite  of  Charles  V.  having  obtained  of  his  king  a  patent,  containing  an  exclu 
sive  right  of  importing  four  thousand  Negroes  into  America,  sold  it  for  twenty-five  thousand  ducats 
to  some  Genoese  merchants,  who  first  brought  into  a  regular  form  the  commerce  for  slaves  between. 
Africa  and  America.  —  HOLMES'S  American  Annals,  vol.  i.  p.  35. 


Il6      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

by  the  fore-hair  through  the  stormy  sea  of  civil  war ;  laid  the 
parricidal  fingers  of  Treason  against  the  fair  throat  of  Liberty,  — 
and  through  all  time  to  come  no  event  will  be  more  sincerely 
deplored  than  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  colony  of  Vir 
ginia  during  the  last  days  of  the  month  of  August  in  the  year 
1619  ! 

The  majority  of  writers  on  American  history,  as  well  as  most 
histories  on  Virginia,  from  Beverley  to  Howison,  have  made  a 
mistake  in  fixing  the  date  of  the  introduction  of  the  first  slaves. 
Mr.  Beverley,  whose  history  of  Virginia  was  printed  in  London  in 
1772,  is  responsible  for  the  error,  in  that  nearly  all  subsequent 
writers  —  excepting  the  laborious  and  scholarly  Bancroft  and  the 
erudite  Campbell  —  have  repeated  his  mistake.  Mr.  Beverley, 
speaking  of  the  burgesses  having  "  met  the  Governor  and  Cauncil 
at  James  Town  in  May  1620,"  adds  in  a  subsequent  paragraph, 
"  In  August  following  a  Dutch  Man  of  War  landed  twenty 
Negroes  for  sale ;  which  were  the  first  of  that  kind  that  were 
carried  into  the  country."  l  By  "  August  following,"  we  infer  that 
Beverley  would  have  his  readers  understand  that  this  was  in  1620. 
But  Burk,  Smith,  Campbell,  and  Neill  gave  1619  as  the  date.2 
But  we  are  persuaded  to  believe  that  the  first  slaves  were  landed 
at  a  still  earlier  date.  In  Capt.  John  Smith's  history,  printed  in 
London  in  1629,  is  a  mere  incidental  reference  to  the  introduction 
of  slaves  into  Virginia.  He  mentions,  under  date  of  June  25, 
that  the  "  governor  and  councell  caused  Burgesses  to  be  chosen  in 
all  places,"  3  which  is  one  month  later  than  the  occurrence  of  this 
event  as  fixed  by  Beverley.  Smith  speaks  of  a  vessel  named 
"  George  "  as  having  been  "  sent  to  Newfoundland  "  for  fish,  and, 
having  started  in  May,  returned  after  a  voyage  of  "seven  weeks." 
In  the  next  sentence  he  says,  "  About  the  last  of  August  came  in 
a  dutch  man  of  warre  that  sold  vs  twenty  Negars."4  Might  not 
he  have  meant  "about  the  end  of  last  August  "  came  the  Dutch 
man-of-war,  etc.  ?  All  historians,  except  two,  agree  that  these 
slaves  were  landed  in  August,  but  disagree  as  to  the  year.  Capt. 
Argall,  of  whom  so  much  complaint  was  made  by  the  Virginia 
Company  to  Lord  Delaware,5  fitted  out  the  ship  "Treasurer"  at 
the  expense  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  sent  him  "an  olde  com 
mission  of  hostility  from  the  Duke  of  Savoy  against  the  Span- 

1  R.  Beverley's  History  of  Virginia,  pp.  35,  36.       2  See  Campbell,  p.  144  ;  Burk,  vol.  i.  p.  326. 
3  Smith,  vol.  ii.  pp.  38,  39.  *  Smith's  History  of  Virginia,  vol.  ii.  p.  39. 

5  Virginia  Company  of  London,  p.  117,  sq. 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  1 17 

yards,"  for  a  "filibustering"  cruise  to  the  West  Indies.1  And, 
"after  several  acts  of  hostility  committed,  and  some  purchase 
gotten,  she  returns  to  Virginia  at  the  end  of  ten  months  or  there 
abouts."  2  It  was  in  the  early  autumn  of  1618,3  that  Capt.  Edward 
(a  son  of  William)  Brewster  was  sent  into  banishment  by  Capt. 
Argall ;  and  this,  we  think,  was  one  of  the  last,  if  not  the  last 
official  act  of  that  arbitrary  governor.  It  was  certainly  before 
this  that  the  ship  "  Treasurer,"  manned  "  with  the  ablest  men 
in  the  colony,"  sailed  for  "  the  Spanish  dominions  in  the  Western 
hemisphere."  Under  date  of  June  15,  1618,  John  Rolfe,  speaking 
of  the  death  of  the  Indian  Powhatan,  which  took  place  in  April, 
says,  "  Some  private  differences  happened  betwixt  Capt.  Bruster 
and  Capt.  Argall,"  etc. 4  Capt.  John  Smith's  information,  as 
secured  from  Master  Rolfe,  would  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
difficulty  which  took  place  between  Capt.  Edward  Brewster  and 
Capt.  Argall  occurred  in  the  spring  instead  of  the  autumn,  as 
Neill  says.  If  it  be  true  that  "  The  Treasurer"  sailed  in  the  early 
spring  of  1618,  Rolfe's  statement  as  to  the  time  of  the  strife 
between  Brewster  and  Argall  would  harmonize  with  the  facts  in 
reference  to  the  length  of  time  the  vessel  was  absent  as  recorded 
in  Burk's  history.  But  if  Neill  is  correct  as  to  the  time  of  the 
quarrel,  —  for  we  maintain  that  it  was  about  this  time  that  Argall 
left  the  colony,  —  then  his  statement  would  tally  with  Burk's 
account  of  the  time  the  vessel  was  on  the  cruise.  If,  therefore, 
she  sailed  in  October,  1618,  being  absent  ten  months,  she  was 
due  at  Jamestown  in  August,  1619. 

But,  nevertheless,  we  are  strangely  moved  to  believe  that  1618 
was  the  memorable  year  of  the  landing  of  the  first  slaves  in  Vir 
ginia.  And  we  have  one  strong  and  reliable  authority  on  our 
side.  Stith,  in  his  history  of  Virginia,  fixes  the  date  in  i6i8.5 
On  the  same  page  there  is  an  account  of  the  trial  and  sentence  of 
Capt.  Brewster.  The  ship  "Treasurer"  had  evidently  left  Eng 
land  in  the  winter  of  1618.  When  she  reached  the  Virginia 
colony,  she  was  furnished  with  a  new  crew  and  abundant  supplies 
for  her  cruise.  Neill  says  she  returned  with  booty  and  "a  certain 
number  of  negroes."  Campbell  agrees  that  it  was  some  time 
before  the  landing  of  the  Dutch  man-of-war  that  "The  Treasurer" 
returned  to  Virginia.  He  says,  "  She  returned  to  Virginia  after 

1  Campbell,  p.  144.          2  Burk,  vol.  i.  p.  319.        3  jjeill,  p.  120.        *  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  37. 
5  There  were  two  vessels,  The  Treasurer  and  the  Dutch  man-of-war;  but  the  latter,  no 
doubt,  put  the  first  slaves  ashore. 


Il8      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

some  ten  months  with  her  booty,  which  consisted  of  captured 
negroes,  who  were  not  left  in  Virginia,  because  Capt.  Argall  had 
gone  back  to  England,  but  were  put  on  the  Earl  of  Warwick's 
plantation  in  the  Somer  Islands."  ' 

During  the  last  two  and  one-half  centuries  the  readers  of  the 
history  of  Virginia  have  been  mislead  as  to  these  two  vessels, 
the  Dutch  man-of-war  and  "The  Treasurer."  The  Dutch  man-of- 
war  did  land  the  first  slaves;  but  the  ship  " Treasurer"  was  the 
first  to  bring  them  to  this  country,  in  1618. 

When  in  1619  the  Dutch  man-of-war  brought  the  first  slaves 
to  Virginia,  Capt.  Miles  Kendall  was  deputy-governor.  The 
man-of-war  claimed  to  sail  under  commission  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  Capt.  Kendall  gave  orders  that  the  vessel  should  not 
land  in  any  of  his  harbors  :  but  the  vessel  was  without  provisions  ;: 
and  the  Negroes,  fourteen  in  number,  were  tendered  for  supplies, 
Capt.  Kendall  accepted  the  slaves,  and,  in  return,  furnished  the 
man-of-war  with  the  coveted  provisions.  In  the  mean  while  Capt. 
Butler  came  and  assumed  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  and  dispossessed  Kendall  of  his  slaves,  alleging  that 
they  were  the  property  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  He  insisted 
that  they  were  taken  from  the  ship  "  Treasurer,"  2  "  with  which 
the  said  Holland  man-of-war  had  consorted."  Chagrined,  and 
wronged  by  Gov.  Butler,  Capt.  Kendall  hastened  back  to  England 
to  lay  his  case  before  the  London  Company,  and  to  seek  equity. 
The  Earl  of  Warwick  appeared  in  court,  and  claimed  the  Negroes 
as  his  property,  as  having  belonged  to  his  ship,  "The  Treasurer." 
Every  thing  that  would  embarrass  Kendall  was  introduced  by  the 
earl.  At  length,  as  a  final  resort,  charges  were  formally  pre 
ferred  against  him,  and  the  matter  referred  to  Butler  for  decision. 
Capt.  Kendall  did  not  fail  to  appreciate  the  gravity  of  his  case, 
when  charges  were  preferred  against  him  in  London,  and  the 
trial  ordered  before  the  man  of  whom  he  asked  restitution  !  The 
case  remained  in  statu  quo  until  July,  1622,  when  the  court  made 
a  disposition  of  the  case.  Nine  of  the  slaves  were  to  be  delivered 
to  Capt.  Kendall,  "and  the  rest  to  be  consigned  to  the  company's 
use."  This  decision  was  reached  by  the  court  after  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  had  submitted  the  case  to  the  discretion  and  judicial 
impartiality  of  the  judges.  •  The  court  gave  instructions  to  Capt. 
Bernard,  who  was  then  the  governor,  to  see  that  its  order  was 

1  Campbell,  p.  144.      2  Burk,  Appendix,  p.  316,  Declaration  of  Virginia  Company,  ;th  May,  1625 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  119 

-enforced.  But  while  the  order  of  the  court  was  in  transitu,  Ber 
nard  died.  The  earl,  learning  of  the  event,  immediately  wrote  a 
letter,  representing  that  the  slaves  should  not  be  delivered  to 
Kendall;  and  an  advantage  being  taken  —  purely  technical  —  of 
the  omission  of  the  name  of  the  captain  of  the  Holland  man-of- 
war,  Capt.  Kendall  never  secured  his  nine  slaves. 

It  should  be  noted,  that  while  Rolfe,  in  Capt.  Smith's  history, 
fixes  the  number  of  slaves  in  the  Dutch  vessel  at  twenty,  —  as 
also  does  Beverley,  —  it  is  rather  strange  that  the  Council  of 
Virginia,  in  1623,  should  state  that  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
Dutch  man-of-war  told  Capt.  Kendall  that  "  he  had  fourteen 
Negroes  on  board  !  "  J  Moreover,  it  is  charged  that  the  slaves 
taken  by  "  The  Treasurer  "  were  divided  up  among  the  sailors ; 
and  that  they,  having  been  cheated  out  of  their  dues,  asked 
judicial  interference.2  Now,  these  slaves  from  "  The  Treasurer  " 
"  were  placed  on  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  lands  in  Bermudas,  and 
there  kept  anfi  detained  to  his  Lordship's  use."  There  are  several 
things  apparent  ;  viz.,  that  there  is  a  mistake  between  the  state 
ment  of  the  Virginia  Council  in  their  declaration  of  May  7, 
1623,  about  the  number  of  slaves  landed  by  the  man-of-war,  and 
the  statements  of  Beverley  and  Smith.  And  if  Stith  is  to  be 
relied  upon  as  to  the  slaves  of  "The  Treasurer"  having  been 
taken  to  the  "  Earl  of  Warwick's  lands  in  Bermudas,  and  there 
kept,"  his  lordship's  claim  to  the  slaves  Capt.  Kendall  got  from 
the  Dutch  man-of-war  was  not  founded  in  truth  or  equity ! 

Whether  the  number  was  fourteen  or  twenty,  it  is  a  fact, 
beyond  historical  doubt,  that  the  Colony  of  Virginia  purchased 
the  first  Negroes,  and  thus  opened  up  the  nefarious  traffic  in 
human  flesh.  It  is  due  to  the  Virginia  Colony  to  say,  that  these 
slaves  were  forced  upon  them  ;  that  they  were  taken  in  exchange 
for  food  given  to  relieve  the  hunger  of  famishing  sailors  ;  that 
white  servitudes  was  common,  and  many  whites  were  convicts  4 
from  England ;  and  the  extraordinary  demand  for  laborers  may 
have  deadened  the  moral  sensibilities  of  the  colonists  as  to  the 
enormity  of  the  great  crime  to  which  they  were  parties.  Women 
were  sold  for  wives, 5  and  sometimes  were  kidnapped  6  in  England 
and  sent  into  the  colony.  There  was  nothing  in  the  moral  atmos 
phere  of  the  colony  inimical  to  the  spirit  of  bondage  that  was 

1  See  Burk,  vol.  i.  p.  326.      z  Stith,  Book  III.  pp.  153,  154. 

3  Beverley,  235,  sq.  4  Campbell,  147. 

5  Beverley,  p.  248.  *  Court  and  Times  of  James  First,  ii.  p.  108 ;  also,  Neill  p.  121. 


120      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

manifest  so  early  in  the  history  of  this  people.  England  had 
always  held  her  sceptre  over  slaves  of  some  character :  villeins 
in  the  feudal  era,  stolen  Africans  under  Elizabeth  and  under  the 
house  of  the  Tudors  ;  Caucasian  children  —  whose  German  blood 
could  be  traced  beyond  the  battle  of  Hastings  —  in  her  mines, 
factories,  and  mills  ;  and  vanquished  Brahmans  in  her  Eastern 
possessions.  How,  then,  could  we  expect  less  of  these  "  knights  " 
and  "adventurers  "  who  "  degraded  the  human  race  by  an  exclusive 
respect  for  the  privileged  classes  "  ? J 

The  institution  of  slavery  once  founded,  it  is  rather  remarkable 
that  its  growth  was  so  slow.  According  to  the  census  of  Feb.  16, 
1624,  there  were  but  twenty-two  in  the  entire  colony.2  There 
were  eleven  at  Flourdieu  Hundred,  three  in  James  City,  one  on 
James  Island,  one  on  the  plantation  opposite  James  City,  four  at 
Warisquoyak,  and  two  at  Elizabeth  City.  In  1648  the  population 
of  Virginia  was  about  fifteen  thousand,  with  a  slave  population  of 
three  hundred.3  The  cause  of  the  slow  increase  *>f  slaves  was 
not  due  to  any  colonial  prohibition.  The  men  who  were  engaged 
in  tearing  unoffending  Africans  from  their  native  home  were  some 
time  learning  that  this  colony  was  at  this  time  a  ready  market  for 
their  helpless  victims.  Whatever  feeling  or  scruple,  if  such  ever 
existed,  the  colonists  had  in  reference  to  the  subject  of  dealing  in 
the  slave-trade,  was  destroyed  at  conception  by  the  golden  hopes 
of  large  gains.  The  latitude,  the  products  of  the  soil,  the  demand 
for  labor,  the  custom  of  the  indenture  of  white  servants,  were 
abundant  reasons  why  the  Negro  should  be  doomed  to  bondage 
for  life. 

The  subjects  of  slavery  were  the  poor  unfortunates  that  the 
strong  push  to  the  outer  edge  of  organized  African  society,  where, 
through  neglect  or  abuse,  they  are  consigned  to  the  mercy  of 
avarice  and  malice.  We  have  already  stated  that  the  weaker 
tribes  of  Africa  are  pushed  into  the  alluvial  flats  of  that  continent ; 
where  they  have  perished  in  large  numbers,  or  have  become  the 
prey  of  the  more  powerful  tribes,  who  consort  with  slave-hunters. 
Disease,  tribal  wars  in  Africa,  and  the  merciless  greed  of  slave- 
hunters,  peopled  the  colony  of  Virginia  with  a  class  that  was 
expected  to  till  the  soil.  African  criminals,  by  an  immemorial 
usage,  were  sold  into  slavery  as  the  highest  penalty,  save  death ; 
and  often  this  was  preferred  to  bondage.  Many  such  criminals 

1  Bancroft,  vol.  i.  p.  468.  2  Neill,  p.  121.  3  Hist.  Tracts,  vol.  ii.  Tract  viii. 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  121 

found  their  way  into  the  colony.  To  be  bondmen  among  neigh 
boring  tribes  at  home  was  dreaded  beyond  expression ;  but  to 
wear  chains  in  a  foreign  land,  to  submit  to  the  dehumanizing 
treatment  of  cruel  taskmasters,  was  an  ordeal  that  fanned  into 
life  the  last  dying  ember  of  manhood  and  resentment. 

The  character  of  the  slaves  imported,  and  the  pitiable  con 
dition  of  the  white  servants,  produced  rather  an  anomalous  result. 
"Male  servants,  and  slaves  of  both  sex"  were  bound  together  by 
the  fellowship  of  toil.  But  the  distinction  "  made  between  them 
in  their  clothes  and  food  "  :  drew  a  line,  not  between  their  social 
condition,  — for  it  was  the  same,  —  but  between  their  nationality. 
First,  then,  was  social  estrangement,  next  legal  difference,  and 
last  of  all  political  disagreement  and  strife.  In  order  to  oppress 
the  weak,  and  justify  the  unchristian  distinction  between  God's 
creatures,  the  persons  who  would  bolster  themselves  into  respecta 
bility  must  have  the  aid  of  law.  Luther  could  march  fearlessly  to 
the  Diet  of  Worms  if  every  tile  on  the  houses  were  a  devil ;  but 
Macbeth  was  conquered  by  the  remembrance  of  the  wrong  he  had 
done  the  virtuous  Duncan  and  the  unoffending  Banquo,  long  before 
he  was  slain  by  Macduff.  A  guilty  conscience  always  needs  a 
multitude  of  subterfuges  to  guard  against  dreaded  contingencies. 
So  when  the  society  in  the  Virginia  Colony  had  made  up  its  mind 
that  the  Negroes  in  their  midst  were  mere  heathen,2  they  stood 
ready  to  punish  any  member  who  had  the  temerity  to  cross  the 
line  drawn  between  the  races.  It  was  not  a  mitigating  circum 
stance  that  the  white  servants  of  the  colony  who  came  into 
natural  contact  with  the  Negroes  were  "disorderly  persons,"  or 
convicts  sent  to  Virginia  by  an  order  of  the  king  of  England, 
It  was  fixed  by  public  sentiment  and  law  that  there  should  be 
no  relation  between  the  races.  The  first  prohibition  was  made 
"September  i/th,  1630."  Hugh  Davis,  a  white  servant,  was 
publicly  flogged  "before  an  assembly  of  Negroes  and  others,"  for 
defiling  himself  with  a  Negro.  It  was  also  required  that  he 
should  confess  as  much  on  the  following  sabbath. 3 

In  the  winter  of  1639,  on  tne  6th  of  January,  during  the 
incumbency  of  Sir  Francis  Wyatt,  the  General  Assembly  passed 
the  first  prohibition  against  Negroes.  "All  persons,"  doubtless 
including  fraternizing  Indians,  "except  Negroes,"  were  required 
to  secure  arms  and  ammunition,  or  be  subject  to  a  fine,  to  be 

1  Beverley,  p.  236.  2  Campbell,  p.  145.  3  Hening,  vol.  i.  p.  146;  also  p.  552. 


122      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO   RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

imposed  by  "the  Governor  and  Council."  T  The  records  are  too 
.scanty,  and  it  is  impossible  to  judge,  at  this  remote  day,  what  was 
the  real  cause  of  this  law.  We  have  already  called  attention  to 
the  fact  that  the  slaves  were  but  a  mere  fraction  of  the  summa 
summarum  of  the  population.  It  could  not  be  that  the  brave 
Virginians  were  afraid  of  an  insurrection !  Was  it  another 
reminder  that  the  "  Negroes  were  heathen,"  and,  therefore,  not 
entitled  to  the  privileges  of  Christian  freemen  ?  It  was  not  the 
act  of  that  government,  which  in  its  conscious  rectitude  "  can 
put  ten  thousand  to  flight,"  but  was  rather  the  inexcusable 
feebleness  of  a  diseased  conscience,  that  staggers  off  for  refuge 
"when  no  man  pursueth." 

Mr.  Bancroft  thinks  that  the  "  special  tax  upon  female  slaves  "  2 
was  intended  to  discourage  the  traffic.  It  does  not  so  seem  to  us. 
It  seems  that  the  Virginia  Assembly  was  endeavoring  to  establish 
friendly  relations  with  the  Dutch  and  other  nations  in  order  to 
secure  "  trade."  Tobacco  was  the  chief  commodity  of  the  colo 
nists.  They  intended  by  the  act  3  of  March,  1659,  to  guarantee 
the  most  perfect  liberty  "to  trade  with  "  them.  They  required, 
however,  that  foreigners  should  "  give  bond  and  pay  the  impost  of 
tenn  shillings  per  hogshead  laid  upon  all  tobacco  exported  to  any 
fforreigne  dominions."  The  same  act  recites,  that  whenever  any 
.slaves  were  sold  for  tobacco,  the  amount  of  imposts  would  only 
be  "two  shillings  per  hogshead,"  which  was  only  the  nominal  sum 
paid  by  the  colonists  themselves.  This  act  was  passed  several 
years  before  the  one  became  a  law  that  is  cited  by  Mr.  Bancroft. 
It  seems  that  much  trouble  had  been  experienced  in  determining 
who  were  taxable  in  the  colony.  It  is  very  clear  that  the  LIV. 
Act  of  March,  1662,  which  Mr.  Bancroft  thinks  was  intended  to 
discourage  the  importation  of  slaves  by  taxing  female  slaves, 
seeks  only  to  determine  who  shall  be  taxable.  It  is  a  general  law, 
declaring  "that  all  male  persons,  of  what  age  soever  imported 
into  this  country  shall  be  brought  into  lysts  and  be  liable  to  the 
payment  of  all  taxes,  and  all  negroes,  male  and  female  being 
imported  shall  be  accompted  tythable,  and  all  Indian  servants  male 
or  female  however  procured  being  adjudged  sixteen  years  of  age 
shall  be  likewise  tythable  from  which  none  shall  be  exempted."  4 
Beverley  says  that  "the  male  servants,  and  slaves  of  both  sexes," 
were  employed  together.  It  seems  that  white  women  were  so 

1  Herring,  vol.  i.  p  226.    2  Bancroft,  vol.  i.  p.  178.    3  Hening,  vol.  i.  p.  540.    4  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  p.  84. 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  123 

• 

scarce  as  to  be  greatly  respected.  But  female  Negroes  and 
Indians  were  taxable ;  although  Indian  children,  unlike  those  of 
Negroes,  were  not  held  as  slaves.1  Under  the  LIV.  Act  there  is 
but  one  class  exempted  from  tax, — white  females,  and,  we  might 
add,  persons  under  sixteen  years  of  age.2  So  what  Mr.  Bancroft 
mistakes  as  repressive  legislation  against  the  slave-trade  is  only 
an  exemption  of  white  women,  and  intended  to  encourage  their 
•coming  into  the  colony. 

The  legal  distinction  between  slaves  and  servants  was,  "  slaves 
for  life,  and  servants  for  a  time."  3  Slavery  existed  from  1619 
until  1662,  without  any  sanction  in  law.  On  the  I4th  of  Decem 
ber,  1662,  the  foundations  of  the  slave  institution  were  laid  in  the 
old  law  maxim,  "  Partus  sequitur  ventrum"  —  that  the  issue  of 
slave  mothers  should  follow  their  condition.4  Two  things  were 
accomplished  by  this  act ;  viz.,  slavery  received  the  direct  sanction 
of  statutory  law,  and  it  was  also  made  hereditary.  On  the  6th  of 
March,  1655,  —  seven  years  before  the  time  mentioned  above, — 
an  act  was  passed  declaring  that  all  Indian  children  brought  into 
the  colony  by  friendly  Indians  should  not  be  treated  as  slaves,5 
but  be  instructed  in  the  trades.6  By  implication,  then,  slavery 
existed  legally  at  this  time ;  but  the  act  of  1662  was  the  first 
direct  law  on  the  subject.  In  1670  a  question  arose  as  to  whether 
Indians  taken  in  war  were  to  be  servants  for  a  term  of  years,  or 
for  life.  The  act  passed  on  the  subject  is  rather  remarkable  for 
the  language  in  which  it  is  couched ;  showing,  as  it  does,  that  it 
was  made  to  relieve  the  Indian,  and  fix  the  term  of  the  Negro's 
bondage  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt.  "  It  is  resolved  and  enacted 
that  all  servants  not  being  Christians  imported  into  this  colony 
by  shipping  shall  be  slaves  for  their  lives  ;  but  what  shall  come  by 
land  shall  serve,  if  boyes  or  girles,  until  thirty  yeares  of  age,  if 
men  or  women  twelve  yeares  and  no  longer."  7  This  remarkable 
act  was  dictated  by  fear  and  policy.  No  doubt  the  Indian  was  as 
thoroughly  despised  as  the  Negro ;  but  the  Indian  was  on  his 
native  soil,  and,  therefore,  was  a  more  dangerous8  subject.  In 
structed  by  the  past,  and  fearful  of  the  future,  the  sagacious  colo 
nists  declared  by^his  act,  that  those  who  " shall  come  by  land" 
should  not  be  assigned  to  servitude  for  life.  While  this  act  was 
passed  to  define  the  legal  status  of  the  Indian,  at  the  same  time, 

x  Hening,  vol.  i.  p.  396.  2  Burk,  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  p.  xxiii.  3  Beverley,  p.  235. 

4  Hening,  vol.  ii.  p.  170  ;  see,  also,  vol.  iii.  p.  140.  s  Beverley,  p.  195. 

*  Hening,  vol.  i.  p.  396.        7  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  p.  283.        8  Campbell,  p.  160;  also  Bacon's  Rebellion. 


124      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

• 

and  with  equal  force,  it  determines  the  fate  of  the  Negro  who  is  so 
unfortunate  as  to  find  his  way  into  the  colony.  "All  servants  not 
being  Christians  imported  into  this  colony  by  shipping  shall  be  slaves 
for  their  lives."  Thus,  in  1670,  Virginia,  not  abhorring  the  insti 
tution,  solemnly  declared  that  "all  servants  not  Christians"  — 
heathen  Negroes  —  coming  into  her  "colony  by  shipping"  — 
there  was  no  other  way  for  them  to  come  !  —  should  "  be  slaves, 
for  their  lives  !  " 

In  1682  the  colony  was  in  a  flourishing  condition.  Opulence 
generally  makes  men  tyrannical,  and  great  success  in  business 
makes  them  unmerciful.  Although  Indians,  in  special  acts,  had 
not  been  classed  as  slaves,  but  only  accounted  "servants  for  a 
term  of  years,"  the  growing  wealth  and  increasing  number  of  the 
colonists  seemed  to  justify  them  in  throwing  off  the  mask.  The 
act  of  the  3d  of  October,  1670,  defining  who  should  be  slaves, 
was  repealed  at  the  November  session  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  1682.  Indians  were  now  made  slaves,1  and  placed  upon  the 
same  legal  footing  with  the  Negroes.  The  sacred  rite  of  baptism  * 
did  not  alter  the  condition  of  children  —  Indian  or  Negro — when 
born  in  slavery.  And  slavery,  as  a  cruel  and  inhuman  institution, 
flourished  and  magnified  with  each  returning  year. 

Encouraged  by  friendly  legislation,  the  Dutch  plied  the  slave- 
trade  with  a  zeal  equalled  only  by  the  enormous  gains  they  reaped 
from  the  planters.  It  was  not  enough' that  faith  had  been  broken 
with  friendly  Indians,  and  their  children  doomed  by  statute  to 
the  hell  of  perpetual  slavery ;  it  was  not  sufficient  that  the 
Indian  and  Negro  were  compelled  to  serve,  unrequited,  for  their 
lifetime.  On  the  4th  of  October,  1705,  "an  act  declaring  the 
Negro,  Mulatto,  and  Indian  slaves,  within  this  dominion,  to  be 
real  estate,"  3  was  passed  without  a  dissenting  voice.  Before  this 
time  they  had  been  denominated  by  the  courts  as  chattels  :  now 
they  were  to  pass  in  law  as  real  estate.  There  were,  however, 
several  provisos  to  this  act.  Merchants  coming  into  the  colony 
with  slaves,  not  sold,  were  not  to  be  affected  by  the  act  until  the 
slaves  had  actually  passed  in  a  bond-fide  sale.  Until  such  time 
their  slaves  were  contemplated  by  the  law  as  chattels.  In  case  a 
master  died  without  lawful  heirs,  his  slaves  did  not  escheat,  but 
were  regarded  as  other  personal  estate  or  property.  Slave  prop- 


1  Hening,  voL  ii.  pp.  490,  491.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  p.  260 ;  see,  also,  vol.  iii.  p.  460. 

3  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  p.  333. 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  125 

erty  was  liable  to  be  taken  in  execution  for  the  payment  of  debts, 
and  was  recoverable  by  a  personal  action.1 

The  only  apology  for  enslaving  the  Negroes  we  can  find  in  all 
the  records  of  this  colony  is,  that  they  "were  heathen."  Every 
statute,  from  the  first  to  the  last,  during  the  period  the  colony  was 
under  the  control  of  England,  carefully  mentions  that  all  persons 
—  Indians  and  Negroes  —  who  "are  not  Christians"  are  to  be 
slaves.  And  their  conversion  to  Christianity  afterwards  did  not 
release  them  from  their  servitude.2 

The  act  making  Indian,  Mulatto,  and  Negro  slaves  real  prop 
erty,  passed  in  October,  1705,  under  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne, 
and  by  her  approved,  was  "explained"  and  "amended"  in 
February,  1/27,  during  the  reign  of  King  George  II.  Whether 
the  act  received  its  being  out  of  a  desire  to  prevent  fraud,  like 
the  "  Statutes  of  Frauds,"  is  beyond  finding  out.  But  it  was  an 
act  that  showed  that  slavery  had  grown  to  be  so  common  an 
institution  as  not  to  excite  human  sympathy.  And  the  attempt 
to  "explain"  and  "amend"  its  cruel  provisions  was  but  a  faint 
precursor  of  the  evils  that  followed.  Innumerable  lawsuits  grew 
out  of  the  act,  and  the  courts  and  barristers  held  to  conflicting 
interpretations  and  constructions.  Whether  complaints  were 
made  to  his  Majesty,  the  king,  the  records  do  not  relate ;  or 
whether  he  was  moved  by  feelings  of  humanity  is  quite  as  diffi 
cult  to  understand.  But  on  the  3ist  of  October,  1751,  he  issued 
a  proclamation  repealing  the  act  declaring  slaves  real  estate.3 
The  proclamation  abrogated  nine  other  acts,  and  quite  threw 
the  colony  into  confusion. 4  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  king  was 
animated  by  the  noblest  impulses  in  repealing  one  of  the  most 
dehumanizing  laws  that  ever  disgraced  the  government  of  any 
civilized  people.  The  General  Assembly,  on  the  I5th  of  April, 
1752,  made  an  appeal  to  the  king,  "humbly"  protesting  against 
the  proclamation.  The  law-makers  in  the  colony  were  inclined 
to  doubt  the  king's  prerogative  in  this  matter.  They  called 
the  attention  of  his  Majesty  to  the  fact  that  he  had  given  the 
"Governor"  "full  power  and  authority  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  council  "  to  make  needful  laws ;  but  they  failed 

1  Hening,  vol.  iii.  pp.  334,  335.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  p.  448  ;  see,  also,  vol.  v.  p.  548. 

3  Hildreth,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States,  says  that  the  law  making  "  Negroes,  Mulat- 
toes,  and  Indians  "  real  estate  "continued  to  be  the  law  so  long  as  Virginia  remained  a  British 
colony."     This  is  a  mistake,  as  the  reader  can  see.     The  law  was  repealed  nearly  a  quarter  of  a 
century  before  Virginia  ceased  to  be  a  British  colony. 

4  Hening,  vol.  v.  p.  432,  sq. 


126      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

to  realize  fully  that  his  Majesty,  in  accordance  with  the  proviso 
contained  in  the  grant  of  authority  made  to  the  governor  and 
council  of  the  colony,  was  using  his  veto.  They  recited  the 
causes  which  induced  them  to  enact  the  law,  recounted  the 
benefits  accruing  to  his  Majesty's  subjects  from  the  conversion 
of  human  beings  into  real  property,1  and  closed  with  a  touching 
appeal  for  the  retention  of  the  act  complained  of,  so  that  slaves 
"  might  not  at  the  same  time  be  real  estate  in  some  respects,  personal 
in  others,  and  bothe  in  others  !  "  History  does  not  record  that  the 
brusque  old  king  was  at  all  moved  by  this  earnest  appeal  and  con 
vincing  argument  of  the  Virginia  Assembly. 

In  1699  the  government  buildings  at  James  City  were  de 
stroyed.  The  General  Assembly,  in  an  attempt  to  devise  means 
to  build  a  new  Capitol,  passed  an  act  on  the  nth  of  April  of  the 
aforesaid  year,  fixing  a  "  duty  on  servants  and  slaves  imported  "  2 
into  the  colony.  Fifteen  shillings  was  the  impost  tax  levied  upon 
every  servant  imported,  "not  born  in  England  or  Wales,  and 
twenty  shillings  for  every  Negro  or  other  slave  "  thus  imported. 
The  revenue  arising  from  this  tax  on  servants  and  slaves  was 
to  go  to  the  building  of  a  new  Capitol.  Every  slave-vessel 
was  inspected  by  a  customs-officer.  The  commanding  officer  of 
the  vessel  was  required  to  furnish  the  names  and  number  of  the 
servants  and  slaves  imported,  the  place  of  their  birth,  and  pay 
the  duty  imposed  upon  each  before  they  were  permitted  to  be 
landed.  This  act  was  to  be  in  force  for  the  space  of  "  three  years 
from  the  publication  thereof,  and  no  longer."  3  But,  in  the 
.summer  of  1701,  it  was  continued  until  the  25th  day  of  Decem 
ber,  1703.  The  act  was  passed  as  a  temporary  measure  to  secure 
revenue  with  which  to  build  the  Capitol.4  Evidently  it  was  not 
intended  to  remain  a  part  of  the  code  of  the  colony.  In  1732  it 
was  revived  by  an  act,  the  preamble  of  which  leads  us  to  infer 
that  the  home  government  was  not  friendly  to  its  passage.  In 
short,  the  act  is  preceded  by  a  prayer  for  permission  to  pass  it. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  feeling  in  England  in  reference  to 
levying  imposts  upon  servants  and  slaves,  it  is  certain  the  colonists 
were  in  hearty  accord  with  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the  act.  It 
must  be  clear  to  every  honest  student  of  history,  that  there  never 
was,  up  to  this  time,  an  attempt  made  to  cure  the  growing  evils  of 


1  Beverley,  p.  98.  2  Hening,  vol.  iii,  pp.  193,  194. 

3  Hening,  vol.  iii.  p.  195.  4  Burk,  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  p.  xxii. 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  127 

slavery.  When  a  tax  was  imposed  upon  slaves  imported,  the  object 
in  view  was  the  replenishing  of  the  coffers  of  the  colonial  govern 
ment.  In  1734  another  act  was  passed  taxing  imported  slaves, 
because  it  had  "been  found  very  easy  to  the  subjects  of  this  colony, 
and  no  ways  burthensome  to  the  traders  in  slaves."  The  addi 
tional  reason  for  continuing  the  law  was,  "  that  a  competent  reve 
nue"  might  be  raised  "for  preventing  or  lessening  a  poll-tax."  x 
And  in  1738,  this  law  being  "found,  by  experience,  to  be  an  easy 
expedient  for  raising  a  revenue  towards  the  lessening  a  pooll- 
tax,  always  grievous  to  the  people  of  this  colony,  and  is  in  no  way. 
burthensom  to  the  traders  in  slaves,"  it  was  re-enacted.  In  every 
instance,  through  all  these  years,  the  imposition  of  a  tax  on  slaves 
imported  into  the  colony  had  but  one  end  in  view,  —  the  raising 
of  revenue.  In  1699  the  end  sought  through  the  taxing  of  im 
ported  slaves  was  the  building  of  the  Capitol  ;  in  1734  it  was  to 
lighten  the  burden  of  taxes  on  the  subjects  in  the  colony ;  but,  in 
1740,  the  object  was  to  get  funds  to  raise  and  transport  troops  in 
his  Majesty's  service.2  The  original  duty  remained  ;  and  an  addi 
tional  levy  of  five  per  centum  was  required  on  each  slave  imported, 
over  and  above  the  twenty  shillings  required  by  previous  acts. 

In  1742  the  tax  was  continued,  because  it  was  "necessary" 
"to  discharge  the  public  debts."  3  And  again,  in  1745,  it  was 
still  believed  to  be  necessary  "for  supporting  the  public 
expense."  4  The  act,  in  a  legal  sense,  expired  by  limitation, 
but  in  spirit  remained  in  full  force  until  revived  by  the  acts  of 
1752-53.5  In  the  spring  of  1755  the  General  Assembly  increased 
the  tax  on  imported  slaves  above  the  amount  previously  fixed  by 
law.6  The  duty  at  this  time  was  ten  per  centum  on  each  slave 
sold  into  the  colony.  The  same  law  was  reiterated  in  I757,7  and, 
when  it  had  expired  by  limitation,  was  revived  in  1759,  to  be  in 
force  for  "  the  term  of  seven  years  from  thence  next  following."  8 

Encouraged  by  the  large  revenue  derived  from  the  tax 
imposed  on  servants  and  slaves  imported  into  the  colony  from 
foreign  parts,  the  General  Assembly  stood  for  the  revival  of  the 
impost-tax.  The  act  of  1699  required  the  tax  at  the  hands  of 
"the  importer,"  and  from  as  many  persons  as  engaged  in  the 
slave-trade  who  were  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  residents  of 
the  colony ;  but  the  tax  at  length  became  a  burden  to  them.  In 

1  Hening,  vol.  iv.  p.  394.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  v.  pp.  92,  93.  3  Ibid.,  vol.  v.  pp.  160,  161. 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  v.  pp.  318,  319.        5  Ibid.,  vol.  vi.  pp.  217,  218.        6  Ibid.,  vol.  vii.  p.  466. 
7  Ibid.,  vol.  vii.  p.  81.  8  Ibid.,  vol.  vii.  p.  281. 


128      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

order  to  evade  the  law  and  escape  the  tax,  they  frequently  went 
into  Maryland  and  the  Carolinas,  and  bought  slaves,  ostensibly 
for  their  own  private  use,  but  really  to  sell  in  the  local  market. 
To  prevent  this,  an  act  was  passed  imposing  a  tax  of  twenty  per 
centum  on  all  such  sales ; J  but  there  was  a  great  outcry  made 
against  this  act.  Twenty  per  centum  of  the  gross  amount  on 
each  slave,  paid  by  the  person  making  the  purchase,  was  a  bur 
den  that  planters  bore  with  ill  grace.  The  question  of  the  reduc 
tion  of  the  tax  to  ten  per  centum  was  vehemently  agitated.  The 
argument  offered  in  favor  of  the  reduction  was  three-fold  ;  viz., 
"  very  burthensom  to  the  fair  purchaser,"  inimical  "  to  the  settle 
ment  and  improvement  of  the  lands"  in  the  colony,  and  a  great 
hinderance  to  "the  importation  of  slaves,  and  thereby  lessens  the 
fund  arising  upon  the  duties  upon  slaves."  2  The  reduction  was 
made  in  May,  1760;  and,  under  additional  pressure,  the  addi 
tional  duty  on  imported  slaves  to  be  "  paid  by  the  buyer "  was 
taken  off  altogether.3  But  in  1766  the  duty  on  imported  slaves 
was  revived ;  4  and  in  1772  an  act  was  passed  reviving  the 
"additional  duty"  on  "imported  slaves,  and  was  continued  in 
force  until  the  colonies  threw  off  the  British  yoke  in  1775. "5 

In  all  this  epoch,  from  1619  down  to  1775,  there  is  not  a  scrap 
of  history  to  prove  that  the  colony  of  Virginia  ever  sought  to 
prohibit  in  any  manner  the  importation  of  slaves.  That  she 
encouraged  the  traffic,  we  have  abundant  testimony ;  and  that 
she  enriched  herself  by  it,  no  one  can  doubt. 

During  the  period  of  which  we  have  just  made  mention  above, 
the  slaves  in  this  colony  had  no  political  or  military  rights.  As 
early  as  i639,6  tne  Assembly  excused  them  from  owning  or  carry 
ing  arms;  and  in  1705  they  were  barred  by  a  special  act  from 
holding  or  exercising  "  any  office,  ecclesiastical,  civil,  or  military, 
or  any  place  of  publick  trust  or  power,"  7  in  the  colony.  If  found 
with  a  "  gun,  sword,  club,  staff,  or  other  weopon,"  8  they  were 
turned  over  to  the  constable,  who  was  required  to  administer 
"twenty  lashes  on  his  or  her  bare  back."  There  was  but  one 
exception  made.  Where  Negro  and  Indian  slaves  lived  on  the 
border  of  the  colony,  frequently  harassed  by  predatory  bands  of 
hostile  Indians,  they  could  bear  arms  by  first  getting  written 

1   Hening,  vol.  vii.  p.  338.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  vii.  p.  363.  3  Ibid.,  vol.  vii.  p.  383. 

4  Ibid.,  vol.  vhi.  pp.  190,  191,  237,  336,  337.  s  Ibid.,  vol.  viii.  pp.  530,  532. 

6  Ibid.,  vol.  i.  p.  226.  7  Ibid.,  vol.  Hi.  p.  251. 

8  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  p.  459  ;  also  vol.  iv.  p.  131,  vol.  vi.  p.  109,  and  vol.  ii.  p.  481. 


THE   COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  129 

license  from  their  master ; l  but  even  then  they  were  kept  under 
surveillance  by  the  whites. 

Personal  rights,  we  cannot  see  that  the  slaves  had  any.  They 
were  not  allowed  to  leave  the  plantation  on  which  they  were  held 
us  chattel  or  real  estate,  without  a  written  certificate  or  pass  from 
their  master,  which  was  only  granted  under  the  most  urgent  cir 
cumstances.2  If  they  dared  lift  a  hand  against  any  white  man, 
or  "  Christian  "  (?)  as  they  loved  to  call  themselves,  they  were 
punished  by  thirty  lashes  ;  and  if  a  slave  dared  to  resist  his  mas 
ter  while  he  was  correcting  him,  he  could  be  killed  ;  and  the 
master  would  be  guiltless  in  the  eyes  of  the  law.3  If  a  slave 
remained  on  another  plantation  more  than  four  hours,  his  master 
was  liable  to  a  fine  of  two  hundred  pounds  of  tobacco.4  And  if 
any  white  person  had  any  commercial  dealings  with  a  slave,  he 
was  liable  to  imprisonment  for  one  month  without  bail,  and  com 
pelled  to  give  security  in  the  sum  of  ten  pounds.  5  If  a  slave  had 
earned  and  owned  a  horse  and  buggy,  it  was  lawful  to  seize 
them  ;  6  and  the  church-warden  was  charged  with  the  sale  of  the 
articles.  Even  with  the  full  permission  of  his  master,  if  a  slave 
were  found  going  about  the  colony  trading  any  articles  for  his  or 
master's  profit,  his  master  was  liable  to  a  fine  of  ten  pounds ; 
which  fine  went  to  the  church-warden,  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor 
of  the  parish  in  which  the  slave  did  the  trading.? 

In  all  the  matters  of  law,  civil  and  criminal,  the  slave  had  no 
rights.  Under  an  act  of  1705,  Catholics,  Indian  and  Negro  slaves, 
were  denied  the  right  to  appear  as  "witnesses  in  any  cases 
whatsoever,"  "not  being  Christians;"8  but  this  was  modified 
somewhat  in  1732,  when  Negroes,  Indians,  and  Mulattoes  were 
admitted  as  witnesses  in  the  trial  of  slaves.9  In  criminal  causes 
the  slave  could  be  arrested,  cast  into  prison,  tried,  and  con 
demned,  with  but  one  witness  against  him,  and  sentenced  with 
out  a  jury.  The  solemnity  and  dignity  of  "trial  by  jury,"  of 
which  Englishmen  love  to  boast,  was  not  allowed  the  criminal 
slave.10  And,  when  a  slave  was  executed,  a  value  was  fixed  upon 
him  ;  and  the  General  Assembly  was  required  to  make  an  appro 
priation  covering  the  value  of  the  slave  to  indemnify  the  master.11 
More  than  five  slaves  meeting  together,  "  to  rebel  or  make  insur- 

1  Hening.,  vol.  vi.  p.  no.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  p.  481.                3  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  p.  270. 

4  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  p.  493.  s  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  p.  451.                6  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  459,  460. 

7  Ibid.,  vol.  viii.  p.  360.  8  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  p.  298.                9  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.  p.  327. 

10  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  p.  103.  1J  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  p.  270,  and  vol.  iv.  p.  128. 


130      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

rection  "  was  considered  "  felony ;  "  and  they  were  liable  to  "  suf 
fer  death,  and  be  utterly  excluded  the  benefit  of  clergy ; "  J  but, 
where  one  slave  was  guilty  of  manslaughter  in  killing  another 
slave,  he  was  allowed  the  benefit  of  clergy.2  In  case  of  burglary 
by  a  slave,  he  was  not  allowed  the  benefit  of  the  clergy,  except 
"  said  breaking,  in  the  case  of  a  freeman,  would  be  burglary."  3 
And  the  only  humane  feature  in  the  entire  code  of  the  colony  was 
an  act  passed  in  1772,  providing  that  no  slave  should  be  con 
demned  to  suffer  "  unless  four  of  the  judges  "  before  whom  he  is 
tried  "concur."  4 

The  free  Negroes  of  the  colony  of  Virginia  were  but  little 
removed  by  law  from  their  unfortunate  brothers  in  bondage. 
Their  freedom  was  the  act  of  individuals,  with  but  one  single 
exception.  In  1710  a  few  recalcitrant  slaves  resolved  to  offer 
armed  resistance  to  their  masters,  whose  treatment  had  driven 
them  to  the  verge  of  desperation.  A  slave  of  Robert  Ruffin,  of 
Surry  County,  entered  into  the  plot,  but  afterwards  revealed  it  to 
the  masters  of  the  rebellious  slaves.  As  a  reward  for  his  services, 
the  General  Assembly,  on  the  Qth  of  October,  1710,  gave  him  his 
manumission  papers,  with  the  added  privilege  to  remain  in  the 
colony.5  For  the  laws  of  the  colony  required  "that  no  negro, 
mulatto,  or  indian  slaves "  should  be  set  free  "  except  for  some 
meritorious  services."  The  governor  and  council  were  to  decide 
upon  the  merits  of  the  services,  and  then  grant  a  license  to  the 
master  to  set  his  slave  at  liberty.6  If  any  master  presumed  to- 
emancipate  a  slave  without  a  license  granted  according  to  the  act 
of  1723,  his  slave  thus  emancipated  could  be  taken  up  by  the 
church-warden  for  the  parish  in  which  the  master  of  the  slave 
resided,  and  sold  "by  public  outcry."  The  money  accruing  from 
such  sale  was  to  be  used  for  the  benefit  of  the  parish.  7  But  if  a 
slave  were  emancipated  according  to  law,  the  General  Assembly 
paid  the  rnaster  so  much  for  him,  as  in  the  case  of  slaves  executed 
by  the  authorities.  But  it  was  seldom  that  emancipated  persons 
were  permitted  to  remain  in  the  colony.  By  the  act  of  1699  they 
were  required  to  leave  the  colony  within  six  months  after  they 
had  secured  their  liberty,  on  pain  of  having  to  pay  a  fine  of  "  ten 
pounds  sterling  to  the  church-wardens  of  the  parish  ; "  which 
money  was  to  be  used  in  transporting  the  liberated  slave  out  of 

1  Hening,  vol.  iv.  p.  126,  and  vol.  vi.  p.  104,  sq.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  viii.  p.  139. 

3  Ibid.,  vol.  viii.  p.  522.  4  Ibid.,  vol.  viii.  p.  523.         5  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  536,  537* 

6  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.  p.  132.  7  Ibid.,  vol.  vi.  p.  112. 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  131 

the  country.1  If  slave  women  came  in  possession  of  their  free 
dom,  the  law  sought  them  out,  and  required  of  them  to  pay  taxes  ;  2 
a  burden  from  which  their  white  sisters,  and  even  Indian  women, 
were  exempt. 

If  free  Colored  persons  in  the  colony  ever  had  the  right  of 
franchise,  there  is  certainly  no  record  of  it.  We  infer,  however, 
from  the  act  of  1723,  that  previous  to  that  time  they  had  exercised 
the  voting  privilege.  For  that  act  declares  "  that  no  free  negro 
shall  hereafter  have  any  vote  at  the  election."  3  Perhaps  they  had 
had  a  vote  previous  to  this  time ;  but  it  is  mere  conjecture,  unsup 
ported  by  historical  proof.  Being  denied  the  right  of  suffrage  did 
not  shield  them  from  taxation.  All  free  FJegroes,  male  and  female, 
were  compelled  to  pay  taxes.4  They  contributed  to  the  support 
of  the  colonial  government,  and  yet  they  had  no  voice  in  the 
government.  They  contributed  to  the  building  of  schoolhouses, 
but  were  denied  the  blessings  of  education. 

Free  Negroes  were  enlisted  in  the  militia  service,  but  were 
not  permitted  to  bear  arms.  They  had  to  attend  the  trainings, 
but  were  assigned  the  most  servile  duties. 5  They  built  fortifica 
tions,  pitched  and  struck  tents,  cooked,  drove  teams,  and  in  some 
instances  were  employed  as  musicians.  Where  free  Negroes 
were  acting  as  housekeepers,  they  were  allowed  to  have  fire 
arms  in  their  possession ; 6  and  if  they  lived  on  frontier  planta 
tions,  as  we  have  made  mention  already,  they  were  permitted  to 
use  arms  under  the  direction  of  their  employers. 

In  a  moral  and  religious  sense,  the  slaves  of  the  colony  of 
Virginia  received  little  or  no  attention  from  the  Christian  Church. 
All  intercourse  was  cut  off  between  the  races.  Intermarrying  of 
whites  and  blacks  was  prohibited  by  severe  laws. 7  And  the  most 
common  civilities  and  amenities  of  life  were  frowned  down  when 
intended  for  a  Negro.  The  plantation  was  as  religious  as  the 
Church,  and  the  Church  was  as  secular  as  the  plantation.  The 
"white  Christians"  hated  the  Negro,  and  the  Church  bestowed 
upon  him  a  most  bountiful  amount  of  neglect.8  Instead  of  receiv 
ing  religious  instruction  from  the  clergy,  slaves  were  given  to 
them  in  part  pay  for  their  ministrations  to  the  whites,  —  for  their 
"use  and  encouragement."  9  It  was  as  late  as  1756  before  any 

1  Hening,  vol.  iii.  pp.  87,  88.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  p.  267.  3  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  133,  134.. 

4  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.  p.  133.  s  Ibid.,  vol.  vii.  p.  95  ;  and  vol.  vi.  p.  533. 

6  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.  p.  131.  7  ibid.,  vol.  iii.  p.  87.  8  Campbell,  p.  529. 

9  Burk,  vol.  ii.    Appendix,  p.  xiii. 


132      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

white  minister  had  the  piety  and  courage  to  demand  instruction 
for  the  slaves.1  The  prohibition  against  instruction  for  these 
poor  degraded  vassals  is  not  so  much  a  marvel  after  all.  For  in 
1670,  when  the  white  population  was  forty  thousand,  servants  six 
thousand,  and  slaves  two  thousand,  Sir  William  Berkeley,  when 
inquired  of  by  the  home  government  as  to  the  condition  of  educa 
tion  in  the  colony,  replied  :  — 

"The  same  course  that  is  taken  in  England  out  of  towns,  —  every  man 
according  to  his  ability  instructing  his  children.  We  have  forty-eight  parishes, 
and  our  ministers  are  well  paid,  and  by  my  consent  should  be  better  if  they 
would  pray  oftener  and  preach  less.  But  of  all  other  commodities,  so  of  this, 
the  worst  are  sent  us,  and  we«had  few  that  we  could  boast  of,  since  the  persecu 
tion  of  Cromwell's  tyranny  drove  divers  worthy  men  hither.  But  I  thank  God, 
there  are  no  free  schools  nor  printing,  and  I  hope  we  shall  not  have  these  hun 
dred  years :  for  learning  has  brought  disobedience  and  heresy  and  sects  into 
the  world;  and  printing  has  divulged  them,  and  libels  against  the  best  govern 
ment.  God  keep  us  from  both  !  "  2 

Thus  was  the  entire  colony  in  ignorance  and  superstition, 
and  it  was  the  policy  of  the  home  government  to  keep  out  the 
light.  The  sentiments  of  Berkeley  were  applauded  in  official 
circles  in  England,  and  most  rigorously  carried  out  by  his  suc 
cessor  who,  in  1682,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  council,  put  John 
Buckner  under  bonds  for  introducing  the  art  of  printing  into  the 
colony.3  This  prohibition  continued  until  1733.  If  the  whites 
of  the  colony  were  left  in  ignorance,  what  must  have  been  the 
mental  and  moral  condition  of  the  slaves  ?  The  ignorance  of  the 
whites  made  them  the  pliant  tools  of  the  London  Company,  and 
the  Negroes  in  turn  were  compelled  to  submit  to  a  condition  "  of 
rather  rigorous  servitude."  4  This  treatment  had  its  reflexive 
influence  on  the  planters.  Men  fear  most  the  ghosts  of  their  sins, 
and  for  cruel  deeds  rather  expect  and  dread  "  the  reward  in  the 
life  that  now  is."  So  no  wonder  Dinwiddie  wrote  the  father  of 
Charles  James  Fox  in  1758  :  "We  dare  not  venture  to  part  with 
any  of  our  white  men  any  distance,  as  we  must  have  a  watchful 
eye  over  our  negro  slaves." 

In  1648,  as  we  mentioned  some  pages  back,  there  were  about 
three  hundred  slaves  in  the  colony.  Slow  coming  at  first,  but  at 
length  they  began  to  increase  rapidly,  so  that  in  fifty  years  they 


1  Foot's  Sketches,  First  Series,  p.  291.  2  Hening,  vol.  ii.  p.  517. 

3  Hening,  vol.  ii.  p.  518.  *  Campbell,  p.  383. 


THE    COLONY  OF   VIRGINIA.  133 

had  increased  one  hundred  per  cent.  In  1671  they  were  two 
thousand  strong,  and  all,  up  to  that  date,  direct  from  Africa.  In 
1715  there  were  twenty-three  thousand  slaves  against  seventy-two 
thousand  whites.1  By  the  year  1758  the  slave  population  had 
increased  to  the  alarming  number  of  over  one  hundred  thousand, 
which  was  a  little  less  than  the  numerical  strength  of  the  whites. 
During  this  period  of  a  century  and  a  half,  slavery  took  deep 
root  in  the  colony  of  Virginia,  and  attained  unwieldy  and  alarming 
proportions.  It  had  sent  its  dark  death-roots  into  the  fibre  and 
organism  of  the  political,  judicial,  social,  and  religious  life  of  the 
people.  It  was  crystallized  now  into  a  domestic  institution.  It 
existed  in  contemplation  of  legislative  enactment,  and  had  high 
judicial  recognition  through  the  solemn  forms  of  law.  The 
Church  had  proclaimed  it  a  "  sacred  institution,"  and  the  clergy 
had  covered  it  with  the  sanction  of  their  ecclesiastical  office. 
There  it  stood,  an  organized  system,  —  the  dark  problem  of  the 
uncertain  future  :  more  terrible  to  the  colonists  in  its  awful,  spec 
tral  silence  during  the  years  of  the  Revolution  than  the  victorious 
.guns  of  the  French  and  Continental  armies,  which  startled  the 
English  lion  from  his  hurtful  hold  at  the  throat  of  white  men's 
liberties — black  men  had  no  country,  no  liberty  —  in  this  new 
world  in  the  West.  But,  like  the  dead  body  of  the  Roman  mur 
derer's  victim,  slavery  was  a  curse  that  pursued  the  colonists  ever 
more. 

1  Chalmers's  American  Colonies,  vol.  ii.  p.  7. 


134      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

THE  COLONY   OF  NEW   YORK. 
1628-17/5. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK  BY  THE  DUTCH  IN  1609.  — NEGROES  INTRODUCED  INTO  THE  COLONY, 
1628. —THE  TRADE  IN  NEGROES  INCREASED.  —  TOBACCO  EXCHANGED  FOR  SLAVES  AND  MER 
CHANDISE.— GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  COLONY.  — NEW  NETHERLAND  FALLS  INTO  THE  HANDS  OF 
THE  ENGLISH,  AUG.  27,  1664. —VARIOUS  CHANGES. —  NEW  LAWS  ADOPTED.  —  LEGISLATION.  — 
FIRST  REPRESENTATIVES  ELECTED  IN  1683.  — IN  1702  QUEEN  ANNE  INSTRUCTS  THE  ROYAL  GOV 
ERNOR  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  IMPORTATION  OF  SLAVES.  —  SLAVERY  RESTRICTIONS.  —  EXPEDITION  TO 
EFFECT  THE  CONQUEST  OF  CANADA  UNSUCCESSFUL. — NEGRO  RlOT.  —  SUPPRESSED  BY  THE  EFFI 
CIENT  AID  OF  TROOPS.  —  FEARS  OF  THE  COLONISTS.  —  NEGRO  PLOT  OF  1741.  —  THE  ROBBERY 
OF  HOGG'S  HOUSE. — DISCOVERY  OF  A  PORTION  OF  THE  GOODS.  —  THE  ARREST  OF  HUGHSON, 
HIS  WIFE,  AND  IRISH  PEGGY.  —  CRIMINATION  AND  RECRIMINATION. — THE  BREAKING-OUT  OF 
NUMEROUS  FIRES.  —  THE  ARREST  OF  SPANISH  NEGROES.  —  THE  TRIAL  OF  HUGHSON.  —  TESTI 
MONY  OF  MARY  BURTON.  —  HUGHSON  HANGED.  —  THE  ARREST  OF  MANY  OTHERS  IMPLICATED  IN 
THE  PLOT.  —  THE  HANGING  OF  C^SAR  AND  PRINCE.  —  QUACK  AND  CUFFEE  BURNED  AT  THE 
STAKE.  — THE  LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR'S  PROCLAMATION.  —  MANY  WHITE  PERSONS  ACCUSED  OF 
BEING  CONSPIRATORS.  —  DESCRIPTION  OF  HUGHSON'S  MANNER  OF  SWEARING  THOSE  HAVING 
KNOWLEDGE  OF  THE  PLOT.  —  CONVICTION  AND  HANGING  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  PRIEST  URY.  — THE 
SUDDEN  AND  UNEXPECTED  TERMINATION  OF  THE  TRIAL.  —  NEW  LAWS  MORE  STRINGENT 
TOWARD  SLAVES  ADOPTED. 

FROM  the  settlement  of  New  York  by  the  Dutch  in  1609, 
down  to  its  conquest  by  the  English  in  1664,  there  is  no 
reliable  record  of  slavery  in  that  colony.  That  the  institu 
tion  was  coeval  with  the  Holland  government,  there  can  be  no 
historical  doubt.  During  the  half-century  that  the  Holland  flag 
waved  over  the  New  Netherlands,  slavery  grew  to  such  proportions 
as  to  be  regarded  as  a  necessary  evil.  As  early  as  1628  the  iras 
cible  slaves  from  Angola,1  Africa,  were  the  fruitful  source  of  wide 
spread  public  alarm.  A  newly  settled  country  demanded  a  hardy 
and  energetic  laboring  class.  Money  was  scarce,  the  colonists 
poor,  and  servants  few.  The  numerous  physical  obstructions 
across  the  path  of  material  civilization  suggested  cheap  but  effi 
cient  labor.  White  servants  were  few,  and  the  cost  of  securing 
them  from  abroad  was  a  great  hinderance  to  their  increase.  The 
Dutch  had  possessions  on  the  coast  of  Guinea  and  in  Brazil,  and 

1  Brodhead's  History  of  New  York,  vol.  i.  p.  184. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  135 

hence  they  found  it  cheap  and  convenient  to  import  slaves  to 
perform  the  labor  of  the  colony.1 

The  early  slaves  went  into  the  pastoral  communities,  worked 
on  the  public  highways,  and  served  as  valets  in  private  families. 
Their  increase  was  stealthy,  their  conduct  insubordinate,  and 
their  presence  a  distressing  nightmare  to  the  apprehensive  and 
conscientious. 

The  West  India  Company  had  offered  many  inducements  to 
its  patroons.2  And  its  pledge  to  furnish  the  colonists  with  "as 
many  blacks  as  they  conveniently  could,"  was  scrupulously  per- 
formed.3  In  addition  to  the  slaves  furnished  by  the  vessels  plying 
between  Brazil  and  the  coast  of  Guinea,  many  Spanish  and  Portu 
guese  prizes  were  brought  into  the  Netherlands,  where  the  slaves 
were  made  the  chattel  property  of  the  company.  An  urgent  and 
extraordinary  demand  for  labor,  rather  than  the  cruel  desire  to 
traffic  in  human  beings,  led  the  Dutch  to  encourage  the  bringing 
of  Negro  slaves.  Scattered  widely  among  the  whites,  treated  often 
with  the  humanity  that  characterized  the  treatment  bestowed  upon 
the  white  servants,  there  was  little  said  about  slaves  in  this  period. 
The  majority  of  them  were  employed  upon  the  farms,  and  led 
quiet  and  sober  lives.  The  largest  farm  owned  by  the  company 
was  "  cultivated  by  the  blacks ;  "  4  and  this  fact  was  recorded  as 
early  as  the  igth  of  April,  1638,  by  "  Sir  William  Kieft,  Director- 
General  of  New  Netherland."  And,  although  the  references  to 
slaves  and  slavery  in  the  records  of  Amsterdam  are  incidental, 
yet  it  is  plainly  to  be  seen  that  the  institution  was  purely  patri 
archal  during  nearly  all  the  period  the  Hollanders  held  the 
Netherlands. 

Manumission  of  slaves  was  not  an  infrequent  event. 5  Some 
times  it  was  done  as  a  reward  for  meritorious  services,  and  some 
times  it  was  prompted  by  the  holy  impulses  of  humanity  and 
justice.  The  most  cruel  thing  done,  however,  in  this  period,  was 
to  hold  as  slaves  in  the  service  of  the  company  the  children  of 
Negroes  who  were  lawfully  manumitted.  "All  their  children 
already  born,  or  yet  to  be  born,  remained  obligated  to  serve  the 
company  as  slaves."  In  cases  of  emergency  the  liberated  fathers 
of  these  bond  children  were  required  to  serve  "by  water  or  by 
land"  in  the  defence  of  the  Holland  government.6  It  is  gratify- 

1  O'Callaghan's  History  of  New  Netherlands,  pp.  384,  385.  2  Brodhead,  vol.  i.  p.  194. 

3  Ibid.,  vol.  i.  pp.  196,  197.  4  Dunlap's  History  of  New  York,  vol.  i.  p.  58. 

5  O'Callaghan,  p.  385.  6  Van  Tienhoven. 


136      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

ing,  however,  to  find  the  recorded  indignation  of  some  of  the  best 
citizens  of  the  New  Netherlands  against  the  enslaving  of  the  chil 
dren  of  free  Negroes.  It  was  severely  denounced,  as  contrary  to 
justice  and  in  "  violation  of  the  law  of  nature."  "  How  any  oni 
born  of  a  free  Christian  mother"  could,  notwithstanding,  be  a 
slave,  and  be  obliged  to  remain  such,  passed  their  comprehension.1 
It  was  impossible  for  them  to  explain  it."  And,  although  "  they 
were  treated  just  like  Christians,"  the  moral  sense  of  the  people 
could  not  excuse  such  a  flagrant  crime  against  humanity.2 

Director-General  Sir  William  Kieft's  unnecessary  war,  "  with 
out  the  knowledge,  and  much  less  the  order,  of  the  XIX.,  and 
against  the  will  of  the  Commonality  there,"  had  thrown  the 
Province  into  great  confusion.  Property  was  depreciating,  and  a 
feeling  of  insecurity  seized  upon  the  people.  Instead  of  being  a 
source  of  revenue,  New  Netherlands,  as  shown  by  the  books  of  the 
Amsterdam  Chamber,  had  cost  the  company,  from  1626  to  1644, 
inclusive,  "  over  five  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  guilders,  deducting 
the  returns  received  from  there."  It  was  to  be  expected  that  the 
slaves  would  share  the  general  feeling  of  uneasiness  and  expect 
ancy.  Something  had  to  be  done  to  stay  the  panic  so  imminent 
among  both  classes  of  the  colonists,  bond  and  free.  The  Bureau 
of  Accounts  made  certain  propositions  to  the  company  calculated 
to  act  as  a  tonic  upon  the  languishing  hopes  of  the  people.  After 
reciting  many  methods  by  which  the  Province  was  to  be  rejuven 
ated,  it  was  suggested  "  that  it  would  be  wise  to  permit  the 
patroons,  colonists,  and  other  farmers  to  import  as  many  Negroes 
from  the  Brazils  as  they  could  purchase  for  cash,  to  assist  them 
on  their  farms  ;  as  (it  was  maintained)  these  slaves  could  do  more 
work  for  their  masters,  and  were  less  expensive,  than  the  hired 
laborers  engaged  in  Holland,  and  conveyed  to  New  Netherlands, 
"by  means  of  much  money  and  large  promises"  3 

Nor  was  the  substitution  of  slave  labor  for  white  a  temporary 
expedient.  Again  in  1661  a  loud  call  for  more  slaves  was  heard. 4 
In  the  October  treaty  of  the  same  year,  the  Dutch  yielded  to  the 
seductive  offer  of  the  English,  "  to  deliver  two  or  three  thousand 
hogsheads  of  tobacco  annually  ...  in  return  for  negroes  and 
merchandise."  At  the  first  the  Negro  slave  was  regarded  as  a 
cheap  laborer,  —  a  blessing  to  the  Province  ;  but  after  a  while  the 

1  Hildreth,  vol.  i.  p.  441  ;  also  Hoi.  Doc.,  III.  p.  351.     2  Annals  of  Albany,  vol.  ii.  pp.  5S-6O.. 
3  O'Callaghan,  p.  353.     N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  368,  369.         4  Brodhead,  vol.  i.  p.  697. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  137 

cupidity    of   the    English  induced  the   Hollanders  to  regard  the 
Negro  as  a  coveted,  marketable  chattel. 

"  In  its  scheme  of  political  administration,  the  West-India  Company  ex 
hibited  too  often  a  mercantile  and  selfish  spirit ;  and  in  encouraging  commerce 
in  Negro  slaves,  it  established  an  institution  which  subsisted  many  generations 
after  its  authority  had  ceased."  * 

The  Dutch  colony  was  governed  by  the  Dutch  and  Roman 
law.  The  government  was  tripartite,  —  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial,  —  all  vested  in,  and  exercised  by,  the  governor  and  coun 
cil.  There  seemed  to  be  but  little  or  no  necessity  for  legislation 
on  the  slavery  question.  The  Negro  seemed  to  be  a  felt  need  in 
the  Province,  and  was  regarded  with  some  consideration  by  the 
kind-hearted  Hollanders.  Benevolent  and  social,  they  desired  to 
see  all  around  them  happy.  The  enfranchised  African  might  and 
did  obtain  a  freehold ;  while  the  Negro  who  remained  under  an 
institution  of  patriarchal  simplicity,  scarcely  knowing  he  was  in 
bondage,  danced  merrily  at  the  best,  in  "kermis,"  at  Christmas 
and  Pinckster.2  There  were,  doubtless,  a  few  cases  where  the 
slaves  received  harsh  treatment  from  their  masters ;  but,  as  a  rule, 
the  jolly  Dutch  fed  and  clothed  their  slaves  as  well  as  their  white 
servants.  There  were  no  severe  rules  to  strip  the  Negroes  of 
their  personal  rights,  —  such  as  social  amusements  or  public  feasts 
when  their  labors  had  been  completed.  During  this  entire  period,, 
they  went  and  came  among  their  class  without  let  or  hinderance. 
They  were  married,  and  given  in  marriage ;  3  they  sowed,  and,  in 
many  instances,  gathered  an  equitable  share  of  the  fruits  of  their 
labors.  If  there  were  no  schools  for  them,  there  were  no  laws 
against  an  honest  attempt  to  acquire  knowledge  at  seasonable 
times.  The  Hollanders  built  their  government  upon  the  hearth 
stone,  believing  it  to  be  the  earthly  rock  of  ages  to  a  nation  that 
would  build  wisely  for  the  future.  And  while  it  is  true  that  they 
regarded  commerce  as  the  life-blood  of  the  material  existence  of  a 
people,  they  nevertheless  found  their  inspiration  for  multifarious 
duties  in  the  genial  sunshine  of  the  family  circle.  A  nation  thus 
constituted  could  not  habilitate  slavery  with  all  the  hideous 
features  it  wore  in  Virginia  and  Massachusetts.  The  slaves  could 
not  escape  the  good  influences  of  the  mild  government  of  the 
New  Netherlands,  nor  could  the  Hollanders  withhold  the  bright 
ness  and  goodness  of  their  hearts  from  their  domestic  slaves. 

1  Brodhead,  vol.  i.  p.  746.      2  Ibid.,  vol.  1.  p.  748.      3  Valentine's  Manual  for  1861,  pp.  640-664. 


138      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

On  the  2/th  of  August,  1664,  New  Netherlands  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  English;  and  the  city  received  a  new  name,  —  New 
York,  after  the  famous  Duke  of  York.  When  the  English  colors 
were  run  up  over  Fort  Amsterdam,  it  received  a  new  name,  "  Fort 
James."  In  the  twenty-four  articles  in  which  the  Hollanders 
surrendered  their  Province,  there  is  no  direct  mention  of  slaves  or 
slavery.  The  only  clause  that  might  be  construed  into  a  reference 
to  the  slaves  is  as  follows  :  "  IV.  If  any  inhabitant  have  a  mind 
to  remove  himself,  he  shall  have  a  year  and  six  weeks  from  this 
day  to  remove  himself,  wife,  children,  servants,  goods,  and  to 
dispose  of  his  lands  here."  There  was  nothing  in  the  articles  of 
capitulation  hostile  to  slavery  in  the  colony. 

During  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  the  English  government  gave 
its  royal  sanction  to  the  slave-traffic.  "In  1562  Sir  John  Hawk 
ins,  Sir  Lionel  Duchet,  Sir  Thomas  Lodge,  and  Sir  William 
Winter"  —  all  "honorable  men"  —  became  the  authors  of  the 
greatest  curse  that  ever  afflicted  the  earth.  Hawkins,  assisted  by 
the  aforenamed  gentlemen,  secured  a  ship-load  of  Africans  from 
Sierra  Leone,  and  sold  them  at  Hispaniola.  Many  were  murdered 
on  the  voyage,  and  cast  into  the  sea.  The  story  of  this  atrocity 
coming  to  the  ears  of  the  queen,  she  was  horrified.  She  sum 
moned  Hawkins  into  her  presence,  in  order  to  rebuke  him  for  his 
crime  against  humanity.  He  defended  his  conduct  with  great 
skill  and  eloquence.  He  persuaded  her  Royal  Highness  that  it 
was  an  act  of  humanity  to  remove  the  African  from  a  bad  to  a 
better  country,  from  the  influences  of  idolatry  to  the  influences 
of  Christianity.  Elizabeth  afterwards  encouraged  the  slave- 
trade. 

So  when  New  Netherlands  became  an  English  colony,  slavery 
received  substantial  official  encouragement,  and  the  slave  became 
the  subject  of  colonial  legislation. 

The  first  laws  under  the  English  Government  were  issued 
under  the  patent  to  the  Duke  of  York,  on  the  1st  of  March, 
1665,  and  were  known  as  "the  Duke's  Laws."  It  is  rather 
remarkable  that  they  were  fashioned  after  the  famous  "Massa 
chusetts  Fundamentals,"  adopted  in  1641.  These  laws  have  the 
following  caption  :  "Laws  collected  out  of  the  several  laws  now  in 
force  in  his  majesty's  American  colonies  and  plantations."  The 
first  mention  of  slavery  is  contained  in  a  section  under  the 
caption  of  "Bond  Slavery." 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  139 

"  No  Christian  shall  be  kept  in  Bondslavery,  villenage,  or  Captivity,  Except 
Such  who  shall  be  Judged  thereunto  by  Authority,  or  such  as  willing  have  sold 
or  shall  sell  themselves,  In  which  Case  a  Record  of  Such  servitude  shall  be 
entered  in  the  Court  of  Sessions  held  for  that  Jurisdiction  where  Such  Masters 
shall  Inhabit,  provided  that  nothing  in  the  Law  Contained  shall  be  to  the  preju 
dice  of  Master  or  Dame  who  have  or  shall  by  any  Indenture  or  Covenant  take 
Apprentices  for  Terme  of  Years,  or  other  Servants  for  Term  of  years  or  Life."  l 

By  turning  to  the  first  chapter  on  Massachusetts,  the  reader 
will  observe  that  the  above  is  the  Massachusetts  law  of  1641 
with  but  a  very  slight  alteration.  We  find  no  reference  to 
slavery  directly,  and  the  word  slave  does  not  occur  in  this  code  at 
all.  Article  7,  under  the  head  of  "  Capital  Laws,"  reads  as  fol 
lows  :  "  If  any  person  forcibly  stealeth'  or  carrieth  away  any  man 
kind  he  shall  be  put  to  death." 

On  the  27th  of  January,  1683,  Col.  Thomas  Dongan  was  sent 
to  New  York  as  its  governor,  and  charged  with  carrying  out 
a  long  list  of  instructions  laid  down  by  his  Royal  Highness 
the  Duke  of  York.  Gov.  Dongan  arrived  in  New  York  during 
the  latter  part  of  August ;  and  on  the  I3th  of  September,  1683,  the 
council  sitting  at  Fort  James  promulgated  an  order  calling  upon 
the  people  to  elect  representatives.  On  the  I7th  October,  1683, 
the  General  Assembly  met  for  the  first  time  at  Fort  James,  in  the 
city  of  New  York.  It  is  a  great  misfortune  that  the  journals  of 
both  houses  are  lost.  The  titles  of  the  Acts  passed  have  been 
preserved,  and  so  far  we  are  enabled  to  fairly  judge  of  the  charac 
ter  of  the  legislation  of  the  new  assembly.  On  the  ist  Novem 
ber,  1683,  the  Assembly  passed  "An  Act  for  naturalizing  all  those 
of  foreign  nations  at  present  inhabiting  within  this  province  and 
professing  Christianity,  and  for  encouragement  for  others  to  come 
and  settle  within  the  same."2  This  law  was  re-enacted  in  1715, 
and  provided,  that  "  nothing  contained  in  this  Act  is  to  be  con 
strued  to  discharge  or  set  at  liberty  any  servant,  bondman  or 
slave,  but  only  to  have  relation  to  such  persons  as  are  free  at  the 
making  hereof."  3 

So  the  mild  system  of  domestic  slavery  introduced  by  the 
Dutch  now  received  the  sanction  of  positive  British  law.  Most 
of  the  slaves  in  the  Province  of  New  York,  from  the  time  they 
were  first  introduced,  down  to  1664,  had  been  the  property  of  the 
West-India  Company.  As  such  they  had  small  plots  of  land  to 

1  New  York  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  pp.  322,  323.      2  Journals  of  Legislative  Council,  vol.  i.  p  xii. 
3  Bradford's  Laws,  p.  125. 


140      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

work  for  their  own  benefit,  and  were  not  without  hope  of  emanci 
pation  some  day.  But  under  the  English  government  the  condi 
tion  of  the  slave  was  clearly  defined  by  law  and  one  of  great 
hardships.  On  the  24th  of  October,  1684,  an  Act  was  passed  in 
which  slavery  was  for  the  first  time  regarded  as  a  legitimate 
institution  in  the  Province  of  New  York  under  the  English 
government.1 

The  slave-trade  grew.  New  York  began  to  feel  the  necessity 
of  a  larger  number  of  slaves.  In  1702  her  "most  gracious 
majesty,"  Queen  Anne,  among  many  instructions  to  the  royal 
governor,  directed  that  the  people  "  take  especial  care,  that  God 
Almighty  be  devoutly  and  duly  served,"  and  that  the  "  Royal 
African  Company  of  England  "  "  take  especial  care  that  the  said 
Province  may  have  a  constant  and  sufficient  supply  of  merchanta 
ble  Negroes,  at  moderate  rates."  2  It  was  a  marvellous  zeal  that 
led  the  good  queen  to  build  up  the  Church  of  England  alongside 
of  the  institution  of  human  slavery.  It  was  an  impartial  zeal 
that  sought  their  mutual  growth,  — the  one  intended  by  our  divine 
Lord  to  give  mankind  absolute  liberty,  the  other  intended  by  man 
to  rob  mankind  of  the  great  boon  of  freedom !  But  with  the 
sanction  of  statutory  legislation,  and  the  silent  acquiescence  of 
the  Church,  the  foundations  of  the  institution  of  slaVery  were 
firmly  laid  in  the  approving  conscience  of  a  selfish  public. 
Dazzled  by  prospective  riches,  and  unscrupulous  in  the  methods 
of  accumulations,  the  people  of  the  Province  of  New  York  clam 
ored  for  more  exacting  laws  by  which  to  govern  the  slaves.3 
Notwithstanding  Lord  Cornbury  had  received  the  following 
instructions  from  the  crown,  "you  shall  endeavor  to  get  a  law 
passed  for  the  restraining  of  any  inhuman  severity  ...  to  find 
out  the  best  means  to  facilitate  and  encourage  the  conversion  of 
Negroes  and  Indians  to  the  Christian  religion,"  the  Colonial 
Assembly  (the  same  year,  1702)  passed  severe  laws  against  the 
slaves.  It  was  "An  Act  for  regulating  slaves"  but  was  quite 
lengthy  and  specific.  It  was  deemed  "not  lawful  to  trade  with 
negro  slaves?  and  the  violation  of  this  law  was  followed  by  fine 
and  imprisonment.  "Not  above  three  slaves  may  meet  together:'" 
if  they  did  they  were  liable  to  be  whipped  by  £  justice  of  the 
peace,  or  sent  to  jail.  "A  common  whipper  to  be  appointed" 


1  Journals,  etc.,  N.Y.,  vol.  i.  p.  xiii.  2  Dunlap's  Hist,  of  N.Y.,  vol.  i.  p.  260. 

3  Booth's  Hist,  of  N.Y.,  vol.  i.  p.  270-272. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  141 

showed  that  the  justices  had  more  physical  exercise  than  they 
cared  for.  "A  slave  not  to  strike  a  freeman"  indicated  that  the 
slaves  in  New  York  as  in  Virginia  were  accounted  as  heathen. 
"  Penalty  for  concealing  slaves"  and  the  punishment  of  Negroes 
for  stealing,  etc.,  were  rather  severe,  but  only  indicated  the  temper 
of  the  people  at  that  time.1 

The  recommendations  to  have  Negro  and  Indian  slaves  bap 
tized  gave  rise  to  considerable  discussion  and  no  little  alarm.  As 
was  shown  in  the  chapter  on  Virginia,  the  proposition  to  bap 
tize  slaves  did  not  meet  with  a  hearty  indorsement  from  the 
master-class.  The  doctrine  had  obtained  in  most  of  the  colonies, 
that  a  man  was  a  freeman  by  virtue  of  his  membership  in  a 
Christian  church,  and  hence  eligible  to  office.  To  escape  the 
logic  of  this  position,  the  dealer  in  human  flesh  sought  to  bar 
the  door  of  the  Church  against  the  slave.  But  in  1706  "An 
Act  to  encourage  the  baptizing  of  Negro,  Indian,  and  mulatto 
slaves"  was  passed  in  the  hope  of  quieting  the  public  mind  on 
this  question. 

"  WHereas  divers  of  her  Majesty's  good  Subjects,  Inhabitants  of  this 
Colony,  now  are,  and  have  been  willing  that  such  Negroe,  Indian,  and  Mulatto 
Slaves,  who  belong  to  them,  and  desire  the  same,  should  be  baptized,  but  are 
deterred  and  hindered  therefrom  by  reason  of  a  groundless  Opinion  that  hath 
spread  itself  in  this  Colony,  that  by  the  baptizing  of  such  Negro,  Indian,  or 
Mulatto  Slave,  they  would  become  Free,  and  ought  to  be  set  at  liberty.  In  order 
therefore  to  put  an  end  to  all  such  Doubts  and  scruples  as  have,  or  hereafter  at 
any  time  may  arise  about  the  same  — 

"JBe  it  enacted,  &c.,  that  the  baptizing  of  a  Negro,  Indian,  or  Mulatto  Slave 
shall  not  be  any  cause  or  reason  for  the  setting  them  or  any  of  them  at  liberty. 

"And  be  it,  &C.,  that  all  and  every  Negro,  Indian,  Mulatto  and  Mestee 
bastard  child  and  children,  who  is,  are,  and  shall  be  born  of  any  Negro,  Indian, 
or  Mestee,  shall  follow  the  state  and  condition  of  the  mother  and  be  esteemed, 
reputed,  taken  and  adjudged  a  slave  and  slaves  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
whatsoever. 

"  Provided  always,  and  be  it,  &c.,  That  no  slave  whatsoever  in  this  colony 
shall  at  any  time  be  admitted  as  a  witness  for  or  against  any  freeman  in  any- 
case,  matter  or  cause,  civil  or  criminal,  whatsoever."  2 

1  On  the  22d  of  March,  1680,  the  following  proclamation  was  issued:  "Whereas,  several 
inhabitants  within  this  city  have  and  doe  dayly  harbour,  entertain  and  countenance  Indian  and 
neger  slaves  in  their  houses,  and  to  them  sell  and  deliver  wine,  rum,  and  other  strong  liquors,. 
for  which  they  receive  money  or  goods  which  by  the  said  Indian  and  negro  slaves  is  pilfered, 
purloyned,  and  stolen  from  their  several  masters,  by  which  the  publick  peace  is  broken,  and  the 
damage  of  the  master  is  produced,  etc.,  therefore  they  are  prohibited,  etc. ;  and  if  neger  or  Indian 
slave  make  application  for  these  forbidden  articles,  immediate  information  is  to  be  given  to  his, 
master  or  to  the  mayor  or  oldest  alderman."  —  DUNLAP,  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  p.  cxxviii. 

2  Bradford  Laws,  p.  81. 


142      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

So  when  the  door  of  the  Christian  Church  was  opened  to  the 
Negro,  he  was  to  appear  at  the  sacred  altar  with  his  chains  on. 
Though  emancipated  from  the  bondage  of  Satan,  he  nevertheless 
remained  the  abject  slave  of  the  Christian  colonists.  Claiming 
spiritual  kinship  with  Christ,  the  Negro  could  be  sold  at  the 
pleasure  of  his  master,  and  his  family  hearthstone  trodden  down 
by  the  slave-dealer.  The  humane  feature  of  the  system  of  slavery 
under  the  simple  Dutch  government,  of  allowing  slaves  to  acquire 
an  interest  in  the  soil,  was  now  at  an  end.  The  tendency  to  manu 
mit  faithful  slaves  called  forth  no  approbation.  The  colonists 
grew  cold  and  hard-fisted.  They  saw  not  God's  image  in  the 
slave, — only  so  many  dollars.  There  were  no  strong  men  in 
the  pulpits  of  the  colony  who  dared  brave  the  avaricious  spirit  of 
the  times.  Not  satisfied  with  colonial  legislation,  the  municipal 
government  of  the  city  of  New  York  passed,  in  i/io,1  an  ordinance 
forbidding  Negroes,  Indians,  and  Mulatto  slaves  from  appearing 
"in  the  streets  after  nightfall  without  a  lantern  with  a  lighted 
candle  in  it."2  The  year  before,  a  slave-market  was  erected 
at  the  foot  of  Wall  Street,  where  slaves  of  every  description  were 
for  sale.  Negroes,  Indians,  and  Mulattoes ;  men,  women,  and 
children  ;  the  old,  the  middle-aged,  and  the  young, — all,  as  sheep 
in  shambles,  were  daily  declared  the  property  of  the  highest 
cash-bidder.  And  what  of  the  few  who  secured  their  freedom  ? 
Why,  the  law  of  1712  declared  that  no  Negro,  Indian,  or  Mulatto 
that  shall  hereafter  be  set  free  "  shall  hold  any  land  or  real  estate, 
but  the  same  shall  escheat."  3  There  was,  therefore,  but  little  for 
the  Negro  in  either  state,  —  bondage  or  freedom.  There  was 
little  in  this  world  to  allure  him,  to  encourage  him,  to  help  him. 
The  institution  under  which  he  suffered  was  one  huge  sepulchre, 
and  he  was  buried  alive. 

The  poor  grovelling  worm  turns  under  the  foot  of  the  pedes 
trian.  The  Negro  winched  under  his  galling  yoke  of  British 
colonial  oppression. 

A  misguided  zeal  and   an  inordinate  desire  of  conquest  had 

1  The  ordinance  referred  to  was  re-enacted  on  the  22d  of  April,  1731,  and  reads  as  follows: 
"  No  Negro,  Mulatto,  or  Indian  slave,  above  the  age  of  fourteen,  shall  presume  to  appear  in  any  of 
the  streets,  or  in  any  other  place  of  this  city  on  the  south  side  of  Fresh  \Vater,  in  the  night  time, 
above  an  hour  after  sunset,  without  a  lanthorn  and  candle  in  it  (unless  in  company  with  his  owner 
or  some  white  belonging  to  the  family).     Penalty,  the  watch-house  that  night ;  next  day,  prison, 
until  the  owner  pays  4^.,  and  before  discharge,  the  slave  to  be  whipped  not  exceeding  forty  lashes." 
—  DUNLAP,  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  p.  clxiii. 

2  Booth,  vol.  i.  p.  271.  3  Kurd's  Bondage  and  Freedom,  vol.  i.  p.  281. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  143 

led  the  Legislature  to  appropriate  ten  thousand  pounds  sterling 
toward  an  expedition  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Canada.  Acadia 
had  just  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Gov.  Francis  Nicholson  without 
firing  a  gun,  and  the  news  had  carried  the  New  Yorkers  off  their 
feet.  "  On  to  Canada  !  "  was  the  shibboleth  of  the  adventurous 
colonists ;  and  the  expedition  started.  Eight  transports,  with 
eight  hundred  and  sixty  men,  perished  amid  the  treacherous  rocks 
and  angry  waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  troops  that  had 
gone  overland  returned  in  chagrin.  The  city  was  wrapped  in 
gloom  :  the  Legislature  refused  to  do  any  thing  further ;  and  here 
the  dreams  of  conquest  vanished.  The  city  of  New  York  was 
thrown  on  the  defensive.  The  forts  were  repaired,  and  every 
thing  put  in  readiness  for  an  emergency.  Like  a  sick  man  the 
colonists  started  at  every  rumor.  On  account  of  bad  faith  the 
Iroquois  were  disposed  to  mischief. 

In  the  feeble  condition  of  the  colonial  government,  the  Negro 
grew  restless.  At  the  first,  as  previously  shown,  the  slaves  were 
very  few,  but  now,  in  1712,  were  quite  numerous.  The  Negro, 
the  Quaker,  and  the  Papist  were  a  trinity  of  evils  that  the  colo 
nists  most  dreaded.  The  Negro  had  been  badly  treated ;  and  an 
attempt  on  his  part  to  cast  off  the  yoke  was  not  improbable,  in 
the  mind  of  the  master-class.  The  fears  of  the  "colonists  were  at 
length  realized.  A  Negro  riot  broke  out.  A  house  was  burned, 
and  a  number  of  white  persons  killed ;  and,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  prompt  and  efficient  aid  of  the  troops,  the  city  of  New  York 
would  have  been  reduced  to  ashes. 

Now,  what  was  the  condition  of  the  slaves  in  the  Christian 
colony  of  New  York  ?  They  had  no  family  relations  :  for  a  long 
time  they  lived  together  by  common  consent.  They  had  no  prop 
erty,  no  schools,  and,  neglected  in  life,  were  abandoned  to  burial 
in  a  common  ditch  after  death.  They  dared  not  lift  their  hand  to 
strike  a  Christian  or  a  Jew.  Their  testimony  was  excluded  by 
the  courts,  and  the  power  of  their  masters  over  their  bodies 
extended  sometimes  to  life  and  limb.  This  condition  of  affairs 
yielded  its  bitter  fruit  at  length. 

"  Here  we  see  the  effects  of  that  blind  and  wicked  policy  which  induced 
England  to  pamper  her  merchants  and  increase  her  revenues,  by  positive 
instructions  to  the  governours  of  her  colonies,  strictly  enjoining  them  (for  the 
good  of  the  African  company,  and  for  the  emoluments  expected  from  the 
assiento  contract),  to  fix  upon  America  a  vast  negro  population,  torn  from  their 
homes  and  brought  hither  by  force.  New  York  was  at  this  time  filled  with 


144      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

negroes  ;  every  householder  who  could  afford  to  keep  servants,  was  surrounded 
by  blacks,  some  pampered  in  indolence,  all  carefully  kept  in  ignorance,  and 
considered,  erroneously,  as  creatures  whom  the  white  could  not  do  without, 
yet  lived  in  dread  of.  They  were  feared,  from  their  numbers,  and  from  a  con 
sciousness,  however  stifled,  that  they  were  injured  and  might  seek  revenge  or 
a  better  condition."  x 

The  Negro  plot  of  1741  furnishes  the  most  interesting  and 
thrilling  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  colony  of  New  York.  Un 
fortunately  for  the  truth  of  history,  there  was  but  one  historian2 
of  the  affair,  and  he  an  interested  judge  ;  and  what  he  has  written 
should  be  taken  cum  grano  salts.  His  book  was  intended  to 
defend  the  action  of  the  court  that  destroyed  so  many  innocent 
lives,  but  no  man  can  read  it  without  being  thoroughly  convinced 
that  the  decision  of  the  court  was  both  illogical  and  cruel.  There 
is  nothing  in  this  country  to  equal  it,  except  it  be  the  burning  of 
the  witches  at  Salem.  But  in  stalwart  old  England  the  Popish 
Plot  in  1679,  started  by  Titus  Gates,  is  the  only  occurrence  in 
human  history  that  is  so  faithfully  reproduced  by  the  Negro  plot. 
Certainly  history  repeats  itself.  Sixty-two  years  of  history  stretch 
between  the  events.  One  tragedy  is  enacted  in  the  metropolis  of 
the  Old  World,  the  other  in  the  metropolis  of  the  New  World. 
One  was  instigated  by  a  perjurer  and  a  heretic,  the  other  by  an 
indentured  servant,  in  all  probability  from  a  convict  ship.  The 
one  was  suggested  by  the  hatred  of  the  Catholics,  and  the  other 
by  hatred  of  the  Negro.  And  in  both  cases  the  evidence  that  con 
victed  and  condemned  innocent  men  and  women  was  wrung  from 
the  lyingjips  of  doubtful  characters  by  an  overwrought  zeal  on 
the  part  of  the  legal  authorities. 

Titus  Oates,  who  claimed  to  have  discovered  the  "Popish 
Plot"  was  a  man  of  the  most  execrable  character.  He  was  the 
son  of  an  Anabaptist,  took  orders  in  the  Church,  and  had  been 
settled  in  a  small  living  by  the  Duke  of  Norfolk.  Indicted  for 
perjury,  he  effected  an  escape  in  a  marvellous  manner.  While  a 
chaplain  in  the  English  navy  he  was  convicted  of  practices  not  fit 
to  be  mentioned,  and  was  dismissed  from  the  service.  He  next 
sought  communion  with  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  made  his  way 
into  the  Jesuit  College  of  St.  Omers.  After  a  brief  residence 
among  the  students,  he  was  deputed  to  perform  a  confidential 
mission  to  Spain,  and,  upon  his  return  to  St.  Omers,  was  dis 
missed  to  the  world  on  account  of  his  habits,  which  were  very 

1  Dunlap,  vol.  i.  p.  323.  2  Judge  Daniel  Horsemanden. 


THE  COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  145 

distasteful  to  Catholics.  He  boasted  that  he  had  only  joined 
them  to  get  their  secrets.  Such  a  man  as  this  started  the  cry  of 
the  Popish  Plot,  and  threw  all  England  into  a  state  of  consterna 
tion.  A  chemist  by  the  name  of  Tongue,  on  the  I2th  of  August, 
1678,  had  warned  the  king  against  a  plot  that  was  directed  at  his 
life,  etc.  But  the  king  did  not  attach  any  importance  to  the  state 
ment  until  Tongue  referred  to  Titus  Gates  as  his  authority.  The 
latter  proved  himself  a  most  arrant  liar  while  on  the  stand :  but 
the  people  were  in  a  credulous  state  of  mind,  and  Gates  became 
the  hero  of  the  hour ; l  and  under  his  wicked  influence  many  souls 
were  hurried  into  eternity.  Read  Hume's  account  of  the  Popish 
Plot,  and  then  follow  the  bloody  narrative  of  the  Negro  plot  of 
New  York,  and  see  how  the  one  resembles  the  other. 

"  Some  mysterious  design  was  still  suspected  in  every  enterprise  and  pro 
fession  :  arbitrary  power  and  Popery  were  apprehended  as  the  scope  of  all 
projects  :  each  breath  or  rumor  made  the  people  start  with  anxiety :  their  ene 
mies,  they  thought,  were  in  their  very  bosom,  and  had  gotten  possession  of 
their  sovereign's  confidence.  While  in  this  timorous,  jealous  disposition,  the 
cry  of  a//0/all  on  a  sudden  struck  their  ears:  they  were  wakened  from  their 
slumber,  and  like  men  affrightened  and  in  the  dark,  took  every  figure  for  a 
spectre.  The  terror  of  each  man  became  the  source  of  terror  to  another. 
And  a  universal  panic  being  diffused,  reason  and  argument,  and  common-sense 
.and  common  humanity,  lost  all  influence  over  them.  From  this  disposition  of 
men's  minds  we  are  to  account  for  the  progress  of  the  Popish  Plot,  and  the 
credit  given  to  it;  an  event  which  would  otherwise  appear  prodigious  and 
altogether  inexplicable."  2 

On  the  28th  of  February,  1741,  the  house  of  one  Robert 
Hogg,  Esq.,  of  New-York  City,  a  merchant,  was  robbed  of  some 
fine  linen,  medals,  silver  coin,  etc.  Mr.  Hogg's  house  was  situ 
ated  on  the  corner  of  Broad  and  Mill  Streets,  the  latter  some 
times  being  called  Jew's  Alley.  The  case  was  given  to  the  officers 
of  the  law  to  look  up. 

The  population  of  New-York  City  was  about  ten  thousand, 
about  two  thousand  of  whom  were  slaves.  On  the  i8th  of  March 
the  chapel  in  the  fort  took  fire  from  some  coals  carelessly  left  by 
an  artificer  in  a  gutter  he  had  been  soldering.  The  roof  was  of 
shingles ;  and  a  brisk  wind  from  the  south-east  started  a  fire,  that 
was  not  observed  until  it  had  made  great  headway.  In  those 
times  the  entire  populace  usually  turned  out  to  assist  in  extin 
guishing  fires ;  but  this  fire  being  in  the  fort,  the  fear  of  an 

1  Hume,  vol.  vi.  pp.  171-212.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  vi.  p.  171. 


146      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

explosion  of  the  magazine  somewhat  checked  their  usual  celerity 
on  such  occasions.  The  result  was,  that  all  the  government  build 
ings  in  the  fort  were  destroyed.  A  militia  officer  by  the  name  of 
Van  Home,  carried  away  by  the  belief  that  the  fire  was  purposely 
set  by  the  Negroes,  caused  the  beating  of  the  drums  and  the  post 
ing  of  the  "  night  watch."  And  for  his  vigilance  he  was  nick 
named  "Major  Drum."  The  "Major's"'  apprehensions,  however, 
were  contagious.  The  fact  that  the  governor  reported  the  true 
cause  of  the  fire  to  the  Legislature  had  but  little  influence  in  dis 
possessing  the  people  of  their  fears  of  a  Negro  plot.  The  next 
week  the  chimney  of  Capt.  Warren's  house  near  the  fort  took 
fire,  but  was  saved  with  but  slight  damage.  A  few  days  after  this 
the  storehouse  of  a  Mr.  Van  Zandt  was  found  to  be  on  fire,  and 
it  was  said  at  the  time  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the  care 
lessness  of  a  smoker.  In  about  three  days  after,  two  fire-alarms 
were  sounded.  One  was  found  to  be  a  fire  in  some  hay  in  a  cow- 
stable  near  a  Mr.  Quick's  house.  It  was  soon  extinguished.  The 
other  alarm  was  on  account  of  a  fire  in  the  kitchen  loft  of  the 
dwelling  of  a  Mr.  Thompson.  On  the  next  day  coals  were  dis 
covered  under  the  stables  of  a  Mr.  John  Murray  on  Broadway. 
On  the  next  morning  an  alarm  called  the  people  to  the  residence 
of  Sergeant  Burns,  near  the  fort ;  and  in  a  few  hours  the  dwelling 
of  a  Mr.  Hilton,  near  Fly  Market,  was  found  to  be  on  fire.  But 
the  flames  in  both  places  were  readily  extinguished.  It  was 
thought  that  the  fire  was  purposely  set  at  Mr.  Hilton's,,  as  a 
bundle  of  tow  was  found  near  the  premises.  A  short  time  before 
these  strange  fires  broke  out,  a  Spanish  vessel,  partly  manned  by 
Spanish  Catholic  Negroes,  had  been  brought  into  the  port  of  New 
York  as  a  prize.  All  the  crew  that  were  Negroes  were  hurried 
into  the  Admiralty  Court  ;  where  they  were  promptly  condemned 
to  slavery,  and  an  order  issued  for  their  sale.  The  Negroes 
pleaded  their  freedom  in  another  country,  but  had  no  counsel  to 
defend  them.  A  Capt.  Sarly  purchased  one  of  these  Negroes. 
Now,  Capt.  Sarly's  house  adjoined  that  of  Mr.  Hilton's;  and  so, 
when  the  latter's  house  was  discovered  to  be  on  fire,  a  cry  was 
raised,  "  The  Spanish  Negroes  !  The  Spanish !  Take  up  the  Span 
ish  Negroes  ! "  Some  persons  took  it  upon  themselves  to  ques 
tion  Capt.  Sarly's  Negro  about  the  fires,  and  it  is  said  that  he 
behaved  in  an  insolent  manner  ;  whereupon  he  was  sent  to  jail. 
A  magistrate  gave  orders  to  the  constables  to  arrest  and  incar 
cerate  the  rest  of  the  Spanish  Negroes.  The  magistrates  held  a 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  147 

meeting  the  same  day,  in  the  afternoon ;  and,  while  they  were 
deliberating  about  the  matter,  another  fire  broke  out  in  Col. 
Phillipes's  storehouse.  Some  of  the  white  people  cried  "  Negro  ! 
Negro  !  "  and  "  Cuff  Phillipes  !  "  Poor  Cuff,  startled  at  the  cry, 
ran  to  his  master's  house,  from  whence  he  was  dragged  to  jail  by 
an  excited  mob.  Judge  Horsemanden  says,  — 

"  Many  people  had  such  terrible  apprehensions  on  this  occasion  that  several 
Negroes  (many  of  whom  had  assisted  to  put  out  the  fire)  who  were  met  in  the 
streets,  were  hurried  away  to  jail ;  and  when  they  were  there  they  were  contin 
ued  some  time  in  confinement  before  the  magistrates  could  spare  time  to 
examine  into  their  several  cases."  I 

Let  the  reader  return  now  to  the  robbery  committed  in  Mr. 
Hogg's  house  on  the  28th  of  February.  The  officers  thought  they 
had  traced  the  stolen  goods  to  a  public  house  on  the  North  River, 
kept  by  a  person  named  John  Hughson.  This  house  had  been 
a  place  of  resort  for  Negroes  ;  and  it  was  searched  for  the  articles, 
but  nothing  was  found.  Hughson  had  in  his  service  an  indentured 
servant,  —  a  girl  of  sixteen  years,  —  named  Mary  Burton.  She 
intimated  to  a  neighbor  that  the  goods  were  concealed  in  Hugh- 
son's  house,  but  that  it  would  be  at  the  expense  of  her  life  to 
make  this  fact  known.  This  information  was  made  known  to  the 
sheriff,  and  he  at  once  apprehended  the  girl  and  produced  her 
before  Alderman  Banker.  This  benevolent  officer  promised  the 
girl  her  freedom  on  the  ground  that  she  should  tell  all  she  knew 
about  the  missing  property.  For  prudential  reasons  the  Alder 
man  ordered  Mary  Burton  to  be  taken  to  the  City  Hall,  corner 
Wall  and  Nassua  Streets.  On  the  4th  of  March  thefe justices 
met  at  the  City  Hall.  In  the  mean  while  John  Hughson  and  his. 
wife  had  been  arrested  for  receiving  stolen  goods.  They  were 
now  examined  in  the  presence  of  Mary  Burton.  Hughson  ad 
mitted  that  some  goods  had  been  brought  to  his  house,  produced 
them,  and  turned  them  over  to  the  court.  It  appears  from  the 
testimony  of  the  Burton  girl  that  another  party,  dwelling  in  the 
house  of  the  Hughson's,  had  taken  part  in  receiving  the  stolen 
articles.  She  was  a  girl  of  bad  character,  called  Margaret  Soru- 
biero,  alias  Solinburgh,  alias  Kerry,  but  commonly  called  Peggy 
Carey.  This  woman  had  lived  in  the  home  of  the  Hughsons  for 
about  ten  months,  but  at  one  time  during  this  period  had  remained 
a  short  while  at  the  house  of  John  Rommes,  near  the  new  Bat- 

1  Horsemanden's  Negro  Plot,  p.  29. 


148      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO    RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tery,  but  had  returned  to  Hughson's  again.  The  testimony  of 
Mary  Burton  went  to  show  that  a  Negro  by  the  name  of  Caesar 
Varick,  but  called  Quin,  on  the  night  in  which  the  burglary  was 
committed,  entered  Peggy's  room  through  the  window.  The  next 
morning  Mary  Burton  saw  " speckled  linen"  in  Peggy's  room, 
and  that  the  man  Varick  gave  the  deponent  two  pieces  of  silver. 
She  further  testified  that  Varick  drank  two  mugs  of  punch,  and 
bought  of  Hughson  a  pair  of  stockings,  giving  him  a  lump  of 
•silver;  and  that  Hughson  and  his  wife  received  and  hid  away  the 
linen.1  Mr.  John  Varick  (it  was  spelled  Vaarck  then),  a  baker, 
the  owner  of  Caesar,  occupied  a  house  near  the  new  Battery,  the 
kitchen  of  which  adjoined  the  yard  of  John  Romme's  house.  He 
found  some  of  Robert  Hogg's  property  under  his  kitchen  floor, 
-and  delivered  it  to  the  mayor.  Upon  this  revelation  Romme  fled 
to  New  Jersey,  but  was  subsequently  captured  at  Brunswick.  He 
had  followed  shoemaking  and  tavern-keeping,  and  was,  withal,  a 
very  suspicious  character. 

Up  to  this  time  nothing  had  been  said  about  a  Negro  plot.  It 
was  simply  a  case  of  burglary.  Hughson  had  admitted  receiving 
certain  articles,  and  restored  them ;  Mr.  Varick  had  found  others, 
and  delivered  them  to  the  mayor. 

The  reader  will  remember  that  the  burglary  took  place  on  the 
.28th  of  February ;  that  the  justices  arraigned  the  Hughsons, 
Mary  Burton,  and  Peggy  Carey  on  the  4th  of  March ;  that  the 
first  fire  broke  out  on  the  i8th,  the  second  on  the  25th,  of  March, 
the  third  on  the  1st  of  April,  and  the  fourth  and  fifth  on  the  4th 
of  April ;  that  on  the  5th  of  April  coals  were  found  disposed  so 
as  to  burn  a  haystack,  and  that  the  day  following  two  houses  were 
discovered  to  be  on  fire. 

On  the  nth  of  April  the  Common  Council  met.  The  follow 
ing  gentlemen  were  present :  John  Cruger,  Esq.,  mayor ;  the 
recorder,  Daniel  Horsemanden  ;  aldermen,  Gerardus  Stuyvesant, 
'William  Romaine,  Simon  Johnson,  John4  Moore,  Christopher 
Banker,  John  Pintard,  John  Marshall ;  assistants,  Henry  Bogert, 
Isaac  Stoutenburgh,  Philip  Minthorne,  George  Brinckerhoff,  Robert 
Benson,  and  Samuel  Lawrence.  Recorder  Horsemanden  sug- 


1  As  far  back  as  1684  the  following  was  passed  against  the  entertainment  of  slaves:  "No 
person  to  countenance  or  entertain  any  negro  or  Indian  slave,  or  sell  or  deliver  to  them  any  strong 
liquor,  without  liberty  from  his  master,  or  receive  from  them  any  money  or  goods ;  but,  upon  any 
offer  made  by  a  slave,  to  reveal  the  same  to  the  owner,  or  to  the  mayor,  under  penalty  of  .£5."  — 
DUNLAP,  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  p.  cxxxiii. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  149 

gested  to  the  council  that  the  governor  be  requested  to  offer 
rewards  for  the  apprehension  of  the  incendiaries  and  all  persons 
implicated,  and  that  the  city  pay  the  cost,  etc.  It  was  accordingly 
resolved  that  the  lieutenant-governor  be  requested  to  offer  a 
reward  of  one  hundred  pounds  current  money  of  the  Province  to 
any  white  person,  and  pardon,  if  concerned ;  and  twenty  pounds, 
freedom,  and,  if  concerned,  pardon  to  any  slave  (the  master  to  be 
paid  twenty-five  pounds)  ;  and  to  any  free  Negro,  Mulatto,  or 
Indian,  forty-five  pounds  and  pardon,  if  concerned.  The  mayor 
and  the  recorder  (Horsemanden),  called  upon  Lieut.-Gov.  Clark, 
and  laid  the  above  resolve  before  him. 

The  city  was  now  in  a  state  of  great  excitement.  The  air 
was  peopled  with  the  wildest  rumors. 

On  Monday  the  I3th  of  April  each  alderman,  assistant,  and 
constable  searched  his  ward.  The  militia  was  called  out,  and 
sentries  posted  at  the  cross-streets.  While  the  troops  were 
patrolling  the  streets,  the  aldermen  were  examining  Negroes  in 
reference  to  the  origin  of  the  fires.  Nothing  was  found.  The 
Negroes  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  fires  or  a  plot. 

On  the  2  ist  of  April,  1741,  the  Supreme  Court  convened.1 
Judges  Frederick  Phillipse  and  Daniel  Horsemanden  called  the 
grand  jury.  The  members  were  as  follows  :  Robert  Watts,  mer 
chant,  foreman  ;  Jeremiah  Latouche,  Joseph  Read,  Anthony  Rut 
gers,  John  M'Evers,  John  Cruger,  jun.,  John  Merrit,  Adoniah 
Schuyler,  Isaac  DePeyster,  Abraham  Ketteltas,  David  Provoost, 
Rene  Hett,  Henry  Beeckman,  jun.,  David  van  Home,  George 
Spencer,  Thomas  Duncan,  and  Winant  Van  Zandt,  —  all  set  down  as 
merchants,  — a  respectable,  intelligent,  and  influential  grand  jury  ! 
Judge  Phillipse  informed  the  jury  that  the  people  "have  been  put 
into  many  frights  and  terrors,"  in  regard  to  the  fires ;  that  it  was 
their  duty  to  use  "all  lawful  means  "  to  discover  the  guilty  parties, 
for  there  was  "much  room  to  suspect"  that  the  fires  were  not 
accidental.  He  told  them  that  there  were  many  persons  in  jail 
upon  whom  suspicion  rested  ;  that  arson  was  felony  at  common 
law,  even  though  the  fire  is  extinguished,  or  goes  out  itself ;  that 
arson  was  a  deep  crime,  and,  if  the  perpetrators  were  not  appre 
hended  and  punished,  "who  can  say  he  is  safe,  or  where  will  it 
end  ? "  The  learned  judge  then  went  on  to  deliver  a  moral  lecture 
against  the  wickedness  of  selling  "penny  drams"  to  Negroes, 

1  Horsemanden 's  Negro  Plot,  p.  33. 


150      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

without  the  consent  of  their  masters.  In  conclusion,  he  charged 
the  grand  jury  to  present  "all  conspiracies,  combinations  and 
other  offences." 

It  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  Mary  Burton  was  only  a  witness 
in  the  burglary  case  already  mentioned.  Up  to  that  time  there 
had  been  no  fires.  The  fires,  and  wholesale  arrests  of  innocent 
Negroes,  followed  the  robbery.  But  the  grand  jury  called  Mary 
Burton  to  testify  in  reference  to  the  fires.  She  refused  to  be 
sworn.  She  was  questioned  concerning  the  fires,  but  gave  no 
answer.  Then  the  proclamation  of  the  mayor,  offering  protec 
tion,  pardon,  freedom,  and  one  hundred  pounds,  was  read.  It  had 
the  desired  effect.  The  girl  opened  her  mouth,  and  spake  all  the 
words  that  the  jury  desired.  At  first  she  agreed  to  tell  all  she 
knew  about  the  stolen  goods,  but  would  say  nothing  about  the 
fires.  This  declaration  led  the  jury  to  infer  that  she  could,  but 
would  not  say  any  thing  about  the  fires.  After  a  moral  lecture 
upon  her  duty  in  the  matter  in  the  light  of  eternal  reward,  and  a 
reiteration  of  the  proffered  reward  that  then  awaited  her  wise 
decision,  her  memory  brightened,  and  she  immediately  began  to 
tell  all  she  knew.  She  said  that  a  Negro  named  Prince,  belong 
ing  to  a  Mr.  Auboyman,  and  Prince  (Varick)  brought  the  goods, 
stolen  from  Mr.  Hogg's  house,  to  the  house  of  her  master,  and 
that  Hughson,  his  wife,  and  Peggy  (Carey)  received  them ; 
further,  that  Caesar,  Prince,  and  Cuffee  (Phillipse)  had  frequently 
met  at  Hughson's  tavern,  and  discoursed  about  burning  the  fort; 
that  they  had  said  they  would  go  down  to  the  Fly  (the  east  end  of 
the  city),  and  burn  the  entire  place ;  and  that  Hughson  and  his 
wife  had  assented  to  these  insurrectionary  remarks,  and  promised 
to  assist  them.  She  added,  by  w/ay  of  fulness  and  emphasis,  that 
when  a  handful  of  wretched  slaves,  seconded  by  a  miserable  and 
ignorant  white  tavern-keeper,  should  have  lain  the  city  in  ashes, 
and  murdered  eight  or  nine  thousand  persons,  —  then  Caesar 
should  be  governor,  Hughson  king,  and  Cuffee  supplied  with 
abundant  riches !  The  loquacious  Mary  remembered  that  this 
intrepid  trio  had  said,  that  when  they  burned  the  city  it  would  be 
in  the  night,  so  they  could  murder  the  people  as  they  came  out  of 
their  homes.  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  all  the  fires  broke 
out  in  the  daytime  ! 

It  is  rather  remarkable  and  should  be  observed,  that  this  won 
derful  witness  stated  that  her  master,  John  Hughson,  had  threat 
ened  to  poison  her  if  she  told  anybody  that  the  stolen  goods  were 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  151 

in  his  house ;  that  all  the  Negroes  swore  they  would  burn  her  if 
she  told ;  and  that,  when  they  talked  of  burning  the  town  during 
their  meetings,  there  were  no  white  persons  present  save  her 
master,  mistress,  and  Peggy  Carey. 

The  credulous  Horsemanden  tells  us  that  "the  evidence  of  a 
conspiracy,"  not  only  to  burn  the  city,  but  also  "to  destroy  and 
murder  the  people,"  was  most  "astonishing  to  the  grand  jury  !" 
But  that  any  white  person  should  confederate  with  slaves  in  such 
a  wicked  and  cruel  purpose  was  astounding  beyond  measure ! 
And  the  grand  jury  was  possessed  of  the  same  childlike  faith  in 
the  ingenious  narrative  of  the  wily  Mary.  In  their  report  to  the 
judges,  they  set  forth  in  strong  terms  their  faith  in  the  statements 
of  the  deponent,  and  required  the  presence  of  Peggy  Carey. 
The  extent  of  the  delusion  of  the  judges,  jury,  and  people  may 
be  seen  in  the  fact,  that,  immediately  upon  the  report  of  the  jury, 
the  judges  summoned  the  entire  bar  of  the  city  of  New  York  to 
meet  them.  The  following  gentlemen  responded  to  the  call : 
Messrs.  Murray,  Alexander,  Smith,  Chambers,  Nichols,  Lodge, 
and  Jameson.  All  the  lawyers  were  present  except  the  attorney- 
general.  By  the  act  of  1712,  "for  preventing,  suppressing  and 
punishing  the  conspiracy  and  insurrection  of  negroes  and  other 
slaves,"  l  a  justice  of  the  peace  could  try  the  refractory  slaves  at 
once.  But  here  was  a  deep,  dark,  and  ,  bloody  plot  to  burn  the 
city  and  murder  its  inhabitants,  in  which  white  persons  were 
implicated.  This  fact  led  the  learned  judges  to  conclude  it  wise 
and  prudent  to  refer  this  whole  matter  to  the  Supreme  Court. 
And  the  generous  offer  of  the  entire  bar  of  New-York  City  to 
assist,  in  turns,  in  every  trial,  should  remain  evermore  an  inde 
structible  monument  to  their  unselfish  devotion  to  their  city,  the 
existence  of  which  was  threatened  by  less  than  a  score  of  igno 
rant,  penniless  Negro  slaves ! 

By  the  testimony  of  Mary  Burton,  Peggy  Carey  stood  con 
victed  as  one  of  the  conspirators.  She  had  already  languished  in 
jail  for  more  than  a  month.  The  judges  thought  it  advisable  to 
examine  her  in  her  cell.  They  tried  to  cajole  her  into  criminating 
others  ;  but  she  stoutly  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  fires,  and 
said  "  that  if  she  should  accuse  anybody  of  any  such  thing,  she 
must  accuse  innocent  persons,  and  wrong  her  own  soul." 

On  the  24th  of  April,  Caesar  Varick,  Prince  Auboyman,  John 

1  Bradford's  Laws,  pp.  141-144. 


152      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Hughson,  his  wife,  and  Peggy  Carey  were  arraigned  for  felony,, 
and  pleaded  not  guilty.  Caesar  and  Prince  were  first  put  on  triaL 
As  they  did  not  challenge  the  jury,  the  following  gentlemen  were 
sworn  :  Messrs.  Roger  French,  John  Groesbeck,  John  Richard, 
Abraham  Kipp,  George  Witts,  John  Thurman,  Patrick  Jackson, 
Benjamin  Moore,  William  Hammersley,  John  Lashiere,  Joshua 
Sleydall,  and  John  Shurmer.  "  Guilty  !  "  as  charged  in  the  indict 
ment.  They  had  committed  the  robbery,  so  said  the  jury. 

On  the  3d  of  May  one  Arthur  Price,  a  common  thief,  was 
committed  to  jail  for  theft.  He  occupied  a  cell  next  to  the  noto 
rious  Peggy  Carey.  In  order  to  bring  himself  into  favor  with  the 
judges,  he  claimed  to  have  had  a  conversation  with  Peggy  through 
the  hole  in  the  door.  Price  says  she  told  him  that  "she  was 
afraid  of  those  fellows "  (the  Negroes) ;  that  if  they  said  any 
thing  in  any  way  involving  her  she  would  hang  every  one  of 
them  ;  that  she  did  not  care  to  go  on  the  stand  again  unless  she 
was  called  ;  that  when  asked  if  she  intended  to  set  the  town  on 
fire  she  said  no ;  but  she  knew  about  the  plot ;  that  Hughson  and 
his  wife  "  were  sworn  with  the  rest ; "  that  she  was  not  afraid 
of  "Prince,  Cuff,  Caesar,  and  Fork's  Negro  —  not  Caesar,  but 
another,"  because  they  "  were  all  true-hearted  fellows."  This 
remarkable  conversation  was  flavored  throughout  with  the  vilest 
species  of  profanity.  Notwithstanding  this  interview  was  between 
a  common  Irish  prostitute  and  a  wretched  sneak-thief,  it  had  great 
weight  with  the  solemn  and  upright  judges. 

In  the  midst  of  this  trial,  seven  barns  were  burnt  in  the  town 
of  Hackinsack.  Two  Negroes  were  suspected  of  the  crime,  but 
there  was  not  the  slightest  evidence  that  they  were  guilty.  But 
one  of  them  said  that  he  had  discharged  a  gun  at  the  party  wha 
set  his  master's  barn  on  fire,  but  did  not  kill  any  one.  The  other 
one  was  found  loading  a  gun  with  two  bullets.  This  vps  enough 
to  convict.  They  were  burnt  alive  at  a  stake.  This  only  added 
fuel  to  the  flame  of  public  excitement  in  New  York. 

On  the  6th  of  May  (Wednesday)  two  more  arrests  were  made, 
—  Hughson's  daughter  Sarah,  suspected  of  being  a  confederate, 
and  Mr.  Sleydall's  Negro  Jack,  —  on  suspicion  of  having  put  fire 
to  Mr.  Murray's  haystack.  On  the  same  day  the  judges  arraigned 
the  white  persons  implicated  in  the  case, — John  Hughson,  his 
wife,  and  Peggy  Carey.  The  jury  promptly  found  them  guilty 
of  "receiving  stolen  goods."  "Peggy  Carey,"  says  Recorder 
Horsemanden,  "  seeming  to  think  it  high  time  to  do  something 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW   YORK.  153, 

« 

to  recommend  herself  to  mercy,  made  a  voluntary  confession."' 
This  vile,  foul-mouthed  prostitute  takes  the  stand,  and  gives  a 
new  turn  to  the  entire  affair.  She  removes  the  scene  of  the 
conspiracy  to  another  tavern  near  the  new  Battery,  where  John 
Romme  had  made  a  habit  of  entertaining,  contrary  to  law,  Negro 
slaves.  Peggy  had  seen  many  meetings  at  this  place,  particularly 
in  December,  1740.  At  that  time  she  mentioned  the  following 
Negroes  as  being  present  :  Cuff,  Brash,  Curacoa,  Caesar,  Patrick, 
Jack,  Cato  ;  but  her  especial  Caesar  Varick  was  not  implicated  !. 
Romme  administered  an  oath  to  all  these  Negroes,  and  then  made 
a  proposition  to  them  ;  viz.,  that  they  should  destroy  the  fort,  burn 
the  town,  and  bring  the  spoils  to  him.  He  engaged  to  divide  with 
them,  and  take  them  to  a  new  country,  where  he  would  give  them 
their  freedom.  Mrs.  Romme  was  present  during  this  conversa 
tion  ;  and,  after  the  Negroes  had  departed,  she  and  the  deponent 
(Peggy)  were  sworn  by  Romme  to  eternal  secrecy.  Mrs.  Romme 
denied  swearing  to  the  conspiracy,  but  acknowledged  that  her 
husband  had  received  stolen  goods,  that  he  sold  drams  to 
Negroes  who  kept  game-fowls  there  ;  but  that  never  more  than 
three  Negroes  came  at  a  time.  She  absconded  in  great  fright. 
It  has  been  mentioned  that  Peggy  Carey  had  lived  at  the  tavern 
of  John  Romme  for  a  short  time,  and  that  articles  belonging  to 
Mr.  Hogg  had  been  found  under  the  kitchen  floor  of  the  house 
next  to  Romme's. 

The  judges  evidently  reasoned  that  all  Negroes  would  steal, 
or  that  stealing  was  incident  upon  or  implied  by  the  condition  of 
the  slave.  Then  Romme  kept  a  "tippling-house,"  and  defied  the 
law  by  selling  "drams"  to  Negroes.  Now,  a  man  who  keeps  a. 
"  tippling-house  "  was  liable  to  encourage  a  conspiracy. 

A  full  list  of  the  names  of  the  persons  implicated  by  Peggy 
was  handed  to  the  proper  officers,  and  those  wicked  persons  ap 
prehended.  They  were  brought  before  the  redoubtable  Peggy  for 
identification.  She  accused  them  of  being  sworn  conspirators. 
They  all  denied  the  charge.  Then  they  were  turned  over  to  Mary 
Burton ;  and  she,  evidently  displeased  at  Peggy's  attempt  to  rival, 
her  in  the  favor  of  the  powerful  judges,  testified  that  she  knew 
them  not.  But  it  was  vain.  Peggy  had  the  ear  of  the  court,  and 
the  terror-stricken  company  was  locked  up  in  the  jail.  Alarmed 
at  their  helpless  situation,  the  ignorant  Negroes  began  "to  accuse 
one  another,  as  it  would  seem,  by  way  of  injuring  an  enemy  and 
guarding  "themselves." 


154      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Caesar  and  Prince,  having  been  tried  and  convicted  of  felony, 
were  sentenced  to  be  hanged.  The  record  says,  — 

"Monday,  nth  of  May.  Caesar  and  Prince  were  executed  this  day  at  the 
gallows,  according  to  sentence  :  they  died  very  stubbornly,  without  confessing 
any  thing  about  the  conspiracy  :  and  denied  that  they  knew  any  thing  about  it 
to  the  last.  The  body  of  Caesar  was  accordingly  hung  in  chains."  r 

On  the  I3th  of  May,  1741,  a  solemn  fast  was  observed;  "be 
cause  many  houses  and  dwellings  had  been  fired  about  our  ears, 
without  any  discovery  of  the  cause  or  occasion  of  them,  which 
had  put  us  into  the  utmost  consternation."  Excitement  ran  high. 
Instead  of  getting  any  light  on  the  affair,  the  plot  thickened. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  Hughson,  his  wife,  and  Peggy  Carey  had 
been  tried  and  found  guilty,  as  has  already  been  stated.  Sarah 
Hughson,  daughter  of  the  Hughsons,  was  in  jail.  Mary  Burton 
was  the  heroine  of  the  hour.  Her  word  was  law.  Whoever  she 
•named  was  produced  in  court.  The  sneak-thief,  Arthur  Price, 
was  employed  by  the  judges  to  perform  a  mission  that  was  at 
once  congenial  to  his  tastes  and  in  harmony  with  his  criminal 
education.  He  was  sent  among  the  incarcerated  Negroes  to 
administer  punch,  in  the  desperate  hope  of  getting  more  "  confes 
sions  !  "  Next,  he  was  sent  to  Sarah  Hughson  to  persuade  her  to 
accuse  her  father  and  mother  of  complicity  in  the  conspiracy. 
He  related  a  conversation  he  had  with  Sarah,  but  she  denied  it  to 
his  teeth  with  great  indignation.  This  vile  and  criminal  method 
of  securing  testimony  of  a  conspiracy  never  brought  the  blush  to 
the  cheek  of  a  single  officer  of  the  law.  "  None  of  these  things 
moved  "them.  They  were  themselves  so  completely  lost  in  the 
general  din  and  excitement,  were  so  thoroughly  convinced  that 
,a  plot  existed,  and  that  it  was  their  duty  to  prove  it  in  some  man 
ner  or  other,  — that  they  believed  every  thing  that  went  to  estab 
lish  the  guilt  of  any  one. 

Even  a  feeble-minded  boy  was  arrested,  and  taken  before  the 
grand  jury.  He  swore  that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  plot  to  burn 
the  town,  but  the  kind  magistrates  told  him  that  if  he  would  tell 
the  truth  he  should  not  be  hanged.  Ignorant  as  these  helpless 
.slaves  were,  they  now  understood  "telling  the  truth"  to  mean 
to  criminate  some  one  in  the  plot,  and  thus  gratify  the  inor- 
idinate  hunger  of  the  judges  and  jury  for  testimony  relating  to  a 

1  Horsemanden's  Negro  Plot,  p.  60. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  155 

"conspiracy."  This  Negro  imbecile  began  his  task  of  telling 
"what  he  knew,"  which  was  to  be  rewarded  by  allowing  him  to 
leave  without  being  hung !  He  deposed  that  Quack  desired  him 
to  burn  the  fort ;  that  Cuffee  said  he  would  fire  one  house,  Cura- 
coa  Dick  another,  and  so  on  ad  infinitum.  He  was  asked  by  one 
of  the  learned  gentlemen,  "what  the  Negroes  intended  by  all  this 
mischief  ? "  He  answered,  "  To  kill  all  the  gentlemen  and  take 
their  wives ;  that  one  of  the  fellows  already  hanged,  was  to  be  an 
officer  in  the  Long  Bridge  Company,  and  the  other,  in  the  Fly 
Company."  I 

On  the  25th  of  May  a  large  number  of  Negroes  were  arrested. 
The  boy  referred  to  above  (whose  name  was  Sawney,  or  Sandy) 
was  called  to  the  stand  again  on  the  26th,  when  he  grew  very 
talkative.  He  said  that  "at  a  meeting  of  Negroes  he  was  called 
in  and  frightened  into  undertaking  to  burn  the  slip  Market ; " 
that  he  witnessed  some  of  the  Negroes  in  their  attempts  to  burn 
certain  houses ;  that  at  the  house  of  one  Comfort,  he,  with  others, 
was  sworn  to  secrecy  and  fidelity  to  each  other ;  said  he  was  never 
at  either  tavern,  Hughson's  nor  Romme's ;  and  ended  his  revela 
tions  by  accusing  a  woman  of  setting  fire  to  a  house,  and  of  mur 
dering  her  child.  As  usual,  after  such  confessions,  more  arrests 
followed.  Quack  and  Cuffee  were  tried  and  convicted  of  felony, 
"  for  wickedly  and  maliciously  conspiring  with  others  to  burn  the 
town  and  murder  the  inhabitants."  This  was  an  occasion  to  draw 
forth  the  eloquence  of  the  attorney-general ;  and  in  fervid  utter 
ance  he  pictured  the  Negroes  as  "monsters,  devils,  etc."  A  Mr. 
Rosevelt,  the  master  of  Quack,  swore  that  his  slave  was  home 
when  the  fire  took  place  in  the  fort  ;  and  Mr.  Phillipse,  Cuffee's 
master,  testified  as  much  for  his  servant.  But  this  testimony  was 
not  what  the  magistrates  wanted  :  so  they  put  a  soldier  on  the 
stand  who  swore  that  Quack  did  come  to  the  fort  the  day  of 
the  fire  ;  that  his  wife  lived  there,  and  when  he  insisted  on  going 
in  he  (the  sentry)  knocked  him  down,  but  the  officer  of  the  guard 
passed  him  in.  Lawyer  Smith,  "  whose  eloquence  had  disfran 
chised  the  Jews,"  was  called  upon  to  sum  up.  He  thought  too 
much  favor  had  been  shown  the  Negroes,  in  that  they  had  been 
accorded  a  trial  as  if  they  were  freemen ;  that  the  wicked  Negroes 
might  have  been  proceeded  against  in  a  most  summary  manner  ; 
that  the  Negro  witnesses  had  been  treated  with  too  much  consid- 

1  The  city  of  New  York  was  divided  into  parts  at  that  time,  and  comprised  two  militia 
districts. 


156      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

eration  ;  that  "the  law  requires  no  oath  to  be  administered  to 
them ;  and,  indeed,  it  would  be  a  profanation  of  it  to  administer 
it  to  a  heathen  in  a  legal  form  ;  "  that  "  the  monstrous  ingratitude 
of  this  black  tribe  is  what  exceedingly  aggravates  their  guilt ; '" 
that  their  condition  as  slaves  was  one  of  happiness  and  peace  ; 
that  "  they  live  without  care ;  are  commonly  better  fed  and 
clothed  than  the  poor  of  most  Christian  countries  ;  they  are 
indeed  slaves,"  continued  the  eloquent  and  logical  attorney,  "but 
under  the  protection  of  the  law :  none  can  hurt  them  with  impu 
nity  ;  but  notwithstanding  all  the  kindness  and  tenderness  with 
which  they  have  been  treated  among  us,  yet  this  is  the  second 
attempt  of  this  same  kind  that  this  brutish  and  bloody  species  of 
mankind  have  made  within  one  age  !  "  Of  course  the  jury  knew 
their  duty,  and  merely  went  through  the  form  of  going  out  and 
coming  in  immediately  with  a  verdict  of  "guilty."  The  judge 
sentenced  them  to  be  chained  to  a  stake  and  burnt  to  death,  - 
"  and  the  Lord  have  mercy  upon  your  poor  wretched  souls."  His 
Honor  told  them  that  "  they  should  be  thankful  that  their  feet 
were  caught  in  the  net ;  that  the  mischief  had  fallen  upon  their 
own  pates."  He  advised  them  to  consider  the  tenderness  and 
humanity  with  which  they  had  been  treated ;  that  they  were  the 
most  abject  wretches,  the  very  outcasts  of  the  nations  of  the 
earth  ;  and,  therefore,  they  should  look  to  their  souls,  for  as  to 
their  bodies,  they  would  be  burnt. 

These  poor  fellows  were  accordingly  chained  to  the  stake  the 
next  Sunday;  but,  before  the  fuel  was  lighted,  Deputy  Sheriff 
More  and  Mr.  Rosevelt  again  questioned  Quack  and  Cuffee,  and 
reduced  their  confessions  to  paper,  for  they  had  stoutly  protested 
their  innocence  while  in  court.  In  hope  of  being  saved  they 
confessed,  in  substance,  that  Hughson  contrived  to  burn  the  town,, 
and  kill  the  people;  that  a  company  of  Negroes  voted  Quack  the- 
proper  person  to  burn  the  fort,  because  his  wife  lived  there ;  that 
he  did  set  the  chapel  on  fire  with  a  lighted  stick;  that  Mary 
Burton  had  told  the  truth,  and  that  she  could  implicate  many 
more  if  she  would,  etc.  All  this  general  lying  was  done  with  the 
understanding  that  the  confessors  were  to  be  reprieved  until  the 
governor  could  be  heard  from.  But  a  large  crowd  had  gathered 
to  witness  the  burning  of  these  poor  Negroes,  and  they  compelled 
the  sheriff  to  proceed  with  the  ceremonies.  The  convicted  slaves 
were  burned. 

On  the  ist  of  June  the  boy  Sawney  was  again  put  upon  the 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW   YORK.  157 

witness-stand.  His  testimony  led  to  the  arrest  of  more  Negroes. 
He  charged  them  with  having  been  sworn  to  the  plot,  and  with 
having  sharp  penknives  with  which  to  kill  white  men.  One 
Fortune  testified  that  he  never  knew  of  houses  where  conspirators 
met,  nor  did  he  know  Hughson,  but  accuses  Sawney,  and  Quack 
who  had  been  burnt.  The  next  witness  was  a  Negro  girl 
named  Sarah.  She  was  frightened  out  of  her  senses.  She 
foamed  at  the  mouth,  uttered  the  bitterest  imprecations,  and 
denied  all  knowledge  of  a  conspiracy.  But  the  benevolent  gen 
tlemen  who  conducted  the  trial  told  her  that  others  had  said 
certain  things  in  proof  of  the  existence  of  a  conspiracy,  that  the 
only  way  to  save  her  life  was  to  acknowledge  that  there  had  been 
a  conspiracy  to  burn  the  town  and  kill  the  inhabitants.  She  then 
assented  to  all  that  was  told  her,  and  thereby  implicated  quite  a 
number  of  Negroes  ;  but,  when  her  testimony  was  read  to  her,  she 
again  denied  all.  She  was  without  doubt  a  fit  subject  for  an 
insane-asylum  rather  than  for  the  witness-stand,  in  a  cause  that 
involved  so  many  human  lives. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  John  Hughson,  his  wife,  and 
daughter  had  been  in  the  jail  for  a  long  time.  He  now  desired  to 
be  called  to  the  witness-stand.  He  begged  to  be  sworn,  that  in 
the  most  solemn  manner  he  might  deny  all  knowledge  of  the 
conspiracy,  and  exculpate  his  wife  and  child.  But  the  modest 
recorder  reminded  him  of  the  fact  that  he  stood  convicted  as  a 
felon  already,  that  he  and  his  family  were  doomed  to  be  hanged, 
and  that,  therefore,  it  would  be  well  for  him  to  "confess  all."  He 
was  sent  back  to  jail  unheard.  Already  condemned  to  be  hung, 
the  upright  magistrates  had  Hughson  tried  again  for  "  conspir 
acy  "  on  the  4th  of  June !  The  indictments  were  three  in 
number:  First,  that  Hughson,  his  wife,  his  daughter,  and  Peggy 
Carey,  with  three  Negroes,  Caesar,  Prince,  and  Cuffee,  conspired 
in  March  last  to  set  fire  to  the  house  in  the  fort.  Second,  That. 
Quack  (already  burnt)  did  set  fire  to  and  burn  the  house,  and  that 
the  prisoners,  Hughson,  his  wife,  daughter  Sarah,  and  Peggy,, 
encouraged  him  so  to  do.  Third,  That  Cuffee  (already  burnt)- 
did  set  fire  to  Phillipse's  house,  and  burnt  it;  and  they,  the 
prisoners,  procured  and  encouraged  him  so  to  do.  Hughson,  his 
family,  and  Peggy  pleaded  not  guilty  to  all  the  above  indictments. 
The  attorney-general  delivered  a  spirited  address  to  the  jury, 
which  was  more  forcible  than  elegant.  He  denounced  the  unlucky 
Hughson  as  "infamous,  inhuman,  an  arch-rebel  against  God,  his 


158      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

king,  and  his  country,  —  a  devil  incarnate,"  etc.  He  was  ably 
assisted  by  eminent  counsel  for  the  king, — Joseph  Murray,  James 
Alexander,  William  Smith,  and  John  Chambers.  Mary  Burton  was 
called  again.  She  swore  that  Negroes  used  to  go  to  Hughson's 
at  night,  eat  and  drink,  and  sometimes  buy  provisions ;  that 
Hughson  did  swear  the  Negroes  to  secrecy  in  the  plot ;  that  she 
herself  had  seen  seven  or  eight  guns  and  swords,  a  bag  of  shot, 
and  a  barrel  of  gunpowder  at  Hughson's  house ;  that  the  prisoner 
told  her  he  would  kill  her  if  she  ever  revealed  any  thing  she  knew 
or  saw  ;  wanted  her  to  swear  like  the  rest,  offered  her  silk  gowns, 
and  gold  rings,  —  but  none  of  those  tempting  things  moved  the 
virtuous  Mary.  Five  other  witnesses  testified  that  they  heard 
Quack  and  Cuffee  say  to  Hughson  while  in  jail,  "This  is  what  you 
have  brought  us  to."  The  Hughsons  had  no  counsel,  and  but  three 
witnesses.  One  of  them  testified  that  he  had  lived  in  Hughson's 
tavern  about  three  months  during  the  past  winter,  and  had  never 
seen  Negroes  furnished  entertainment  there.  The  two  others  said 
that  they  had  never  seen  any  evil  in  the  man  nor  in  his  house,  etc. 
"William  Smith,  Esq."  now  took  the  floor  to  sum  up.  He 
told  the  jury  that  it  was  "black  and  hellish"  to  burn  the  town, 
and  then  kill  them  all ;  that  John  Hughson,  by  his  complicity  in 
this  crime,  had  made  himself  blacker  than  the  Negroes  ;  that  the 
credit  of  the  witnesses  was  good,  and  that  there  was  nothing  left 
for  them  to  do  but  to  find  the  prisoners  guilty,  as  charged  in  the 
indictment.  The  judge  charged  the  jury,  that  the  evidence 
against  the  prisoners  "is  ample,  full,  clear,  and  satisfactory. 
They  were  found  guilty  in  twenty  minutes,  and  on  the  8th  of 
June  were  brought  into  court  to  receive  sentence.  The  judge 
told  them  that  they  were  guilty  of  a  terrible  crime ;  that  they  had 
not  only  made  Negroes  their  equals,  but  superiors,  by  waiting 
upon,  keeping  company  with,  entertaining  them  with  meat,  drink, 
and  lodging ;  that  the  most  amazing  part  of  their  conduct  was 
their  part  in  a  plot  to  burn  the  town,  and  murder  the  inhabitants, 
—  to  have  consulted  with,  aided,  and  abetted  the  "  black  seed  of 
Cain,"  was  an  unheard  of  crime,  —  that  although  "with  uncommon 
assurance  they  deny  the  fact,  and  call  on  God,  as  a  witness  of 
their  innocence,  He,  out  of  his  goodness  and  mercy,  has  con 
founded  them,  and  proved  their  guilt,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
court  and  jury."  After  a  further  display  of  forensic  eloquence, 
the  judge  sentenced  them  "to  be  hanged  by  the  neck  'till  dead," 
on  Friday,  the  I2th  of  June,  1741. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  159 

The  Negro  girl  Sarah,  referred  to  above,  who  was  before  the 
jury  on  the  ist  of  June  in  such  a  terrified  state  of  body  and  mind, 
was  re-called  on  the  5th  of  June.  She  implicated  twenty  Negroes, 
whom  she  declared  were  present  at  the  house  of  Comfort,  whet 
ting  their  knives,  and  avowing  that  "  they  would  kill  white  people." 
On  the  6th  of  June,  Robin,  Caesar,  Cook,  Cuffee,  and  Jack,  another 
Cuffee,  and  Jamaica  were  arrested,  and  put  upon  trial  on  the  8th  of 
June.  It  is  a  sad  fact  to  record,  even  at  this  distance,  that  these 
poor  blacks,  without  counsel,  friends,  or  money,  were  tried  and 
convicted  upon  the  evidence  of  a  poor  ignorant,  hysterical  girl, 
and  the  "  dying  confession "  of  Quack  and  Cuffee,  who  "  con 
fessed  "  with  the  understanding  that  they  should  be  free  !  Tried 
and  found  guilty  on  the  8th,  without  clergy  or  time  to  pray,  they 
were  burned  at  the  stake  the  next  day !  Only  Jack  found  favor 
with  the  court,  and  that  favor  was  purchased  by  perjury.  He 
was  respited  until  it  "was  found  how  well  he  would  deserve 
further  favor."  It  was  next  to  impossible  to  understand  him,  so 
two  white  gentlemen  were  secured  to  act  as  interpreters.  Jack 
testified  to  having  seen  Negroes  at  Hughson's  tavern ;  that 
"when  they  were  eating,  he  said  they  began  to  talk  about  set 
ting  the  houses  on  fire  : "  he  was  so  good  as  to  give  the  names 
of  about  fourteen  Negroes  whom  he  heard  say  that  they  would 
set  their  masters'  houses  on  fire,  and  then  rush  upon  the  whites 
and  kill  them  ;  that  at  one  of  these  meetings  there  were  five  or 
six  Spanish  Negroes  present,  whose  conversation  he  could  not 
understand ;  that  they  waited  a  month  and  a  half  for  the  Span 
iards  and  French  to  come,  but  when  they  came  not,  set  fire  to  the 
fort.  As  usual,  more  victims  of  these  confessors  swelled  the 
number  already  in  the  jail ;  which  was,  at  this  time,  full  to 
suffocation. 

On  the  i Qth  of  June  the  lieutenant-governor  issued  a  procla 
mation  of  freedom  to  all  who  would  "confess  and  discover"  before 
the  ist  of  July.  Several  Indians  were  in  the  prison,  charged  with 
conspiracy.  The  confessions  and  discoveries  were  numerous. 
Every  Negro  charged  with  being  an  accomplice  of  the  unfor 
tunate  wretches  that  had  already  perished  at  the  stake  began 
to  accuse  some  one  else  of  complicity  in  the  plot.  They  all 
knew  of  many  Negroes  who  were  going  to  cut  the  white  people's 
throats  with  penknives ;  and  when  the  town  was  in  flames  they 
were  to  "  meet  at  the  end  of  Broadway,  next  to  the  fields  !  "  And 
it  must  be  recorded,  to  the  everlasting  disgrace  of  the  judiciary 


160      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  New  York,  that  scores  of  ignorant,  helpless,  and  innocent 
Negroes  —  and  a  few  white  people  too  —  were  convicted  upon 
the  confessions  of  the  terror-stricken  witnesses  !  There  is  not  a 
court  to-day  in  all  enlightened  Christendom  that  would  accept  as 
evidence  —  not  even  circumstantial — the  incoherent  utterances 
of  these  Negro  "confessors."  And  yet  an  intelligent  (?)  New- 
York  court  thought  the  evidence  "  clear  (?),  and  satisfactory  ! " 

But  the  end  was  not  yet  reached.  A  new  turn  was  to  be 
given  to  the  notorious  Mary  Burton.  The  reader  will  remember 
that  she  said  that  there  never  were  any  white  persons  present 
when  the  burning  of  the  town  was  the  topic  of  conversation, 
except  her  master  and  mistress  and  Peggy  Carey.  But  on  the 
25th  of  June  the  budding  Mary  accused  Rev.  John  Ury,  a  reputed 
Catholic  priest,  and  a  schoolmaster  in  the  town,  and  one  Camp 
bell,  also  a  school-teacher,  of  having  visited  Hughson's  tavern 
with  the  conspirators. 

On  the  26th  of  June,  nine  more  Negroes  were  brought  before 
the  court  and  arraigned.  Seven  pleaded  guilty  in  the  hope  of  a 
reprieve  :  two  were  tried  and  convicted  upon  the  testimony  of 
Mary  Burton.  Eight  more  were  arraigned,  and  pleaded  guilty  ; 
followed  by  seven  more,  some  of  whom  pleaded  guilty,  and  some 
not  guilty.  Thus,  in  one  day,  the  court  was  enabled  to  dispose  of 
twenty-four  persons. 

On  the  2/th  of  June,  one  Adam  confessed  that  he  knew  of 
the  plot,  but  said  he  was  enticed  into  it  by  Hughson,  three  years 
before ;  that  Hughson  told  him  that  he  knew  a  man  who  could 
forgive  him  all  his  sins.  So  between  John  Hughson's  warm  rum, 
and  John  Ury's  ability  to  forgive  sin,  the  virtuous  Adam  found 
all  his  scruples  overcome ;  and  he  took  the  oath.  A  Dr.  Hamilton 
who  lodged 'at  Holt's,  and  the  latter  also,  are  brought  into  court  as 
accused  of  being  connected  with  the  plot.  It  was  charged  that 
Holt  directed  his  Negro  Joe  to  set  fire  to  the  play-house  at  the 
time  he  should  indicate.  At  the  beginning  of  the  trial  only  four 
white  persons  were  mentioned  ;  but  now  they  began  to  multiply, 
and  barrels  of  powder  to  increase  at  a  wonderful  rate.  The  con 
fessions  up  to  this  time  had  been  mere  repetitions.  The  arrests 
were  numerous,  and  the  jail  crowded  beyond  its  capacity.  The 
poor  Negroes  implicated  were  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  "con 
fess  "  against  some  one  else,  and  thereby  save  their  own  lives. 
Recorder  Horsemanden  says,  "  Now  many  negroes  began  to 
squeak,  in  order  to  lay  hold  of  the  benefit  of  the  proclamation." 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  l6l 

He  deserves  the  thanks  of  humanity  for  his  frankness  !  For 
before  the  proclamation  there  were  not  more  than  seventy 
Negroes  in  jail ;  but,  within  eight  days  after  it  was  issued,  thirty 
more  frightened  slaves  were  added  to  the  number.  And  Judge 
Horsemanden  says,  "  'Twas  difficult  to  find  room  for  them,  nor 
could  we  see  any  likelihood  of  stopping  the  impeachments."  The 
Negroes  turned  to  accusing  white  persons,  and  seven  or  eight 
were  arrested.  The  sanitary  condition  of  the  prison  now  became 
a  subject  of  grave  concern.  The  judges  and  lawyers  consulted 
together,  and  agreed  to  pardon  some  of  the  prisoners  to  make 
room  in  the  jail.  They  also  thought  it  prudent  to  lump  the  con 
fessions,  and  thereby  facilitate  their  work  ;  but -the  confessions 
-went  on,  and  the  jail  filled  up  again. 

The  Spanish  Negroes  taken  by  an  English  privateer,  and 
adjudged  to  slavery  by  the  admiralty  court,  were  now  taken  up, 
tried,  convicted,  and  sentenced  to  be  hung.  Five  others  received 
sentence  the  same  day. 

The  bloody  work  went  on.  The  poor  Negroes  in  the  jail,  in  a 
state  of  morbid  desperation,  turned  upon  each  other  the  blistering 
tongue  of  accusation.  They  knew  that  they  were  accusing  each 
other  innocently,  —  as  many  confessed  afterwards,  —  but  this  was 
the  last  straw  that  these  sinking  people  could  see  to  catch  at,  and 
this  they  did  involuntarily.  "  Victims  were  required  ;  and  those 
who  brought  them  to  the  altar  of  Moloch,  purchased  their  own 
safety,  or,  at  least,  their  lives." 

On  the  2d  of  July,  one  Will  was  produced  before  Chief-Justice 
James  DeLancy.  He  plead  guilty,  and  was  sentenced  to  be 
burnt  to  death  on  the  4th  of  July.  On  the  6th  of  July,  eleven 
plead  guilty.  One  Dundee  implicates  Dr.  Hamilton  with  Hugh- 
son  in  giving  Negroes  rum  and  swearing  them  to  the  plot.  A 
white  man  by  the  name  of  William  Nuill  deposed  that  a  Negro  — 
belonging  to  Edward  Kelly,  a  butcher — named  London  swore  by 
God  that  if  he  should  be  arrested  and  cast  into  the  jail,  he  would 
hang  or  burn  all  the  Negroes  in  New  York,  guilty  or  not  guilty. 
On  this  same  day  five  Negroes  were  hanged.  One  of  them  was 
"hung  in  chains"  upon  the  same  gibbet  with  Hughson.  And  the 
Christian  historian  says  "  the  town  was  amused  "  on  account  of  a 
report  that  Hughson  had  turned  black  and  the  Negro  white ! 
The  vulgar  and  sickening  description  of  the  condition  of  the 
bodies,  in  which  Mr.  Horsemanden  took  evident  relish,  we  with 
hold  from  the  reader.  It  was  rumored  that  a  Negro  doctor  had 


162      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

administered  poison  to  the  convicts,  and  hence  the  change  in  the 
bodies  after  death. 

In  addition  to  the  burning  of  the  Negro  Will,  on  the  4th  of 
July,  was  the  sensation  created  by  his  accusing  two  white  soldiers, 
Kane  and  Kelly,  with  complicity  in  the  conspiracy.  Kane  was 
examined  the  next  day :  said  that  he  had  never  been  to  the  house 
of  John  Romme ;  acknowledged  that  he  had  received  a  stolen 
silver  spoon,  given  to  his  wife,  and  sold  it  to  one  Van  Dype,  a 
silversmith  ;  that  he  never  knew  John  Ury,  etc.  Knowing  Mary 
Burton  was  brought  forward,  —  as  she  always  was  when  the  trials 
began  to  lag,  —  and  accused  Kane.  He  earnestly  denied  the  accu 
sation  at  first,  but  finally  confessed  that  he  was  at  Hughson's  in 
reference  to  the  plot  on  two  several  occasions,  but  was  induced 
to  go  there  "by  Corker,  Coffin,  and  Fagan."  After  his  tongue 
got  limbered  up,  and  his  memory  refreshed,  he  criminated  Ury. 
He  implicated  Hughson's  father  and  three  brothers,  Hughson's 
mother-in-law,  an  old  fortune-teller,  as  being  parties  to  the  plot  as 
sworn  "to  burn,  and  kill;"  that  Ury  christened  some  of  the 
Negroes,  and  even  had  the  temerity  to  attempt  to  proselyte  him, 
Kane ;  that  Ury  asked  him  if  he  could  read  Latin,  could  he  read 
English  ;  to  both  questions  he  answered  no  ;  that  the  man  Coffin 
read  to  him,  and  descanted  upon  the  benefits  of  being  a  Roman 
Catholic  ;  that  they  could  forgive  sins,  and  save  him  from  hell ; 
and  that  if  he  had  not  gone  away  from  their  company  they  might 
have  seduced  him  to  be  a  Catholic  ;  that  one  Conolly,  on  Gov 
ernor's  Island,  admitted  that  he  was  "bred  up  a  priest;"  that  one 
Holt,  a  dancing-master,  also  knew  of  the  plot ;  and  then  described 
the  mystic  ceremony  of  swearing  the  plotters.  He  said,  "There 
was  a  black  ring  made  on  the  floor,  about  a  foot  and  a  half  in 
diameter ;  and  Hughson  bid  every  one  put  off  the  left  shoe  and 
put  their  toes  within  the  ring  ;  and  Mrs.  Hughson  held  a  bowl  of 
punch  over  their  heads,  as  the  Negroes  stood  around  the  circle, 
and  Hughson  pronounced  the  oath  above  mentioned,  (something 
like  a  freemason's  oath  and  penalties,)  and  every  negro  severally 
repeated  the  oath  after  him,  and  then  Hughson's  wife  fed  them 
with  a  draught  out  of  the  bowl." 

This  was  "new  matter,"  so  to  speak,  and  doubtless  broke  the 
monotony  of  the  daily  recitals  to  which  their  honors  had  been 
listening  all  summer.  Kane  was  about  to  deprive  Mary  Burton 
of  her  honors  ;  and,  as  he  could  not  write,  he  made  his  mark.  A 
peddler  named  Coffin  was  arrested  and  examined.  He  denied  all 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  163 

knowledge  of  the  plot,  never  saw  Hughson,  never  was  at  his 
plaoe,  saw  him  for  the  first  time  when  he  was  executed ;  had 
never  seen  Kane  but  once,  and  then  at  Eleanor  Waller's,  where 
they  drank  beer  together.  But  the  court  committed  him.  Kane 
and  Mary  Burton  accused  Edward  Murphy.  Kane  charged  David 
Johnson,  a  hatter,  as  one  of  the  conspirators ;  while  Mary  Burton 
accuses  Andrew  Ryase,  "  little  Holt,"  the  dancing-master,  John 
Earl,  and  seventeen  soldiers,  —  all  of  whom  were  cast  into  prison. 

On  the  1 6th  of  July  nine  Negroes  were  arraigned  :  four  plead 
guilty,  two  were  sentenced  to  be  burnt,  and  the  others  to  be 
hanged.  On  the  next  day  seven  Negroes  plead  guilty.  One  John 
Schultz  came  forward,  and  made  a  deposition  that  perhaps  had 
some  little  influence  on  the  court  and  the  community  at  large. 
He  swore  that  a  Negro  man  slave,  named  Cambridge,  belonging 
to  Christopher  Codwise,  Esq.,  did  on  the  gth  of  June,  1741, 
confess  to  the  deponent,  in  the  presence  of  Codwise  and  Richard 
Baker,  that  the  confession  he  had  made  before  Messrs.  Lodge 
and  Nichols  was  entirely  false ;  viz.,  that  he  had  confessed  him 
self  guilty  of  participating  in  the  conspiracy ;  had  accused  a 
Negro  named  Cajoe  through  fear;  that  he  had  heard  some 
Negroes  talking  together  in  the  jail,  and  saying  that  if  they  did 
not  confess  they  would  be  hanged ;  that  what  he  said  about 
Horsefield  Caesar  was  a  lie;  that  he  had  never  known  in  what 
section  of  the  town  Hughson  lived,  nor  did  he  remember  ever 
hearing  his  name,  until  it  had  become  the  town  talk  that  Hughson 
was  concerned  in  a  plot  to  burn  the  town  and  murder  the  inhabit 
ants. 

This  did  not  in  the  least  abate  the  zeal  of  Mary  Burton  and 
William  Kane.  They  went  on  in  their  work  of  accusing  white 
people  and  Negroes,  receiving  the  approving  smiles  of  the  magis 
trates.  Mary  Burton  says  that  John  Earl,  who  lived  in  Broad 
way,  used  to  come  to  Hughson's  with  ten  soldiers  at  a  time  ;  that 
these  white  men  were  to  command  the  Negro  companies ;  that 
John  Ury  used  to  be  present ;  and  that  a  man  near  the  Mayor's 
Market,  who  kept  a  shop  where  she  (Mary  Burton)  got  rum 
from,  a  doctor,  by  nationality  a  Scotchman,  who  lived  by  the  Slip, 
and  another  dancing-master,  named  Corry,  used  to  meet  with  the 
conspirators  at  Hughson's  tavern. 

On  the  1 4th  of  July,  John  Ury  was  examined,  and  denied  ever 
having  been  at  Hughson's,  or  knowing  any  thing  about  the  con 
spiracy;  said  he  never  saw  any  of  the  Hughsons,  nor  did  he 


1 64      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

know  Peggy  Carey.  But  William  Kane,  the  soldier,  insisted  that 
tlry  did  visit  the  house  of  Hughson.  Ury  was  again  committed. 
On  the  next  day  eight  persons  were  tried  and  convicted  upon  the 
evidence  of  Kane  and  Mary  Burton.  The  jail  was  filling  up 
again,  and  the  benevolent  magistrates  pardoned  fourteen  Negroes. 
Then  they  turned  their  judicial  minds  to  the  case  of  William 
Kane  vs.  John  Ury.  First,  he  was  charged  with  having  coun 
selled,  procured,  and  incited  a  Negro  slave,  Quack,  to  burn  the 
king's  house  in  the  fort :  to  which  he  pleaded  not  guilty.  Second, 
that  being  a  priest,  made  by  the  authority  of  the  pretended  See 
-of  Rome,  he  had  come  into  the  Province  and  city  of  New  York 
after  the  time  limited  by  law  against  Jesuits  and  Popish  priests, 
passed  in  the  eleventh  year  of  William  III.,  and  had  remained  for 
the  space  of  seven  months ;  that  he  had  announced  himself  to  be 
an  ecclesiastical  person,  made  and  ordained  by  the  authority  of 
the  See  of  Rome ;  and  that  he  had  appeared  so  to  be  by  celebrat 
ing  masses  and  granting  absolution,  etc.  To  these  charges 
Ury  pleaded  not  guilty,  and  requested  a  copy  of  the  indictments, 
but  was  only  allowed  a  copy  of  the  second  ;  and  pen,  ink,  and 
paper  grudgingly  granted  him.  His  private  journal  was  seized, 
and  a  portion  of  its  contents  used  as  evidence  against  him.  The 
following  was  furnished  to  the  grand  jury  :  — 

"Arrived  at  Philadelphia  the  1 7th  of  February,  1738.  At  Ludinum,  5th 
March.  —  To  Philadelphia,  2gth  April. —  Began  school  at  Burlington,  i8th 
June.  Omilta  Jacobus  Atherthwaite,  27th  July.  —  Came  to  school  at  Burling 
ton,  23d  January,  1740.  —  Saw ,  7th  May.  —  At  five  went  to  Burlington, 

to  Piercy,  the  madman.  —  Went  to  Philadelphia,  iQth  May.  —  Went  to  Burling 
ton,  i8th  June.  —  At  six  in  the  evening  to  Penefack,  to  Joseph  Ashton.  —  Began 
school  at  Dublin  under  Charles  Hastie,  at  eight  pounds  a  year,  3ist  July,  —  — , 

1 5th  October, ,27th   ditto.  —  Came   to   John    Croker  (at  the    Fighting 

Cocks),  New  York,  2d  November.  —  I  boarded  gratis  with  him,  7th  November, 
—  Natura  Johannis  Pool,  26th  December.  —  I  began  to  teach  with  John 
Campbell,  6th  April,  1741.  —  Baptized  Timothy  Ryan,  born  i8th  April,  1740, 
son  of  John  Ryan  and  Mary  Ryan,  i8th  May.  —  Pater  Confessor  Butler,  two 
Anni,  no  sacramentum  non  confessio."  x 

On  the  2 ist  of  July,  Sarah  Hughson,  who  had  been  respited, 
was  put  on  the  witness-stand  again.  There  were  some  legal  errors 
in  the  indictments  against  Ury,  and  his  trial  was  postponed  until 
the  next  term  ;  but  he  was  arraigned  on  a  new  indictment.  The 
•energies  of  the  jury  and  judges  received  new  life.  Here  was  a 

1  Dunlap,  vol.  i.  p.  344. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  165 

man  who  was  a  Catholic, — or  had  been  a  Catholic, — and  the  spirit 
of  religious  intolerance  asserted  itself.  Sarah  Hughson  remem 
bered  having  seen  Ury  at  her  father's  house  on  several  occasions  ; 
had  seen  him  make  a  ring  with  chalk  on  the  floor,  make  all  the 
Negroes  stand  around  it,  while  he  himself  would  stand  in  the 
middle,  with  a  cross,  and  swear  the  Negroes.  This  was  also  "new 
matter : "  nothing  of  this  kind  was  mentioned  in  the  first  confes- 
•siQn.  But  this  was  not  all.  She  had  seen  Ury  preach  to  the 
Negroes,  forgive  their  sins,  and  baptize  some  of  them  !  She  said 
that  Ury  wanted  her  to  confess  to  him,  and  that  Peggy  confessed 
to  him  in  French. 

On  the  24th  of  July,  Elias  Desbroses,  confectioner,  being 
called,  swore  that  Ury  had  come  to  his  shop  with  one  Webb,  a 
carpenter,  and  inquired  for  sugar-bits,  or  wafers,  and  asked  him 
"whether  a  minister  had  not  his  wafers  of  him  ?  or,  whether  that 
paste,  which  the  deponent  showed  him,  was  not  made  of  the  same 
ingredients  as  the  Luthern  minister's  ? "  or  words  to  that  effect : 
the  deponent  told  Ury  that  if  he  desired  such  things  a  joiner 
would  make  him  a  mould  ;  and  that  when  he  asked  him  whether 
he  had  a  congregation,  Ury  "waived  giving  him  an  answer." 

On  the  27th  of  July,  Mr.  Webb,  the  carpenter,  was  called  to 
the  witness-stand  and  testified  as  follows  :  That  he  had  met  Ury 
at  John  Croker's  (at  the  Fighting  Cocks),  where  he  became  ac 
quainted  with  him  ;  that  he  had  heard  him  read  Latin  and  Eng 
lish  so  admirably  that  he  employed  him  to  teach  his  child ;  that 
finding  out  that  he  was  a  school-teacher,  he  invited  him  to  board 
at  his  house  without  charge ;  that  he  understood  from  him  that 
he  was  a  non-juring  minister,  had  written  a  book  that  had  drawn 
the  fire  of  the  Church,  was  charged  with  treason,  and  driven  out 
of  England,  sustaining  the  loss  of  "a  living"  worth  fifty  pounds  a 
year ;  that  on  religious  matters  the  deponent  could  not  always 
comprehend  him  ;  that  the  accused  said  Negroes  were  only  fit  for 
slaves,  and  to  put  them  above  that  condition  was  to  invite  them 
to  cut  your  throats.  The  observing  Horsemanden  was  so  much 
pleased  with  the  above  declaration,  that  he  gives  Ury  credit  in  a 
footnote  for  understanding  the  dispositions  of  Negroes  ! l  Farther 
on  Mr.  Webb  says,  that,  after  one  Campbell  removed  to  Hugh- 
son's,  Ury  went  thither,  and  so  did  the  deponent  on  three  different 
times,  and  heard  him  read  prayers  after  the  manner  of  the  Church 

1  Horseman  den's  Negro  Plot,  p.  284. 


1 66     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  England ;  but  in  the  prayer  for  the  king  he  only  mentioned 
"our  sovereign  lord  the  King,"  and  not  "King  George."  He  said 
that  Ury  pleaded  against  drunkenness,  debauchery,  and  Deists ; 
that  he  admonished  every  one  to  keep  his  own  minister ;  that 
when  the  third  sermon  was  delivered  one  Mr.  Hildreth  was  pres 
ent,  when  Ury  found  fault  with  certain  doctrines,  insisted  that 
good  works  as  well  as  faith  were  necessary  to  salvation ;  that  he 
announced  that  on  a  certain  evening  he  would  preach  from  the 
text,  "  Upon  this  rock  I  will  build  my  church,  and  the  gates  of  hell 
shall  not  prevail  against  it ;  and  whosoever  sins  ye  remit,  they  are 
remitted,  and  whosoever  sins  ye  retain,  they  are  retained." 

The  judges,  delighted  with  this  flavor  added  to  the  usually 
dry  proceedings,  thought  they  had  better  call  Sarah  Hughson  ; 
that  if  she  were  grateful  for  her  freedom  she  would  furnish  the 
testimony  their  honors  desired.  Sarah  was  accordingly  called. 
She  is  recommended  for  mercy.  She  is,  of  course,  to  say  what  is 
put  in  her  mouth,  to  give  testimony  such  as  the  court  desires, 
So  the  fate  of  the  poor  schoolmaster  was  placed  in  the  keeping  of 
the  fateful  Sarah. 

On  the  28th  of  July  another  grand  jury  was  sworn,  and,  like 
the  old  one,  was  composed  of  merchants.  The  following  persons 
composed  it :  Joseph  Robinson,  James  Livingston,  Hermanus 
Rutgers,  jun.,  Charles  LeRoux,  Abraham  Boelen,  Peter  Rutgers, 
Jacobus  Roosevelt,  John  Auboyneau,  Stephen  Van  Courtlandt, 
jun.,  Abraham  Lynsen,  Gerardus  Duyckinck,  John  Provost,  Henry 
Lane,  jun.,  Henry  Cuyler,  John  Roosevelt,  Abraham  DePeyster, 
Edward  Hicks,  Joseph  Ryall,  Peter  Schuyler,  and  Peter  Jay.1 

Sarah  Hughson  had  been  pardoned.  John  Ury  was  brought 
into  court,  when  he  challenged  some  of  the  jury.  William  Ham- 
mersley,  Gerardus  Beekman,  John  Shurmur,  Sidney  Breese,  Daniel 
Shatford,  Thomas  Behenna,  Peter  Fresneau,  Thomas  Willett,  John 
Breese,  John  Hastier,  James  Tucker,  and  Brandt  Schuyler  were 
sworn  to  try  him.  Barring  formalities,  he  was  arraigned  upon  the 
old  indictment ;  viz.,  felony,  in  inciting  and  exciting  the  Negro 
slave  Quack  to  set  fire  to  the  governor's  house.  The  king's 
counsel  were  the  attorney-general,  Richard  Bradley,  and  Messrs. 
Murray,  Alexander,  Smith,  and  Chambers.  Poor  Ury  had  no 
counsel,  no  sympathizers.  The  attorney-general,  in  an  opening 
speech  to  the  jury,  said  that  certain  evidence  was  to  be  produced 

1  Horseman  den's  Negro  Plot,  p.  286. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  167 

•showing  that  the  prisoner  at  the  bar  was  guilty  as  charged  in  the 
indictment ;  that  he  had  a  letter  that  he  desired  to  read  to  them, 
which  had  been  sent  to  Lieut.-Gov.  Clark,  written  by  Gen.  Ogle- 
thorpe  (uthe  visionary  Lycurgus  of  Georgia"),  bearing  date  of 
the  1 6th  of  May.  The  following  is  a  choice  passage  from  the 
letter  referred  to  :  — 

"  Some  intelligence  I  had  of  a  villanous  design  of  a  very  extraordinary 
nature,  and  if  true  very  important,  viz.,  that  the  Spaniards  had  employed  emis- 
.saries  to  burn  all  the  magazines  and  considerable  towns  in  the  English  North 
America,  and  thereby  to  prevent  the  subsisting  of  the  great  expedition  and  fleet 
in  the  West  Indies ;  and  for  this  purpose  many  priests  were  employed,  who 
pretended  to  be  physicians,  dancing-masters,  and  other  such  kinds  of  occupa 
tions,  and  under  that  pretence  to  get  admittance  and  confidence  in  families."  l 

The  burden  of  his  effort  was  the  wickedness  of  Popery  and 
the  Roman-Catholic  Church.  The  first  witness  called  was  the 
irrepressible  Mary  Burton.  She  began  by  rehearsing  the  old 
;story  of  setting  fire  to  the  houses  :  but  this  time  she  varied  it 
.somewhat ;  it  was  not  the  fort  that  was  to  be  burnt  first,  but 
Ooker's,  near  a  coffee-house,  by  the  long  bridge.  She  remem 
bered  the  ring  drawn  with  chalk,  saw  things  in  it  that  looked  like 
rats  (the  good  Horsemanden  throws  a  flood  of  light  upon  this 
otherwise  dark  passage  by  telling  his  reader  that  it  was  the 
Negroes'  black  toes !) ;  that  she  peeped  in  once  and  saw  a  black 
thing  like  a  child,  and  Ury  with  a  book  in  his  hand,  and  at  this 
moment  she  let  a  silver  spoon  drop,  and  Ury  chased  her,  and 
would  have  caught  her,  had  she  not  fallen  into  a  bucket  of  water, 
and  thus  marvellously  escaped !  But  the  rule  was  to  send  this 
curious  Mary  to  bed  when  any  thing  of  an  unusual  nature  was 
going  on.  Ury  asked  her  some  questions. 

'•'•Prisoner.  —  You  say  you  have  seen  me  several  times  at  Hughson's,  what 
clothes  did  I  usually  wear? 

"  Mary  Burton.  —  I  cannot  tell  what  clothes  you  wore  particularly. 
"Prisoner.  —  That  is  strange,  and  know  me  so  well  ?  " 

She  then  says  several  kinds,  but  particularly,  or  chiefly,  a 
riding-coat,  and  often  a  brown  coat,  trimmed  with  black. 

"  Prisoner.  —  I  never  wore  such  a  coat.  What  time  of  the  day  did  I  used 
to  come  to  Hughson's  ? 

"  M.  Btirton.  —  You  used  chiefly  to  come  in  the  night-time,  and  when  I 
have  been  going  to  bed  I  have  seen  you  undressing  in  Peggy's  room,  as  if  you 

1  Colonial  Hist,  of  N.  Y.,  vol.  vi.  p.  199. 


168      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

were  to  lie  there ;  but  I  cannot  say  that  you  did,  for  you  were  always  gone 
before  I  was  up  in  the  morning. 

"  Prisoner.  —  What  room  was  I  in  when  I  called  Mary,  and  you  came  up. 
as  you  said  ? 

"  M.  Burton.  —  In  the  great  room,  up  stairs. 

^Prisoner.  —  What  answer  did  the  Negroes  make,  when  I  offered  to  for 
give  them  their  sins,  as  you  said  ? 

"M.  Burton.  —  I  don't  remember."  1 

William  Kane,  the  soldier,  took  the  stand.  He  was  very  bold' 
to  answer  all  of  Ury's  questions.  He  saw  him  baptize  a  child,, 
could  forgive  sins,  and  wanted  to  convert  him  !  Sarah  Hughson 
was  next  called,  but  Ury  objected  to  her  because  she  had  been 
convicted.  The  judge  informed  him  that  she  had  been  pardoned,, 
and  was,  therefore,  competent  as  a  witness.  Judge  Horsemanden 
was  careful  to  produce  newspaper  scraps  to  prove  that  the  court  of 
France  had  endeavored  to  create  and  excite  revolts  and  insurrec 
tions  in  the  English  colonies,  and  ended  by  telling  a  pathetic 
story  about  an  Irish  schoolmaster  in  Ulster  County  who  drank 
the  health  of  the  king  of  Spain  ! 2  This  had  great  weight  with  the 
jury,  no  doubt.  Poor  Ury,  convicted  upon  the  evidence  of  three 
notorious  liars,  without  counsel,  was  left  to  defend  himself.  He 
addressed  the  jury  in  an  earnest  and  intelligent  manner.  He 
showed  where  the  evidence  clashed ;  that  the  charges  were  not  in 
harmony  with  his  previous  character,  the  silence  of  Quack  and 
others  already  executed.  He  showed  that  Mr.  Campbell  took 
possession  of  the  house  that  Hughson  had  occupied,  on  the  1st  of 
May ;  that  at  that  time  Hughson  and  his  wife  were  in  jail,  and 
Sarah  in  the  house ;  that  Sarah  abused  Campbell,  and  that  he 
reproved  her  for  the  foul  language  she  used ;  and  that  this  fur 
nished  her  with  an  additional  motive  to  accuse  him  ;  that  he  never 
knew  Hughson  or  any  of  the  family.  Mr.  John  Croker  testified 
that  Ury  never  kept  company  with  Negroes,  nor  did  he  receive 
them  at  Croker's  house  up  to  the  ist  of  May,  for  all  the  plotting 
was  done  before  that  date ;  that  he  was  a  quiet,  pious  preacher, 
and  an  excellent  schoolmaster ;  that  he  taught  Webb's  child,  and 
always  declared  himself  a  non-juring  clergyman  of  the  Church  of 
England.  But  the  fatal  revelation  of  this  friend  of  Ury's  was,, 
that  Webb  made  him  a  desk ;  and  the  jury  thought  they  saw  in  it 
an  altar  for  a  Catholic  priest !  That  was  enough.  The  attorney- 
general  told  the  jury  that  the  prisoner  was  a  Romish  priest,  and 

1  Horsemanden 's  Negro  Plot,  pp.  292,  293.  z  Ibid.,  pp.  298,  299,  note. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  169, 

then  proceeded  to  prove  the  exceeding  sinfulness  of  that  Church., 
Acknowledging  the  paucity  of  the  evidence  intended  to  prove  him: 
a  priest,  the  learned  gentleman  hastened  to  dilate  upon  all  the 
dark  deeds  of  Rome,  and  thereby  poisoned  the  minds  of  the  jury 
against  the  unfortunate  Ury.  He  was  found  guilty,  and  on  the 
29th  of  August,  1741,  was  hanged,  professing  his  innocence,  and 
submitting  cheerfully  to  a  cruel  and  unjust  death  as  a  servant  of 
the  Lord.1 

The  trials  of  the  Negroes  had  continued,  but  were  somewhat 
overshadowed  by  that  of  the  reputed  Catholic  priest.  On  the 
1 8th  of  July  seven  Negroes  were  hanged,  including  a  Negro 
doctor  named  Harry.  On  the  23d  of  July  a  number  of  white 
persons  were  fined  for  keeping  disorderly  houses,  —  entertaining 
Negroes  ;  while  nine  Negroes  were,  the  same  day,  released  from 
jail  on  account  of  a  lack  of  evidence!  On  the  I5th  of  August  a 
Spanish  Negro  was  hanged.  On  the  3ist  of  August,  Corry  (the* 
dancing-master),  Ryan,  Kelly,  and  Coffin  —  all  white  persons  — 
were  dismissed  because  no  one  prosecuted ;  while  the  reader  must 
have  observed  that  the  evidence  against  them  was  quite  as  strong 
as  that  offered  against  any  of  the  persons  executed,  by  the  lying 
trio  Burton,  Kane,  and  Sarah.  But  Mr.  Smith  the  historian  gives, 
the  correct  reason  why  these  trials  came  to  such  a  sudden  end. 

"The  whole  summer  was  spent  in  the  prosecutions;  every  new  trial  led  to 
further  accusations :  a  coincidence  of  slight  circumstances,  was  magnified  by 
the  general  terror  into  violent  presumptions ;  tales  collected  without  doors, 
mingling  with  the  proofs  given  at  the  bar,  poisoned  the  minds  of  the  jurors; 
and  the  sanguinary  spirit  of  the  day  suffered  no  check  till  Mary,  the  capital: 
informer,  bewildered  by  frequent  examinations  and  suggestions,  lost  her  first 
impressions,  and  began  to  touch  characters,  which  malice  itself  did  not  dare  to, 
suspect."  2 

The  24th  of  September  was  solemnly  set  apart  for  public- 
thanksgiving  for  the  escape  of  the  citizens  from  destruction ! 

As  we  have  already  said,  this  "  Negro  plot "  has  but  one 
parallel  in  the  history  of  civilization.  It  had  its  origin  in  a 
diseased  public  conscience,  inflamed  by  religious  bigotry,  accele 
rated  by  hired  liars,  and  consummated,  in  the  blind  and  bloody 
action  of  a  court  and  jury  who  imagined  themselves  sitting  over 
a  powder-magazine.  That  a  robbery  took  place,  there  was  abun 
dant  evidence  in  the  finding  of  some  of  the  articles,  and  the 

1  Horsemanden's  Negro  Plot,  pp.  221,  222.          2  Smith's  Hist,  of  N.  Y.,  vol.  n.  pp.  59,  60.. 


1 70      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

admissions  of  Hughson  and  others  ;  but  there  was  not  a  syllable 
•of  competent  evidence  to  show  that  there  was  an  organized  plot. 
And  the  time  came,  after  the  city  had  gotten  back  to  its  accus 
tomed  quietness,  that  the  most  sincere  believers  in  the  "  Negro 
plot "  were  converted  to  the  opinion  that  the  zeal  of  the  magis 
trates  had  not  been  "according  to  knowledge."  For  they  could 
not  have  failed  to  remember  that  the  Negroes  were  considered 
.heathen,  and,  therefore,  not  sworn  by  the  court ;  that  they  were 
not  allowed  counsel  ;  that  the  evidence  was  indirect,  contradictory, 
-and  malicious,  while  the  trials  were  hasty  and  unfair.  From  the 
nth  of  May  to  the  2gth  of  August,  one  hundred  and  fifty -four 
Negroes  were  cast  into  prison  ;  fourteen  of  whom  were  burnt, 
•eighteen  hanged,  seventy-one  transported,  and  the  remainder 
pardoned.  During  the  same  space  of  time  twenty-four  whites 
were  committed  to  prison  ;  four  of  whom  were  executed,  and  the 
remainder  discharged.  The  number  arrested  was  one  hundred 
.and  seventy-eight,  thirty-six  executed,  and  seventy-one  trans 
ported  !  What  a  terrible  tragedy  committed  in  the  name  of  law 
and  Christian  government !  Mary  Burton,  the  Judas  Iscariot  of 
the  period,  received  her  hundred  pounds  as  the  price  of  the  blood 
she  had  caused  to  be  shed ;  and  the  curtain  fell  upon  one  of  the 
most  tragic  events  in  all  the  history  of  New  York  or  of  the  civil 
ized  world.1 

The  legislature  turned  its  attention  to  additional  legislation 
upon  the  slavery  question.  Severe  laws  were  passed  against  the 
Negroes.  Their  personal  rights  were  curtailed  until  their  condi 
tion  was  but  little  removed  from  that  of  the  brute  creation.  We 
have  gone  over  the  voluminous  records  of  the  Province  of  New 
York,  and  have  not  found  a  single  act  calculated  to  ameliorate 
the  condition  of  the  slave.2  He  was  hated,  mistrusted,  and  feared. 
Nothing  was  done,  of  a  friendly  character,  for  the  slave  in  the 

1  "On  the  6th  of  March,  1742,  the  following  order  was  passed  by  the  Common  Council: 
•'  Ordered,  that  the  indentures  of  Mary  Burton  be  delivered  up  to  her,  and  that  she  be  discharged 
from  the  remainder  of  her  servitude,  and  three  pounds  paid  her,  to  provide  necessary  clothing.' 
The  Common  Council  had  purchased  her  indentures  from  her  master,  and  had  kept  her  and  them, 
until  this  time." —  DUNLAP,  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  p.  clxvii. 

2  On   the    1 7th   of  November,    1767,  a  bill  was  brought  into  the  House  of  Assembly  "  to 
•prevent  the  unnatural  and  unwarrantable  custom  of  enslaving  mankind,  and  the  importation  of 
slaves   into   this   province."     It  was  changed   into   an  act  "for  laying  an   impost   on   Negroes 
.imported."     This  could  not  pass  the  governor  and  council ;    and  it  was  afterward  known  that 

Benning  I.  Wentworth,  the  governor  of  New  Hampshire,  had  received  instructions  not  to  pass  any 
law  "imposing  duties  on  negroes  imported  into  that  province."  Hutchinson  of  Massachusetts 
-had  similar  instructions.  The  governor  and  his  Majesty's  council  knew  this  at  the  time. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK.  1 71 

Province  of  New  York,  until  threatening  dangers  from  without 
taught  the  colonists  the  importance  of  husbanding  all  their 
resources.  The  war  between  the  British  colonies  in  North 
America  and  the  mother  country  gave  the  Negro  an  opportunity 
to  level,  by  desperate  valor,  a  mountain  of  prejudice,  and  wipe 
out  with  his  blood  the  dark  stain  of  1741.  History  says  he 
did  it. 


172      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  COLONY    OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 

1633-1775. 

THE  EARLIEST  MENTIONS   OF  NEGROES   IN   MASSACHUSETTS.  —  PEQUOD   INDIANS   EXCHANGED   FOR 
NEGROES.  —  VOYAGE  OF  THE  SLAVE-SHIP  "DESIRE"  IN  1638.  —  FUNDAMENTAL  LAWS  ADOPTED. 

—  HEREDITARY    SLAVERY.  —  KIDNAPPING    NEGROES.  —  GROWTH    OF    SLAVERY    IN    THE    SEVEN 
TEENTH  CENTURY.  —  TAXATION  OF  SLAVES.  —  INTRODUCTION  OF   INDIAN  SLAVES    PROHIBITED.  — 
THE  POSITION  OF  THE  CHURCH   RESPECTING   THE   BAPTISM   OF   SLAVES.  —  SLAVE   MARRIAGE.— 
CONDITION  OF  FREE    NEGROES.  —  PHILLIS  WHEATLEY   THE    AFRICAN    POETESS.  —  HER    LIFE. 

—  SLAVERY  RECOGNIZED  IN  ENGLAND  IN  ORDER  TO   BE  MAINTAINED  IN  THE  COLONIES.  —  THE 
EMANCIPATION  OF  SLAVES.  —  LEGISLATION   FAVORING  THE   IMPORTATION  OF   WHITE   SERVANTS, 
BUT  PROHIBITING  THE  CLANDESTINE  BRINGING-IN  OF  NEGROES.  — JUDGE   SEWALL*S   ATTACK    ON 
SLAVERY.  —  JUDGE  BAFFIN'S  REPLY  TO  JUDGE  SEW  ALL. 

HAD  the  men  who  gave  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  its 
political  being  and  Revolutionary  fame  known  that  the 
Negro  —  so  early  introduced  into  the  colony  as  a  slave  — 
would  have  been  in  the  future  Republic  for  years  the  insoluble 
problem,  and  at  last  the  subject  of  so  great  and  grave  economic 
and  political  concern,  they  would  have  committed  to  the  jealous, 
keeping  of  the  chroniclers  of  their  times  the  records  for  which 
the  historian  of  the  Negro  seeks  so  vainly  in  this  period.  Stolen 
as  he  was  from  his  tropical  home  ;  consigned  to  a  servitude  at 
war  with  man's  intellectual  and  spiritual,  as  well  as  with  his  phys 
ical,  nature ;  the  very  lowest  of  God's  creation,  in  the  estimation 
of  the  Roundheads  of  New  England  ;  a  stranger  in  a  strange 
land, — the  poor  Negro  of  Massachusetts  found  no  place  in  the 
sympathy  or  history  of  the  Puritan,  —  Christians  whose  deeds  and 
memory  have  been  embalmed  in  song  and  story,  and  given  to  an 
immortality  equalled  only  by  the  indestructibility  of  the  English 
language.  The  records  of  the  most  remote  period  of  colonial 
history  have  preserved  a  silence  on  the  question  of  Negro  slavery 
as  ominous  as  it  is  conspicuous.  What  data  there  are  concerning 
the  introduction  of  slavery  are  fragmentary,  uncertain,  and  unsatis 
factory,  to  say  the  least.  There  is  but  one  work  bearing  the  lumi 
nous  stamp  of  historical  trustworthiness,  and  which  turns  a  flood 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  173 

of  light  on  the  dark  records  of  the  darker  crime  of  human  slavery 
in  Massachusetts.  And  we  are  sure  it  is  as  complete  as  the  ripe 
scholarship,  patient  research,  and  fair  and  fearless  spirit  of  its 
author,  could  make  it.1 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  presence  of  Negroes  in  Massachu 
setts  is  in  connection  with  an  account  of  some  Indians  who  were 
frightened  at  a  Colored  man  who  had  lost  his  way  in  the  tangled 
path  of  the  forest.  The  Indians,  it  seems,  were  "  worse  scared 
than  hurt,  who  seeing  a  blackamore  in  the  top  of  a  tree  looking 
out  for  his  way  which  he  had  lost,  surmised  he  was  Abamacho,  or 
the  devil ;  deeming  all  devils  that  are  blacker  than  themselves  : 
and  being  near  to  the  plantation,  they  posted  to  the  English,  and 
entreated  their  aid  to  conjure  this  devil  to  his  own  place,  who 
finding  him  to  be  a  poor  wandering  blackamore,  conducted  him  to 
his  master."2  This  was  in  1633.  It  is  circumstantial  evidence 
of  a  twofold  nature ;  i.e.,  it  proves  that  there  were  Negroes  in  the 
colony  at  a  date  much  earlier  than  can  be  fixed  by  reliable  data, 
and  that  the  Negroes  were  slaves.  It  is  a  fair  presumption  that 
this  "wandering  blackamore"  who  was  conducted  "to  his  mas 
ter"  was  not  the  only  Negro  slave  in  the  colony.  Slaves  generally 
come  in  large  numbers,  and  consequently  there  must  have  been 
quite  a  number  at  this  time. 

Negro  slavery  in  Massachusetts  was  the  safety-valve  to  the 
pent-up  vengeance  of  the  Pequod  Indians.  Slavery  would  have 
been  established  in  Massachusetts,  even  if  there  had  been  no 
Indians  to  punish  by  war,  captivity,  and  duplicity.  Encouraged 
by  the  British  authorities,  avarice  and  gain  would  have  quieted 
the  consciences  of  Puritan  slave-holders.  But  the  Pequod  war 
was  the  early  and  urgent  occasion  for  the  founding  of  slavery 
under  the  foster  care  of  a  free  church  and  free  government !  As, 
the  Pequod  Indians  would  "not  endure  the  yoke,"  would  not 
remain  "as  servants,"  3  they  were  sent  to  Bermudas  4  and  ex 
changed  for  Negroes,5  with  the  hope  that  the  latter  would  "endure 

1  George  H.  Moore,  LL.D.,  for  many  years  librarian  of  the  New- York  Historical   Society, 
but  at  present  the  efficient  superintendent  of  the  Lenox  Library,  in  his  "  Notes  on  the  History  of 
Slavery  in  Massachusetts,"  has  summoned  nearly  all  the  orators  and  historians  of  Massachusetts 
to  the  bar  of  history.     He  leaves  them  open  to  one  of  three  charges  ;  viz.,  evading  the  truth,  igno 
rance  of  it,  or  falsifying  the  record.     And  in  addition  to  this  work,   which  is   authority,  his 
"  Additional  Notes  "  glow  with  an  energy  and  perspicuity  of  style  which  lead  me  to  conclude  that. 
Dr.  Moore  works  admirably  under  the  spur  ;  and  that  his  refined  sarcasm,  unanswerable  logic,  and. 
critical  accuracy  give  him  undisputed  place  amongst  the  ablest  writers  of  our  times. 

2  Wood's  New-England  Prospect,  1634,  p.  77.  3  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  7. 
*  Ibid.,  pp.  4,  5,  and  6.                                  *  Elliott's  New-England  Hist.,  pp.  167-205.. 


174      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  yoke  "  more  patiently.  The  first  importation  of  slaves  from 
Barbados,  secured  in  exchange  for  Indians,  was  made  in  1637,  the 
first  year  of  the  Pequod  war,  and  was  doubtless  kept  up  for  many 
years. 

But  in  the  following  year  we  have  the  most  positive  evidence 
that  New  England  had  actually  engaged  in  the  slave-trade. 

"Mr.  Pierce,  in  the  Salem  ship,  the  Desire,  returned  from  the  West 
Indies  after  seven  months.  He  had  been  at  Providence,  and  brought  some 
cotton,  and  tobacco,  and  negroes,  &c.,  from  thence,  and  salt  from  Tertugos.  .  .  . 
Dry  fish  and  strong  liquors  are  the  only  commodities  for  those  parts.  He  met 
there  two  men-of-war,  sent  forth  by  the  lords,  &c.,  of  Providence  with  letters  of 
mart,  who  had  taken  divers  prizes  from  the  Spaniard  and  many  negroes."  * 

"The  Desire"  was  built  at  Marblehead  in  1636  ;2  was  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  tons,  and  perhaps  one  of  the  first  built  in 
the  colony.  There  is  no  positive  proof  that  "The  Mayflower," 
after  landing  the  holy  Pilgrim  Fathers,  was  fitted  out  for  a  slave- 
cruise  !  But  there  is  no  evidence  to  destroy  the  belief  that  "  The 
Desire  "  was  built  for  the  slave-trade.  Within  a  few  years  from 
the  time  of  the  building  of  "The  Desire,"  there  were  quite  a 
number  of  Negro  slaves  in  Massachusetts.  "John  Josselyn, 
Gen't"  in  his  "Two  Voyages  to  New  England,"  made  in  "  1638, 
1663,"  and  printed  for  the  first  time  in  1674,3  gives  an  account  of 
an  attempt  to  breed  slaves  in  Massachusetts. 

"The  Second  of  October,  (1639)  about  9  of  the  clock  in  the  morning,  Mr. 
Maverick's  Negro  woman  came  to  my  chamber  window,  and  in  her  own  Coun- 
trey  language  and  tune  sang  very  loud  and  shril,  going  out  to  her,  she  used  a 
great  deal  of  respect  towards  me,  and  willingly  would  have  expressed  her  grief 
in  English;  but  I  apprehended  it  by  her  countenance  and  deportment,  where 
upon  I  repaired  to  my  host,  to  learn  of  him  the  cause,  and  resolved  to  entreat 
him  in  her  behalf,  for  that  I  understood  before,  that  she  had  been  a  Queen  in 
her  own  Countrey,  and  observed  a  very  humble  and  dutiful  garb  used  towards 
her  by  another  Negro  who  was  her  maid.  Mr.  Maverick  was  desirous  to  have 
a  breed  of  Negroes,  and  therefore  seeing  she  would  not  yield  by  persuasions 

1  Winthrop's  Journal,  Feb.  26,  1638,  vol.  i.  p.  254 ;  see,  also,  Felt,  vol.  ii.  p.  230. 

2  Dr.  Moore  backs  his   statement  as  to  the  time  The  Desire  was  built  by  quoting  from 
Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  193.     But  there  is  a  mistake  somewhere  as  to  the  correct  date.     Winthrop 
says  she  was  built  in  1636 ;  but  I  find  in  Mr.  Drake's  "  Founders  of  New  England,"  pp.  31,  32,  this 
entry:  "  More  (June)  XXth,  1635.     In  the  Desire  de  Lond.  Pearce,  and  bond  for  New  Eng.  p'r 
cert.   fr5  ij  Justices   of   Peace  and  ministers  of  All  Saints  lionian  in   Northampton."      If  she 
sailed  in  1635,  she  must  have  been  built  earlier. 

3  Dr.  George  H.  Moore  says  Josselyn's  Voyages  were  printed  in   1664.     This  is  an  error. 
They  were  not  published  until  ten  years  later,  in  1674.     In  1833  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society  printed  the  work  in  the  third  volume  and  third  series  of  their  collection. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  175 

to  company  with  a  Negro  young  man  he  had  in  his  house ;  he  commanded  him 
will'd  she  nill'd  she  to  go  to  bed  to  her,  which  was  no  sooner  done  but  she 
kickt  him  out  again,  this  she  took  in  high  disdain  beyond  her  slavery,  and  this 
was  the  cause  of  her  grief."  * 

It  would  appear,  at  first  blush,  that  slavery  was  an  individual 
speculation  in  the  colony ;  but  the  voyage  of  the  ship  "  Desire  " 
was  evidently  made  with  a  view  of  securing  Negro  slaves  for  sale. 
Josselyn  says,  in  1627,  that  the  English  colony  on  the  Island  of 
Barbados  had  "  in  a  short  time  increased  to  twenty  thousand, 
besides  Negroes."  2  And  in  1637  ne  savs  tnat  tne  New  Eng- 
landers  "sent  the  male  children  of  Pequets  to  the  Bermudus."3 
It  is  quite  likely  that  many  individuals  of  large  means  and  estates 
had  a  few  Negro  slaves  quite  early,  —  perhaps  earlier  than  we 
have  any  record ;  but  as  a  public  enterprise  in  which  the  colony 
was  interested,  slavery  began  as  early  as  1638.  "It  will  be 
observed,"  says  Dr.  Moore,  "that  this  first  entrance  into  the 
slave-trade  was  not  a  private,  individual  speculation.  It  was  the 
enterprise  of  the  authorities  of  the  colony.  And  on  the  I3th  of 
March,  1639,  ^  was  ordered  by  the  General  Court  "that  3/  8s 
should  be  paid  Lieftenant  Davenport  for  the  present,  for  charge 
disbursed  for  the  slaves,  which,  when  they  have  earned  it,  hee  is 
to  repay  it  back  againe."  The  marginal  note  is  "  Lieft.  Davenport 
to  keep  ye  slaves."  (Mass.  Rec.  i.  253.4)  So  there  can  be  no 
doubt  as  to  the  permanent  establishment  of  the  institution  of 
slavery  as  early  as  1639,  while  before  that  date  the  institution 
existed  in  a  patriarchal  condition.  But  there  isn't  the  least  frag 
ment  of  history  to  sustain  the  haphazard  statement  of  Emory 
Washburn,  that  slavery  existed  in  Massachusetts  "from  the  time 
Maverick  was  found  dwelling  on  Noddle's  Island  in  1630."  5  We 
are  sure  this  assertion  lacks  the  authority  of  historical  data.  It 
is  one  thing  for  a  historian  to  think  certain  events  happened  at  a 
particular  time,  but  it  is  quite  another  thing  to  be  able  to  cite 
reliable  authority  in  proof  of  the  assertion.6  But  no  doubt  Mr. 
Washburn  relies  upon  Mr.  Palfrey,  who  refers  his  reader  to  Mr. 

1  Josselyn,  p.  28.  2  Ibid.,  p.  250.  3  Ibid.,  p.  258.          4  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  9. 

5  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.  4th  Series,  p.  333,  sq. 

6  Mr.  Bancroft  (Centenary  Edition,  vol.  i.  p.  137)  says,  "The  earliest  importation  of  Negro 
slaves  into  New  England  was  made  in  1637,  from  Providence  Isle,  in  the  Salem  ship  Desire." 
But  Winthrop  (vol.  i.  p.  254,  under  date  of  the  26th  of  February,  1638)  says,  "  The  Desire  re 
turned  from  the  West  Indies  after  seven  months."     He  also  states  (ibid.,  p.  193)  that  The  Desire 
was  "built  at  Marblehead  in  1636."    But  this  may  or  may  not  be  true  according  to  the  old  method 
of  keeping  time. 


176      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Josselyn.  Palfrey  says,  "Before  Winthrop's  arrival,  there  were 
two  negro  slaves  in  Massachusetts,  held  by  Mr.  Maverick,  on 
Noddle's  Island."  x  Josselyn  gives  the  only  account  we  have  of 
the  slaves  on  Noddle's  Island.  The  incident  that  gave  rise  to 
this  scrap  of  history  occurred  on  the  2d  of  October,  1639.  Win- 
•throp  was  chosen  governor  in  the  year  1637. 2  It  was  in  this  year, 
on  the  26th  of  February,  that  the  slave-ship  "  Desire  "  landed  a 
cargo  of  Negroes  in  the  colony.  Now,  if  Mr.  Palfrey  relies  upon 
Josselyn  for  the  historical  trustworthiness  of  his  statement  that 
there  were  two  Negroes  in  Massachusetts  before  Winthrop 
arrived,  he  has  made  a  mistake.  There  is  no  proof  for  the 
assertion.  That  there  were  three  Negroes  on  Noddle's  Island,  we 
have  the  authority  of  Josselyn,  but  nothing  more.  And  if  the 
Negro  queen  who  kicked  Josselyn's  man  out  of  bed  had  been  as 
long  in  the  island  as  Palfrey  and  Washburn  indicate,  she  would 
have  been  able  to  explain  her  grief  to  Josselyn  in  English.  We 
have  no  doubt  but  what  Mr.  Maverick  got  his  slaves  from  the  ship 
" Desire"  in  1638,  the  same  year  Winthrop  was  inaugurated 
governor. 

In  Massachusetts,  as  in  the  other  colonies,  slavery  made  its 
way  into  individual  families  first ;  thence  into  communities,  where 
it  was  clothed  with  the  garment  of  usage  and  custom  ;3  and,  finally, 
men  longing  to  enjoy  the  fruit  of  unrequited  labor  gave  it  the 
sanction  of  statutory  law.  There  was  not  so  great  a  demand  for 
slaves  in  Massachusetts  as  in  the  Southern  States ;  and  yet  they 
had  their  uses  in  a  domestic  way,  and  were,  consequently,  sought 
after.  As  early  as  1641  Massachusetts  adopted  a  body  of  funda 
mental  laws.  The  magistrates,*  armed  with  authority  from  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain,  had  long  exercised  a  power  which  well- 
nigh  trenched  upon  the  personal  rights  of  the  people.  The  latter 
desired  a  revision  of  the  laws,  and  such  modifications  of  the 
power  and  discretion  of  the  magistrates  as  would  be  in  sympathy 
with  the  spirit  of  personal  liberty  that  pervaded  the  minds  of  the 
colonists.  But  while  the  people  sought  to  wrest  an  arbitrary 
power  from  the  unwilling  hands  of  their  judges,  they  found  no 
pity  in  their  hearts  for  the  poor  Negroes  in  their  midst,  who, 
having  served  as  slaves  because  of  their  numerical  weakness  and 
the  passive  silence  of  justice,  were  now  to  become  the  legal 


1  Palfrey's  Hist,  of  N.  E.,  vol.  ii.  p.  30,  note.  2  Josselyn,  p.  257. 

3  Elliott's  New-England  Hist.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  57,  58.  *  Hildreth,  vol.  i.  p.  270,  sg. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  177 

and  statutory  vassals — for  their  life-time  —  of  a  liberty-loving  and 
liberty-seeking  people!  In  the  famous  "Body  of  Liberties"  is 
to  be  found  the  first  statute  establishing  slavery  in  the  United 
States.  It  is  as  follows  :  — 

"It  is  ordered  by  this  court,  and  the  authority  thereof ;  that  there  shall 
never  be  any  bond  slavery,  villainage  or  captivity  amongst  us,  unless  it  be  lawful 
captives  taken  in  just  wars,  as  willingly  sell  themselves  or  are  sold  to  us,  and 
such  shall  have  the  liberties  and  Christian  usage  which  the  law  of  God  estab 
lished  in  Israel  concerning  such  persons  doth  morally  require  ;  provided  this 
exempts  none  from  servitude,  who  shall  be  judged  thereto  by  authority."  I 

We  have  omitted  the  old  spelling,  but  none  of  the  words,  as 
they  appeared  in  the  original  manuscript.  There  isn't  the  shadow 
of  a  doubt  but  what  this  law  has  been  preserved  inviolate.2 

There  has  been  considerable  discussion  about  the  real  bearing 
of  this  statute.  Many  zealous  historians,  in  discussing  it,  have 
betrayed  more  zeal  for  the  good  name  of  the  Commonwealth  than 
for  the  truth  of  history.  Able  lawyers  —  and  some  of  them  still 
survive  —  have  maintained,  with  a  greater  show  of  learning  than  of 
facts,  that  this  statute  abolished  slavery  in  Massachusetts.  But, 
on  the  other  hand,  there  are  countless  lawyers  who  pronounce  it 
a  plain  and  unmistakable  law,  "  creating  and  establishing  slavery." 
An  examination  of  the  statute  will  help  the  reader  to  a  clear 
understanding  of  it.  To  begin  with,  this  law  received  its  being 
from  the  existent  fact  of  slavery  in  the  colony.  From  the  prac 
tice  of  a  few  holding  Negroes  as  slaves,  it  became  general  and 
prodigious.  Its  presence  in  society  called  for  lawful  regulations 
concerning  it.  While  it  is  solemnly  declared  "  that  there  shall 
never  be  any  bond  slavery,  villianage,  or  captivity  "  in  the  colony, 
there  were  three  provisos;  viz.,  "lawful  captives  taken  in  just 
wares,"  those  who  would  "  sell  themselves  or  are  sold  to  us,"  and 
such  as  "shall  be  judged  thereto  by  authority."  Under  the  fore 
going  conditions  slavery  was  plainly  established  in  Massachusetts. 
The  "just  wares"  were  the  wars  against  the  Pequod  Indians. 
That  these  were  made  prisoners  and  slaves,  we  have  the  universal 
testimony  of  all  writers  on  the  history  of  Massachusetts.  Just 
what  class  of  people  would  "  sell  themselves  "  into  slavery  we  are 
at  a  loss  to  know  !  We  can,  however,  understand  the  meaning  of 
the  words,  "or  are  sold  to  us."  This  was  an  open  door  for  the 
traffic  in  human  beings  ;  for  it  made  it  lawful  for  to  sell  slaves  to 

1  Ancient  Charters  and  Laws  of  Mass.,  pp.  52,  23.  2  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  13,  note. 


178      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  colonists,  and  lawful  for  the  latter  to  purchase  them.  Those 
who  were  "judged  thereto  by  authority "  were  those  in  slavery 
already  and  such  as  should  come  into  the  colony  by  shipping. 

This  statute  is  wide  enough  to  drive  a  load  of  hay  through. 
It  is  not  the  work  of  a  novice,  but  the  labored  and  skilful  product 
of  great  law  learning. 

"  The  law  must  be  interpreted  in  the  light  of  contemporaneous  facts  of 
history.  At  the  time  it  was  made  (1641),  what  had  its  authors  to  provide  for  ? 

"  i.  Indian  slaves  —  their  captives  taken  in  war. 

"  2.  Negro  slaves  —  their  own  importations  of  '  strangers,'  obtained  by 
purchase  or  exchange. 

"  3.  Criminals  —  condemned  to  slavery  as  a  punishment  for  offences. 

"  In  this  light,  and  only  in  this  light,  is  their  legislation  intelligible  and 
consistent.  It  is  very  true  that  the  code  of  which  this  law  is  a  part  '  exhibits 
throughout  the  hand  of  the  practised  lawyer,  familiar  with  the  principles  and 
securities  of  English  Liberty;'  but  who  had  ever  heard,  at  that  time,  of  the 
'common-law  rights'  of  Indians  and  Negroes,  or  anybody  else  but  English 
men? 

"  Thus  stood  the  statute  through  the  whole  colonial  period,  and  it  was 
never  expressly  repealed.  Based  on  the  Mosaic  code,  it  is  an  absolute  recog 
nition  of  slavery  as  a  legitimate  status,  and  of  the  right  of  one  man  to  sell 
himself  as  well  as  that  of  another  man  to  buy  him.  It  sanctions  the  slave- 
trade,  and  the  perpetual  bondage  of  Indians  and  Negroes,  their  children  and 
their  children's  children,  and  entitles  Massachusetts  to  precedence  over  any 
and  all  the  other  colonies  in  similar  legislation.  It  anticipates  by  many  years 
any  thing  of  the  sort  to  be  found  in  the  statutes  of  Virginia,  or  Maryland,  or 
South  Carolina,  and  nothing  like  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  contemporary  codes 
of  her  sister  colonies  in  New  England."  l 

The  subject  had  been  carefully  weighed  ;  and,  lacking  authority 
for  legalizing  a  crime  against  man,  the  Mosaic  code  was  cited, 
and  in  accordance  with  its  humane  provisions,  slaves  were  to  be 
treated.  But  it  was  authority  for  slavery  that  the  cunning  lawyer 
who  drew  the  statute  was  seeking,  and  not  precedents  to  deter 
mine  the  kind  of  treatment  to  be  bestowed  upon  the  slave. 
Under  it  "  human  slavery  existed  for  nearly  a  century  and  a  half 
without  serious  challenge ; "  2  and  here,  as  well  as  in  Virginia,  it. 
received  the  sanction  of  the  Church  and  courts.  It  grew  with  its 
growth,  and  strengthened  with  its  strength  ;  until,  as  an  organic 
institution,  it  had  many  defenders  and  few  apologists.3 

"  This  article  gives  express  sanction  to  the  slave-trade,  and  the  practice 
of  holding  Negroes  and  Indians  in  perpetual  bondage,  anticipating  by  many 

1  Slavery  in  Mass.,  pp.  18,  19.        2  Ibid.,  p.  12.        3  Elliott's  New-England  Hist.,  vol.  i.  p.  383. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  179 

years  any  thing  of  the  sort  to  be  found  in  the  statutes  of  Virginia  or  Mary 
land."  i 

And  it  is  rather  strange,  in  the  light  of  this  plain  statute 
establishing  and  legalizing  the  purchase  of  slaves,  that  Mr.  Wash- 
burn's  statement,  unsustained,  should  receive  the  public  indorse 
ment  of  so  learned  a  body  as  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society ! 

"  But,  after  all  [says  Mr.  Wash  burn],  the  laws  on  this  subject,  as  well  as 
the  practice  of  the  government,  were  inconsistent  and  anomalous,  indicating 
clearly,  that  whether  Colony  or  Province,  so  far  as  it  felt  free  to  follow  its  own 
inclinations,  uncontrolled  by  the  action  of  the  mother  country,  Massachusetts 
was  hostile  to  slavery  as  an  institution  !  "  2 

No  doubt  Massachusetts  was  "inconsistent  "  in  seeking  liberty 
for  her  white  citizens  while  forging  legal  chains  for  the  Negro. 
And  how  far  the  colony  "felt  free  to  follow  its  own  inclinations" 
Chief-Justice  Parsons  declares  from  the  bench.  Says  that  emi 
nent  jurist,  — 

"  Slavery  was  introduced  into  this  country  [Massachusetts]  soon  after  its 
first  settlement,  and  was  tolerated  until  the  ratification  of  the  present  Consti 
tution —  of  1 780."  3 

So  here  we  find  an  eminent  authority  declaring  that  slavery 
followed  hard  upon  the  heels  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  "and  was 
tolerated"  until  1780.  Massachusetts  "felt  free"  to  tear  from 
the  iron  grasp  of  the  imperious  magistrates  the  liberties  of  the 
people,  but  doubtless  felt  not  "  free "  enough  to  blot  out  "  the 
crime  and  folly  of  an  evil  time."  And  yet  for  years  lawyers  and 
clergymen,  orators  and  statesmen,  historians  and  critics,  have 
stubbornly  maintained,  that,  while  slavery  did  creep  into  the 
colony,  and  did  exist,  it  was  "  not  probably  by  force  of  any  law, 
for  none  such  is  found  or  known  to  exist."  (?)  4 

Slavery  having  been  firmly  established  in  Massachusetts,  the 
next  step  was  to  make  it  hereditary.  This  was  done  under  the 
sanction  of  the  highest  and  most  solemn  forms  of  the  courts  of 
law.  It  is  not  our  purpose  to  give  this  subject  the  attention  it 
merits,  in  this  place ;  but  in  a  subsequent  chapter  it  will  receive 
due  attention.  We  will,  however,  say  in  passing,  that  it  was  the 
opinion  of  many  lawyers  in  the  last  century,  some  of  whom  served 
upon  the  bench  in  Massachusetts,  that  children  followed  the 

1  Hildreth,  vol.  i.  p.  278.  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.  4th  Series,  p.  334. 

3  Quoted  by  Dr.  Moore,  p.  20.  4  Commonwealth  vs.  Aves,  18  Pickering,  p.  208. 


l8o      HISTORY  "OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

condition  of  their  mothers.  Chief-Justice  Parsons  held  that  "the 
issue  of  the  female  slave,  according  to  the  maxim  of  the  civil 
law,  was  the  property  of  her  master."  And,  subsequently,  Chief- 
Justice  Parker  rendered  the  following  opinion  :  — 

"  The  practice  was  ...  to  consider  such  issue  as  slaves,  and  the  property 
of  the  master  of  the  parents,  liable  to  be  sold  and  transferred  like  other 
chattels,  and  as  assets  in  the  hands  of  executors  and  administrators.  .  .  .  We 
think  there  is  no  doubt  that,  at  any  period  of  our  history,  the  issue  of  a  slave 
husband  and  a  free  wife  would  have  been  declared  free.  His  children,  if  the 
issue  of  a  marriage  with  a  slave,  would,  immediately  on  their  birth,  become  the 
property  of  his  master,  or  of  the  master  of  the  female  slave."  l 

This  decision  is  strengthened  by  the  statement  of  Kendall  in 
reference  to  the  wide-spread  desire  of  Negro  slaves  to  secure  free 
Indian  wives,  in  order  to  insure  the  freedom  of  their  children. 
He  says,  — 

"  While  slavery  was  supposed  to  be  maintainable  by  law  in  Massachusetts, 
there  was  a  particular  temptation  to  Negroes  for  taking  Indian  wives,  the  chil- 
'dren  of  Indian  women  being  acknowledged  to  be  free. "2 

We  refer  the  reader,  with  perfect  confidence,  to  our  friend  Dr. 
George  H.  Moore,  who,  in  his  treatment  of  this  particular  feature 
of  slavery  in  Massachusetts,  has,  with  great  research,  put  down  a 
number  of  zealous  friends  of  the  colony  who  have  denied,  with 
great  emphasis,  that  any  child  was  ever  born  into  slavery  there. 
Neither  the  opinion  of  Chief-Justice  Dana,  nor  the  naked  and 
barren  assertions  of  historians  Palfrey,  Sumner,  and  Washburn,  — 
great  though  the  men  were,  —  can  dispose  of  the  historical  reality 
of  hereditary  slavery  in  Massachusetts,  down  to  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution  of  1780. 

The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  issued  an  order  in  1645  3 
for  the  return  of  certain  kidnapped  or  stolen  Negroes  to  their 
native  country.  It  has  been  variously  commented  upon  by  his 
torians  and  orators.  The  story  runs,  that  a  number  of  ships, 
plying  between  New-England  seaport  towns  and  Madeira  and  the 
Canaries,  made  it  their  custom  to  call  on  the  coast  of  Guinea  "to 
trade  for  negroes."  Thus  secured,  they  were  disposed  of  in  the 

1  Andover  vs.   Canton,  Mass.  Reports,  551,  552,  quoted  by  Dr.  Moore. 

2  Kendall's  Travels,  vol.  ii.  p.  179. 

3  The  following  note,  if  it  refers  to  the  kidnapped  Negroes,  gives  an  earlier  date,  —  "  2Qth  May, 
1644.     Mr.  Blackleach  his  petition  about  the  Mores  was  consented  to,  to  be  committed  to  the 
•eldrs,   to  enforme  us   of   the  mind  of    God  herein,  &   then   further   to  consider  it  "  —  -Mass. 
Records,  vol.  ii.  p.  67. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  l8l 

slave-markets  of  Barbadoes  and  the  West  Indies.  The  New- 
England  slave-market  did  not  demand  a  large  supply.  Situated 
on  a  cold,  bleak,  and  almost  sterile  coast,  Massachusetts  lacked 
the  conditions  to  make  slave-trading  as  lucrative  as  the  Southern 
States ;  but,  nevertheless,  she  disposed  of  quite  a  number,  as  the 
reader  will  observe  when  we  examine  the  first  census.  A  ship 
from  the  town  of  Boston  consorted  with  "  some  Londoners  "  with 
the  object  of  gaining  slaves.  Mr.  Bancroft I  says  that  "  upon  the 
Lord's  day,  invited  the  natives  aboard  one  of  their  ships,"  and 
then  made  prisoners  of  such  as  came ;  which  is  not  mentioned  by 
Hildreth.2  The  latter  writer  says,  that  "on  pretence  of  some 
quarrel  with  the  natives,"  landed  a  small  cannon  called  a  "  mur 
derer,"  attacked  the  village  on  Sunday ;  and  having  burned  the 
village,  and  killed  many,  made  a  few  prisoners.  Several  of  these 
prisoners  fell  to  the  Boston  ship.  On  account  of  a  disagreement 
between  the  captain  and  under  officers  of  the  ship,  as  well  as 
the  owners,  the  story  of  the  above  affair  was  detailed  before  a 
Boston  court.  Richard  Saltonstall  was  one  of  the  magistrates 
before  whom  the  case  was  tried.  He  was  moved  by  the  recital 
of  the  cruel  wrong  done  the  Africans,  and  therefore  presented 
a  petition  to  the  court,  charging  the  captain  and  mate  with  the 
threefold  crime  of  "murder,"  "man-stealing,"  and  "sabbath- 
breaking."  3 

1  Bancroft,  Centennial  edition,  vol.  i.  p.  137.  2  Hildreth,  vol.  i.  p.  282. 

3  The  petition  is  rather  a  remarkable  paper,  and  is  printed  below.  It  is  evident  that  the 
judge  was  in  earnest.  And  yet  the  court,  while  admitting  the  petition,  tried  the  case  on  only  one 
•ground,  man-stealing. 

To  the  honored  general  court. 

The  oath  I  took  this  yeare  att  my  enterance  upon  the  place  of  assistante  was  to  this  effect :  That  I 
would  truly  endeavour  the  advancement  of  the  gospell  and  the  good  of  the  people  of  this  plantation  (to  the 
best  of  my  skill)  dispencing  justice  equally  and  impartially  (according  to  the  laws  of  God  and  this  land)  in 
all  cases  wherein  I  act  by  virtue  of  my  place.  I  conceive  myself  called  by  virtue  of  my  place  to  act 
(according  to  this  oath)  in  the  case  concerning  the  negers  taken  by  captain  Smith  and  Mr.  Keser;  wherein 
it  is  apparent  that  Mr.  Keser  gave  chace  to  certaine  negers;  and  upon  the  same  day  tooke  divers  of  them; 
and  at  another  time  killed  others;  and  burned  one  of  their  townes.  Omitting  several  misdemeanours,  which 
accompained  these  acts  above  mentioned,  I  conceive  the  acts  themselves  to  bee  directly  contrary  to  these 
following  laws  (all  of  which  are  capitall  by  the  word  of  God;  and  two  of  them  by  the  lawes  of  this  jurisdic 
tion). 

The  act  (or  acts)  of  murder  (whether  by  force  or  fraude)  are  expressly  contrary  both  to  the  law  of 
God,  and  the  law  of  this  country. 

The  act  of  stealing  negers,  or  taking  them  by  force  (Whether  it  be  considered  as  theft  or  robbery) 
is  (as  I  conceive)  expressly  contrary,  both  to  the  law  of  God,  and  the  law  of  this  country. 

The  act  of  chaceing  the  negers  (as  aforesayde}  upon  the  sabbath  day  (being'  a  servile  ivorke 
and  such  as  cannot  be  considered  under  any  other  heade)  is  expressly  capitall  by  the  law  of 
God. 

These  acts  and  outrages  being  committed  where  there  was  noe  civill  government,  which  might  call 
them  to  accompt,  and  the  persons,  by  whom  they  were  committed  beeing  of  our  jurisdiction,  I  conceive  this 
court  to  bee  the  ministers  of  God  in  this  case,  and  therefore  my  humble  request  is  that  the  severall  offenders 


1 82      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

It  seems  that  by  the  Fundamental  Laws,  adopted  by  the  people 
in  1641,  the  first  two  offences  were  punishable  by  death,  and  all  of 
them  "capitall,  by  the  law  of  God."  The  court  doubted  its  juris 
diction  over  crimes  committed  on  the  distant  coast  of  Guinea.  But 
article  ninety-one  of  "The  Body  of  Liberties"  determined  who 
were  lawful  slaves, — those  who  sold  themselves  or  were  sold, 
" lawful  captives  taken  in  just  wares,"  and  those  "  judged  thereto 
by  authority."  Had  the  unfortunate  Negroes  been  purchased, 
there  was  no  law  in  Massachusetts  to  free  them  from  their  owners  ; 
but  having  been  kidnapped,  unlawfully  obtained,  the  court  felt 
that  it  was  its  plain  duty  to  bear  witness  against  the  "  sin  of  man- 
stealing."  For,  in  the  laws  adopted  in  1641,  among  the  "Capital 
Laws,"  at  the  latter  part  of  article  ninety-four  is  the  following: 
"  If  any  man  stealeth  a  man,  or  mankind,  he  shall  surely  be  put 
to  death."  '  There  is  a  marginal  reference  to  Exod.  xxi.  16. 
Dr.  Moore  does  not  refer  to  this  in  his  elaborate  discussion  of 
statute  on  "bond  slavery."  And  Winthrop  says  that  the  magis 
trates  decided  that  the  Negroes,  "having  been  procured  not 
honestly  by  purchase,  but  by  the  unlawful  act  of  kidnaping," 
should  be  returned  to  their  native  country.  That  there  was  a 
criminal  code  in  the  colony,  there  can  be  no  doubt ;  but  we  have 
searched  for  it  in  vain.  Hildreth  2  says  it  was  printed  in  1649, 
but  that  there  is  now  no  copy  extant. 

The  court  issued  an  order  about  the  return  of  the  kidnapped 
Negroes,  which  we  will  give  in  full,  on  account  of  its  historical 
value,  and  because  of  the  difference  of  opinion  concerning  it. 

"  The  general  court  conceiving  themselves  bound  by  the  first  opportunity 
to  bear  witness  against  the  heinous,  and  crying  sin  of  man-stealing,  as  also  to 
prescribe  such  timely  redress  for  what  is  past,  and  such  a  law  for  the  future,  as. 
may  sufficiently  deter  all  others  belonging  to  us  to  have  to  do  in  such  vile  and 
odious  courses,  justly  abhorred  of  all  good  and  just  men,  do  order  that  the 
negro  interpreter  with  others  unlawfully  taken,  be  by  the  first  opportunity  at 
the  charge  of  the  country  for  the  present,  sent  to  his  native  country  (Guinea) 
and  a  letter  with  him  of  the  indignation  of  the  court  thereabouts,  and  justice 
thereof,  desiring  our  honored  governor  would  please  put  this  order  in  exe 
cution.'^ 

may  be  imprisoned  by  the  order  of  this  court,  and  brought  into  their  deserved  censure  in  convenient  time; 
and  this  I  humbly  crave  that  soe  the  sinn  they  have  committed  may  be  upon  their  own  heads,  and  not  upon 
ourselves  (as  otherwise  it  will.)  Vrs  in  ^  christean  observance, 

RICHARD  SALTONSTALL. 

The  house  of  deputs  thinke  meete  that  this  petition  shall  be  granted,  and  desire  our  honnored  magis- 
trats  concurrance  herein.  EDWARD  RAWSON. 

—  COFFIN'S  Newbury,  pp.  335,  336. 
1  Laws  Camb.,  1675,  P-  I5-  2  Hildreth,  vol.  i.  p.  368.  3  Coffin,  p.  335. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  183 

This  "protest  against  man-stealing"  has  adorned  and  flavored 
many  an  oration  on  the  "  position  of  Massachusetts "  on  the 
slavery  question.  It  has  been  brought  out  "  to  point  a  moral 
and  adorn  a  tale "  by  the  proud  friends  of  the  Commonwealth ; 
but  the  law  quoted  above  against  "  man-stealing,"  the  language  of 
the  "protest,"  the  statute  on  "bond  servitude,"  and  the  practices 
of  the  colonists  for  many  years  afterwards,  prove  that  many  have 
gloried,  but  not  according  to  the  truth.1  When  it  came  to  the 
question  of  damages,  the  court  said  :  "  For  the  negars  (they  being 
none  of  his,  but  stolen)  we  thinke  meete  to  allow  nothing."  2 

So  the  decision  of  the  court  was  based  upon  law,  —  the  pro 
hibition  against  "man-stealing."  And  it  should  not  be  forgotten 
that  many  of  the  laws  of  the  colony  we're  modelled  after  the 
Mosaic  code.  It  is  referred  to,  apologetically,  in  the  statute  of 
1641  ;  and  no  careful  student  can  fail  to  read  between  the  lines 
the  desire  there  expressed  to  refer  to  the  Old  Testament  as 
authority  for  slavery.  Now,  slaves  were  purchased  by  Abraham, 
and  the  New-England  "doctors  of  the  law"  were  unwilling  to 
have  slaves  stolen  when  they  could  be  bought  3  so  easily.  Dr. 
Moore  says,  in  reference  to  the  decision,  — . 

"In  all  the  proceedings  of  the  General  Court  on  this  occasion,  there  is  not 
a  trace  of  anti-slavery  opinion  or  sentiment,  still  less  of  anti-slavery  legislation ; 
though  both  have  been  repeatedly  claimed  for  the  honor  of  the  colony."  4 

And  Dr.  Moore  is  not  alone  in  his  opinion ;  for  Mr.  Hildreth 
says  this  case  "in  which  Saltonstall  was  concerned  has  been 
magnified  by  too  precipitate  an  admiration  into  a  protest  on  the 
part  of  Massachusetts  against  the  African  slave-trade.  So  far, 
however,  from  any  such  protest  being  made,  at  the  very  birth  of 
the  foreign  commerce  of  New  England  the  African  slave-trade 
became  a  regular  business."  5  There  is  now,  therefore,  no  room 
to  doubt  but  what  the  decision  was  rendered  on  a  technical  point 
•of  law,  and  not  inspired  by  an  anti-slavery  sentiment. 

As  an  institution,  slavery  had  at  first  a  stunted  growth  in 
Massachusetts,  and  did  not  increase  its  victims  to  any  great 
•extent  until  near  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century.  But 
when  it  did  begin  a  perceptible  growth,  it  made  rapid  and  prodi 
gious  strides.  In  1676  there  were  about  two  hundred  slaves  in 

1  Drake  (p.  288)  says,  "  This  act,  however,  was  afterwards  repealed  or  disregarded." 

2  Mass.  Records,  vol.  ii.  p.  129.  3  Moore,  Appendix,  251,  sq. 
4  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  30.  5  Hildreth,  vol.  i.  p.  282. 


1 84      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  colony,  and  they  were  chiefly  from  Guinea  and  Madagascar. p 
In  1680  Gov.  Bradstreet,  in  compliance  with  a  request  made  by 
the  home  government,  said  that  the  slave-trade  was  not  carried 
on  to  any  great  extent.  They  were  introduced  in  small  lots,  and 
brought  from  ten  to  forty  pounds  apiece.  He  thought  the  entire 
number  in  the  colony  would  not  reach  more  than  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five.  Few  were  born  in  the  colony,  and  none  had  been 
baptized  up  to  that  time.2  The  year  1700  witnessed  an  unprece 
dented  growth  in  the  slave-trade.  From  the  24th  of  January, 
1698,  to  the  25th  of  December,  1707,3  two  hundred  Negroes  were 
imported  into  the  colony,  —  quite  as  many  as  in  the  previous  sixty 
years.  In  1708  Gov.  Dudley's  report  to  the  board  of  trade  fixed 
the  number  of  Negroes  at  five  hundred  and  fifty,  and  suggested 
that  they  were  not  so  desirable  as  white  servants,  who  could  be 
used  in  the  army,  and  in  time  of  peace  turn  their  attention  to 
planting.  The  prohibition  against  the  Negro  politically  and  in  a 
military  sense,  in  that  section  of  the  country,  made  him  almost 
valueless  to  the  colonial  government  struggling  for  deliverance 
from  the  cruel  laws  of  the  mother  country.  The  white  ser 
vant  could  join  the  "  minute-men,"  plough  with  his  gun  on  his 
back,  go  to  the  church,  and,  having  received  the  blessing  of  the 
parish  minister,  could  hasten  to  battle  with  the  proud  and  almost 
boastful  feelings  of  a  Christian  freeman  !  But  the  Negro,  bond 
and  free,  was  excluded  from  all  these  sacred  privileges.  Wronged, 
robbed  of  his  freedom,  —  the  heritage  of  all  human  kind,  —  he 
was  suspicioned  and  contemned  for  desiring  that  great  boon. 
On  the  1 7th  of  February,  1720,  Gov.  Shute  placed  the  number  of 
slaves  —  including  a  few  Indians  —  in  Massachusetts  at  two  thou 
sand.  During  the  same  year  thirty-seven  males  and  sixteen 
females  were  imported  into  the  colony.4  We  are  unable  to  dis 
cover  whether  these  were  counted  in  the  enumeration  furnished 
by  Gov.  Shute  or  not.  We  are  inclined  to  think  they  were  in 
cluded.  In  1735  there  were  two  thousand  six  hundred  5  bond  and 
free  in  the  colony  ;  and  within  the  next  seventeen  years  the.  Negro 
population  of  Boston  alone  reached  i,54i.6 


1  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  49.     See,  also,  Drake's  Boston,  p.  441,  note. 

2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  viii.  3d  Series,  p.  337.  3  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  50. 

*  Coll.  Amer.  Stat.  Asso.,  vol.  i.  p.  586.          5  Douglass's  British  Settlements,  vol.  i.  p.  531. 

6  Drake,  p.  714.  I  cannot  understand  how  Dr.  Moore  gets  1,514  slaves  in  Boston  in  1742, 
except  from  Douglass.  His  "  1742  "  should  read  1752,  and  his  "  1,514  "  slaves  should  read  1,541 
slaves. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  185 

In  1754  the  colonial  government  found  it  necessary  to  estab 
lish  a  system  of  taxation.  Gov.  Shirley  was  required  to  inform 
the  House  of  Representatives  as  to  the  different  kinds  of  taxable 
property.  And  from  a  clause  in  his  message,  Nov.  19,  1754,  on 
the  one  hundred  and  nineteenth  page  of  the  Journal,  we  infer  two 
things ;  viz.,  that  slaves  were  chattels  or  real  estate,  and,  therefore, 
taxable.  The  governor  says,  "There  is  one  part  of  the  Estate, 
viz.,  the  Negro  slaves,  which  I  am  at  a  loss  how  to  come  at  the 
knowledge  of,  without  your  assistance."  In  accordance  with 
the  request  for  assistance  on  this  matter,  the  Legislature  instructed 
the  assessors  of  each  town  and  district  within  the  colony  to  secure 
a  correct  list  of  all  Negro  slaves,  male  and  female,  from  sixteen 
years  old  and  upwards,  to  be  deposited  in  the  office  of  the  secre 
tary  of  state.1  The  result  of  this  enumeration  was  rather  sur 
prising  ;  as  it  fixed  the  Negro  population  at  4,489,  —  quite  an 
increase  over  the  last  enumeration.  Again,  in  1764-65,  another 
census  of  the  Negroes  was  taken  ;  and  they  were  found  to  be 

5,779- 

Here,  as  in  Virginia,  an  impost  tax  was  imposed  upon  all 
Negro  slaves  imported  into  the  colony.  We  will  quote  section  3 
of  the  Act  of  October,  1705,  requiring  duty  upon  imported  Negroes ; 
because  many  are  disposed  to  discredit  some  historical  statements 
about  slavery  in  Massachusetts. 


"SECT.  3.  An'd  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that 
from  and  after  the  first  day  of  May,  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  six,  every  master  of  ship  or  vessel,  merchant  or  other  person,  importing  or 
bringing  into  this  province  any  negroe  or  negroes,  male  or  female,  of  what  age 
soever,  shall  enter  their  number,  names  and  sex  in  the  impost  office ;  and  the 
master  shall  insert  the  same  in  the  manifest  of  his  lading,  and  shall  pay  to  the 
commissioner  and  receiver  of  the  impost,  four  pounds  per  head  for  every  such 
negro,  male  or  female ;  and  as  we.ll  the  master,  as  the  ship  or  vessel  wherein 
they  are  brought,  shall  be  security  for  payment  of  the  said  duty ;  and  both  or 
either  of  them  shall  stand  charged  in  the  law  therefor  to  the  commissioner, 
who  may  deny  to  grant  a  clearing  for  such  ship  or  vessel,  until  payment  be 
made,  or  may  recover  the  same  of  the  master,  at  the  commissioner's  election, 

"There  is  a  curious  illustration  of  'the  way  of  putting  it'  in  Massachusetts,  in  Mr. 
Felt's  account  of  this  '  census  of  slaves,'  in  the  Collections  of  the  American  Statistical  Asso 
ciation,  vol.  i.  p.  208.  He  says  that  the  General  Court  passed  this  order  'for  the  purpose  of 
having  an  accurate  account  of  slaves  in  our  Commonwealth,  as  a  subject  in  which  the  people  tvere 
becoming  much  interested,  relative  to  the  caiise  of  liberty!  "  There  is  not  a  particle  of  authority 
for  this  suggestion  —  such  a  motive  for  their  action  never  existed  anywhere  but  in  the  imagination 
of  the  writer  himself  !  "  —  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  51,  note. 


1 86     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

'by  action  of  debt,  bill,  plaint  or  information  in  any  of  her  majesty's  courts  of 
record  within  this  province."  J 

A  fine  of  eight  pounds  was  imposed  upon  any  person  refusing 
<or  neglecting  to  make  a  proper  entry  of  each  slave  imported,  in 
the  "Impost  Office."  If  a  Negro  died  within  six  weeks  after  his 
.arrival,  a  drawback  was  allowed.  If  any  slave  was  sold  again  into 
.another  Province  or  plantation  within  a  year  after  his  arrival, 
.a  drawback  was  allowed  to  the  person  who  paid  the  impost  duty. 
A  subsequent  and  more  stringent  law  shows  that  there  was  no 

•  desire  to  abate  the  traffic.       In  August,  1712,  a  law  was  passed 
^"  prohibiting  the  importation  or  bringing  into  the  province  any 
Indian  servants  or  slaves  ;  "2  but  it  was  only  intended  as  a  check 
upon  the  introduction  of  the  Tuscaroras  and  other  "  revengeful " 
Indians  from   South  Carolina.3     Desperate   Indians  and  insubor 
dinate  Negroes  were  the  occasion  of  grave  fears  on  the   part  of 
•the  colonists.  4     Many  Indians  had  been  cruelly  dealt  with  in  war ; 
in  peace,    enslaved   and  wronged   beyond   their   power   of  endu 
rance.      Their   stoical  nature   led   them   to   the  performance  of 
desperate  deeds.     There  is  kinship   in   suffering.     There   is   an 
unspoken  language  in  sorrow  that  binds  hearts  in  the  indissoluble 
fellowship  of  resolve.     Whatever  natural  and  national  differences 
existed  between  the  Indian  and  the  Negro  —  one  from  the  bleak 
.coasts  of   New  England,   the  other  from   the  tropical  coast   of 
Guinea  —  were  lost  in  the  commonality  of  degradation  and  interest. 
The  more  heroic  spirits  of  both  races  began  to  grow  restive  under 

•the  yoke.  The  colonists  were  not  slow  to  observe  this,  and  hence 
•>this  law  was  to  act  as  a  restraint  upon  and  against  "  their  rebel 
lion  and  hostilities."  And  the  reader  should  understand  that  it 
was  not  an  anti-slavery  measure.  It  was  not  "hostile  to  slavery" 
as  a  system :  it  was  but  the  precaution  of  a  guilty  and  ever- 

•  gnawing  public  conscience. 

Slavery  grew.  There  was  no  legal  obstacle  in  its  way.  It 
had  the  sanction  of  the  law,  as  we  have  already  shown,  and  what 
was  better  still,  the  sympathy  of  public  sentiment.  The  traffic 
in  slaves  appears  to  have  been  more  an  object  in  Boston  than  at 


1  Ancient  Charters  and  Laws  of  Mass.,  p.  748. 

2  Ibid. 

3  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  61. 

••*  Hildreth,  vol.  ii.  pp.  269,  270. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  187 

any  period  before  or  since.  For  a  time  dealers  had  no  hesitation 
in  advertising  them  for  sale  in  their  own  names.  At  length  a 
very  few  who  advertised  would  refer  purchasers  to  "  inquire  of 
the  printer,  and  know  further."  l  This  was  in  1727,  fifteen  years 
after  the  afore-mentioned  Act  became  a  law,  and  which  many 
apologists  would  interpret  as  a  specific  and  direct  prohibition 
against  slavery  ;  but  there  is  no  reason  for  such  a  perversion  of 
so  plain  an  Act. 

Slavery  in  Massachusetts,  as  elsewhere,  in  self-defence  had  to 
claim  as  one  of  its  necessary  and  fundamental  principles,  that  the 
slave  was  either  naturally  inferior  to  the  other  races,  or  that,  by 
some  fundamentally  inherent  law  in  the  institution  itself,  the 
master  was  justified  in  placing  the  lowest  possible  estimate  upon 
his  slave  property.  "  Property  "  implied  absolute  control  over 
the  thing  possessed.  It  carried  in  its  broad  meaning  the  awful 
fact,  not  alone  of  ownership,  but  of  the  supremacy  of  the  will  of 
the  owner.  Mr.  Addison  says,  — 

"  What  color  of  excuse  can  there  be  for  the  contempt  with  which  we  treat 
this  part  of  our  species,  that  we  should  not  put  them  upon  the  common  foot  of 
humanity,  that  we  should  only  set  an  insignificant  fine  ^^pon  the  man  who  mur 
ders  them ;  nay,  that  we  should,  as  much  as  in  us  lies,  cut  them  off  from  the 
prospect  of  happiness  in  another  world,  as  well  as  in  this,  and  deny  them  that 
which  we  look  upon  as  the  proper  means  for  obtaining  it  ?  "  2 

None  whatever!  And  yet  the  Puritans  put  the  Negro  slaves  in 
their  colony  on  a  level  with  "  horses  and  hogs."  Let  the  intelli 
gent  American  of  to-day  read  the  following  remarkable  note  from 
Judge  Sewall's  diary,  and  then  confess  that  facts  are  stranger 
than  fiction. 


"1716.  I  essayed  June  22,  to  prevent  Indians  and  Negroes  being  rated 
with  Horses  and  Hogs  ;  but  could  not  prevail.  Col.  Thaxter  bro't  it  back,  and 
gave  as  a  reason  of  yr  Nonagreement,  They  were  just  going  to  make  a  new 
valuation."  3 


It  had  been  sent  to  the  deputies,  and  was  by  them  rejected, 
and  then  returned  to  the  judge  by  Col.  Thaxter.  The  House  was 
"just  going  to  make  a  New  Valuation "  of  the  property  in  the 


Drake's  Boston,  p.  574.  2  Spectator,  No.  215,  Nov.  6,  1711, 

3  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  64. 


1 88      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

colony,  and  hence  did  not  care  to  exclude  slaves  from  the  list  of 
chattels,1  in  which  they  had  always  been  placed. 

"  In  1718,  all  Indian,  Negro,  and  Mulatto  servants  for  life  were  estimated 
as  other  Personal  Estate — viz.:  Each  male  servant  for  life  above  fourteen  years 
of  age,  at  fifteen  pounds  value ;  each  female  servant  for  life,  above  fourteen 
years  of  age,  at  ten  pounds  value.  The  assessor  might  make  abatement  for 
cause  of  age  or  infirmity.  Indian,  Negro,  and  Mulatto  Male  servants  for  a 
term  of  years  were  to  be  numbered  and  rated  as  other  Polls,  and  not  as  Per 
sonal  Estate.  In -i 726,  the  assessors  were  required  to  estimate  Indian,  Negro, 
and  Mulatto  servants  proportionably  as  other  Personal  Estate,  according  to 
their  sound  judgment  and  discretion.  In  1727,  the  rule  of  1718  was  restored, 
but  during  one  year  only,  for  in  1728  the  law  was  the  same  as  that  of  1726;. 
and  so  it  probably  remained,  including  all  such  servants,  as  well  for  term  of 
years  as  for  life,  in  the  ratable  estates.  We  have  seen  the  supply-bills  for 
I73^,  1738,  1739,  and  r74°>  in  which  this  feature  is  the  same. 

"And  thus  they  continued  to  be  rated  with  horses,  oxen,  cows,  goats, 
sheep,  and  swine,  until  after  the  commencement  of  the  War  of  the  Revo 
lution."  2 

On  the  22d  of  April,  1728,  the  following  notice  appeared  in 
a  Boston  newspaper  :  — 

"Two  very  likely  Negro  girls.  Enquire  two  doors  from  the  Brick  Meeting 
house  in  Middle-street.  At  which  place  is  to  be  sold  women's  stays,  children's 
good  callamanco  stiffened-boddy'd  coats,  and  childrens'  stays  of  all  sorts,  and 
women's  hoop-coats ;  all  at  very  reasonable  rates."  3 

So  the  "  likely  Negro  girls "  were  mixed  up  in  the  sale  of 
"women's  stays  "  and  "hoop-coats  "  !  It  was  bad  enough  to  "rate 
Negroes  with  Horses  and  Hogs,"  but  to  sell  them  with  second 
hand  clothing  was  an  incident  in  which  is  to  be  seen  the  low 
depth  to  which  slavery  had  carried  the  Negro  by  its  cruel  weight. 
A  human  being  could  be  sold  like  a  cast-off  garment,  and  pass 
without  a  bill  of  sale.4  The  announcement  that  a  "  likely  Negro 

1  "  In  the  inventory  of  the  estate  of  Samuel  Morgaridge,  who  died  in  1754,  I  find, 

'  Item,  three  negroes £*33>  6J.,  %d. 

Item,  flax £12,  2s.,  8.' 

"In  the  inventory  of  Henry  Rolfe's  estate,  taken  in  April,  1711,  I  find  the  following,  namel), 
'  Fifteen  sheep,  old  and  young     ........     .£3,  15-*. 

An  old  gun 2 

An  old  Negroe  man 10     o 


£13     7j.»» 
—  COFFIN,  p.  188. 

2  Slavery  in  Mass.,  pp.  64,  65.  3  Drake,  583,  note. 

4  Here  is  a  sample  of  the  sales  of  those  days  :  "  In  1716,  Rice  Edwards,  of  Newbury,  ship 
wright,  sells  to  Edmund  Greenleaf  '  my  whole  personal  estate  with  all  my  goods  and  chattels  as 
also  one  negro  man,  one  cow,  three  pigs  with  timber,  plank,  and  boards."  —  COFFIN,  p.  337. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  189 

woman  about  nineteen  years  and  a  child  about  six  months  of  age 
to  be  sold  together  or  apart "  I  did  not  shock  the  Christian  sensi 
bilities  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts.  A  babe  six  months  old 
could  be  torn  from  the  withered  and  famishing  bosom  of  the 
young  mother,  and  sold  with  other  articles  of  merchandise.  How 
bitter  and  how  cruel  was  such  a  separation,  mothers 2  only  can 
know ;  and  how  completely  lost  a  community  and  government  are 
that  regard  with  complacency  a  hardship  so  diabolical,  the  Chris 
tians  of  America  must  be  able  to  judge. 

The  Church  has  done  many  cruel  things  in  the  name  of  Chris 
tianity.  In  the  dark  ages  it  filled  the  minds  of  its  disciples  with 
fear,  and  their  bodies  with  the  pains  of  penance.  It  burned 
Michael  Servetus,  and  it  strangled  the  scientific  opinions  of 
Galileo.  And  in  stalwart  old  Massachusetts  it  thought  it  was 
doing  God's  service  in  denying  the  Negro  slave  the  right  of 
Christian  baptism." 

"The  famous  French  Code  Noir  of  1685  obliged  every  planter  to  have 
his  Negroes  baptized,  and  properly  instructed  in  the  doctrines  and  duties  of 
Christianity.  Nor  was  this  the  only  important  and  humane  provision  of  that 
celebrated  statute,  to  which  we  may  seek  in  vain  for  any  parallel  in  British 
Colonial  legislation."  3 

On  the  25th  of  October,  1727,  Matthias  Plant  4  wrote,  in  answer 
to  certain  questions  put  to  him  by  "the  secretary  of  the  Society 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel,"  as  follows  :  — 

"6.  Negro  slaves,  one  of  them  is  desirous  of  baptism,  but  denied  by  her 
master,  a  woman  of  wonderful  sense,  and  prudent  in  matters,  of  equal  knowl 
edge  in  Religion  with  most  of  her  sex,  far  exceeding  any  of  her  own  nation 
that  ever  yet  I  heard  of."  5 

It  was  nothing  to  her  master  that  she  was  "  desirous  of  bap 
tism,"  "of  wonderful  sense,"  "prudent  in  matters,"  and  "of  equal 
knowledge  in  religion  with  most  of  her  sex  !  "  She  was  a  Negro 
slave,  and  as  such  was  denied  the  blessings  of  the  Christian) 
Church. 


1  New-England  Weekly  Journal,  No.  267,  May  i,  1732. 

2  A  child  one  year  and  a  half  old  —  a  nursing  child  sold  from  the  bosom  of  its  mother !  — 
and  for  life  !  —  COFFIN,  p.  337. 

3  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  96.     Note. 

4  Eight  years  after  this,  on  the  22d  of  June,  1735,  Mr.  Plant  records  in  his  diary :  "  I  wrote 
Mr.  Salaion  of  Barbadoes  to  send  me  a  Negro."    (Coffin,  p.  338.)    It  doesn't  appear  that  the 
reverend  gentleman  was  opposed  to  slavery  ! 

5  Note  quoted  by  Dr.  Moore,  p.  58. 


190     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  The  system  of  personal  servitude  was  fast  disappearing  from  Western 
Europe,  where  the  idea  had  obtained  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  Christian 
duty  for  Christians  to  hold  Christians  as  slaves.  But  this  charity  did  not 
extend  to  heathen  and  infidels.  The  same  system  of  morality  which  held  the 
possessions  of  unbelievers  as  lawful  spoils  of  war,  delivered  over  their  persons 
also  to  the  condition  of  servitude.  Hence,  in  America,  the  slavery  of  the 
Indians,  and  presently  of  Negroes,  whom  experience  proved  to  be  much  more 
capable  of  enduring  the  hardships  of  that  condition."  r 

And  those  who  were  so  fortunate  as  to  secure  baptism  were 
not  freed  thereby.2  In  Massachusetts  no  Negro  ever  had  the 
courage  to  seek  his  freedom  through  this  door,  and,  therefore, 
there  was  no  necessity  for  legislation  there  to  define  the  question  ; 
but  in  the  Southern  colonies  the  law  declared  that  baptism  did 
not  secure  the  liberty  of  the  subject.  As  early  as  1631  a  law  was 
passed  admitting  no  man  to  the  rights  of  " freemen"  who  was 
not  a  member  of  some  church  within  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  colony.3  The  blessings  of  a  "freeman"  were  reserved  for 
church-members  only.  Negroes  were  not  admitted  to  the  church, 
and,  therefore,  were  denied  the  rights  of  a  freeman.4  Even  the 
mother  country  had  no  bowels  of  compassion  for  the  Negro.  In 
1677  the  English  courts  held  that  a  Negro  slave  was  property. 

"  That,  being  usually  bought  and  sold  among  merchants  as  merchandise, 
and  also  being  infidels,  there  might  be  a  property  in  them  sufficient  to  maintain 
trover."  s 

So  as  "infidels"  the  Negro  slaves  of  Massachusetts  were 
deprived  of  rights  and  duties  belonging  to  a  member  of  the 
Church  and  State. 

"  Zealous  for  religion  as  the  colonists  were,  very  little  effort  was  made  to 
convert  the  Negroes,  owing  partly,  at  least,  to  a  prevalent  opinion  that  neither 
Christian  brotherhood  nor  the  law  of  England  would  justify  the  holding  Chris- 

1  Hildreth,  vol.  i.  p.  44. 

2  "For  they  tell  the  Negroes,  that  they  must  believe  in  Christ,  and  receive  the  Christian 
faith,  and  that  they  must  receive  the  sacrament,  and  be  baptized,  and  so  they  do ;  but  still  they 
keep  them  slaves  for  all  this."  —  MACY'S  Hist,  of  Nantucket,  pp.  280,  281. 

3  Ancient  Charters  and  Laws  of  Mass.,  p.  117. 

4  Mr.  Palfrey  relies  upon  a  single  reference  in  Winthrop  for  the  historical  trustworthiness  of 
his  statement  that  a  Negro  slave  could  be  a  member  of  the  church.     He  thinks,  however,  that 
this  "presents  a  curious  question,"  and  wisely  reasons   as  follows:   "As  a  church-member,  he 
was  eligible  to  the  political  franchise ;  and,  if  he  should  be  actually  invested  with  it,  he  would  have 
a  part  in  making  laws  to  govern  his  master,  —  laws  with  which  his  master,  if  a  non-communicant, 
would  have  had  no  concern  except  to  obey  them.     But  it  is  improbable  that  the  Court  would  have 
made  a  slave  —  while  a  slave  —  a  member  of  the  Company,  though  he  were  a  communicant.  — 
PALFREY,  vol.  ii.  p.  30.    Note. 

5  Butts  vs.  Penny,  2  Lev.,  p.  201 ;  3  Kib.,  p.  785. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  19 1 

tians  as  slaves.  Nor  coutd  repeated  colonial  enactments  to  the  contrary 
entirely  root  out  this  idea,  for  it  was  not  supposed  that  a  colonial  statute  could 
set  aside  the  law  of  England."  » 

But  the  deeper  reason  the  colonists  had  for  excluding  slaves 
from  baptism,  and  hence  citizenship,  was  twofold  ;  viz.,  to  keep  in 
harmony  with  the  Mosaic  code  in  reference  to  "  strangers  "  and 
"Gentiles,"  and  to  keep  the  door  of  the  Church  shut  in  the  face 
of  the  slave ;  because  to  open  it  to  him  was  to  emancipate  him  in 
course  of  time.  Religious  and  secular  knowledge  were  not  favor 
able  to  slavery.  The  colonists  turned  to  the  narrow,  national 
spirit  of  the  Old  Testament,  rather  than  to  the  broad  and 
catholic  spirit  of  the  New  Testament,  for  authority  to  withhold 
the  mercies  of  the  Christian  religion  from  the  Negro  slaves  in 
their  midst. 

The  rigorous  system  of  domestic  slavery  established  in  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts  bore  its  bitter  fruit  in  due  season.  It 
was  impossible  to  exclude  the  slaves  from  the  privileges  of  the 
Church  and  State  without  inflicting  a  moral  injury  upon  the  holy 
marriage  relation.  In  the  contemplation  of  the  law  the  slave  was 
a  chattel,  an  article  of  merchandise.  The  custom  of  separating 
parent  and  child,  husband  and  wife,  was  very  clear  proof  that  the 
marriage  relation  was  either  positively  ignored  by  the  institution 
of  slavery,  or  grossly  violated  under  the  slightest  pretext.  All 
well-organized  society  or  government  rests  upon  this  sacred  rela 
tion.  But  slavery,  with  lecherous  grasp  and  avaricious  greed, 
trailed  the  immaculate  robes  of  marriage  in  the  moral  filth  of  the 
traffic  in  human  beings.  True,  there  never  was  any  prohibition 
against  the  marriage  of  one  slave  to  another  slave, — for  they 
tried  to  breed  slaves  in  Massachusetts  !  —  but  there  never  was  any 
law  encouraging  the  lawful  union  of  slaves  until  after  the  Revolu 
tionary  War,  in  1786.  We  rather  infer  from  the  following  in  the 
Act  of  October,  1705,  that  the  marriage  relation  among  slaves  had 
been  left  entirely  to  the  caprices  of  the  master. 

"And  no  master  shall  unreasonably  deny  marriage  to  his  Negro  with  one 
of  the  same  nation;  any  law,  usage  or  custom  to  the  contrary  notwith 
standing."* 

We  have  not  been  able  to  discover  "any  law"  positively  pro 
hibiting  marriage  among  slaves ;  but  there  was  a  custom  denying 

1  Hildreth,  vol.  ii.  p.  426.  2  Ancient  Charters  and  Laws  of  Mass.,  p.  748. 


192      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

marriage  to  the  Negro,  that  at  length  received  the  weight  of  posi 
tive  law.     Mr.  Palfrey  says,  — 

"  From  the  reverence  entertained  by  the  fathers  of  New  England  for  the 
nuptial  tie,  it  is  safe  to  infer  that  slave  husbands  and  wives  were  never  sepa 
rated."  ' 

We  have  searched  faithfully  to  find  the  slightest  justification 
for  this  inference  of  Mr.  Palfrey,  but  have  not  found  it.  There 
is  not  a  line  in  any  newspaper  of  the  colony,  until  1710,  that  indi 
cates  the  concern  of  the  people  in  the  lawful  union  of  slaves. 
And  there  was  no  legislation  upon  the  subject  until  1786,  when 
an  "  Act  for  the  orderly  Solemnization  of  Marriage  "  passed.  That 
Negro  slaves  were  united  in  marriage,  there  is  abundant  evidence, 
but  not  many  in  this  period.  It  was  almost  a  useless  ceremony 
when  "the  customs  and  usages"  of  slavery  separated  them  at  the 
convenience  of  the  owner.  The  master's  power  over  his  slaves 
was  almost  absolute.  If  he  wanted  to  sell  the  children  and  keep 
the  parents,  his  decision  was  not  subject  to  any  court  of  law.  It 
was  final.  If  he  wanted  to  sell  the  wife  of  his  slave  man  into  the 
rice-fields  of  the  Carolinas  or  into  the  West  India  Islands,  the 
tears  of  the  husband  only  exasperated  the  master.  "The  fathers 
of  New  England  "  had  no  reverence  for  the  "  nuptial  tie  "  among 
their  slaves,  and,  therefore,  tore  slave  families  asunder  without 
the  least  compunction  of  conscience.  "  Negro  children  were  con 
sidered  an  incumbrance  in  a  family,  and,  when  weaned,  were 
given  away  like  puppies,"  says  the  famous  Dr.  Belknap.  But 
after  the  Act  of  1705,  "their  banns  were  published  like  those  of 
white  persons ; "  and  public  sentiment  began  to  undergo  a  change 
on  the  subject.  The  following  Negro  marriage  was  prepared  by 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Phillips  of  Andover.  His  ministry  did  not  com 
mence  until  1710;  and,  therefore,  this  marriage  was  prepared 
subsequent  to  that  date.  He  realized  the  need  of  something,  and 
acted  accordingly. 

"  You,  Bob,  do  now,  in  ye  Presence  of  God  and  these  Witnesses,  Take 
Sally  to  be  your  wife ; 

"  Promising,  that  so  far  as  shall  be  consistent  with  ye  Relation  which  you 
now  Sustain  as  a  servant,  you  will  Perform  ye  Part  of  an  Husband  towards 
her:  And  in  particular,  as  you  shall  have  ye  Opportunity  &  Ability,  you  will 
take  proper  Care  of  her  in  Sickness  and  Health,  in  Prosperity  &  Adversity ; 

"  And  that  you  will  be  True  &  Faithful  to  her,  and  will  Cleave  to  her 

1  Palfrey,  vol.  ii.  p.  30.     Note. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  193 

only,  so  long  as  God,  in  his  Providence,  shall  continue  your  and  her  abode  in 
Such  Place  (or  Places)  as  that  you  can  conveniently  come  together.  —  Do 
You  thus  Promise  ? 

"You,  Sally,  do  now,  in  ye  Presence  of  God,  and  these  Witnesses,  Take 
Bob  to  be  your  Husband ; 

"  Promising,  that  so  far  as  your  present  Relation  as  a  Servant  shall  admit, 
you  will  Perform  the  Part  of  a  Wife  towards  him :  and  in  particular, 

"You  Promise  that  you  will  Love  him;  And  that  as  you  shall  have  the 
Opportunity  &  Ability,  you  will  take  a  proper  Care  of  him  in  Sickness  and 
Health;  in  Prosperity  and  Adversity: 

"  And  you  will  cleave  to  him  only,  so  long  as  God,  in  his  Providence,  shall 
continue  his  &  your  Abode  in  such  Place  (or  Places)  as  that  you  can  come 
together.  —  Do  you  thus  Promise  ?  I  then,  agreeable  to  your  Request,  and  with 
ye  Consent  of  your  Masters  &  Mistresses,  do  Declare  that  you  have  License 
given  you  to  be  conversant  and  familiar  together  as  Husband  and  Wife,  so 
long  as  God  shall  continue  your  Places  of  Abode  as  aforesaid ;  And  so  long 
as  you  Shall  behave  yourselves  as  it  becometh  servants  to  doe  : 

"  For  you  must  both  of  you  bear  in  mind  that  you  remain  still,  as  really 
and  truly  as  ever,  your  Master's  Property,  and  therefore  it  will  be  justly  ex 
pected,  both  by  God  and  Man,  that  you  behave  and  conduct  yourselves  as 
Obedient  and  faithful  Servants  towards  your  respective  Masters  &  Mistresses 
for  the  Time  being : 

"  And  finally,  I  exhort  and  Charge  you  to  beware  lest  you  give  place  to  the 
Devil,  so  as  to  take  occasion  from  the  license  now  given  you,  to  be  lifted  up 
with  Pride,  and  thereby  fall  under  the  Displeasure,  not  of  Man  only,  but  of 
God  also ;  for  it  is  written,  that  God  resisteth  the  Proud  but  giveth  Grace  to 
the  humble. 

"  I  shall  now  conclude  with  Prayer  for  you,  that  you  may  become  good 
Christians,  and  that  you  may  be  enabled  to  conduct  as  such ;  and  in  particular, 
that  you  may  have  Grace  to  behave  suitably  towards  each  Other,  as  also  duti 
fully  towards  your  Masters  &  Mistresses,  Not  with  Eye  Service  as  Men 
pleasers,  ye  Servants  of  Christ  doing  ye  Will  of  God  from  ye  heart,  &c. 
["  ENDORSED]  NEGRO  MARRIAGE." 

Where  a  likely  Negro  woman  was  courted  by  the  slave  of 
another  owner,  and  wanted  to  marry,  she  was  sold,  as  a  matter  of 
humanity,  "  with  her  wearing  apparel "  to  the  owner  of  the  man. 
"A  Bill  of  Sale  of  a  Negro  Woman  Servant  in  Boston  in  1724, 
recites  that  '  Whereas  Scipio,  of  Boston  aforesaid,  Free  Negro 
Man  and  Laborer,  proposes  Marriage  to  Margaret,  the  Negro 
Woman  Servant  of  the  said  Dorcas  MarshalKfa  Widow  Lady  of 
Boston] :  Now  to  the  Intent  that  the  said  Intended  Marriage  may 
take  Effect,  and  that  the  said  Scipio  may  Enjoy  the  said  Margaret 
without  any  Interruption/  etc.,  she  is  duly  sold,  with  her  apparel, 
for  Fifty  Pounds."  2  Within  the  next  twenty  years  the  Governor 

1  Hist.  Mag.,  vol.  v.,  2d  Series,  by  Dr.  G.  H.  Moore.         2  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  57,  note. 


194      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO   RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  his  Council  found  public  opinion  so  modified  on  the  question 
of  marriage  among  the  blacks,  that  they  granted  a  Negro  a  divorce 
on  account  of  his  wife's  adultery  with  a  white  man.  But  in 
Quincy's  Reports,  page  30,  note,  quoted  by  Dr.  Moore,  in  1758 
the  following  rather  loose  decision  is  recorded  :  that  the  child  of 
a  female  slave  never  married  according  to  any  of  the  forms  pre 
scribed  by  the  laws  of  this  land,  by  another  slave,  who  "had  kept 
her  company  with  her  master's  consent,"  was  not  a  bastard. 

The  Act  of  1705  forbade  any  "Christian"  from  marrying  a 
Negro,  and  imposed  a  fine  of  fifty  pounds  upon  any  clergyman 
who  should  join  a  Negro  and  "Christian"  in  marriage.  It  stood  as 
the  law  of  the  Commonwealth  until  1843,  when  it  was  repealed 
by  an  "  Act  relating  to  Marriage  between  Individuals  of  Certain 
Races." 

As  to  the  political  rights  of  the  Negro,  it  should  be  borne  in 
mind,  that,  as  he  was  excluded  from  the  right  of  Christian  bap- 
ti^rn,  hence  from  the  Church  ;  and  as  only  church-members 
enjoyed  the  rights  of  freemen,  it  is  clear  that  the  Negro  was  not 
admitted  to  the  exercise  of  the  duties  of  a  freeman.1  Admitting 
that  there  were  instances  where  Negroes  received  the  rite  of  bap 
tism,  it  was  so  well  understood  as  not  en-titling  them  to  freedom 
or  political  rights,  that  it  was  never  questioned  during  this  entire 
period.  Free  Negroes  were  but  little  better  off  than  the  slaves. 
While  they  might  be  regarded  as  owning  their  own  labor,  political 
rights  and  ecclesiastical  privileges  were  withheld  from  them. 

"  They  became  the  objects  of  a  suspicious  legislation,  which  deprived  them 
of  most  of  the  rights  of  freemen,  and  reduced  them  to  a  social  position  very 
similar,  in  many  respects,  to  that  which  inveterate  prejudice  in  many  parts  of 
Europe  has  fixed  upon  the  Jews." 

Though  nominally  free,  they  did  not  come  under  the  head  of 
"  Christians."  Neither  freedom,  nor  baptism  in  the  Church,  could 
free  them  from  the  race-malice  of  the  whites,  that  followed  them  like 
the  fleet-footed  "  Furies."  There  were  special  regulations  for  free 
Negroes.  The  Act  of  1703,  forbidding  slaves  from  being  out  at 
night  after  the  hcrur  of  nine  o'clock,  extended  to  free  Negroes.2 
In  1707  an  Act  was  passed  "regulating  of  free  negroes. "3  It 
recites  that  "free  negroes  and  mulattos,  able  of  body,  and  fit  for 

1  I  use  the  term  freeman,  because  the  colony  being  under  the  English  crown,  there  were  no 
citizens.     All  were  British  subjects. 

2  Ancient  Charters  and  Laws  of  Mass.,  p.  746.  s  Ibid.,  p.  386. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  195 

labor,  who  are  not  charged  with  trainings,  watches,  and  other  ser 
vices,"  I  shall  perform  service  equivalent  to  militia  training.  They 
were  under  the  charge  of  the  officer  in  command  of  the  military 
company  belonging  to  the  district  where  they  resided.  They  did 
fatigue-duty.  And  the  only  time,  that,  by  law,  the  Negro  was 
admitted  to  the  trainings,  was  between  1652  and  1656.  But  there 
is  no  evidence  that  the  Negroes  took  advantage  of  the  law.  Pub 
lic  sentiment  is  more  potent  than  law.  In  May,  1656,  the  law  of 
1652,  admitting  Negroes  to  the  trainings,  was  repealed. 

"  For  the  better  ordering  and  settling  of  severall  cases  in  the  military  com- 
pftnyes  within  this  jurisdiction,  which,  upon  experience,  are  found  either  want 
ing  or  inconvenient,  it  is  ordered  and  declared  by  this  Court  and  the  authoritie 
thereof,  that  henceforth  no  negroes  or  Indians,  although  servants  to  the  Eng 
lish,  shal  be  armed  or  permitted  to  trayne,  and  y*  no  other  person  shall  be 
exempted  from  trayning  but  such  as  some  law  doth  priveledge."  2 

And  Gov.  Bradstreet,  in  his  report  to  the  "  Committee  for 
Trade,"  made  in  May,  1680,  says, — 

"  We  account  all  generally  from  Sixteen  to  Sixty  that  are  healthfull  and 
strong  bodys,  both  House-holders  and  Servants  fit  to  beare  Armes,  except  Ne 
groes  and  slaves,  whom  wee  arme  not."  3 

The  law  of  1707  —  which  is  the  merest  copy  of  the  Virginia 
law  on  the  same  subject  —  requires  free  Negroes  to  answer  fire- 
alarms  with  the  company  belonging  to  their  respective  precincts. 
They  were  not  allowed  to  entertain  slave  friends  at  their  houses, 
without  the  permission  of  the  owner  of  the  slaves.  To  all  prohi 
bitions  there  was  affixed  severe  fines  in  large  sums  of  money.  In 
case  of  a  failure  to  pay  these  fines,  the  delinquent  was  sent  to  the 
House  of  Correction  ;  where,  under  severe  discipline,  he  was  con 
strained  to  work  out  his  fine  at  the  rate  of  one  shilling  per  day  \ 
If  a  Negro  "presume  to  smite  or  strike  any  person  of  the  Eng 
lish,  or  other  Christian  nation,"  he  was  publicly  flogged  by  the. 
justice  before  whom  tried,  at  the  discretion  of  that  officer. 

During  this  period  the  social  condition  of  the  Negroes,  bond 

1  Mr.  Palfrey  is  disposed  to  hang  a  very  weighty  matter  on  a  very  slender  thread  of  authority. 
He  says,  "  In  the  list  of  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  at  Plymouth,  in  1643,  occurs  the  name  of 
'  Abraham  Pearse,  the  Black-moore,'  from  which  we  infer  .  .  .  that  Negroes  were  not  dispensed 
from  military  service  in  that  colony  "  (History  of  New  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  30,  note).     This  single 
case  is  borne  down  by  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  colonists  on  this  subject.     Negroes  as  a  class 
were  absolutely  excluded  from  the  military  service,  from  the  commencement  of  the  colony  down 
to  the  war  with  Great  Britain. 

2  Slavery  in  Mass.,  Appendix,  p.  243.      3  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  viii.  3d  Series,  p.  336. 


196      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  free,  was  very  deplorable.  The  early  records  of  the  town  of 
Boston  preserve  the  fact  that  one  Thomas  Deane,  in  the  year 
1 66 1,  was  prohibited  from  employing  a  Negro  in  the  manufacture 
of  hoops,  under  a  penalty  of  twenty  shillings ;  for  what  reason  is 
not  stated." J  No  churches  or  schools,  no  books  or  teachers, 
they  were  left  to  the  gloom  and  vain  imaginations  of  their  own 
fettered  intellects.  John  Eliot  "  had  long  lamented  it  with  a 
Bleeding  and  Burning  Passion,  that  the  English  used  their  Ne 
groes  but  as  their  Horses  or  their  Oxen,  and  that  so  little  care 
was  taken  about  their  immortal  souls  ;  he  looked  upon  it  as.  a 
Prodigy,  that  any  wearing  the  Name  of  Christians  should  so  mucji 
have  the  Heart  of  Devils  in  them,  as  to  prevent  and  hinder  the 
Instruction  of  the  poor  Blackamores,  and  confine  the  souls  of  their 
miserable  Slaves  to  a  Destroying  Ignorance,  merely  for  fear  of 
thereby  losing  the  Benefit  of  their  Vassalage;  but  now  he  made 
a  motion  to  the  English  within  two  or  three  Miles  of  him,  that  at 
such  a  time  and  place  they  would  send  their  Negroes  qnce  a  week 
unto  him  :  For  he  would  then  Catechise  them,  and  Enlighten  them, 
to  the  utmost  of  his  power  in  things  of  their  Everlasting  Peace ; 
however,  he  did  not  live  to  make  much  progress  in  this  under 
taking."  2  The  few  faint  voices  of  encouragement,  that  once  in  a 
great  while  reached  them  from  the  pulpit  3  and  forum,  were  as 
strange  music,  mellowed  and  sweetened  by  the  distance.  The 
free  and  slave  Negroes  were  separated  by  law,  were  not  allowed 
to  communicate  together  to  any  great  extent.  They  were  not 
allowed  in  numbers  greater  than  three,  and  then,  if  not  in  the 
service  of  some  white  person,  were  liable  to  be  arrested,  and  sent 
to  the  House  of  Correction. 

"  The  slave  was  the  property  of  his  master  as  much  as  his  ox  or  his  horse ; 
he  had  110  civil  rights  but  that  of  protection  from  cruelty  ;  he  could  acquire  no 
property  nor  dispose  of  any  4  without  the  consent  of  his  master.  .  .  .  We 
think  he  had  not  the  capacity  to  communicate  a  civil  relation  to  his  children, 
which  he  did  not  enjoy  himself,  except  as  the  property  of  his  master."  s 

With  but  small  means  the  free  Negroes  of  the  colony  were 
unable  to  secure  many  comforts  in  their  homes.  They  were  hated 
and  dreaded  more  than  their  brethren  in  bondage.  They  could 

1  Lyman's  Report,  1822.         2  Mather's  Magnalia,  Book  III.,  p.  207.     Compare  also  p.  209. 

3  Elliott's  New-England  Hist.,  vol.  ii.  p.  165. 

4  Mr.  Palfrey  comes  again  with  his  single  and  exceptional  case,  asking  us  to  infer  a  rule 
therefrom.     See  History  of  New  England,  note,  p.  30. 

5  Chief-Justice  Parker,  in  Andover  vs.  Canton,  13  Mass.  p.  550. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  197 

judge,  by  contrast,  of  the  abasing  influences  of  slavery.  They 
were  only  nominally  free  ;  because  they  were  taxed  z  without  rep 
resentation, —  had  no  voice  in  the  colonial  government. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  obscure  and  neglected  condition  of 
the  free  Negroes,  some  of  them  by  their  industry,  frugality,  and 
aptitude  won  a  place  in  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  more 
humane  of  the  white  population.  Owning  their  own  time,  many 
of  the  free  Negroes  applied  themselves  to  the  acquisition  of  knowl 
edge.  Phillis  Wheatley,  though  nominally  a  slave  for  some  years, 
stood  at  the  head  of  the  intellectual  Negroes  of  this  period.  She 
was  brought  from  Africa  to  the  Boston  slave-market,  where,  in 
1761,  she  was  purchased  by  a  benevolent  white  lady  by  the  name 
of  Mrs.  John  Wheatley.  She  was  naked,  save  a  piece  of  dirty 
carpet  about  her  loins,  was  delicate  of  constitution,  and  much 
fatigued  from  a  rough  sea-voyage.  Touched  by  her  modest 
demeanor  and  intelligent  countenance,  Mrs.  Wheatley  chose  her 
from  a  large  company  of  slaves.  It  was  her  intention  to  teach 
her  the  duties  of  an  ordinary  domestic  ;  but  clean  clothing  and 
wholesome  diet  effected  such  a  radical  change  in  the  child  for  the 
better,  that  Mrs.  Wheatley  changed  her  plans,  and  began  to  give 
her  private  instruction.  Eager  for  learning,  apt  in  acquiring, 
though  only  eight  years  old,  she  greatly  surprised  and  pleased  her 
mistress.  Placed  under  the  instruction  of  Mrs.  Wheatley's  daugh 
ter,  Phillis  learned  the  English  language  sufficiently  well  as  to  be 
able  to  read  the  most  difficult  portions  of  the  Bible  with  ease  and 
accuracy.  This  she  accomplished  in  less  than  a  year  and  a  half. 
She  readily  mastered  the  art  of  writing ;  and  within  four  years 
from  the  time  she  landed  in  the  slave-market  in  Boston,  she  was 
able  to  carry  on  an  extensive  correspondence  on  a  variety  of 
topics. 

Her  ripening  intellectual  faculties  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  refined  and  educated  people  of  Boston,  many  of  whom  sought 
her  society  at  the  home  of  the  Wheatleys.  It  should  be  remem 
bered,  that  this  period  did  not  witness  general  culture  among  the 
masses  of  white  people,  and  certainly  no  facilities  for  the  educa 
tion  of  Negroes.  And  yet  some  cultivated  white  persons  gave 
Phillis  encouragement,  loaned  her  books,  and"  called  her  out  on 
matters  of  a  literary  character.  Having  acquired  the  principles 
of  an  English  education,  she  turned  her  attention  to  the  study  of 

1  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  62. 


198      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  Latin  language, l  and  was  able  to  do  well  in  it.  Encouraged 
by  her  success,  she  translated  one  of  Ovid's  tales.  The  transla 
tion  was  considered  so  admirable  that  it  was  published  in  Boston 
by  some  of  her  friends.  On  reaching  England  it  was  republished, 
and  called  forth  the  praise  of  many  of  the  reviews. 

Her  manners  were  modest  and  refined.  Her  nature  was  sen 
sitive  and  affectionate.  She  early  gave  signs  of  a  deep  spiritual 
experience,2  which  gave  tone  and  character  to  all  her  efforts  in 
composition  and  poetry.  There  was  a  charming  vein  of  grati 
tude  in  all  her  private  conversations  and  public  utterances,  which 
her  owners  did  not  fail  to  recognize  and  appreciate.  Her  only 
distinct  recollection  of  her  native  home  was,  that  every  morning 
early  her  mother  poured  out  water  before  the  rising  sun.  Her 
growing  intelligence  and  keen  appreciation  of  the  blessings  of 
civilization  overreached  mere  animal  grief  at  the  separation  from 
her  mother.  And  as  she  knew  more  of  the  word  of  God,  she 
became  more  deeply  interested  in  the  condition  of  her  race. 

At  the  age  of  twenty  her  master  emancipated  her.  Naturally 
delicate,  the  severe  climate  of  New  England,  and  her  constant 
application  to  study,  began  to  show  on  her  health.  Her  friend 
and  mother,  for  such  she  proved  herself  to  be,  Mrs.  Wheatley, 
solicitous  about  her  health,  called  in  eminent  medical  counsel, 
who  prescribed  a  sea-voyage.  A  son  of  Mrs.  Wheatley  was  about 
to  visit  England  on  mercantile  business,  and  therefore  took 
Phillis  with  him.  For  the  previous  six  years  she  had  cultivated 
her  taste  for  poetry ;  and,  at  this  time,  her  reputation  was  quite 
well  established.  She  had  corresponded  with  persons  in  England 
in  social  circles,  and  was  not  a  stranger  to  the  English.  She  was 
heartily  welcomed  by  the  leaders  of  the  society  of  the  British 
metropolis,  and  treated  with  great  consideration.  Under  all  the 
trying  circumstances  of  high  social  life,  among  the  nobility  and 
rarest  literary  genius  of  London,  this  redeemed  child  of  the  des 
ert,  coupled  to  a  beautiful  modesty  the  extraordinary  powers  of  an 
incomparable  conversationalist.  She  carried  London  by  storm. 
Thoughtful  people  praised  her ;  titled  people  dined  her ;  and  the 
press  extolled  the  -name  of  Phillis  Wheatley,  the  African  poetess. 


1  Mott's  Sketches,  p.  17. 

2  At  the  early  age  of  sixteen,  in  the  year  1770,  Phillis  was  baptized  into  the  membership  of 
the  society  worshipping  in  the   "  Old  South   Meeting-House."     The  gifted,  eloquent,  and  noble 
Dr.  Sewall  was  the  pastor.    This  was  an  exception  to  the  rule,  that  slaves  were  not  baptized  into 
the  Church. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  199 

Prevailed  upon  by  admiring  friends,  in  1773  J  she  gave  her 
poems  to  the  world.  They  were  published  in  London  in  a  small 
octavo  volume  of  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  pages,  compris 
ing  thirty-nine  pieces.  It  was  dedicated  to  the  Countess  of 
Huntingdon,  with  a  picture  of  the  poetess,  and  a  letter  of  recom 
mendation  signed  by  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor,  with 
many  other  "  respectable  citizens  of  Boston." 


TO   THE   PUBLIC. 

As  it  has  been  repeatedly  suggested  to  the  publisher,  by  persons  who  have 
seen  the  manuscript,  that  numbers  would  be  ready  to  suspect  they  were  not 
really  the  writings  of  PHILLIS,  he  has  procured  the  following  attestation,  from 
the  most  respectable  characters  in  Boston,  that  none  might  have  the  least 
ground  for  disputing  their  Original. 

We,  whose  Names  are  under-written,  do  assure  the  World,  that  the  Poems 
specified  in  the  following  page  were  (as  we  verily  believe)  written  by  PHILLIS, 
a  young  Negro  Girl,  who  was,  but  a  few  Years  since,  brought,  an  uncultivated 
Barbarian,  from  Africa,  and  has  ever  since  been,  and  now  is,  under  the  disad 
vantage  of  serving  as  a  Slave  in  a  family  in  this  town.  She  has  been  exam 
ined  by  some  of  the  best  judges,  and  is  thought  qualified  to  write  them. 

His  Excellency,  THOMAS  HUTCHINSON,  Governor. 
The  Hon.  ANDREW  OLIVER,  Lieutenant  Governor. 


Hon.  Thomas  Hubbard, 
Hon.  John  Erving, 
Hon.  James  Pitts, 
Hon.  Harrison  Gray, 
Hon.  James  Bowdoin, 
John  Hancock,  Esq. 
Joseph  Green,  Esq. 
Richard  Gary,  Esq. 


Rev.  Charles  Chauncy, 

Rev.  Mather  Byles, 

Rev.  Ed.  Pemberton, 

Rev.  Andrew  Elliot, 

Rev.  Samuel  Cooper, 

Rev.  Samuel  Mather, 

Rev.  John  Moorhead, 

Mr.  John  Wheatley,  her  master. 


The  volume  has  passed  through  several  English  and  American 
editions,  and  is  to  be  found  in  all  first-class  libraries  in  the 
country.  Mrs.  Wheatley  sickened,  and  grieved  daily  after  Phillis. 
A  picture  of  her  little  ward,  sent  from  England,  adorned  her  bed 
room  ;  and  she  pointed  it  out  to  visiting  friends  with  all  the  sin 
cere  pride  of  a  mother.  On  one  occasion  she  exclaimed  to  a 
friend,  "  See !  Look  at  my  Phillis  !  Does  she  not  seem  as  though 
she  would  speak  to  me  ? "  Getting  no  better,  she  sent  a  loving 

1  All  writers  I  have  seen  on  this  subject  —  and  I  think  I  have  seen  all  —  leave  the  impression 
that  Miss  Wheatley's  poems  were  first  published  in  London.  This  is  not  true.  The  first  pub 
lished  poems  from  her  pen  were  issued  in  Boston  in  1770.  But  it  was  a  mere  pamphlet  edition, 
and  has  long  since  perished. 


200     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

request  to  Phillis  to  come  to  her  at  as  early  a  moment  as  possible^ 
With  a  deep  sense  of  gratitude  to  Mrs.  Wheatley  for  countless, 
blessings  bestowed  upon  her,  Phillis  hastened  to  return  to  Boston. 
She  found  her  friend  and  benefactor  just  living,  and  shortly  had 
the  mournful  satisfaction  of  closing  her  sightless  eyes.  The  hus 
band  and  daughter  followed  the  wife  and  mother  quickly  to  the 
grave.  Young  Mr.  Wheatley  married,  and  settled  in  England. 
Phillis  was  alone  in  the  world. 

"  She  soon  after  received  an  offer  of  marriage  from  a  respectable  colored 
man,  of  Boston.  The  name  of  this  individual  was  John  Peters.'  He  kept  a 
grocery  in  Court  Street,  and  was  a  man  of  handsome  person.  He  wore  a  wig, 
carried  a  cane,  and  quite  acted  out  '  the  gentleman?  In  an  evil  hour,  he  was. 
accepted;  and,  though  he  was  a  man  of  talents  and  information,  — writing  with 
fluency  and  propriety,  and,  at  one  period,  reading  law,  —  he  proved  utterly 
unworthy  of  the  distinguished  woman  who  honored  him  by  her  alliance." 

Her  married  life  was  brief.  She  was  the  mother  of  one  child,, 
that  died  early.  Ignorant  of  the  duties  of  domestic  life,  courted 
and  flattered  by  the  cultivated,  Peters's  jealousy  was  at  length 
turned  into  harsh  treatment.  Tenderly  raised,  and  of  a  delicate 
constitution,  Phillis  soon  went  into  decline,  and  died  Dec.  5,  1784, 
in  the  thirty-first 2  year  of  her  life,  greatly  beloved  and  sincerely 
mourned  by  all  whose  good  fortune  it  had  been  to  know  of  her 
high  mental  endowments  and  blameless  Christian  life. 

Her  influence  upon  the  rapidly  growing  anti-slavery  sentiment 
of  Massachusetts  was  considerable.  The  friends  of  humanity 
took  pleasure  in  pointing  to  her  marvellous  achievements,  as  an 
evidence  of  what  the  Negro  could  do  under  favorable  circum 
stances.  From  a  state  of  nudity  in  a  slave-market,  a  stranger  to 
the  English  language,  this  young  African  girl  had  won  her  way 
over  the  rough  path  of  learning;  had  conquered  the  spirit  of 
caste  in  the  best  society  of  conservative  old  Boston ;  had  brought 
two  continents  to  her  feet  in  admiration  and  amazement  at  the 
rare  poetical  accomplishments  of  a  child  of  Africa  !  3 

She  addressed  a  poem  to  Gen.  Washington  that  pleased  the 
old  warrior  very  much.  We  have  never  seen  it,  though  we  have 
searched  diligently.  Mr.  Sparks  says  of  it,  — 

1  All  the  historians  but  Sparks  omit  the  given  name  of  Peters.     It  was  John. 

2  The  date  usually  given  for  her  death  is  1 780,  while  her  age  is  fixed  at  twenty-six.    The 
best  authority  gives  the  dates  above,  and  I  think  they  are  correct. 

3  "  Her  correspondence  was  sought,  and  it  extended  to  persons  of  distinction  even  in  Eng 
land  ;  among  whom  may  be  named  the  Countess  of  Huntingdon,  Whitefield,  and  the  Earl  o£ 
Dartmouth."  —  SPARKS'S  Washington,  vol.  iii.  p.  298,  note. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  2OI 

"  I  have  not  been  able  to  find,  among  Washington's  papers,  the  letter  and 
poem  addressed  to  him.  They  have  doubtless  been  lost.  From  the  circum 
stance  of  her  invoking  the  muse  in  his  praise,  and  from  the  tenor  of  some  of 
her  printed  pieces,  particularly  one  addressed  to  King  George  seven  years 
before,  in  which  she  compliments  him  on  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  it  may 
be  inferred,  that  she  was  a  Whig  in  politics  after  the  American  way  of  thinking ; 
and  it  might  be  curious  to  see  in  what  manner  she  would  eulogize  liberty  and 
the  rights  of  man,  while  herself,  nominally  at  least,  in  bondage."  » 

Gen.  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Joseph  Reed,  bearing  date  of 
the  loth  of  February,  1776,  from  Cambridge,  refers  to  the  letter 
and  poem  as  follows  :  — 

"  I  recollect  nothing  else  worth  giving  you  the  trouble  of,  unless  you  can 
be  amused  by  reading  a  letter  and  poem  addressed  to  me  by  Miss  Phillis 
Wheatley.  In  searching  over  a  parcel  of  papers  the  other  day,  in  order  to 
destroy  such  as  were  useless,  I  brought  it  to  light  again.  At  first,  with  a  view 
of  doing  justice  to  her  poetical  genius,  I  had  a  great  mind  to  publish  the  poem ; 
but  not  knowing  whether  it  might  not  be  considered  rather  as  a  mark  of  my 
own  vanity,  than  as  a  compliment  to  her,  I  laid  it  aside,2  till  I  came  across  it 
again  in  the  manner  just  mentioned."  3 

This  gives  the  world  an  "inside"  view  of  the  brave  old  gen 
eral's  opinion  of  the  poem  and  poetess;  but  the  " outside"  view, 
as  expressed  to  Phillis,  is  worthy  of  reproduction  at  this  point. 

CAMBRIDGE,  28  February,  1776. 

Miss  PHILLIS,  —  Your  favor  of  the  26th  of  October  did  not  reach  my 
hands,  till  the  middle  of  December.  Time  enough,  you  will  say,  to  have  given 
an  answer  ere  this.  Granted.  But  a  variety  of  important  occurrences,  con 
tinually  interposing  to  distract  the  mind  and  withdraw  the  attention,  I  hope 
will  apologize  for  the  delay,  and  plead  my  excuse  for  the  seeming  but  not  real 
neglect.  I  thank  you  most  sincerely  for  your  polite  notice  of  me,  in  the 
elegant  lines  you  enclosed;  and  however  undeserving  I  may  be  of  such 
encomium  and  panegyric,  the  style  and  manner  exhibit  a  striking  proof  of  your 
poetical  talents;  in  honor  of  which,  and  as  a  tribute  justly  due  to  you,  I  would 
have  published  the  poem,  had  I  not  been  apprehensive,  that,  while  I  only  meant 
to  give  the  world  this  new  instance  of  your  genius,  I  might  have  incurred  the 
imputation  of  vanity.  This,  and  nothing  else,  determined  me  not  to  give  it 
place  in  the  public  prints. 

If  you  should  ever  come  to  Cambridge,  or  near  head-quarters,  I  shall  be 
happy  to  see  a  person  so  favored  by  the  Muses,  and  to  whom  nature  has  been 
so  liberal  and  beneficent  in  her  dispensations. 

I  am,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON^ 

1  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  iii.  p.  299,  note. 

2  This  destroys  the  last  hope  I  have  nursed  for  nearly  six  years  that  the  poem  might  yet 
come  to  light.     Somehow  I  had  overlooked  this  note. 

3  Sparks's  Washington,  vol   iii.  p.  288.  •*  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  297,  298. 


202      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

This  letter  is  a  handsome  compliment  to  the  poetess,  and  does 
honor  to  both  the  head  and  heart  of  the  general.  His  modesty, 
so  characteristic,  has  deprived  history  of  its  dues.  But  it  is 
consoling  to  know  that  the  sentiments  of  the  poem  found  a 
response  in  the  patriotic  heart  of  the  first  soldier  of  the  Revolu- 
.  tion,  and  the  Father  of  his  Country  ! 

While  Phillis  Wheatley  stands  out  as  one  of  the  most  dis 
tinguished  characters  of  this  period,  and  who,  as  a  Colored  person, 
had  no  equal,  yet  she  was  not  the  only  individual  of  her  race  of 
intellect  and  character.  A  Negro  boy  from  Africa  was  purchased 
by  a  Mr.  Slocum,  who  resided  near  New  Bedford,  Mass.  After 
he  acquired  the  language,  he  turned  his  thoughts  to  freedom,  and 
in  a  few  years,  by  working  beyond  the  hours  he  devoted  to  his 
master,  was  enabled  to  buy  himself  from  his  master.  He  married 
an  Indian  woman  named  Ruth  Moses,  and  settled  at  Cutter- 
hunker,  in  the  Elizabeth  Islands,  near  New  Bedford.  In  a  few 
years,  through  industry  and  frugality,  John  Cuffe  —  the  name  he 
took  as  a  freeman  —  was  enabled  to  purchase  a  good  farm  of  one 
hundred  (100)  acres.  Every  year  recorded  new  achievements,  until 
John  Cuffe  had  a  wide  reputation  for  wealth,  honesty,  and  intelli 
gence.  He  applied  himself  to  books,  and  secured,  as  the  ripe 
fruit  of  his  studious  habits,  a  fair  business  education.  Both  him 
self  and  wife  were  Christian  believers;  and  to  lives  of  industry 
and  increasing  secular  knowledge,  they  added  that  higher  knowl 
edge  which  makes  alive  to  "everlasting  life."  Ten  children  were 
born  unto  them, — four  boys  and  six  girls.  One  of  the  boys, 
Paul  Cuffe,  became  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  color 
Massachusetts  has  produced.  The  reader  will  be  introduced  to 
him  in  the  proper  place  in  the  history.  John  Cuffe  died  in  1745, 
leaving  behind,  in  addition  to  considerable  property,  a  good  name, 
which  is  of  great  price.1 

Richard  Dalton,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  owned  a  Negro  boy  whom 
he  taught  to  read  any  Greek  writer  without  hesitancy.  Mr. 
Dalton  was  afflicted  with  weak  eyes ;  and  his  fondness  for  the 
classics  would  not  allow  him  to  forego  the  pleasure  of  them,  and 
hence  his  Negro  boy  Caesar  was  instructed  in  the  Greek.2  "The 
Boston  Chronicle  "  of  Sept.  21,  1769,  contains  the  following  adver 
tisement :  "To  be  sold,  a  Likely  Little  negroe  boy,  who  can 
.speak  the  French  language,  and  very  fit  for  a  Valet." 

1  Armistead's  A  Tribute  to  the  Negro,  pp.  460,  461.        2  Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  345,  note. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  203 

With  increasing  evidence  of  the  Negro's  capacity  for  mental 
improvement,  and  fitness  for  the  duties  and  blessings  of  a  free 
man,  and  the  growing  insolence  and  rigorous  policy  of  the 
mother  country,  came  a  wonderful  change  in  the  colony.  The 
Negroes  were  emboldened  to  ask  for  and  claim  rights  as  British 
subjects,  and  the  more  humane  element  among  the  whites  saw  in 
a  relaxation  of  the  severe  treatment  of  the  blacks  security  and 
immunity  in  war.  But  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  Massachusetts 
was  not  born  of  a  genuine  desire  to  put  down  a  wicked  and  cruel 
traffic  in  human  beings.  Two  things  operated  in  favor  of  humane 
treatment  of  the  slaves,  —  an  impending  war,  and  the  decision  of 
Lord  Mansfield  in  the  Sommersett  case.  The  English  govern 
ment  was  yearly  increasing  the  burdens  of  the  colonists.  The 
country  was  young,  its  resources  little  known.  The  people  were 
largely  engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits.  There  were  no  tariff 
laws  encouraging  or  protecting  the  labor  or  skill  of  the  people. 
Civil  war  seemed  inevitable.  Thoughtful  men  began  to  consider 
the  question  as  to  which  party  the  Negroes  of  the  colony  would 
contribute  their  strength.  It  was  no  idle  question  to  determine 
whether  the  Negroes  were  Tories  or  Whigs.  As  early  as  1750  the 
questions  as  to  the  legality  of  holding  Negroes  in  slavery  in 
British  colonies  began  to  be  discussed  in  England  and  New  Eng 
land.  "  What,  precisely,  the  English  law  might  be  on  the  subject 
of  slavery,  still  remained  a  subject  of  doubt."  I  Lord  Holt  held 
that  slavery  was  a  condition  unknown  to  English  law,  —  that  the 
being  in  England  was  evidence  of  freedom.  This  embarrassed 
New-England  planters  in  taking  their  slaves  to  England.  The 
planters  banded  for  their  common  cause,  and  secured  the  written 
opinion  of  Yorke  and  Talbot,  attorney  and  solicitor  general  of 
England.  They  held  that  slaves  could  be  held  in  England  as  well 
as  in  America ;  that  baptism  did  not  confer  freedom  :  and  the 
opinion  stood  as  sound  law  for  nearly  a  half-century.2  The  men 
in  England  who  lived  on  the  money  wrung  from  the  slave-trade, 
the  members  of  the  Royal  African  Company,  came  to  the  rescue 
of  the  institution  of  slavery.  In  order  to  maintain  it  by  law  in 
the  American  colonies,  it  had  to  be  recognized  in  England.  The 
people  of  Massachusetts  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  question. 
In  1761,  at  a  meeting  "in  the  old  court-house,"  James  Otis,3  in  a 

1  Hildreth,  vol.  ii.  p.  426.  2  Pearce  vs.  Lisle,  Ambler,  76. 

3  It  may  sound  strangely  in  the  ears  of  some  friends  and  admirers  of  the  gifted  John  Adams 
to  hear  now,  after  the  lapse  of  many  years,  what  he  had  to  say  of  the  position  Otis  took.  His 


204      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

speech  against  the  "writs  of  assistance,"  struck  a  popular  chord 
on  the  questions  of  "  The  Rights  of  the  Colonies,"  afterwards 
published  (1764)  by  order  of  the  Legislature.  He  took  the  broad 
ground,  "  that  the  colonists,  black  and  white,  born  here,  are  free- 
born  British  subjects  and  entitled  to  all  the  essential  rights  of 
such."1  In  1766  Nathaniel  Appleton  and  James  Swan  distin 
guished  themselves  in  their  defence  of  the  doctrines  of  "  liberty 
for  all."  It  became  the  general  topic  of  discussion  in  private  and 
public,  and  country  lyceums  and  college  societies  took  it  up  as  a 
subject  of^  forensic  disputation.2  In  the  month  of  May,  1766,  the 
representatives  of  the  people  were  instructed  to  advocate  the 
total  abolition  of  slavery.  And  on  the  i6th  of  March,  1767,  a 
resolution  was  offered  to  see  whether  the  instructions  should  be 
adhered  to,  and  was  unanimously  carried  in  the  affirmative.  But 
it  should  be  remembered  that  British  troops  were  in  the  colony, 
in  the  streets  of  Boston.  The  mutterings  of  the  distant  thunder 
of  revolution  could  be  heard.  Public  sentiment  was  greatly 
tempered  toward  the  Negroes.  On  the  3ist  of  May,  1609,  tne 
House  of  Representatives  of  Massachusetts  resolved  against  the 
presence  of  troops,  and  besought  the  governor  to  remove  them. 
His  Excellency  disclaimed  any  power  under  the  circumstances  to- 
interfere.  The  House  denounced  a  standing  army  in  time  of 
peace,  without  the  consent  of  the  General  Court,  as  "  without 
precedent,  and  unconstitutional."  3.  In  1769  one  of  the  courts 
of  Massachusetts  gave  a  decision  friendly  to  a  slave,  who'  was  the 
plaintiff.  This  stimulated  the  Negroes  to  an  exertion  for  free 
dom.  The  entire  colony  was  in  a  feverish  state  of  excitement. 
An  anonymous  Tory  writer  reproached  Bostonians  for  desiring 
freedom  when  they  themselves  enslaved  others. 

mild  views  on  slavery  were  as  deserving  of  scrutiny  as  those  of  the  elder  Quincy.  Mr.  Adams 
says:  "  Nor  were  the  poor  negroes  forgotten.  Not  a  Quaker  in  Philadelphia,  or  Mr.  Jefferson, 
of  Virginia,  ever  asserted  the  rights  of  negroes  in  stronger  terms.  Young  as  I  was,  and  ignorant 
as  I  was,  I  shuddered  at  the  doctrine  he  taught ;  and  I  have  all  my  lifetime  shuddered,  and  still 
shudder,  at  the  consequences  that  may  be  drawn  from  such  premises.  Shall  we  say,  that  the 
rights  of  masters  and  servants  clash,  and  can  be  decided  only  by  force?  I  adore  the  idea  of 
gradual  abolitions !  But  who  shall  decide  how  fast  or  how  slowly  these  abolitions  shall  be  made? " 

1  Hildreth,  vol.  ii.  pp.  564,  565. 

2  Coffin  says,  "In  October  of  1773,  an  action  was  brought  against  Richard  Greenleaf,  of 
Newburyport,  by  Caesar  [Hendrick],  a  colored  man,  whom  he  claimed  as  his  slave,  for  holding 
him  in  bondage.     He  laid  the  damages  at  fifty  pounds.    The  council  for  the  plaintiff,  in  whose 
favor  the  jury  brought  in  their  verdict  and  awarded  him  eighteen  pounds'  damages  and  costs,  was 
John  Lowell,  Esq.,  afterward  Judge  Lowell.     This  case  excited  much  interest,  as  it  was  the  first,, 
if  not  the  only  one  of  the  kind,  that  ever  occurred  in  the  county." 

3  Hildreth,  vol.  ii.  pp.  550,  551. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  205 

"  '  What ! '  cries  our  good  people  here,  '  Negro  slaves  in  Boston  !  It  cannot 
be.'  It  is  nevertheless  true.  For  though  the  Bostonians  have  grounded  their 
rebellion  on  the  'immutable  laws  of  nature,'  yet,  notwithstanding  their  re 
solves  about  freedom  in  their  Town-meetings,  they  actually  have  in  town  2,000 
Negro  slaves."  * 

These  trying  and  exasperating  circumstances  were  but  the 
friendly  precursors  of  a  spirit  of  universal  liberty. 

In  England  the  decision  of  Lord  Mansfield  in  the  Sommersett 
case  had  encouraged  the  conscientious  few  who  championed  the 
cause  of  the  slave.  Charles  Stewart,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  Mass., 
had  taken  to  London  with  him  his  Negro  slave,  James  Sommersett. 
The  Negro  was  seized  with  a  sickness  in  the  British  metropolis, 
and  was  thereupon  abandoned  by  his  master.  He  afterwards 
regained  his  health, 'and  secured  employment.  His  master,  learn 
ing  of  his  whereabouts,  had  him  arrested,  and  placed  in  confine 
ment  on  board  the  vessel  "  Ann  and  Mary,"  Capt.  John  Knowls, 
commander,  then  lying  in  the  Thames,  but  soon  to  sail  for 
Jamaica,  where  Sommersett  was  to  be  sold. 

"On  the  3rd  of  Dec.,  1771,  affidavits  were  made  by  Thomas  Walklin,  Eliza 
beth  Cade,  and  John  Marlow,  that  James  Sommersett,  a  Negro,  was  confined 
in  irons  on  board  a  ship  called  the  Ann  and  Mary,  John  Knowls  com 
mander,  lying  in  the  Thames,  and  bound  for  Jamaica.  Lord  Mansfield,  upon  the 
prayer  of  the  above  subscribers,  allowed  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  requiring 
the  return  of  the  body  of  Sommersett  before  his  lordship  with  an  explanation 
of  the  cause  of  his  detention. »  On  the  pth  of  Dec.,  Capt.  Knowls  produced 
the  body  of  Sommersett  in  Court.  Lord  Mansfield,  after  a  preliminary  ex 
amination,  referred  the  matter  to  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  and,  therefore, 
took  sureties,  and  bound  Sommersett  over  'till  'the  2nd  day  of  the  next  Hil 
lary  term.'  At  the  time  appointed  the  defendant,  with  counsel,  the  reputed 
master  of  the  Negro  man  Sommersett,  and  Capt.  John  Knowls,  appeared  before 
the  court.  Capt.  Knowls  recited  the  reasons  that  led  him  to  detain  Sommer 
sett  ;  whereupon  the  counsel  for  the  latter  asked  for  time  in  which  to  prepare 
an  argument  against  the  return.  Lord  Mansfield  gave  them  until  the  7th  of 
February.  At  the  time  appointed  Mr.  Sergeant  Davy  and  Mr.  Sergeant  Glynn 
argued  against  the  return,  and  had  further  argument  '  postponed  'till  Easter 
term,'  when  Mr.  Mansfield,  Mr.  Alleyne,  and  Mr.  Hargrave  argued  on  the 
same  side.  'The  only  question  before  us  is  whether  the  cause  on  the  return  io. 
sufficient.  If  it  is,  the  Negro  must  be  remanded;  if  it  is  not,  he  must  be  dis 
charged.  The  return  states  that  the  slave  departed  and  refused  to  serve, 
whereupon  he  was  kept  to  be  sold  abroad.  So  high  an  act  of  dominion  must 
be  recognized  by  the  law  of  the  country  where  it  is  used.  The  power  of  a 
master  over  his  slave  has  been  exceedingly  different  in  different  countries. 

1  Drake,  p.  720,  note.  2  I  use  the  English  spelling,  —  Sommersett. 


206      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  state  of  slavery  is  of  such  a  nature  that  it  is  incapable  of  being  introduced 
on  any  reasons,  moral  or  political,  but  only  by  positive  law,  which  preserves  its 
force  long  after  the  reasons,  occasions,  and  time  itself  from  whence  it  was 
created  is  erased  from  memory.  It  is  so  odious  that  nothing  can  be  suffered 
to  support  it  but  positive  law.  Whatever  inconveniences,  therefore,  may  follow 
from  the  decision,  I  cannot  say  this  case  is  allowed  or  approved  by  the  law  of 
England,  and  therefore  the  black  must  be  discharged.'  " 

The  influence  of  this  decision  was  wide-spread,  and  hurtful  to 
slavery  in  the  British  colonies  in  North  America.  It  poured  new 
life  into  the  expiring  hopes  of  the  Negroes,  and  furnished  a  rule 
of  law  for  the  advocates  of  "freedom  for  all."  It  raised  a  ques 
tion  of  law  in  all  the  colonies  as  to  whether  the  colonial  govern 
ments  could  pass  an  Act  legalizing  that  which  was  "  contrary  to 
English  law."  * 

Notwithstanding  the  general  and  generous  impulse  for  liberty, 
the  indissoluble  ties  of  avarice,  and  the  greed  for  the  unearned 
gains  of  the  slave-trade,  made  public  men  conservate  to  conserve 
the  interests  of  those  directly  interested  in  the  inhuman  traffic. 

"In  an  age  when  the  interests  of  trade  guided  legislation,  this  branch  of 
commerce  possessed  paramount  attractions.  Not  a  statesman  exposed  its 
enormities ;  and,  if  Richard  Baxter  echoed  the  opinions  of  Puritan  Massachu 
setts,  if  Southern  drew  tears  by  the  tragic  tale  of  Oronooko,  if  Steele  awakened 
a  throb  of  indignation  by  the  story  of  Inkle  and  Yarico,  if  Savage  and  Shen- 
stone  pointed  their  feeble  couplets  with  the  wrongs  of  *  Afric's  sable  children,' 
if  the  Irish  metaphysician  Hutcheson,  struggling  for  a  higher  system  of  morals, 
—  justly  stigmatized  the  traffic;  yet  no  public  opinion  lifted  its  voice  against  it. 
English  ships,  fitted  out  in  English  cities,  under  the  special  favor  of  the  royal 
family,  of  the  ministry,  and  of  parliament,  stole  from  Africa,  in  the  years  from 
1700  to  1750,  probably  a  million  and  a  half  of  souls,  of  whom  one-eighth  were 
buried  in  the  Atlantic,  victims  of  the  passage ;  and  yet  in  England  no  general 
indignation  rebuked  the  enormity ;  for  the  public  opinion  of  the  age  was  obe 
dient  to  materialism."2 

Humane  masters  who  desired  to  emancipate  their  slaves  were 
embarrassed  by  a  statute  unfriendly  to  manumission.  The  Act  of 
1703  3  deterred  many  persons  from  emancipating  their  slaves  on 
account  of  its  unjust  and  hard  requirements.  And  under  it  quite 
a  deal  of  litigation  arose.  It  required  every  master  who  desired 
to  liberate  his  slave,  before  doing  so,  to  furnish  a  bond  to  the 
treasurer  of  the  town  or  place  in  which  he  resided,  in  a  sum  not 

1  Hildreth,  vol.  ii.  p.  567.  2  Bancroft,  i2th  ed.  vol.  iii.  p.  412. 

3  Ancient  Charters  and  Laws  of  Mass.,  pp.  745,  746. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  207 

less  than  fifty  pounds.1  This  was  to  indemnify  the  town  or  place 
in  case  the  Negro  slave  thus  emancipated  should,  through  lame 
ness  or  sickness,  become  a  charge.  In  case  a  master  failed  to 
furnish  such  security,  his  emancipated  slaves  were  still  contem 
plated  by  the  law  as  in  bondage,  "  notwithstanding  any  manumis 
sion  or  instrument  of  freedom  to  them  made  or  given."  Judge 
Sewall,  in  a  letter  to  John  Adams,  cites  a  case  in  point. 

"  A  man,  by  will,  gives  his  Negro  his  liberty,  and  leaves  him  a  legacy. 
The  executor  consents  that  the  Negro  shall  be  free,  but  refuseth  to  give  bond 
to  the  selectmen  to  indemnify  the  town  against  any  charge  for  his  support  in 
case  he  should  become  poor  (without  which,  by  the  province  law,  he  is  not 
manumitted),  or  to  pay  him  the  legacy. 

"  Query.     Can  he  recover  the  legacy,  and  how? 

"  I  have  just  observed  that  in  your  last  you  desire  me  to  say  something 
towards  discouraging  you  from  removing  to  Providence;  and  you  say,  any 
thing  will  do.  At  present,  I  only  say,  you  will  do  well  enough  where  you  are. 
I  will  explain  myself,  and  add  something  further,  in  some  future  letter.  I  have 
not  time  to  enlarge  now,  for  which  I  believe  you  will  not  be  inconsolably 
grieved.  So,  to  put  you  out  of  pain,  your  hearty  friend, 

JONATHAN  SEW  ALL."* 

Mr.  Adams  replied  as  follows  :  — 

"Now.  En  mesure  le  manner.  The  testator  intended  plainly  that  his 
negro  should  have  his  liberty  and  a  legacy ;  therefore  the  law  will  presume 
that  he  intended  his  executor  should  do  all  that  without  which  he  could  have 
neither.  That  this  indemnification  was  not  in  the  testator's  mind,  cannot  be 
proved  from  the  will  any  more  than  it  could  be  proved,  in  the  first  case  above, 
that  the  testator  did  not  know  a  fee-simple  would  pass  a  will  without  the  word 
heirs ;  nor  than,  in  the  second  case,  that  the  devise  of  a  trust,  that  might 
continue  forever,  would  convey  a  fee-simple  without  the  like  words.  I  take  it, 
therefore,  that  the  executor  of  this  will  is,  by  implication,  obliged  to  give  bonds 
to  the  town  treasurer,  and,  in  his  refusal,  is  a  wrongdoer;  and  I  cannot  think 
he  ought  to  be  allowed  to  take  advantage  of  his  own  wrong,  so  much  as  to 
allege  this  want  of  an  indemnification  to  evade  an  action  of  the  case  brought 
for  the  legacy  by  the  negro  himself. 

"But  why  may  not  the  negro  bring  a  special  action  of  the  case  against  the 
executor,  setting  forth  the  will,  the  devise  of  freedom  and  a  legacy,  and  then 

1  The  following  is  from  Felt's  Salem,  vol.  ii.  pp.  415,  416,  and  illustrates  the  manner  in 
which  the  law  was  complied  with  :  "1713.     Ann,  relict  of  Governor  Bradstreet,  frees  Hannah,  a 
negro  servant.     1717,  Dec.  21.     William  and  Samuel  Upton,  of  this  town,  liberate  Thomas,  who 
has  faithfully  served  their  father,  John  Upton,  of  Reading.     They  give  security  to  the  treasurer, 
that  they  will  meet  all  charges,  which  may  accrue  against  the  said  black  man.     1721,   May  27. 
Elizur  Keyser  does  the  same  for  his  servant,  Cato,  after  four  years  more,  and  then  the  latter  was 
to  receive  two  suits  of  clothes.  .  .  .  1758,  June -5.     The  heirs  of  John  Turner,  having  freed  two 
servants,  Titus  and  Rebeckah,  give  bonds  to  the  selectmen,  that  they  shall  be  no  public  charge." 

2  John  Adams's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  51. 


208      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  necessity  of  indemnification  by  the  province  law,  and  then  a  refusal  to 
indemnify,  and,  of  consequence,  to  set  free  and  to  pay  the  legacy  ? 

"  Perhaps  the  negro  is  free  at  common  law  by  the  devise.  Now,  the 
province  law  seems  to  have  been  made  only  to  oblige  the  master  to  maintain 
his  manumitted  slave,  and  not  to  declare  a  manumission  in  the  master's  life 
time,  or  at  his  death,  void.  Should  a  master  give  his  negro  his  freedom,  under 
his  hand  and  seal,  without  giving  bond  to  the  town,  and  should  afterwards 
repent  and  endeavor  to  recall  the  negro  into  servitude,  would  not  that  instru 
ment  be  a  sufficient  discharge  against  the  master  ? "  * 

It  is  pleaded  in  extenuation  of  this  Act,  that  it  was  passed  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  very  prevalent  habit  of  emancipating  old  and 
decrepit  Negroes  after  there  was  no  more  service  in  them.  If  this 
be  true,  it  reveals  a  practice  more  cruel  than  slavery  itself. 

In  1702  the  representatives  of  the  town  of  Boston  were 
"desired  to  promote  the  encouraging  the  bringing  of  White 
servants  and  to  put  a  period  to  Negroes  being  slaves."  2  This 
was  not  an  anti-slavery  measure,  as  some  have  wrongly  supposed.3 
It  was  not  a  resolution  or  an  Act :  it  was  simply  a  request ;  and 
one  that  the  "  Representatives  "  did  not  grant  for  nearly  a  century 
afterwards. 

"In  1718,  a  committee  of  both  Houses  prepared  a  bill  entitled  'An  Act 
for  the  Encouraging  the  Importation  of  White  Male  Servants,  and  the  prevent 
ing  the  Clandestine  bringing  in  of  Negroes  and  Molattoes.'  " 

It  was  read  in  Council  a  first  time  on  the  i6th  of  June,  and 
"sent  down  recommended  "  to  the  House ;  where  it  was  also  read 
a  first  time  on  the  same  day.  The  next  day  it  was  read  a  second 
time,  and,  "on  the  question  for  a  third  reading,  decided  in  the 
negative. "4  In  1706  an  argument  or  "Computation  that  the 
Importation  of  Negroes  is  not  so  profitable  as  that  of  White 
Servants,"  was  published  in  Boston. 5  It  throws  a  flood  of  light 
upon  the  Act  mentioned  above,  and  shows  that  the  motives  that 
inspired  the  people  who  wanted  a  period  put  to  the  holding  of 
Negroes  as  slaves  were  grossly  material  and  selfish.  It  was  the 
first  published  article  on  the  subject,  and  is  worthy  of  reproduc- 

1  Adams's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  55.  2  Drake,  p.  525. 

3  The  late  Senator  Sumner,  in  a  speech  delivered  on  the  a8th  of  June,  1854,  refers  to  this  as 
"  the  earliest  testimony  from  any  official  body  against  negro  slavery."  Even  the  weight  of  the 
senator's  assertion  cannot  resist  the  facts  of  history.  The  "resolve"  instructing  the  "representa 
tives"  was  never  carried;  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  next  Act  was  the  law  of  1703  restricting 
manumission ! 

*  Journal  H.  of  R.,  15,  16.     General  Court  Records,  x.  282.  s  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  106. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  209 

tion  in  full.     It  is  reprinted  from  "  The  Boston  News-Letter,"  No. 
112,  June  10,  1706,  in  the  New- York  Historical  Society. 

"  By  last  Year's  Bill  of  Mortality  for  the  Town  of  Boston,  in  Number  100 
News-Letter,  we  are  furnished  with  a  List  of  44  Negroes  dead  last  year,  which 
being  computed  one  with  another  at  3o/.  per  Head,  amounts  to  the  Sum  of  One 
Thousand  three  hundred  and  Twenty  Pounds,  of  which  we  would  make  this 
Remark:  That  the  Importing  of  Negroes  into  this  or  the  Neighboring  Prov 
inces  is  not  so  beneficial  either  to  the  Crown  or  Country,  as  White  Servants 
would  be. 

"  For  Negroes  do  not  carry  Arms  to  defend  the  Country  as  Whites  do. 

"  Negroes  are  generally  Eye-Servants,  great  Thieves,  much  addicted  to 
Stealing,  Lying  and  Purloining. 

"  They  do  not  People  our  Country  as  Whites  would  do  whereby  we  should 
be  strengthened  against  an  Enemy. 

"  By  Encouraging  the  Importing  of  White  Men  Servants,  allowing  some 
what  to  the  Importer,  most  Husbandmen  in  the  Country  might  be  furnished 
with  Servants  for  8,  9,  or  io/.  a  Head,  who  are  not  able  to  launch  out  40  or  5o/, 
for  a  Negro  the  now  common  Price. 

"A  Man  then  might  buy  a  White  Man  Servant  we  suppose  for  io/.  to 
serve  4  years,  and  Boys  for  the  same  price  to  Serve  6,  8,  or  io  years;  If  a 
White  Servant  die,  the  Loss  exceeds  not  io/.  but  if  a  Negro  dies,  'tis  a  very 
great  loss  to  the  Husbandman ;  Three  years  Interest  of  the  price  of  the  Negro, 
will  near  upon  if  not  altogether  purchase  a  White  Man  Servant. 

"  If  necessity  call  for  it,  that  the  Husbandman  must  fit  out  a  Man  against 
the  Enemy ;  if  he  has  a  Negro  he  cannot  send  him,  but  if  he  has  a  White 
Servant,  'twill  answer  the  end,  and  perhaps  save  his  son  at  home. 

"  Were  Merchants  and  Masters  Encouraged  as  already  said  to  bring  in 
Men  Servants,  there  needed  not  be  such  Complaint  against  Superiors  Impress 
ing  our  Children  to  the  War,  there  would  then  be  Men  enough  to  be  had  without 
Impressing. 

"The  bringing  in  of  such  Servants  would  much  enrich  this  Province, 
because  Husbandmen  would  not  only  be  able  far  better  to  manure  what  Lands 
are  already  under  Improvement,  but  would  also  improve  a  great  deal  more 
that  now  lyes  waste  under  Woods,  and  enable  this  Province  to  set  about 
raising  of  Naval  Stores,  which  would  be  greatly  advantageous  to  the  Crown 
of  England,  and  this  Province. 

"  For  the  raising  of  Hemp  here,  so  as  to  make  Sail-cloth  and  Cordage  to 
furnish  but  our  own  shipping,  would  hinder  the  Importing  it,  and  save  a  con 
siderable  sum  in  a  year  to  make  Returns  for  which  we  now  do,  and  in  time 
might  be  capacitated  to  furnish  England  not  only  with  Sail-cloth  and  Cordage, 
but  likewise  with  Pitch,  Tar,  Hemp,  and  other  Stores  which  they  are  now 
obliged  to  purchase  in  Foreign  Nations. 

"Suppose  the  Government  here  should  allow  Forty  Shillings  per  head  for 
five  years,  to  such  as  should  Import  every  of  these  years  10.0  White  Men  Ser 
vants,  and  each  to  serve  4  years,  the  cost  would  be  but  zoo/,  a  year,  and  a 
looo/.  for  the  5  years.  The  first  roo  Servants,  being  free  the  4th  year  they 
serve  the  5th  for  Wages,  and  the  6th  there  is  100  that  goes  out  into  the  Woods, 


210      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  settles  a  100  Families  to  Strengthen  and  Baracado  us  from  the  Indians, 
and  also  a  100  Families  more  every  year  successively. 

"And  here  you  see  that  in  one  year  the  Town  of  Boston  has  lost  13207.  by 
44  Negroes,  which  is  also  a  loss  to  the  Country  in  general,  and  for  a  less  loss 
(if  it  may  improperly  be  so  called)  for  a  iooo/.  the  Country  may  have  500 
Men  in  5  years  time  for  the  44  Negroes  dead  in  one  year. 

"  A  certain  person  within  these  6  years  had  two  Negroes  dead  computed 
both  at  6o/.  which  would  have  procured  him  six  white  Servants  at  io/.  per  head 
to  have  Served  24  years,  at  4  years  apiece,  without  running  such  a  great  risque, 
and  the  Whites  would  have  strengthened  the  Country,  that  Negroes  do  not. 

"  'Twould  do  well  that  none  of  those  Servants  be  liable  to  be  Impressed 
during  their  Service  of  Agreement  at  their  first  Landing. 

"That  such  Servants  being  Sold  or  Transported  out  of  this  Province  dur 
ing  the  time  of  their  Service,  the  Person  that  buys  them  be  liable  to  pay  3/.  into 
the  Treasury." 

Comment  would  be  superfluous.  It  is  only  necessary  for  the 
reader  to  note  that  there  is  not  a  humane  sentiment  in  the  entire 
article. 

But  universal  liberty  was  not  without  her  votaries.  All  hac> 
not  bowed  the  knee  to  Baal.  The  earliest  friend  of  the  Indian 
and  the  Negro  was  the  scholarly,  pious,  and  benevolent  Samuel 
Sewall,  at  one  time  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Superior  Court  of 
Massachusetts,  and  afterwards  the  chief  justice.  He  hated 
slavery  with  a  righteous  hatred,  and  early  raised  his  voice  and 
used  his  pen  against  it.  He  contributed  the  first  article  against 
slavery  printed  in  the  colony.  It  appeared  as  a  tract,  on  the  24th 
of  June,  1700,  and  was  ''Printed  by  Bartholomew  Green  and 
John  Allen."  It  is  withal  the  most  remarkable  document  of  its 
kind  we  ever  saw.  It  is  reproduced  here  to  show  the  reader  what 
a  learned  Christian  judge  thought  of  slavery  one  hundred  and 
eighty-two  years  ago. 


"THE   SELLING   OF  JOSEPH   A  MEMORIAL. 

"  By  the  Hon'ble  JUDGE   SEWALL  in  New  England. 

"FORASMUCH  as  LIBERTY  is  in  real  value  next  unto  Life;  None 
ought  to  part  with  it  themselves,  or  deprive  others  of  it,  but  upon  most  mature 
consideration. 

"  The  Numerousness  of  Slaves  at  this  Day  in  the  Province,  and  the  Un 
easiness  of  them  under  their  Slavery,  hath  put  many  upon  thinking  whether 
the  Foundation  of  it  be  firmly  and  well  laid  ;  so  as  to  sustain  the  Vast  Weight 
that  is  built  upon  it.  It  is  most  certain  that  all  Men,  as  they  are  the  Sons  of 
Adam,  are  Co-heirs,  and  have  equal  Right  unto  Liberty,  and  all  other  outward 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  211 

Comforts  of  Life.  GOD  hath  given  the  Earth  {with  all  its  commodities}  unta 
the  Sons  of  Adam,  PsaL,  115,  16.  And  hath  made  of  one  Blood  all  Nations 
of  Men,  for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the  Earth,  and  hath  determined  the 
Times  before  appointed,  and  the  bounds  of  their  Habitation  :  That  they  should 
seek  the  Lord.  Forasmuch  then  as  we  are  the  Offspring  of  GOD,  &c.  Acts, 
17,  26,  27,  29.  Now,  although  the  Title  given  by  the  last  ADAM  doth  infinitely 
better  Men's  Estates,  respecting  GOD  and  themselves;  and  grants  them  a  most 
beneficial  and  inviolable  Lease  under  the  Broad  Seal  of  Heaven,  who  were 
before  only  Tenants  at  Will;  yet  through  the  Indulgence  of  GOD  to  our  First 
Parents  after  the  Fall,  the  outward  Estate  of  all  and  every  of  their  Children, 
remains  the  same  as  to  one  another.  So  that  Originally,  and  Naturally,  there 
is  no  such  thing  as  Slavery.  Joseph  was  rightfully  no  more  a  slave  to  his 
Brethren,  than  they  were  to  him;  and  they  had  no  more  Authority  to  .5W/him, 
than  they  had  to  Slay  him.  And  if  they  had  nothing  to  do  to  sell  him ;  the 
Ishmaelites  bargaining  with  them,  and  paying  down  Twenty  pieces  of  Silver, 
could  not  make  a  Title.  Neither  could  Potiphar  have  any  better  Interest  in 
him  than  the  Ishmaelites  had.  Gen.  37,  20,  27,  28.  For  he  that  shall  in  this 
case  plead  Alteration  of  Property,  seems  to  have  forfeited  a  great  part  of  his 
own  claim  to  Humanity.  There  is  no  proportion  between  Twenty  Pieces  of 
Silver  and  LIBERTY.  The  Commodity  itself  is  the  Claimer.  If  Arabian 
Gold  be  imported  in  any  quantities,  most  are  afraid  to  meddle  with  it,  though 
they  might  have  it  at  easy  rates ;  lest  it  should  have  been  wrongfully  taken 
from  the  Owners,  it  should  kindle  a  fire  to  the  Consumption  of  their  whole 
Estate.  'Tis  pity  there  should  be  more  Caution  used  in  buying  a  Horse,  or  a 
little  lifeless  dust,  than  there  is  in  purchasing  Men  and  Women :  Whereas  they 
are  the  Offspring  of  GOD,  and  their  Liberty  is, 

.  .  .  Auro  pretiofior  Omni. 

"  And  seeing  GOD  hath  said,  He  that  Stealeth  a  Man,  and  Selleth  him,  or 
if  he  be  found  in  his  Hand,  he  shall  surely  be  put  to  Death.  Exod.  21,  16. 
This  Law  being  of  Everlasting  Equity,  wherein  Man-Stealing  is  ranked  among 
the  most  atrocious  of  Capital  Crimes  :  What  louder  Cry  can  there  be  made  of 
that  Celebrated  Warning 

Caveat  Emptor  ! 

"  And  all  things  considered,  it  would  conduce  more  to  the  Welfare  of  the 
Province,  to  have  White  Servants  for  a  Term  of  Years,  than  to  have  Slaves 
for  Life.  Few  can  endure  to  hear  of  a  Negro's  being  made  free ;  and  indeed 
they  can  seldom  use  their  Freedom  well ;  yet  their  continual  aspiring  after 
their  forbidden  Liberty,  renders  them  Unwilling  Servants.  And  there  is  such 
a  disparity  in  their  Conditions,  Colour,  and  Hair,  that  they  can  never  embody 
with  us,  &  grow  up  in  orderly  Families,  to  the  Peopling  of  the  Land  ;  but  still 
remain  in  our  Body  Politick  as  a  kind  of  extravasat  Blood.  As  many  Negro 
Men  as  there  are  among  us,  slo  many  empty  Places  are  there  in  our  Train 
Bands,  and  the  places  taken  up  of  Men  that  might  make  Husbands  for  our 
Daughters.  And  the  Sons  and  Daughters  of  New  England  would  become 
more  like  Jacob  and  Rachel,  if  this  Slavery  were  thrust  quite  out  of  Doors. 
Moreover  it  is  too  well  known  what  Temptations  Masters  are  under,  to  connive 


212      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

•at  the  Fornication  of  their  Slaves ;  lest  they  should  be  obliged  to  find  them 
Wives,  or  pay  their  Fines.  It  seems  to  be  practically  pleaded  that  they  might 
be  lawless  ;  'tis  thought  much  of,  that  the  Law  should  have  satisfaction  for 
their  Thefts,  and  other  Immoralities  ;  by  which  means,  Holiness  to  the  Lord  is 
more  rarely  engraven  upon  this  sort  of  Servitude.  It  is  likewise  most  lament 
able  to  think,  how  in  taking  Negroes  out  of  Africa,  and  selling  of  them  here, 
That  which  GOD  has  joined  together,  Men  do  boldly  rend  asunder;  Men  from 
their  Country,  Husbands  from  their  Wives,  Parents  from  their  Children.  How 
horrible  is  the  Uncleanness,  Mortality,  if  not  Murder,  that  the  Ships  are  guilty 
of  that  bring  great  Crowds  of  these  miserable  Men  and  Women.  Methinks 
•when  we  are  bemoaning  the  barbarous  Usage  of  our  Friends  and  Kinsfolk  in 
Africa,  it  might  not  be  unreasonable  to  enquire  whether  we  are  not  culpable  in 
forcing  the  Africans  to  become  Slaves  amongst  ourselves.  And  it  may  be  a 
question  whether  all  the  Benefit  received  by  Negro  Slaves  will  balance  the 
Accompt  of  Cash  laid  out  upon  them ;  and  for  the  Redemption  of  our  own 
enslaved  Friends  out  of  Africa.  Besides  all  the  Persons  and  Estates  that 
have  perished  there. 

"  Obj.  i.  These  Blackamores  are  of  the  Posterity  of  Cham,  and  therefore 
we  under  the  Curse  of  Slavery.  •  Gen.  9,  25,  26,  27. 

" Ans.  Of  all  Offices,  one  would  not  beg  this;  viz.  UncalPd  for,  to  be  an 
Executioner  of  the  Vindictive  Wrath  of  God ;  the  extent  and  duration  of  which 
is  to  us  uncertain.  If  this  ever  was  a  Commission ;  How  do  we  know  b\it  that 
it  is  long  since  out  of  Date  ?  Many  have  found  it  to  their  Cost,  that  a  Pro 
phetical  Denunciation  of  Judgment  against  a  Person  or  People,  would  not 
warrant  them  to  inflict  that  evil.  If  it  would,  Hazael  might  justify  himself  in 
all  he  did  against  his  master,  and  the  Israelites  from  2  Kings  8,  10,  12. 

"  But  it  is  possible  that  by  cursory  reading,  this  Text  may  have  been  mis 
taken.  For  Canaan  is  the  Person  Cursed  three  times  over,  without  the  men 
tioning  of  Cham,  Good  Expositors  suppose  the  Curse  entailed  on  him,  and 
that  this  Prophesie  was  accomplished  in  the  Extirpation  of  the  Canaanites,  and 
in  the  Servitude  of  the  Gibeonites.  Vide  Pareum.  Whereas  the  Blackmores 
are  not  descended  of  Canaan,  but  of  Cush.  Psal.  68,  31.  Princes  shall  come 
•out  of  Egypt  [Mizraim].  Ethiopia  [Cush]  shall  soon  stretch  out  her  hands 
unto  God.  Under  which  Names,  all  Africa  may  be  comprehended ;  and  their 
Promised  Conversion  ought  to  be  prayed  for.  Jer.  13,  23.  Can  the  Ethiopian 
change  his  Skin  ?  This  shows  that  Black  Men  are  the  Posterity  of  Cush.  Who 
time  out  of  mind  have  been  distinguished  by  their  Colour.  And  for  want  of 
the  true,  Ovid  assigns  a  fabulous  cause  of  it. 

Sanguine  turn  credunt  in  corpora  summa  vocato 

s&thiopum  populos  nigrum  traxisse  color  em.  Metamorph.  lib.  2. 

"  Obj.  2.  The  Nigers  are  brought  out  of  a  Pagan  Country,  into  places 
••where  the  Gospel  is  preached. 

"  Ans.  Evil  must  not  be  done,  that  good  may  come  of  it.  The  extraordi 
nary  and  comprehensive  Benefit  accruing  to  the  Church  of  God,  and  to  Joseph 
personally,  did  not  rectify  his  Brethren's  Sale  of  him. 

"Obj.  3.  The  Africans  have  Wars  one  with  another:  Our  Ships  bring 
-lawful  Captives  taken  in  those  wars. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  213 

*'  Answ.  For  aught  is  known,  their  Wars  are  much  such  as  were  between 
'Jacob's  Sons  and  their  Brother  Joseph.  If  they  be  between  Town  and  Town ; 
Provincial  or  National :  Every  War  is  upon  one  side  Unjust.  An  Unlawful 
War  can't  make  lawful  Captives.  And  by  receiving,  we  are  in  danger  to  pro 
mote,  and  partake  in  their  Barbarous  Cruelties.  I  am  sure,  if  some  Gentlemen 
should  go  down  to  the  Brewsters  to  take  the  Air,  and  Fish :  And  a  stronger 
Party  from  Hull  should  surprise  them,  and  sell  them  for  Slaves  to  a  Ship  out 
ward  bound;  they  would  think  themselves  unjustly  dealt  with;  both  by  Sellers 
and  Buyers.  And  yet  'tis  to  be  feared,  we  have  no  other  Kind  of  Title  to  our 
Nigers.  Therefore  all  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you, 
do  you  even  so  to  them  :  for  this  is  the  Law  and  the  Prophets.  Matt.  7,  12. 

"Obj.  4.  Abraham  had  Servants  boitght  with  his  money  and  born  in  his 
House. 

"  Ans.  Until  the  Circumstances  of  Abrahams  purchase  be  recorded,  no 
Argument  can  be  drawn  from  it.  In  the  mean  time,  Charity  obliges  us  to 
•conclude,  that  He  knew  it  was  lawful  and  good. 

"  It  is  Observable  that  the  Israelites  were  strictly  forbidden  the  buying  or 
selling  one  another  for  Slaves.  Levit.  25.  39.  46.  Jer.  34,  8-22.  And  GOD 
gaged  His  Blessing  in  lieu  of  any  loss  they  might  conceit  they  suffered  thereby, 
Deut.  15.  1 8.  And  since  the  partition  Wall  is  broken  down,  inordinate  Self- 
love  should  likewise  be  demolished.  GOD  expects  that  Christians  should  be  of 
a  more  Ingenuous  and  benign  frame  of  Spirit.  Christians  should  carry  it  to  all 
the  World,  as  the  Israelites  were  to  carry  it  one  towards  another.  And  for 
Men  obstinately  to  persist  in  holding  their  Neighbours  and  Brethren  under  the 
Rigor  of  perpetual  Bondage,  seems  to  be  no  proper  way  of  gaining  Assurance 
that  God  has  given  them  Spiritual  Freedom.  Our  Blessed  Saviour  has  altered 
the  Measures  of  the  ancient  Love  Song,  and  set  it  to  a  most  Excellent  New 
Tune,  which  all  ought  to  be  ambitious  of  Learning.  Matt.  5.  43.  44.  John  13. 
34.  These  Ethiopians,  as  black  as  they  are,  seeing  they  are  the  Sons  and 
Daughters  of  the  First  Adam,  the  Brethren  and  Sisters  of  the  Last  ADAM, 
and  the  Offspring  of  GOD  ;  They  ought  to  be  treated  with  a  Respect  agree 
able. 

"  Servitus  perfecta  voluntaria,  inter  Christianum  &*  Christianum,  ex  parte 
servi  patientis  saepe  est  licita,  quia  est  necessaria;  sed  ex  parte  domini  agentis, 
•&* procurando  &  exercendo,  vix  potest  esse  licita;  quia  non  convenit  regula 
illi  generali :  Quaecunque  volueritis  utfaciant  vobis  homines,  ita  6°  vos  facite 
•eis.  Matt.  7,  12. 

"Perfecta  servitus  paenae,  non  potest  jure  lociim  habere,  nisi  ex  delicto  gravi 
quod  ultimum  supplicium  aliquo  modo  meretur :  quia  Libertas  ex  naturali 
astimatione  proxime  accedit  advitam  ipsam,  6°  eidem  a  multis  prceferri  solet. 

"  Ames.  Cas.  Confc.  Lib.  5.  Cap.  23.     Thes.  2.  3." 

Judge  Sewall's  attack  on  slavery  created  no  little  stir  in  Boston  ; 
and  the  next  year,  1701,  Judge  John  Saffin,  an  associate  of  Judge 
Sewall,  answered  it  in  quite  a  lengthy  paper.1  Having  furnished 

1  It  was  thought  to  be  lost  for  some  years,  until  Dr.  George  H.  Moore  secured  a  copy  from 
George  Brinley,  Esq.,  of  Hartford,  Conn.,  and  reproduced  it  in  his  Notes. 


214     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Judge  Sewall's  paper,  it  is  proper  that  Judge  Baffin's  reply  should 
likewise  have  a  place  here. 


"JUDGE   BAFFIN'S  REPLY  TO  JUDGE   SEWALL,   1701. 

"  A  Brief  and  Candid  Answer  to  a  late  Printed  Sheet,  Entituled,  The  Selling  of 
Jpseph. 

"THAT  Honourable  and  Learned  Gentleman,  the  Author  of  a  Sheet, 
Enti tuled,  The  Selling  of  Joseph,  A  Memorial,  seems  from  thence  to  draw  this 
conclusion,  that  because  the  Sons  of  Jacob  did  very  ill  in  selling  their  Brother 
Joseph  to  the  Ishmaelites,  who  were  Heathens,  therefore  it  is  utterly  unlawful 
to  Buy  and  Sell  Negroes,  though  among  Christians ;  which  Conclusion  I  pre 
sume  is  not  well  drawn  from  the  Premises,  nor  is  the  case  parallel;  for  it  was 
unlawful  for  the  Israelites  to  Sell  their  Brethren  upon  any  account,  or  pretence 
whatsoever  during  life.  But  it  was  not  unlawful  for  the  Seed  of  Abraham  to 
have  Bond  men,  and  Bond  women  either  born  in  their  House,  or  bought  with 
their  Money,  as  it  is  written  of  Abraham,  Gen.  14.  14.  <Sr»  21.  10.  6°  Exod.  21. 
1 6.  &*  Levit.  25.  44.  45.  46  v.  After  the  giving  of  the  law :  And  in  Josh.  9.  23. 
That  famous  Example  of  the  Gibeonites  is  a  sufficient  proof  where  there  no 
other. 

"  To  speak  a  little  to  the  Gentlemans  first  Assertion  :  That  none  ought  to 
part  with  their  Liberty  themselves,  or  deprive  others  of  it  but  iipon  mature 
consideration;  a  prudent  exception,  in  which  he  grants,  that  upon  some  con 
sideration  a  man  may  be  deprived  of  his  Liberty.  And  then  presently  in  his 
next  Position  or  Assertion  he  denies  it,  viz. :  It  is  most  certain,  that  all  men  as 
they  are  the  Sons  of  Adam  are  Coheirs,  and  have  equal  right  to  Liberty,  and 
all  other  Comforts  of  Life,  which  he  would  prove  out  of  Psal.  115.  16.  The 
Earth  hath  he  given  to  the  Children  of  Men.  True,  but  what  is  all  this  to  the 
purpose,  to  prove  that  all  men  have  equal  right  to  Liberty,  and  all  outward 
comforts  of  this  life ;  which  Position  seems  to  invert  the  Order  that  God  hath 
set  in  the  World,  who  hath  Ordained  different  degrees  and  orders  of  men, 
some  to  be  High  and  Honourable,  some  to  be  Low  and  Despicable ;  some  to 
be  Monarchs,  Kings,  Princes  and  Governours,  Masters  and  Commanders, 
others  to  be  Subjects,  and  to  be  Commanded ;  Servants  of  sundry  sorts  and 
degrees,  bound  to  obey;  yea,  some  to  be  born  Slaves,  and  so  to  remain  during 
their  lives,  as  hath  been  proved.  Otherwise  there  would  be  a  meer  parity 
among  men,  contrary  to  that  of  the  Apostle,  I.  Cor.  12  from  the  13  to  the  26 
verse,  where  he  sets  forth  (by  way  of  comparison)  the  different  sorts  and  offices 
of  the  Members  of  the  Body,  indigitating  that  they  are  all  of  use,  but  not 
equal,  and  of  Like  dignity.  So  God  hath  set  different  Orders  and  Degrees  of 
Men  in  the  World,  both  in  Church  and  Common  weal.  Now,  if  .this  Position 
of  parity  should  be  true,  it  would  then  follow  that  the  ordinary  Course  of 
Divine  Providence  of  God  in  the  World  should  b^  wrong,  and  unjust,  (which 
we  must  not  dare  to  think,  much  less  to  affirm)  and  all  the  sacred  Rules, 
Precepts  and  Commands  of  the  Almighty  which  he  hath  given  the  Sons  of  Men 
to  observe  and  keep  in  their  respective  Places,  Orders  and  Degrees,  would  be 
to  no  purpose;  which  unaccountably  derogate  from  the  Divine  Wisdom  of  the 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  215 

most  High,  who  hath  made  nothing  in  vain,  but  hath  Holy  Ends  in  all  his 
Dispensations  to  the  Children  of  men. 

"In  the  next  place,  this  worthy  Gentleman  makes  a  large  Discourse  con 
cerning  the  Utility  and  Conveniency  to  keep  the  one,  and  inconveniency  of  the 
other;  respecting  white  and  black  Servants,  which  conduceth  most  to  the 
welfare  and  benefit  of  this  Province :  which  he  concludes  to  be  white  men, 
who  are  in  many  respects  to  be  preferred  before  Blacks;  who  doubts  that? 
doth  it  therefore  follow,  that  it  is  altogether  unlawful  for  Christians  to  buy  and 
keep  Negro  Servants  (for  this  is  the  thesis)  but  that  those  that  have  them  ought 
in  Conscience  to  set  them  free,  and  so  lose  all  the  money  they  cost  (for  we 
must  not  live  in  any  known  sin)  this  seems  to  be  his  opinion ;  but  it  is  a  Ques 
tion  whether  it  ever  was  the  Gentleman's  practice  ?  But  if  he  could  perswade 
the  General  Assembly  to  make  an  Act,  That  all  that  have  Negroes,  and  do  set 
them  free,  shall  be  Reimbursed  out  of  the  Publick  Treasury,  and  that  there 
shall  be  no  more  Negroes  brought  into  the  country ;  'tis  probable  there  would 
be  more  of  his  opinion ;  yet  he  would  find  it  a  hard  task  to  bring  the  Country 
to  consent  thereto;  for  then  the  Negroes  must  be  all  sent  out  of  the  Country, 
or  else  the  remedy  would  be  worse  than  the  disease;  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that 
those  Negroes  that  are  free,  if  there  be  not  some  strict  course  taken  with  them 
by  Authority,  they  will  be  a  plague  to  this  Country. 

"Again,  If  it  should  be  unlawful  to  deprive  them  that  are  lawful  Captives, 
or  Bondmen  of  their  Liberty  for  Life  being  Heathens ;  it  seems  to  be  more 
unlawful  to  deprive  our  Brethren,  of  our  own  or  other  Christian  Nations  of  the 
Liberty,  (though  but  for  a  time)  by  binding  them  to  Serve  some  Seven,  Ten, 
Fifteen,  and  some  Twenty  Years,  which  oft  times  proves  for  their  whole  Life, 
as  many  have  been ;  which  in  effect  is  the  same  in  Nature,  though  different  in 
the  time,  yet  this  was  allow'd  among  the  Jews  by  the  Law  of  God ;  and  is  the 
constant  practice  of  our  own  and  other  Christian  Nations  in  the  World:  the 
which  our  Author  by  his  Dogmatical  Assertions  doth  condem  as  Irreligious; 
which  is  Diametrically  contrary  to  the  Rules  and  Precepts  which  God  hath 
given  the  diversity  of  men  to  observe  in  their  respective  Stations,  Callings, 
and  Conditions  of  Life,  as  hath  been  observed. 

"And  to  illustrate  his  Assertion  our  Author  brings  in  by  way  of  Compari 
son  the  Law  of  God  against  man  Stealing,  on  pain  of  Death  :  Intimating 
thereby,  that  Buying  and  Selling  of  Negro's  is  a  breach  of  that  Law,  and  so 
deserves  Death :  A  severe  Sentence :  But  herein  he  begs  the  Question  with  a 
Caveat  Emptor.  For,  in  that  very  Chapter  there  is  a  Dispensation  to  the 
People  of  Israel,  to  have  Bond  men,  Women  and  Children,  even  of  their  own 
Narion  in  some  case  ;  and  Rules  given  therein  to  be  observed  concerning  them ; 
Verse  the  4^/2.  And  in  the  before  cited  place,  Levit  25.  44,  45, 46.  Though  the 
Israelites  were  forbidden  (ordinarily)  to  make  Bond  men  and  Women  of  their 
own  Nation,  but  of  Strangers  they  might :  the  words  run  thus,  verse  44.  Both 
thy  Bond  men,  and  thy  Bond  maids  which  thou  shalt  have  shall  be  of  the 
Heathen,  that  are  round  about  you  :  of  them  shall  you  Buy  Bond  men  and 
Bond  maids,  &>c.  See  also,  I  Cor.  12.  13.  Whether  we  be  Bond  or  Free, 
which  shows  that  in  the  times  of  the  New  Testament,  tj|ere  were  Bond  men 
also,  &c. 

"  In  fine,  The  sum  of  this  long  Haurange,  is  no  other,  than  to  compare  the 
Buying  and  Selling  of  Negro's  unto  the  Stealing  of  Men,  and  the  Selling  of 


2l6      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Joseph  by  his  Brethren,  which  bears  no  proportion  therewith,  nor  is  there  any 
congruiety  therein,'as  appears  by  the  foregoing  Texts. 

"  Our  Author  doth  further  proceed  to  answer  some  Objections  of  his  own 
framing,  which  he  supposes  some  might  raise. 

u  Object.  I.  That  these  Blackamores  are  of  the  Posterity  of  Cham,  and 
therefore  under  the  Curse  of  Slavery.  Gen.  9.  25,  26,  27.  The  which  the 
Gentleman  seems  to  deny,  saying,  they  ware  the  Seed  of  Canaan  that  were 
Cursed,  &c. 

" Answ.  Whether  they  were  so  or  not,  we  shall  not  dispute:  this  may 
suffice,  that  not  only  the  seed  of  Cham  or  Canaan,  but  any  lawful  Captives  of 
other  Heathen  Nations  may  be  made  Bond  men  as  hath  been  proved. 

"  Obj.  2.  That  the  Negroes  are  brought  out  of  Pagan  Coimtreys  into  places 
where  the  Gospel  is  preached.  To  which  he  Replies,  that  we  must  not  doe  Evil 
that  Good  may  come  of  it. 

"  Ans.  To  which  we  answer,  That  it  is  no  Evil  thing  to  bring  them  out  of 
their  own  Heathenish  Country,  where  they  may  have  the  knowledge  of  the 
True  God,  be  Converted  and  Eternally  saved. 

"  Obj.  3.  The  Affricans  have  Wars  one  with  another  j  our  Ships  bring 
lawful  Captives  taken  in  those  Wars. 

"To. which  our  Author  answers  Conjecturally,  and  Doubtfully,/<?r  aught 
we  know,  that  which  may  or  may  not  be ;  which  is  insignificant,  and  proves 
nothing.  He  also  compares  the  Negroes  Wars,  one  Nation  with  another,  with 
the  Wars  between  Joseph  and  his  Brethren.  But  where  doth  he  read  of  any 
such  War  ?  We  read  indeed  of  a  Domestick  Quarrel  they  had  with  him,  they 
envyed  and  hated  Joseph  ;  but  by  what  is  Recorded,  he  was  meerly  passive  and 
meek  as  a  Lamb.  This  Gentleman  farther  adds,  That  there  is  not  any  War 
but  is  unjust  on  one  side,  &>c.  Be  it  so,  what  doth  that  signify:  We  read  of 
lawful  Captives  taken  in  the  Wars,  and  lawful  to  be  Bought  and  Sold  without 
contracting  the  guilt  of  the  Agressors ;  for  which  we  have  the  example  of 
Abraham  before  quoted ;  but  if  we  must  stay  while  both  parties  Warring  are 
in  the  right,  there  would  be  no  lawful  Captives  at  all  to  be  Bought;  which 
seems  to  be  rediculous  to  imagine,  and  contrary  to  the  tenour  of  Scripture,  and 
all  Humane  Histories  on  that  subject 

"Obj.  4.  Abraham  had  Servants  bought  with  his  Money,  and  born  in 
his  House.  Gen.  14.  14.  To  which  our  worthy  Author  answers,  until  the  Cir 
cumstances  of  Abraham"1  s  purchase  be  recorded,  no  Argument  can  be  drawn  from 
it. 

"Ans.  To  which  we  Reply,  this  is  also  Dogmatical,  and  proves  nothing. 
He  farther  adds,  In  the  mean  time  Charity  Obliges  us  to  conclude,  that  he  kftew 
it  was  lawful  and  good.  Here  the  gentleman  yields  the  case  ;  for  if  we  are  in 
Charity  bound  to  believe  Abrahams  practice,  in  buying  and  keeping  Slaves  in 
his  house  to  be  lawful  and  good:  then  it  follows,  that  our  Imitation  of  him  in 
this  his  Moral  Action,  is  as  warrantable  as  that  of  his  Faith;  who  is  the  FatJier 
of  all  them  that  believe.  Rom.  4.  16. 

"  In  the  close  all,  Our  Author  Quotes  two  more  places  of  Scripture,  viz.*. 
Levit.  25.  46,  and  Je+  34,  from  the  8.  to  the  22.  v.  To  prove  that  the  people 
of  Israel  were  strictly  forbidden  the  Buying  and  Selling  one  another  for  Slaves  : 
who  questions  that?  and  what  is  that  to  the  case  in  hand?  What  a  strange 
piece  of  Logick  5s  this  ?  'Tis  unlawful  for  Christians  to  Buy  and  Sell  one 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  217 

another  for  slaves.     Ergo,  It  is  unlawful  to   Buy  and  Sell  Negroes  that  are 
lawful  Captiv'd  Heathens. 

"  And  after  a  Serious  Exhortation  to  us  all  to  Love  one  another  according 
to  the  Command  of  Christ.  Math.  5,  43,  44.  This  worthy  Gentleman  con 
eludes  with  this  Assertion,  That  these  Ethiopeans  as  Black  as  they  are,  seeing 
they  are  the  Sons  and  Daughters  of  the  first  Adam ;  the  Brethren  and  Sisters 
of  the  Second  Adam,  and  the  Offspring  of  Godj  we  oitght  to  treat  them  with  a 
respect  agreeable. 

"  Ans.  We  grant  it  for  a  certain  and  undeniable  verity,  That  all  Mankind 
are  the  Sons  and  Daughters  of  Adam,  and  the  Creatures  of  God:  But  it  doth 
not  therefore  follow  that  we  are  bound  to  love  and  respect  all  men  alike ;  this 
under  favour  we  must  take  leave  to  deny ;  we  ought  in  charity,  if  we  see  our 
Neighbour  in  want,  to  relieve  them  in  a  regular  way,  but  we  are  not  bound  to 
give  them  so  much  of  our  Estates,  as  to  make  them  equal  with  ourselves,  be 
cause  they  are  our  Brethren,  the  Sons  of  Adam,  no,  not  our  own  natural  Kins 
men  :  We  are  Exhorted  to  do  good  unto  all,  but  especially  to  them  who  are  of 
the  Household  of  Faith,  Gal.  6.  10.  And  we  are  to  love,  honour  and  respect 
all  men  according  to  the  gift  of  God  that  is  in  them :  I  may  love  my  Servant 
well,  but  my  Son  better;  Charity  begins  at  home,  it  would  be  a  violation  of 
common  prudence,  and  a  breach  of  good  mariners,  to  treat  a  Prince  like  a 
Peasant.  And  this  worthy  Gentleman  would  deem  himself  much  neglected,  if 
we  should  show  him  no  more  Defference  than  to  an  ordinary  Porter:  And 
therefore  these  florid  expressions,  the  Sons  and  Daughters  of  the  First  Adam, 
the  Brethren  and  Sisters  of  the  Second  Adam,  and  the  Offspring  of  God,  seem 
to  be  misapplied  to  import  and  insinuate,  that  we  ought  to  tender  Pagan 
Negroes  with  all  love,  kindness,  and  equal  respect  as  to  the  best  of  men. 

"  By  all  which  it  doth  evidently  appear  both  by  Scripture  and  Reason,  the 
practice  of  the  People  of  God  in  all  Ages,  both  before  and  after  the  giving  of 
the  Law.  and  in  the  times  of  the  Gospel,  that  there  were  Bond  men,  Women 
and  Children  commonly  kept  by  holy  and  good  men,  and  improved  in  Service; 
and  therefore  by  the  Command  of  God,  Lev.  25,  44,  and  their  venerable 
Example,  we  may  keep  Bond  men,  and  use  them  in  our  Service  still ;  yet  with 
all  candour,  moderation  and  Christian  prudence,  according  to  their  state  and 
condition  consonant  to  the  Word  of  God." 


Judge  Sewall  had  dealt  slavery  a  severe  blow,  and  opened  up 
an  agitation  on  the  subject  that  was  felt  during  the  entire  Revolu 
tionary  struggle.  He  became  the  great  apostle  of  liberty,  the 
father  of  the  anti-slavery  movement  in  the  colony.  He  was  the 
bold  and  stern  John  the  Baptist  of  that  period,  "the  voice  of  one 
crying  in  the  wilderness "  of  bondage,  to  prepare  the  way  for 
freedom. 

The  Quakers,  or  Friends  as  they  were  called,  were  perhaps, 
the  earliest  friends  of  the  slaves,  but,  like  Joseph  of  Arimathaea, 
were  "secretly"  so,  for  fear  of  the  "Puritans."  But  they  early 
recorded  their  disapprobation  of  slavery  as  follows  :  — 


:2l8      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

26tk  day  of  y«  tyh  mo.  1716. 

"  An  epistle  from  the  last  Quarterly  Meeting  was  read  in  this,  and  ye  mat 
ter  referred  to  this  meeting,  viz.,  whether  it  is  agreeable  to  truth  for  friends  to 
purchase  slaves  and  keep  them  term  of  liffe,  was  considered,  and  ye  sense  and 
judgment  of  this  meeting  is,  that  it  is  not  agreeable  to  truth  for  friends  to 
purchase  slaves  and  hold  them  term  of  liffe. 

"  Nathaniel  Starbuck,  junr  is  to  draw  out  this  meeting's  judgment  concern 
ing  friends  not  buying  slaves  and  keeping  them  term  of  liffe,  and  send  it  to  the 
snext  Quarterly  Meeting,  and  to  sign  it  in  ye  meeting's  behalf."  l 

Considering  the  prejudice  and  persecution  that  pursued  this 
good  people,  their  testimony  against  slavery  is  very  remarkable. 
In  1729-30  Elihu  Coleman-  of  Nantucket,  a  minister  of  the 
society  of  Friends,  wrote  a  book  against  slavery,  published  in 
1733,  entitled,  "A  Testimony  against  that  Anti-Christian  Practice 
of  MAKING  SLAVES  OF  MEN.2  It  was  well  written,  and  the  truth 
fearlessly  told  for  the  conservative,  self-seeking  period  he  lived  in. 
He  says,  — 

"  I  am  not  unthoughtful  of  the  ferment  or  stir  that  such  discourse  as  this 
may  make  among  some,  who  (like  Demetrius  of  old)  may  say,  by  this  craft  we 
have  our  wealth,  which  caused  the  people  to  cry  out  with  one  voice,  great  is 
Diana  of  the  Ephesians,  whom  all  Asia  and  the  world  worship." 

He  examined  and  refuted  the  arguments  put  forth  in  defence 
of  slavery,  charged  slaveholders  with  idleness,  and  contended 
that  slavery  was  the  mother  of  vice,  at  war  with  the  laws  of 
nature  and  of  God.  Others  caught  the  spirit  of  reform,  and  the 
agitation  movement  gained  recruits  and  strength  every  year.  Felt 
says,  "1765.  Pamphlets  and  newspapers  discuss  the  subjects  of 
slavery  with  increasing  zeal."  The  colonists  were  aroused.  Men 
were  taking  one  side  or  the  other  of  a  question  of  great  magni 
tude.  In  1767  an  anonymous  tract  of  twenty  octavo  pages  against 
slavery  made  its  appearance  in  Boston.  It  was  written  by 
Nathaniel  Appleton,  a  co-worker  with  Otis,  and  an  advanced 
thinker  on  the  subject  of  emancipation.  It  was  in  the  form  of  a 
letter  addressed  to  a  friend,  and  was  entitled,  "Considerations  on 
Slavery/'  The  Rev.  Samuel  Webster  Salisbury  published  on  the 
2d  of  March,  1769,  "An  Earnest  Address  to  my  Country  on 
Slavery."  He  opened  his  article  with  an  argument  showing  the 
inconsistency  of  a  Christian  people  holding  slaves,  pictured  the 
evil  results  of  slavery,  and  then  asked,  — 

1  History  of  Nantucket,  p.  281.  2  Coffin,  p.  338 ;  also  History  of  Nantucket,  pp.  279,  280. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  219 

"  What  then  is  to  be  done  ?  Done  !  for  God's  sake  break  every  yoke  and 
let  these  oppressed  ones  go  free  without  delay  —  let  them  taste  the  sweets  of 
that  liberty,  which  we  so  highly  prize,  and  are  so  earnestly  supplicating  God 
and  man  to  grant  us  :  nay,  which  we  claim  as  the  natural  right  of  every  man. 
Let  me  beseech  my  countrymen  to  put  on  bowels  of  compassion  for  these 
their  brethren  (for  so  I  must  call  them,)  yea,  let  me  beseech  you  for  your  own 
sake  and  for  God's  sake,  to  break  every  yoke  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free."  * 

Begun  among  the  members  of  the  bar  and  the  pulpit,  the 
•common  folk  at  length  felt  a  lively  interest  in  the  subject  of 
emancipation.  An  occasional  burst  of  homely,  vigorous  eloquence 
from  the  pulpit  on  the  duties  of  the  hour  inflamed  the  conscience 
of  the  pew  with  a  noble  zeal  for  a  righteous  cause.  The  afflatus 
of  liberty  sat  upon  the  people  as  cloven  tongues.  Every  village, 
town,  and  city  had  its  orators  whose  only  theme  was  emancipa 
tion.  "  The  pulpit  and  the  press  were  not  silent,  and  sermons 
.and  essays  in  behalf  of  the  enslaved  Africans  were  continually 
making  their  appearance."  The  public  conscience  was  being 
rapidly  educated,  and  from  the  hills  of  Berkshire  to  the  waters 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  the  fires  of  liberty  were  burning. 

1  Coffin,  p.  338. 


220      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA.. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  — CONTINUED. 

1633-1775. 

THE  ERA  OF  PROHIBITORY  LEGISLATION  AGAINST  SLAVERY.  —  BOSTON  INSTRUCTS  HER  REPRESENTA,- 
TIVES  TO  VOTE  AGAINST  THE  SLAVE-TRADE.  —  PROCLAMATION  ISSUED  BY  GoV.  DuMMER  AGAINST 
THE  NEGROES,  APRIL  13,  1723.  —  PERSECUTION  OF  THE  NEGROES.  —  "SUING  FOR  LIBERTY."  — 
LETTER  OF  SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  JOHN  PICKERING,  JUN.,  ON  BEHALF  OF  NEGRO  MEMORIALISTS. — 
A  BILL  FOR  THE  SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  SLAVE-TRADE  PASSES.  —  Is  VETOED  BY  Gov.  GAGE,  AND 

FAILS  TO   BECOME  A   LAW. 

THE  time  to  urge  legislation  on  the  slavery  question  had 
come.  Cultivated  at  the  first  as  a  private  enterprise,  then 
fostered  as  a  patriarchal  institution,  slavery  had  grown  to 
such  gigantic  proportions  as  to  be  regarded  as  an  unwieldy  evil, 
and  subversive  of  the  political  stability  of  the  colony.  Men 
winked  at  the  "day  of  its  small  things,"  and  it  grew.  Little 
legislation  was  required  to  regulate  it,  and  it  began  to  take  root  in 
the  social  and  political  life  of  the  people.  The  necessities  for 
legislation  in  favor  of  slavery  increased.  Every  year  witnessed 
the  enactment  of  laws  more  severe,  until  they  appeared  as  scars 
upon  the  body  of  the  laws  of  the  colony.  To  erase  these  scars 
was  the  duty  of  the  hour. 

It  was  now  1755.  More  than  a  half-century  of  agitation  and 
discussion  had  prepared  the  people  for  definite  action.  Manu 
mission  and  petition  were  the  first  methods  against  slavery.  On 
the  loth  of  March,  1755,  the  town  of  Salem  instructed  their  rep 
resentative,  Timothy  Pickering,  to  petition  the  General  Court 
against  the  importation  of  slaves.1  The  town  of  Worcester,  in 
June,  1765,  instructed  their  representative  to  "use  his  influence 
to  obtain  a  law  to  put  an  end  to  that  unchristian  and  impolitic 
practice  of  making  slaves  of  the  human  species,  and  that  he  give 
his  vote  for  none  to  serve  in  His  Majesty's  Council,  who  will  use 
their  influence  against  such  a  law."  2  The  people  of  Boston,  in 

1  Felt,  vol.  ii.  p,  416.  2  Newspaper  Literature,  vol.  i.  p.  31. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  221 

the   month    of    May,    1766,    instructed    their   representatives   as 
follows  :  — 

"  And  for  the  total  abolishing  of  slavery  among  us,  that  you  move  for  a  law 
to  prohibit  the  importation  and  the  purchasing  of  slaves  for  the  future."  J 

And  in  the  following  year,  1767,  on  the  i6th  of  March,  the 
question  was  put  as  to  whether  the  town  should  adhere  to  its 
previous  instructions  in  favor  of  the  suppression  of  the  slave- 
trade,  and  passed  in  the  affirmative.  Nearly  all  the  towns,  espe 
cially  those  along  the  coast,  those  accessible  by  mails  an.d  news 
papers,  had  recorded  their  vote,  in  some  shape  or  other,  against 
slavery.  The  pressure  for  legislation  on  the  subject  was  great. 
The  country  members  of  the  Legislature  were  almost  a  unit  in 
favor  of  the  passage  of  a  bill  prohibiting  the  further  importation 
of  slaves.  The  opposition  came  from  the  larger  towns,  but  the 
opposers  were  awed  by  the  determined  bearing  of  the  enemies  of 
the  slave-trade.  The  scholarship,  wealth,  and  piety  of  the  colony 
were  steadily  ranging  to  the  side  of  humanity. 

On  the  1 3th  of  March,  1767,  a  bill  was  introduced  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  "to  prevent  the  unwarrantable  and 
unlawfitl  Practice  or  Custom  of  inslaving  Mankind  in  this  Prov 
ince,  and  the  importation  of  slaves  into  the  same."  2  It  was  read 
the  first  time,  when  a  dilatory  motion  was  offered  that  the  bill  lie 
over  to  the  next  session,  which  was  decided  in  the  negative.  An 
amendment  was  offered  to  the  bill,  limiting  it  "  to  a  certain  time," 
which  was  carried  ;  and  the  bill  made  a  special  order  for  a  second 
reading  on  the  following  day.  It  was  accordingly  read  on  the 
I4th,  when  a  motion  was  made  to  defer  it  for  a  third  reading  to 
the  next  "  May  session."  The  friends  of  the  bill  voted  down  this 
dilatory  motion,  and  had  the  bill  made  the  special  order  of  the 
following  Monday,  —  it  now  being  Saturday.  On  Sunday  there 
must  have  been  considerable  lobbying  done,  as  can  be  seen  by 
the  vote  taken  on  Monday.  After  it  was  read,  and  the  debate 
was  concluded,  it  was  "  Ordered  that  the  Matter  subside,  and  that 
Capt.  Sheaffe,  Col.  Richmond,  and  Col.  Bourne,  be  a  Commit 
tee  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for  laying  a  Duty  of  Impost  on  slaves  im 
porting  into  this  Province."  3  This  was  a  compromise,  that,  as 
will  be  seen  subsequently,  impaired  the  chances  of  positive  and 
wholesome  legislation  against  slavery.  The  original  bill  dealt  a 

1  Lyman's  Report,  quoted  by  Dr.  Moore.  2  House  Journal,  p.  387.  3  Ibid.    , 


222      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

double  blow  :  it  struck  at  the  slave-trade  in  the  Province,  and 
levelled  the  institution  already  in  existence.  But  some  secret 
influences  were  set  in  operation,  that  are  forever  hidden  from  the 
searching  eye  of  history ;  and  the  friends  of  liberty  were  bullied 
or  cheated.  There  was  no  need  of  a  bill  imposing  an  impost  tax 
on  slaves  imported,  for  such  a  law  had  been  in  existence  for  more 
than  a  half-century.  If  the  tax  were  not  heavy  enough,  it  could 
have  been  increased  by  an  amendment  of  a  dozen  lines.  On  the 
1 7th  the  substitute  was  brought  in  by  the  special  committee 
appointed  by  the  Speaker  the  previous  day.  The  rules  requiring 
bills  to  be  read  on  three  several  'days  were  suspended,  the  bill 
ordered  to  a  first  and  second  reading,  and  then  made  the  special 
order  for  eleven  o'clock  on  the  next  day,  Wednesday,  the  i8th. 
The  motion  to  lie  on  the  table  until  the  "next  May"  was  defeated. 
An  amendment  was  then  offered  to  limit  the  life  of  the  bill  to  one 
year,  which  was  carried,  and  the  bill  recommitted.  On  the  after 
noon  of  the  same  day  it  was  read  a  third  time,  and  placed  on  its 
passage  with  the  amendment.  It  passed,  was  ordered  engrossed, 
and  was  "sent  up  by  Col.  Bowers,  Col.  Gerrish,  Col.  Leonard, 
Capt.  Thayer,  and  Col.  Richmond."  On  the  igth  of  March  it 
was  read  a  first  time  in  the  council.  On  the  2Oth  it  was  read  a 
second  time,  and  passed  to  be  engrossed  "as  taken  into  a  new 
draft."  When  it  reached  the  House  for  concurrence,  in  the  after 
noon  of  the  same  day,  it  was  "Read  and  unanimously  non-con 
curred,  and  the  House  adhere  to  their  own  vote,  sent  up  for 
concurrence."  l 

Massachusetts  has  gloried  much  and  long  in  this  Act  to  prohibit 
"the  Custom  of  enslaving  mankind;"  but  her  silver-tongued  ora 
tors  and  profound  statesmen  have  never  possessed  the  courage  to 
tell  the  plain  truth  about  its  complete  failure.  From  the  first  it 
was  harassed  by  dilatory  motions  and  amendments  directed  to  its 
life;  and  the  substitute,  imposing  an  impost  tax  on  imported 
slaves  for  one  year,  showed  plainly  that  the  friends  of  the  original 
bill  had  been  driven  from  their  high  ground.  It  was  like  applying 
for  the  position  of  a  major-general,  and  then  accepting  the  place 
of  a  corporal.  It  was  as  though  they  had  asked  for  a  fish,  and 
accepted  a  serpent  instead.  It  seriously  lamed  the  cause  of 
emancipation.  It  filled  the  slaves  with  gloom,  and  their  friends 
with  apprehension.  On  the  other  hand,  those  who  profited  by 

1  House  Journals;  see,  also,  Gen.  Court  Records,  May,  1763,  to  May,  1767,  p.  485. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  223 

barter  in  flesh  and  blood  laughed  secretly  to  themselves  at  the 
abortive  attempt  of  the  anti-slavery  friends  to  call  a  halt  on  the 
trade.  They  took  courage.  For  ten  weary  years  the  voices  lifted 
for  the  freedom  of  the  slave  were  few,  faint,  and  far  between. 
The  bill  itself  has  been  lost.  What  its  subject-matter  was,  is  left 
to  uncertain  and  unsatisfactory  conjecture.  All  we  know  is  from 
the  title  just  quoted.  But  it  was,  nevertheless,  the  only  direct 
measure  offered  in  the  Provincial  Legislature  against  slavery 
during  the  entire  colonial  period,  and  came  nearest  to  passage  of 
any.  But  "a  miss  is  as  good  as  a  mile  !  " 

It  was  now  the  spring  season  of  1771.  Ten  years  had  flown, 
and  no  one  in  all  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  had  had  the 
courage  to  attempt  legislation  friendly  to  the  slave.  The  scenes 
of  the  preceding  year  were  fresh  in  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Boston.  The  blood  of  the  martyrs  to  liberty  was  crying  from 
the  ground.  The  "  red  coats  "  of  the  British  exasperated  the 
people.  The  mailed  hand,  the  remorseless  steel  finger,  of  English 
military  power  was  at  the  throat  of  the  rights  of  the  people.  The 
colony  was  gasping  for  independent  political  life.  A  terrible 
struggle  for  liberty  was  imminent.  The  colonists  were  about  to 
contend  for  all  that  men  hold  dear,  —  their  wives,  their  children, 
their  homes,  and  their  country.  But  while  they  were  panting  for 
an  untrammelled  existence,  to  plant  a  free  nation  on  the  shores  of 
North  America,  they  were  robbing  Africa  every  year  of  her  sable 
children,  and  condemning  them  to  a  bondage  more  cruel  than 
political  subjugation.  This  glaring  inconsistency  imparted  to 
reflecting  persons  a  new  impulse  toward  anti-slavery  legislation. 

In  the  spring  of  1771  the  subject  of  suppressing  the  slave- 
trade  was  again  introduced  into  the  Legislature.  On  the  I2th  of 
April  a  bill  "  To  prevent  the  Importation  of  slaves  from  Africa  " 
was  introduced,  and  read  the  first  time,  and,  upon  the  question 
"When  shall  the  bill  be  read  again?"  was  ordered  to  a  second 
reading  on  the  day  following  at  ten  o'clock.  Accordingly,  on  the 
1 3th,  the  bill  was  read  a  second  time,  and  postponed  till  the  fol 
lowing  Tuesday  morning.  On  the  i6th  it  was  recommitted.  On 
the  iQth  of  the  same  month  a  "  Bill  to  prevent  the  Importation 
of  Negro  slaves  into  this  Province"  was  read  a  first  time,  and 
ordered  to  a  second  reading  "to-morrow  at  eleven  o'clock."  On 
the  following  day  it  was  read  a  second  time,  and  made  the  special 
order  for  three  o'clock  on  the  following  Monday.  On  the  22d, 
Monday,  it  was  read  a  third  time,  and  placed  upon  its  passage  and 


224      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

engrossed.  On  the  24th  it  passed  the  House.  When  it  reached 
the  Council  James  Otis  proposed  an  amendment,  and  a  motion 
prevailed  that  the  bill  lie  upon  the  table.  But  it  was  taken  from 
the  table,  and  the  amendment  of  Otis  was  concurred  in  by  the 
House.  It  passed  the  Council  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  but 
failed  to  receive  the  signature  of  the  governor,  on  the  ground  that 
he  was  "not  authorized  by  Parliament."1  The  same  reason  for 
refusing  his  signature  was  set  up  by  Gen.  Gage.  Thus  the  bill 
failed.  Gov.  Hutchinson  gave  his  reasons  to  Lord  Hillsborough, 
secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies.  The  governor  thought  him 
self  restrained  by  "instructions"  to  colonial  governors  "from 
assenting  to  any  laws  of  a  new  and  unusual  nature."  In  addition 
to  the  foregoing,  his  Excellency  doubted  the  lawfulness  of  the 
legislation  to  which  the  "scruple  upon  the  minds  of  the  people  in 
many  parts  of  the  province  "  would  lead  them ;  and  that  he  had 
suggested  the  propriety  of  transmitting  the  bill  to  England  to 
learn  "his  Majesty's  pleasure"  thereabouts.  Upon  these  reasons 
Dr.  Moore  comments  as  follows  :  — 

"  These  are  interesting  and  important  suggestions.  It  is  apparent  that  at 
this  time  there  was  no  special  instruction  to  the  royal  governor  of  Massachu 
setts,  forbidding  his  approval  of  acts  against  the  slave-trade.  Hutchinson  evi 
dently  doubted  the  genuineness  of  the  'chief  motive'  which  was  alleged  to  be 
the  inspiration  of  the  bill,  the  'meerly  moral'  scruple  against  slavery;  but  his 
reasonings  furnish  a  striking  illustration  of  the  changes  which  were  going  on 
in  public  opinion,  and  the  gradual  softening  of  the  harsher  features  of  slavery 
under  their  influence.  The  non-importation  agreement  throughout  the  Colonies, 
by  which  America  was  trying  to  thwart  the  commercial  selfishness  of  her  rapa 
cious  Mother,  had  rendered  the  provincial  viceroys  peculiarly  sensitive  to  the 
slightest  manifestation  of  a  disposition  to  approach  the  sacred  precincts  of 
those  prerogatives  by  which  King  and  Parliament  assumed  to  bind  their  distant 
dependencies:  and  the  'spirit  of  non-importation'  which  Massachusetts  had 
imperfectly  learned  from  New  York  was  equally  offensive  to  them,  whether  it 
interfered  with  their  cherished  'trade  with  Africa,'  or  their  favorite  monopolies 
elsewhere." 

Discouraged  by  the  failure  of  the  House  and  General  Court  to 
pass  measures  hostile  to  the  slave-trade,  the  people  in  the  out 
lying  towns  began  to  instruct  their  representatives,  in  unmistak 
able  language,  to  urge  the  enactment  of  repressive  legislation  on 
this  subject.  At  a  town  meeting  in  Salem  on  the  i8th  of  May, 
I/73,2  the  representatives  were  instructed  to  prevent,  by  appro- 

1  Slavery  in  Mass.,  pp.  131,  132.  2  Felt,  vol.  ii.  pp.  416,  417. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  22$ 

priate  legislation,  the  further  importation  of  slaves  into  the  colony, 
as  "  repugnant  to  the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  and  highly  preju 
dicial  to  the  Province."  On  the  very  next  day,  May  19,  1773,  at 
a  similar  meeting  in  the  town  of  Leicester,  the  people  gave  among 
other  instructions  to  Thomas  Denny,  their  representative,  the  fol 
lowing  on  the  question  of  slavery:  — 

"  And,  as  we  have  the  highest  regard  for  (so  as  even  to  revere  the  name 
of)  liberty,  we  cannot  behold  but  with  the  greatest  abhorrence  any  of  our 
fellow-creatures  in  a  state  of  slavery. 

"  Therefore  we  strictly  enjoin  you  to  use  your  utmost  influence  that  a  stop 
may  be  put  to  the  slave-trade  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province ;  which,  we 
apprehend,  may  be  effected  by  one  of  these  two  ways :  either  by  laying  a  heavy 
duty  on  every  negro  imported  or  brought  from  Africa  or  elsewhere  into  this 
Province  ;  or  by  making  a  law,  that  every  negro  brought  or  imported  as  afore 
said  should  be  a  free  man  or  woman  as  soon  as  they  come  within  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  it ;  and  that  every  negro  child  that  shall  be  born  in  said  government 
after  the  enacting  such  law  should  be  free  at  the  same  age  that  the  children 
of  white  people  are ;  and,  from  the  time  of  their  birth  till  they  are  capable  of 
earning  their  living,  to  be  maintained  by  the  town  in  which  they  are  born,  or 
at  the  expense  of  the  Province,  as  shall  appear  most  reasonable. 

"  Thus,  by  enacting  such  a  law,  in  process  of  time  will  the  blacks  become 
free ;  or,  if  the  Honorable  House  of  Representatives  shall  think  of  a  more 
eligible  method,  we  shall  be  heartily  glad  of  it.  But  whether  you  can  justly 
take  away  or  free  a  negro  from  his  master,  who  fairly  purchased  him,  and 
(although  illegally;  for  such  is  the  purchase  of  any  person  against  their  consent 
unless  it  be  for  a  capital  offence)  which  the  custom  of  this  country  has  justified 
him  in,  we  shall  not  determine ;  but  hope  that  unerring  Wisdom  will  direct  you 
in  this  and  all  your  other  important  undertakings."  l 

Medford  instructed  the  representative  to  "use  his  utmost 
influence  to  have  a  final  period  put  to  that  most  cruel,  inhuman 
and  unchristian  practice,  the  slave-trade."  At  a  town  meeting 
the  people  of  Sandwich  voted,  on  the  i8th  of  May,  1773,  "that 
our  representative  is  instructed  to  endeavor  to  have  an  Act  passed 
by  the  Court,  to  prevent  the  importation  of  slaves  into  this 
-country,  and  that  all  children  that  shall  be  born  of  such  Africans 
as  are  now  slaves  among  us,  shall,  after  such  Act,  be  free  at 
21  yrs.  of  age."  2 

This  completes  the  list  of  towns  that  gave  instructions  to  their 
representatives,  as  far  as  the  record  goes.  But  there  doubtless 
were  others ;  as  the  towns  were  close  together,  and  as  the  "  spirit 
of  liberty  was  rife  in  the  land." 

1  Hist,  of  Leicester,  pp.  442,  443.  2  Freeman's  Hist,  of  Cape  Cod,  vol.  ii.  pp.  114,  115. 


226      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  Negroes  did  not  endure  the  yoke  without  complaint. 
Having  waited  long  and  patiently  for  the  dawn  of  freedom  in  the 
colony  in  vain,  a  spirit  of  unrest  seized  them.  They  grew  sullen 
and  desperate.  The  local  government  started,  like  a  sick  man, 
at  every  imaginary  sound,  and  charged  all  disorders  to  the 
Negroes.  If  a  fire  broke  out,  the  "  Negroes  did  it,"  —  in  fact,  the 
Negroes,  who  were  not  one-sixth  of  the  population,  were  continu 
ally  committing  depredations  against  the  whites  !  On  the  I3th  of 
April,  1723,  Lieut. -Gov.  Dummer  issued  a  proclamation  against 
the  Negroes,  which  contained  the  following  preamble  :  — 

"Whereas,  within  some  short  time  past,  many  fires  have  broke  out  within 
the  town  of  Boston,  and  divers  buildings  have  thereby  been  consumed :  which 
fires  have  been  designedly  and  industriously  kindled  by  some  villanous  and 
desperate  negroes,  or  other  dissolute  people,  as  appears,  by  the  confession  of 
some  of  them  (who  have  been  examined  by  the  authority),  and  many  concurring 
circumstances ;  and  it  being  vehemently  suspected  that  they  have  entered  into 
a  combination  to  burn  and  destroy  the  town,  I  have  therefore  thought  fit,  with, 
the  advice  of  his  Majesty's  council,  to  issue  forth  this  proclamation,"  etc. 

On  Sunday,  the  i8th  of  April,  1723,  the  Rev.  Joseph  Sewall 
preached  a  sermon  suggested  "  by  the  late  fires  yt  have  broke  out 
in  Boston,  supposed  to  be  purposely  set  by  ye  negroes."  The 
town  was  greatly  exercised.  Everybody  regarded  the  Negroes 
with  distrust.  Special  measures  were  demanded  to  insure  the 
safety  of  the  town.  The  selectmen  of  Boston  passed  "nineteen 
articles "  for  the  regulation  of  the  Negroes.  The  watch  of  the 
town  was  increased,  and  the  military  called  out  at  the  sound  of 
every  fire-alarm  "to  keep  the  slaves  from  breaking  out"!  In 
August,  1730,  a  Negro  was  charged  with  burning  a  house  in 
Maiden  ;  which  threw  the  entire  community  into  a  panic.  In 
1755  two  Negro  slaves  were  put  to  death  for  poisoning  their 
master,  John  Codman  of  Charlestown.  One  was  hanged,  and  the 
other  burned  to  death.  In  1766  all  slaves  who  showed  any  dis 
position  to  be  free  were  "transported  and  exchanged  for  small 
negroes."1  In  1768  Capt.  John  Willson,  of  the  Fifty-ninth  Regi 
ment,  was  accused  of  exciting  the  slaves  against  their  masters  ; 
assuring  them  that  the  soldiers  had  come  to  procure  their  free 
dom,  and  that,  "with  their  assistance,  they  should  be  able  to 
drive  the  Liberty  Boys  to  the  Devil."  The  following  letter  from 
Mrs.  John  Adams  to  her  husband,  dated  at  the  Boston  Garrison, 

1  Boston  Gazette,  Aug.  17,  1761. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  227 

22d  September,  1774,  gives  a  fair  idea  of  the  condition  of  the 
public  pulse,  and  her  pronounced  views  against  slavery. 

"There  has  been  in  town  a  conspiracy  of  the  negroes.  At  present  it  is 
kept  pretty  private,  and  was  discovered  by  one  who  endeavored  to  dissuade 
them  from  it.  He  being  threatened  with  his  life,  applied  to  Justice  Quincy  for 
protection.  They  conducted  in  this  way,  got  an  Irishman  to  draw  up  a  petition 
to  the  Governor  [Gage],  telling  him  they  would  fight  for  him  provided  he  would 
arm  them,  and  engage  to  liberate  them  if  he  conquered.  And  it  is  said  that 
he  attended  so  much  to  it,  as  to  consult  Percy  upon  it,  and  one  Lieutenant  Small 
has  been  very  busy  and  active.  There  is  but  little  said,  and  what  steps  they 
will  take  in  consequence  of  it  I  know  not.  I  wish  most  sincerely  there  was 
not  a  slave  in  the  province ;  it  always  appeared  a  most  iniquitous  scheme  to 
me  to  fight  ourselves  for  what  we  are  daily  robbing  and  plundering  from  those 
who  have  as  good  a  right  to  freedom  as  we  have.  You  know  my  mind  upon 
this  subject." I 

The  Negroes  of  Massachusetts  were  not  mere  passive  observers 
of  the  benevolent  conduct  of  their  white  friends.  They  were 
actively  interested  in  the  agitation  going  on  in  their  behalf. 
Here,  as  in  no  other  colony,  the  Negroes  showed  themselves  equal 
to  the  emergencies  that  arose,  and  capable  of  appreciating  the 
opportunities  to  strike  for  their  own  rights.  The  Negroes  in  the 
colony  at  length  struck  a  blow  for  their  liberty.  And  it  was  not 
the  wild,  indiscriminate  blow  of  Turner,  nor  the  military  measure 
of  Gabriel ;  not  the  remorseless  logic  of  bludgeon  and  torch,  — 
but  the  sober,  sensible  efforts  of  men  and  women  who  believed 
their  condition  abnormal,  and  slavery  prejudicial  to  the  largest 
growth  of  the  human  intellect.  The  eloquence  of  Otis,  the 
impassioned  appeals  of  Sewall,  and  the  zeal  of  Eliot  had  rallied 
the  languishing  energies  of  the  Negroes,  and  charged  their  hearts 
with  the  divine  passion  for  liberty.  They  had  learned  to  spell  out 
the  letters  of  freedom,  and  the  meaning  of  the  word  had  quite 
ravished  their  fainting  souls.  They  had  heard  that  the  royal 
charter  declared  all  the  colonists  British  subjects ;  they  had 
devoured  the  arguments  of  their  white  friends,  and  were  now- 
prepared  to  act  on  their  own  behalf.  The  slaves  of  Greece  and 
Rome,  it  is  true,  petitioned  the  authorities  for  a  relaxation  of  the 
severe  laws  that  crushed  their  manhood ;  but  they  were  captives 
from  other  nations,  noted  for  government  and  a  knowledge  of  the 
science  of  warfare.  But  it  was  left  to  the  Negroes  of  Massachu- 

1  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams,  p.  20. 


228      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

setts  to  force  their  way  into  courts  created  only  for  white  men, 
and  win  their  cause  ! 

On  Wednesday,  Nov.  5,  1766,  John  Adams  makes  the  follow 
ing  record  in  his  diary  :  — 

"  5.  Wednesday.  Attended  Court ;  heard  the  trial  of  an  action  of  trespass, 
brought  by  a  mulatto  woman,  for  damages,  for  restraining  her  of  her  liberty. 
This  is  called  suing  for  liberty ;  the  first  action  that  ever  I  knew  of  the  sort, 
though  I  have  heard  there  have  been  many."  * 

So  as  early  as  1766  Mr.  Adams  records  a  case  of  "suing  for 
liberty  ; "  and  though  it  was  the  first  he  had  known  of,  neverthe 
less,  he  had  "heard  there  have  been  many."  How  many  of  these 
cases  were  in  Massachusetts  it  cannot  be  said  with  certainty,  but 
there  were  "many."  The  case  to  which  Mr.  Adams  makes 
reference  was  no  doubt  that  of  Jenny  Slew  vs.  John  Whipple, 
jun.,  cited  by  Dr.  Moore.  It  being  the  earliest  case  mentioned 
anywhere  in  the  records  of  the  colony,  great  interest  attaches 
to  it. 

"  JENNY  SLEW  of  Ipswich  in  the  County  of  Essex,  spinster,  Pltff.,  agst. 
JOHN  WHIFFLE,  Jun.,  of  said  Ipswich  Gentleman,  Deft.,  in  a  Plea  of  Trespass 
for  that  the  said  John  on  the  29th  day  of  January,  A.D.  1762,  at  Ipswich  afore 
said  with  force  and  arms  took  her  the  said  Jenny,  held  and  kept  her  in  servi 
tude  as  a  slave  in  his  service,  and  has  restrained  her  of  her  liberty  from  that 
time  to  the  fifth  of  March  last  without  any  lawful  right  &  authority  so  to  do 
and  did  her  other  injuries  against  the  peace  &  to  the  damage  of  said  Jenny 
Slew  as  she  saith  the  sum  of  twenty-five  pounds.  This  action  was  first  brought 
at  last  March  Court  at  Ipswich  when  &  where  the  parties  appeared  &  the  case 
was  continued  by  order  of  Court  to  the  then  next  term  when  and  where  the 
Pltff  appeared  &  the  said  John  Whipple  Jun,  came  by  Edmund  Trowbridge, 
Esq.  his  attorney  &  defended  when  he  said  that  there  is  no  such  person  in 
nature  as  Jenny  Slew  of  Ipswich  aforesaid,  Spinster,  &  this  the  said  John  was 
ready  to  verify  wherefore  the  writ  should  be  abated  &  he  prayed  judgment 
accordingly  which  plea  was  overruled  by  the  Court  and  afterwards  the  said 
John  by  the  said  Edmund  made  a  motion  to  the  Court  &  praying  that  another 
person  might  endorse  the  writ  &  be  subject  to  cost  if  any  should  finally  be  for 
the  Court  but  the  Court  rejected  the  motion  and  then  Deft,  saving  his  plea  in 
abatement  aforesaid  said  that  he  is  not  guilty  as  the  plaintiff  contends,  &  there 
of  put  himself  on  the  Country,  &  then  the  cause  was  continued  to  this  term, 
and  now  the  Pltff.  reserving  to  herself  the  liberty  of  joining  issue  on  the 
Deft's  plea  aforesaid  in  the  appeal  says  that  the  defendant's  plea  aforesaid 
is  an  insufficient  answer  to  the  Plaintiff's  declaration  aforesaid  and  by  law 
she  is  not  held  to  reply  thereto  &  she  is  ready  to  verify  wherefore  for  want 
of  a  sufficient  answer  to  the  Plaintiff's  declaration  aforesaid  she  prays  judg- 

1  Adams's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  200. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  229 

ment  for  her  damages  &  costs  &  the  defendant  consenting  to  the  waiving  of 
the  demurrer  on  the  appeal  said  his  plea  aforesaid  is  good  &  because  the 
Pltff  refuses  to  reply  thereto  He  prays  judgment  for  his  cost.  It  is  considered 
by  the  Court  that  the  defendant's  plea  in  chief  aforesaid  is  good  &  that  the 
said  John  Whipple  recover  of  the  said  Jenny  Slew  costs  tax  at  the 

Pltff  appealed  to  the  next  Superior  Court  of  Judicature  to  be  holden  for  this 
County  &  entered  into  recognizance  with  sureties  as  the  law  directs  for  prose 
cuting  her  appeal  to  effect."  Records  of  the  Inferior  Court  of  C.  C.  P.,  Vol. — , 
(Sept.  1 760  to  July  1 766),  page  502. 

"  JENNY  SLEW  of  Ipswich,  in  the  County  of  Essex,  Spinster,  Appellant, 
versus  JOHN  WHIPPLE,  Jr.  of  said  Ipswich,  Gentleman  Appellee  from  the 
judgment  of  an  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas  held  at  Newburyport  within 
and  for  the  County  of  Essex  on  the  last  Tuesday  of  September  1765  when  and 
where  the  appellant  was  plaint.,  and  the  appellee  was  defendant  in  a  plea  of 
trespass,  for  that  the  said  John  upon  the  2pth  day  of  January,  A.D.  1762,  at 
Ipswich  aforesaid  with  force  and  arms  took  her  the  said  Jenny  held  £  kept  her 
in  servitude  as  a  slave  in  his  service  &  has  restrained  her  of  her  liberty  from 
that  time  to  the  fifth  of  March  1765  without  any  lawful  right  or  authority  so 
to  do  &  did  other  injuries  against  the  Peace  &  to  the  damage  of  the  said 
Jenny  Slew,  as  she  saith,  the  sum  of  twenty-five  pounds,  at  which  Inferior 
Court,  judgment  was  rendered  upon  the  demurrer  then  that  the  said  John 
Whipple  recover  against  the  said  Jenny  Slew  costs.  This  appeal  was  brought 
forward  at  the  Superior  Court  of  Judicature  &c.,  holden  at  Salem,  within  &  for 
the  County  of  Essex  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  last  November,  from  whence  it 
•was  continued  to  the  last  term  of  this  Court  for  this  County  by  consent  &  so 
from  thence  unto  this  Court,  and  now  both  parties  appeared  &  the  demurrer 
aforesaid  being  waived  by  consent  &  issue  joined  upon  the  plea  tendered  at 
said  Inferior  Court  &  on  file.  The  case  after  full  hearing  was  committed  to 
a  jury  sworn  according  to  law  to  try  the  same  who  returned  their  verdict  there 
in  upon  oath,  that  is  to  say,  they  find  for  appellant  reversion  of  the  former 
judgment  four  pounds  money  damage  '&  costs.  It's  therefore  considered  by 
the  Court,  that  the  former  judgment  be  reversed  &  that  the  said  Slew  recover 
against  the  said  Whipple  the  sum  of  four  pounds  lawful  money  of  this  Prov 
ince  damage  &  costs  taxed  9/.  9^.  6d. 

"Exon.  issued  4  Dec.  1766."  Records  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Judica 
ture  (vol.  1766-7),  page  175. 

The  next  of  the  "freedom  cases,"  in  chronological  order,  was 
the  case  of  Newport  vs.  Billing,  and  was  doubtless  the  one  in 
which  John  Adams  was  engaged  in  the  latter  part  of  September, 
I768.1  It  was  begun  in  the  Inferior  Court,  where  the  decision 
was  against  the  slave,  Amos  Newport.  The  plaintiff  took  an 
appeal  to  the  highest  court  in  the  colony ;  and  that  court  gave  as 
its  solemn  opinion,  "that  the  said  Amos  [Newport]  was  not  a 
freeman,  as  he  alleged,  but  the  proper  slave  of  the  said  Joseph 

1  Adams's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  213. 


230      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

[Billing]."  J  It  should  not  be  lost  sight  of,  that  not  only  the 
Fundamental  laws  of  1641,  but  the  highest  court  in  Massachusetts, 
held,  as  late  as  1768,  that  there  was  property  in  man  ! 

The  case  of  James  vs.  Lechmere  is  the  one  "  which  has  been 
for  more  than  half  a  century  the  grand  cheval  de  bataille  of  the 
champions  of  the  historic  fame  of  Massachusetts." 2  Richard 
Lechmere  resided  in  Cambridge,  and  held  to  servitude  for  life  a 
Negro  named  "James."  On  the  2d  of  May,  1769,  this  slave 
began  an  action  in  the  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  The 
action  was  "  in  trespass  for  assault  and  battery,  and  imprisoning 
and  holding  the  plaintiff  in  servitude  from  April  n,  1758,  to  the 
date  of  the  writ."  The  judgment  of  the  Inferior  Court  was  adverse 
to  the  slave ;  but  on  the  3ist  of  October,  1769,  the  Superior  Court 
of  Suffolk  had  the  case  settled  by  compromise.  A  long  line  of 
worthies  in  Massachusetts  have  pointed  with  pride  to  this  decision 
as  the  legal  destruction  of  slavery  in  that  State.  But  it  "  is  shown 
by  the  records  and  files  of  Court  to  have  been  brought  lip  from  the 
Inferior  Court  by  sham  demurrer,  and,  after  one  or  two  continuances, 
settled  by  the  parties."  3  The  truth  of  history  demands  that  the 
facts  be  given  to  the  world.  It  will  not  be  pleasant  for  the  people 
of  Massachusetts  to  have  this  delusion  torn  from  their  affectionate 
embrace.  It  was  but  a  mere  historical  chimera,  that  ought  not  to 
have  survived  a  single  day ;  and,  strangely  enough,  it  has  existed 
until  the  present  time  among  many  intelligent  people.  This  case 
has  been  cited  for  the  last  hundred  years  as  having  settled  the 
question  of  bond  servitude  in  Massachusetts,  when  the  fact  is, 
there  was  no  decision  in  this  instance !  And  the  claim  that 
Richard  Lechmere's  slave  James  was  adjudged  free  "  upon  the 
same  grounds,  substantially,  as  those  upon  which  Lord  Mansfield 
discharged  Sommersett,"  is  absurd  and  baseless.4  For  on  the 
27th  of  April,  1785  (thirteen  years  after  the  famous  decision), 
Lord  Mansfield  himself  said,  in  reference  to  the  Sommersett  case, 
"that  his  decision  went  no  farther  than  that  the  master  cannot  by 
force  compel  the  slave  to  go  out  of  the  kingdom."  Thirty-five 
years  of  suffering  and  degradation  remained  for  the  Africans  after 
the  decision  of  Lord  Mansfield.  His  lordship's  decision  was  ren- 

1  Records,  1768,  fol.,  p.  284. 

2  This  is  the  case  referred  to  by  the  late  Charles  Sumner  in  his  famous  speech  in  answer  to 
Senator  Butler  of  South  Carolina;  see  also  Slavery  in    Mass.,  p.  115,   116;  Washburn's  Judicial 
Hist,  of  Mass.,  p.  202 ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.,  1863-64,  p.  322* 

3  Records,  1769,  fol.  p.  196.     Gray  in  Quincy's  Reports,  p.  30,  note,  quoted  by  Dr.  Moore- 

4  Slavery  in  Mass.,  pp.  115,  116,  note. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  231 

dered  on  the  22d  of  June,  1772  ;  and  in  1807,  thirty-five  years  after 
wards,  the  British  government  abolished  the  slave-trade.  And  then, 
after  twenty-seven  years  more  of  reflection,  slavery  was  abolished 
in  English  possessions.  So,  sixty-two  years  after  Lord  Mans 
field's  decision,  England  emancipated  her  slaves  I  It  took  only  two 
generations  for  the  people  to  get  rid  of  slavery  under  the  British 
flag.  How  true,  then,  that  "  facts  are  stranger  than  fic 
tion  "  ! 

In  1770  John  Swain  of  Nantucket  brought  suit  against  Elisha 
Folger,  captain  of  the  vessel  "  Friendship,"  for  allowing  a  Mr. 
Roth  to  receive  on  board  his  ship  a  Negro  boy  named  "  Boston," 
and  for  the  recovery  of  the  slave.  This  was  a  jury-trial  in  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas.  The  jury  brought  in  a  verdict  in  favor 
of  the  slave,  and  he  was  "  manumitted  by  the  magistrates."  John 
Swain  took  an  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  Nantucket  Court 
to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Boston,  but  never  prosecuted  it.1  In 
1770,  in  Hanover,  Plymouth  County,  a  Negro  asked  his  master  to 
grant  him  his  freedom  as  his  right.  The  master  refused  ;  and  the 
Negro,  with  assistance  of  counsel,  succeeded  in  obtaining  his 
liberty.2 

"  In  October  of  1773,  an  action  was  brought  against  Richard  Greenleaf,  of 
Newburyport,  by  Caesar  [Hendrick,]  a  colored  man,  whom  he  claimed  as  his 
slave,  for  holding  him  in  bondage.  He  laid  the  damages  at  fifty  pounds.  The 
counsel  for  the  plaintiff,  in  whose  favor  the  jury  brought  in  their  verdict  and 
awarded  him  eighteen  pounds  damages  and  costs,  was  John  Lowell,  esquire, 
afterward  judge  Lowell.  This  case  excited  much  interest,  as  it  was  the  first, 
if  not  the  only  one  of  the  kind,  that  ever  occurred  in  the  county."  3 

This  case  is  mentioned  in  full  by  Mr.  Dane  in  his  "  Abridg 
ment  and  Digest  of  American  Law,"  vol.  ii.  p.  426. 

In  the  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  in  the  county  of 
Essex,  July  term  in  1774,  a  Negro  slave  of  one  Caleb  Dodge  of 
Beverly  brought  an  action  against  his  master  for  restraining  his 
liberty.  The  jury  gave  a  verdict  in  favor  of  the  Negro,  on  the 
ground  that  there  was  "no  law  of  the  Province  to  hold  a  man  to 
serve  for  life."  4  This  is  the  only  decision  we  have  been  able  to 
find  based  upon  such  a  reason.  The  jury  may  have  reached  this 
conclusion  from  a  knowledge  of  the  provisions  of  the  charter  of 
the  colony ;  or  they  may  have  found  a  verdict  in  accordance  with 

1  Lyman's  Report,  1822.  2  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  118.  3  Hist,  of  Newbury,  p.  339, 

4  The  Watchman's  Alarm,  p.  28,  note;  also  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  119. 


232      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  charge  of  the  court.    The  following  significant  language  in  the 
charter  of  the  colony  could  not  have  escaped  the  court :  — 

"  That  all  and  every  of  the  subjects  of  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  which 
go  to  and  inhabit  within  our  said  province  and  territory,  and  every  of  their 
children  which  shall  happen  to  be  born  there,  or  on  the  seas  in  going  thither, 
or  returning  from  thence,  shall  have  and  enjoy  all  liberties  and  immunities  of 
free  and  natural  subjects  within  the  dominions  of  us,  our  heirs  and  successors, 
to  all  intents,  constructions,  and  purposes  whatsoever,  as  if  they  and  every  of 
them  were  born  within  our  realm  of  England." 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Belknap,  speaking  of  these  cases  which  John 
Adams  speaks  of  as  "suing  for  liberty,"  gives  an  idea  of  the  line 
of  argument  used  by  the  Negroes  :  — 

"  On  the  part  of  the  blacks  it  was  pleaded,  that  the  royal  charter  expressly 
declared  all  persons  born  or  residing  in  the  province,  to  be  as  free  as  the  King's 
subjects  in  Great  Britain ;  that  by  the  laws  of  England,  no  man  could  be  de 
prived  of  his  liberty  but  by  the  judgment  of  his  peers ;  that  the  laws  of  the 
province  respecting  an  evil  existing,  and  attempting  to  mitigate  or  regulate  it, 
did  not  authorize  it;  and,  on  some  occasions,  the  plea  was,  that  though  the 
slavery  of  the  parents  be  admitted,  yet  no  disability  of  that  kind  could  descend 
to  children."  l 

The  argument  pursued  by  the  masters  was,  — 

"  The  pleas  on  the  part  of  the  masters  were,  that  the  negroes  were  pur 
chased  in  open  market,  and  bills  of  sale  were  produced  in  evidence ;  that  the 
laws  of  the  province  recognized  slavery  as  existing  in  it,  by  declaring  that  no 
person  should  manumit  his  slave  without  giving  bond  for  his  maintenance."  2 

It  is  well  that  posterity  should  know  the  motives  that  inspired 
judges  and  juries  to  grant  these  Negroes  their  prayer  for  liberty. 

"In  1773,  etc.,  some  slaves  did  recover  against  their  masters ;  but  these 
cases  are  no  evidence  that  there  could  not  be  slaves  in  the  Province,  for  some 
times  masters  permitted  their  slaves  to  recover,  to  get  clear  of  maintaining  them 
as  paupers  when  old  and  infirm ;  the  effect,  as  then  generally  understood,  of  a 
judgment  against  the  master  on  this  point  of  slavery;  hence,  a  very  feeble 
defence  was  often  made  by  the  masters,  especially  when  sued  by  the  old  or 
infirm  slaves,  as  the  masters  could  not  even  manumit  their  slaves,  without  in 
demnifying  their  towns  against  their  maintenance,  as  town  paupers." 

And  Chief-Justice  Parsons,  in  the  case  of  Winchendon  vs. 
Hatfield,  in  error,  says,  — 

"  Several  negroes,  born  in  this  country  of  imported  slaves  demanded  their 
freedom  of  their  masters  by  suit  at  law,  and  obtained  it  by  a  judgment  of  court. 

1  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.  ist  Series,  pp.  202,  203.          2  Hildreth,  vol.  ii.  p.  564. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  233 

The  defence  of  the  master  was  feebly  made,  for  such  was  the  temper  of  the 
times,  that  a  restless  discontented  slave  was  worth  little  ;  and  when  his  free 
dom  was  obtained  in  a  course  of  legal  proceedings,  the  master  was  not  holden 
for  his  future  support,  if  he  became  poor." 

Thus  did  the  slaves  of  Massachusetts  fill  their  mouths  with 
arguments,  and  go  before  the  courts.  The  majority  of  them,  aged 
and  infirm,  were  allowed  to  gain  their  cause  in  order  that  their 
masters  might  be  relieved  from  supporting  their  old  age.  The 
more  intelligent,  and,  consequently,  the  more  determined  ones, 
were  allowed  to  have  their  freedom  from  prudential  reasons,  more 
keenly  felt  than  frankly  expressed  by  their  masters.  In  some 
instances,  however,  noble,  high-minded  Christians,  on  the  bench 
and  on  juries,  were  led  to  their  conclusions  by  broad  ideas  of 
justice  and  humanity.  But  the  spirit  of  the  age  was  cold  and 
materialistic.  With  but  a  very  few  exceptions,  the  most  selfish 
and  constrained  motives  conspired  to  loose  the  chains  of  the 
bondmen  in  the  colony. 

The  slaves  were  not  slow  to  see  that  the  colonists  were  in  a 
frame  of  mind  to  be  persuaded  on  the  question  of  emancipation. 
Their  feelings  were  at  white  heat  in  anticipation  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  struggle,  and  the  slaves  thought  it  time  to  strike  out  a  few 
sparks  of  sympathy. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  17/3,  a  petition  was  presented  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  read  before  that  body  during  the 
afternoon  session.  It  was  the  petition  "of  Felix  Holbrook,  and 
others,  Negroes,  praying  that  they  may  be  liberated  from  a  state 
of  Bondage,  and  made  Freemen  of  this  Community ;  and  that  this 
Court  would  give  and  grant  to  them  some  part  of  the  unimproved 
Lands  belonging  to  the  Province,  for  a  settlement,  or  relieve  them 
in  such  other  Way  as  shall  seem  good  and  wise  upon  the  Whole." 
After  its  reading,  a  motion  prevailed  to  refer  it  to  a  select  com 
mittee  for  consideration,  with  leave  to  report  at  any  time.  It  was 
therefore  "  ordered,  that  Mr.  Hancock,  Mr.  Greenleaf,  Mr.  Adams,. 
Capt.  Dix,  Mr.  Pain,  Capt.  Heath,  and  Mr.  Pickering  consider  this, 
Petition,  and  report  what  may  be  proper  to  be  done."  I  It  was  a 
remarkably  strong  committee.  There  were  the  patriotic  Hancock,, 
the  scholarly  Greenleaf,  the  philosophic  Pickering,  and  the  elo 
quent  Samuel  Adams.  It  was  natural  that  the  Negro  petitioners 
should  have  expected  something.  Three  days  after  the  committee 

1  House  Journal,  p.  85,  quoted  by  Dr.  Moore. 


234      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

was  appointed,  on  the  28th  of  June,  they  recommended  "that  the 
further  Consideration  of  the  Petition  be  referred  till  next  session." 
The  report  was  adopted,  and  the  petition  laid  over  until  the  "  next 
session."  l 

But  the  slaves  did  not  lose  heart.  They  found  encouragement 
among  a  few  noble  spirits,  and  so  were  ready  to  urge  the  Legis 
lature  to  a  consideration  of  their  petition  at  the  next  session,  in 
the  winter  of  1774.  The  following  letter  shows  that  they  were 
anxious  and  earnest 

"SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  JOHN   PICKERING,  JR. 

"BOSTON,  Jany.  8,  1774. 
•".Sir,  — 

As  the  General  Assembly  will  undoubtedly  meet  on  the  26th  of  this 
month,  the  Negroes  whose  petition  lies  on  file,  and  is  referred  for  consid 
eration,  are  very  solicitous  for  the  Event  of  it,  and  having  been  informed 
that  you  intended  to  consider  it  at  your  leisure  Hours  in  the  Recess  of  the 
Court,  they  earnestly  wish  you  would  compleat  a  Plan  for  their  Relief.  And  in 
the  meantime,  if  it  be  not  too  much  Trouble,  they  ask  it  as  a  favor  that  you 
would  by  a  Letter  enable  me  to  communicate  to  them  the  general  outlines  of 
your  Design.  I  am,  with  sincere  regard,"  etc.2 

It  is  rather  remarkable,  that  on  the  afternoon  of  the  first  day 
of  the  session, — Jan.  26,  1774,  —  the  "  Petition  of  a  number  of 
Negro  Men,  which  was  entered  on  the  Journal  of  the  25th  of 
June  last,  and  referred  for  Consideration  to  this  session,"  was 
"  read  again,  together,  with  a  Memorial  of  the  same  Petitioners, 
and  Ordered,  that  Mr.  Speaker,  Mr.  Pickering,  Mr.  Hancock,  Mr. 
Adams,  Mr.  Phillips,  Mr.  Pain,  and  Mr.  Greenleaf  consider  the 
same  and  report."  3  The  public  feeling  on  the  matter  was 
aroused.  It  was  considered  as  important  as,  if  not  more  impor 
tant  than,  any  measure  before  the  Legislature. 

The  committee  were  out  until  March,  considering  what  was 
best  to  do  about  the  petition.  On  the  2d  of  March,  1774,  they 
reported  to  the  House  "a  Bill  to  prevent  the  Importation  of 
Negroes  and  others  as  slaves  into  this  Province,"  when  it  was 
read  a  first  time.  On  the  3d  of  March  it  was  read  a  second  time 
in  the  morning  session ;  in  the  afternoon  session,  read  a  third 
time,  and  passed  to  be  engrossed.  It  was  then  sent  up  to  the 
Council  to  be  concurred  in,  by  Col.  Gerrish,  Col.  Thayer,  Col. 

1  House  Journal,  p.  94.  a  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  136.  3  House  Journal,  p.  104. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  235 

Bowers,  Mr.  Pickering,  and  Col.  Bacon.1  On  the  next  day  the 
bill  "passed  in  Council  with  Amendments,"  2  and  was  returned  to 
the  House.  On  the  5th  of  March  the  House  agreed  to  concur  in 
Council  amendments,  and  on  the  7th  of  March  passed  the  bill  as 
amended.  On  the  day  following  it  was  placed  upon  its  passage 
in  the  Council,  and  carried.  It  was  then  sent  down  to  the 
governor  to  receive  his  signature,  in  order  to  become  the  law 
of  the  Province.  That  official's  approval  was  withheld ;  and  the 
reason  given  was,  "the'  secretary  said  (on  returning  the  approved 
bills)  that  his  Excellency  had  not  had  time  to  consider  the  other 
Bills  that  had  been  laid  before  him."  3 

It  is  quite  fortunate  that  the  bill  was  preserved  ;  4  for  it  is  now, 
in  the  certain  light  of  a  better  civilization,  a  document  of  great 
historic  value. 

"ANNO  REGNI  REGIS  GEORGII  TERTII  &c.  DECIMO  QUARTO. 

"  AN  ACT  to  prevent  the  importation  of  Negroes  or  other  Persons  as  Slaves 
into  this  Province;  and  the  purchasing  them  within  the  same;  and  for 
making  provision  for  relief  of  the  children  of  such  as  are  already  sub 
jected  to  slavery  Negroes  Mulattoes  6°  Indians  born  within  this  Province. 

"WHEREAS  the  Importation  of  Persons  as  Slaves  into  this  Province  has 
been  found  detrimental  to  the  interest  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  therein ;  And 
it  being  apprehended  that  the  abolition  thereof  will  be  beneficial  to  the 
Province  — 

"Be  it  therefore  Enacted  by  the  Governor  Council  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  that  whoever  shall  after  the  Tenth  Day  of  April  next  import  or  bring 
into  this  Province  by  Land  or  Water  any  Negro  or  other  Person  or  Persons 
whether  Male  or  Female  as  a  Slave  or  Slaves  shall  for  each  and  every  such 
Person  so  imported  or  brought  into  this  Province  forfeit  and  pay  the  sum  of 
one  hundred  Pounds  to  be  recovered  by  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  Grand 
Jury  and  when  so  recovered  to  be  to  his  Majesty  for  the  use  of  this  Govern 
ment:  or  by  action  of  debt  in  any  of  his  Majesty's  Courts  of  Record  and  in 
case  of  such  recovery  the  one  moiety  thereof  to  be  to  his  majesty  for  the  use  of 
this  Government  the  other  moiety  to  the  Person  or  Persons  who  shall  sue  for 
the  same. 

"And  be  it  further  Enacted  that  from  and  after  the  Tenth  Day  of  April 
next  any  Person  or  Persons  that  shall  purchase  any  Negro  or  other  Person  or 
Persons  as  a  Slave  or  Slaves  imported  or  brought  into  this  Province  as  afore 
said  shall  forfeit  and  pay  for  every  Negro  or  other  Person  so  purchased  Fifty 
Pounds  to  be  recovered  and  disposed  of  in  the  same  way  and  manner  as  before 
directed. 

1  House  Journal,  p.  224.  2  Ibid.,  p.  226. 

3  House  Journal,  Gen.  Court  Records,  xxx.  pp.  248,  264  ;  also,  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  137. 

4  Mass.  Archives,  Domestic  Relations,  1643-1774,  vol.  ix.  p.  457. 


236      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"And  be  it  further  Enacted 'that  every  Person,  concerned  in  importing  or 
bringing  into  this  Province,  or  purchasing  any  such  Negro  or  other  Person  or 
Persons  as  aforesaid  within  the  same ;  who  shall  be  unable,  or  refuse,  to  pay 
the  Penalties  or  forfeitures  ordered  by  this  Act ;  shall  for  every  such  offence 
suffer  Twelve  months'  imprisonment  without  Bail  or  mainprise. 

"Provided  allways  that  nothing  in  this  act  contained  shall  extend  to 
subject  to  the  Penalties  aforesaid  the  Masters,  Mariners,  Owners  or  Freighters 
of  any  such  Vessel  or  Vessels,  as  before  the  said  Tenth  Day  of  April  next 
shall  have  sailed  from  any  Port  or  Ports  in  this  Province,  for  any  Port  or 
Ports  not  within  this  Government,  for  importing  or  bringing  into  this  Province 
any  Negro  or  other  Person  or  Persons  as  Slaves  who  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
same  voyage  may  be  imported  or  brought  into  the  same.  Provided  he  shall 
not  offer  them  or  any  of  them  for  sale. 

"  Provided  also  that  this  act  shall  not  be  construed  to  extend  to  any  such 
Person  or  Persons,  occasionally  hereafter  coming  to  reside  within  this 
Province,  or  passing  thro'  the  same,  who  may  bring  such  Negro  or  other 
Person  or  Persons  as  necessary  servants  into  this  Province  provided  that  the 
stay  or  residence  of  such  Person  or  Persons  shall  not  exceed  Twelve  months 
or  that  such  Person  or  Persons  within  said  time  send  such  Negro  or  other 
Person  or  Persons  out  of  this  Province  there  to  be  and  remain,  and  also  that 
during  said  Residence  such  Negro  or  other  Person  or  Persons  shall  not  be 
sold  or  alienated  within  the  same. 

"V  And  be  it  further  Enacted  and  declared  that  nothing  in  this  act 
contained  shall  extend  or  be  construed  to  extend  for  retaining  or  holding  in 
Perpetual  servitude  any  Negro  or  other  Person  or  Persons  now  inslaved  within 
this  Province  but  that  every  such  Negro  or  other  Person  or  Persons  shall  be 
intituled  to  all  the  Benefits  such  Negro  or  other  Person  or  Persons  might  by 
Law  have  been  intituled  to,  in  case  this  act  had  not  been  made. 

"  In  the  House  of  Representatives  March  2, 1774.  Read  a  first  &  second  Time. 
March  3,  1774.  Read  a  third  Time  &  passed  to  be  engrossed.  Sent  up  for 
concurrence.  T.  GUSHING,  Spkr. 

"In  Council  March  3,  1774.  Read  a  first  time.  4.  Read  a  second  Time  and 
passed  in  Concurrence  to  be  Engrossed  with  the  Amendment  at  y  dele  the 
whole  Clause.  Sent  down  for  concurrence. 

THOS.  FLUCKER,  Secry* 

"  In  the  House  of  Representatives  March  4,  1 774.     Read  and  concurred. 

T.  CUSHING,  Spkr." 

Like  all  other  measures  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave-trade, 
this  bill  failed  to  become  a  law.  If  Massachusetts  desired  to  free 
herself  from  this  twofold  cross  of  woe,  —  even  if  her  great 
jurists  could  trace  the  law  that  justified  the  abolition  of  the 
curse,  in  the  pages  of  the  royal  charter,  —  were  not  the  British 
governors  of  the  Province  but  conserving  the  corporation  inter 
ests  of  the  home  government  and  the  members  of  the  Royal 
African  Company?  By  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  England  had 


THE    COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  237 

agreed  to  furnish  the  Spanish  West  Indies  with  Negroes  for  the 
space  of  thirty  years.  She  had  aided  all  her  colonies  to  establish 
slavery,  and  had  sent  her  navies  to  guard  the  vessels  that  robbed 
Africa  of  five  hundred  thousand  souls  annually.1  This  was  the 
cruel  work  of  England.  For  all  her  sacrifices  in  the  war,  the 
millions  of  treasure  she  had  spent,  the  blood  of  her  children  so 
prodigally  shed,  with  the  glories  of  Blenheim,  of  Ramillies,  of 
Oudenarde  and  Malplaquet,  England  found  her  consolation  and 
reward  in  seizing  and  enjoying,  as  the  lion's  share  of  results  of 
the  grand  alliance  against  the  Bourbons,  the  exclusive  right  for 
thirty  years  of  selling  African  slaves  to  the  Spanish  West  Indies 
and  the  coast  of  America  ! 2  Why  should  Gov.  Hutchinson  sign 
a  bill  that  was  intended  to  choke  the  channel  of  a  commerce 
in  human  souls  that  was  so  near  the  heart  of  the  British  throne  ? 

Gov.  Hutchinson  was  gone,  and  Gen.  Gage  was  now  governor. 
He  convened  the  General  Court  at  Salem,  in  June,  1774.  On  the. 
10th  of  June  the  same  bill  that  Gov.  Hutchinson  had  refused  to 
sign  was  introduced,  with  a  few  immaterial  changes,  and  pushed 
to  a  third  reading,  and  engrossed  the  same  day.  It  was  called  up 
on  the  i6th  of  June,  and  passed.  It  was  sent  up  to  the  Council, 
where  it  was  read  a  third  time,  and  concurred  in.  But  the  next 
day  the  General  Court  was  dissolved  !  And  over  the  grave  of 
this,  the  last  attempt  at  legislation  to  suppress  the  slave-trade  in 
Massachusetts,  was  written  :  "Not  to  have  been  consented  to  by  the 
governor "  ! 

These  repeated  efforts  at  anti-slavery  legislation  were  strate 
gic  and  politic.  The  gentlemen  who  hurried  those  bills  through 
the  House  and  Council,  almost  regardless  of  rules,  knew  that  the 
royal  governors  would  never  affix  their  signatures  to  them.  But 
the  colonists,  having  put  themselves  on  record,  could  appeal  to 
the  considerate  judgment  of  the  impatient  Negroes ;  while  the 
refusal  of  the  royal  governors  to  give  the  bills  the  force  of  law 
did  much  to  drive  the  Negroes  to  the  standard  of  the  colonists, 
In  the  long  night  of  darkness  that  was  drawing  its  sable  curtains, 
about  the  colonial  government,  the  loyalty  of  the  Negroes  was 
the  lonely  but  certain  star  that  threw  its  peerless  light  upon  the 
pathway  of  the  child  of  England  so  soon  to  be  forced  to  lift  its 
parricidal  hand  against  its  rapacious  and  cruel  mother. 

1  Ethiope,  p.  12.  2  Bolingbroke,  pp.  346-348. 


238      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  COLONY   OF  MARYLAND. 
1634-1775. 

MARYLAND  UNDER  THE  LAWS  OF  VIRGINIA  UNTIL  1630.— FIRST  LEGISLATION  ON  THE  SLAVERY  QUES 
TION  IN  1637-38.  —  SLAVERY  ESTABLISHED  BY  STATUTE  IN  1663.— THE  DISCUSSION  OF  SLAVERY. 

—  AN   ACT   PASSED    ENCOURAGING  THE    IMPORTATION    OF   NEGROES   AND   WHITE    SLAVES    IN    1671. — 
AN   ACT   LAYING    AN    IMPOST   ON    NEGROES    AND  WHITE    SERVANTS   IMPORTED   INTO   THE    COLONY.  — 

DUTIES  IMPOSED  ON  RUM  AND  WINE. —  TREATMENT  OF   SLAVES  AND   PAPISTS.  — CONVICTS   IM- 

»  PORTED    INTO   THE   COLONY.  —  AN  ATTEMPT  TO   JUSTIFY  THE    CONVICT-TRADE.  —  SPIRITED    REPLIES. 

—  THE  LAWS  OF  1723,  1729,  1752.  —  RIGHTS  OF  SLAVED.  —  NEGRO  POPULATION  IN  1728.  —  INCREASE 
OF  SLAVERY  IN  1756.  —  No  EFFORTS  MADE  TO  PREVENT  THE  EVILS  OF  SLAVERY. — THE  REVO 
LUTION  NEARING.  — NEW  LIFE  FOR  THE  NEGROES. 

UP  to  the  20th  of  June,  1630,  the  territory  that  at  present 
constitutes  the  State  of  Maryland  was  included  within  the 
limits  of  the  colony  of  Virginia.     During  that  period  the 
laws  of  Virginia  obtained  throughout  the  entire  territory. 

In  1637  l  the  first  assembly  of  the  colony  of  Maryland  agreed 
upon  a  number  of  bills,  but  they  never  became  laws.  The  list  is 
left,  but  nothing  more.  The  nearest  and  earliest  attempt  at  legis 
lation  on  the  slavery  question  to  be  found  is  a  bill  that  was  intro 
duced  " for  punishment  of  ill  servants."  During  the  earlier  years 
of  the  existence  of  slavery  in  Virginia,  the  term  "servant"  was 
applied  to  Negroes  as  well  as  to  white  persons.  The  legal  distinc 
tion  between  slaves  and  servants  was,  "servants  for  a  term  of 
years,"  —  white  persons  ;  and  "  servants  for  life,"  •  —  Negroes. 
In  the  first  place,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  what  Negro  slaves 
were  a  part  of  the  population  of  this  colony  from  its  organization  ;2 
and,  in  the  second  place,  the  above-mentioned  bill  of  1637  for  the 
"punishment  of  ill  servants  "  was  intended,  doubtless,  to  apply 


1  Dr.  Abiel  Holmes,  in  his  American  Annals,  vol.  ii.  p.  5,  says,  "  Maryland  now  contained 
about  thirty-six  thousand  persons,   of  white  men  from  sixteen  years  of  age  and  upwards,  and 
negroes  male,  and  female  from  sixteen  to  sixty."     I  infer  from  this  statement  that  slavery  was 
in  existence  in  Maryland  in  1634 ;  and  I  cannot  find  any  thing  in  history  to  lead  me  to  doubt  but 
that  slavery  was  born  with  the  colony. 

2  Cabinet  Cyclopaedia,  vol.  i.  p.  61. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MARYLAND.  239 

to  Negro  servants,  or  slaves.  So  few  were  they  in  number,  that 
they  were  seldom  referred  to  as  "  slaves."  They  were  "  servants  ;  " 
and  that  appellation  dropped  out  only  when  the  growth  of  slavery 
as  an  institution,  and  the  necessity  of  specific  legal  distinction, 
made  the  Negro  the  only  person  that  was  suited  to  the  condition 
of  absolute  property. 

In  1638  there  was  a  list  of  bills  that  reached  a  second  reading, 
but  never  passed.  There  was  one  bill  "for  the  liberties  of  the 
people"  that  declared  "  all  Christian  inhabitants  (slaves  only  ex- 
cepted)  to  have  and  enjoy  all  such  rights,  liberties,  immunities, 
privileges  and  free  customs,  within  this  province,  as  any  natural 
born  subject  of  England  hath  or  ought  to  have  or  enjoy  in  the 
realm  of  England,  by  force  or  virtue  of  the  common  law  or  statute 
law  of  England,  saving  in  such  cases  as  the  same  are  or  may  be 
altered  or  changed  by  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  this  province."  f 
There  is  but  one  mention  made  of  "slaves"  in  the  above  Act,  but 
in  none  of  the  other  Acts  of  1638.  There  are  certain  features  of 
the  Act  worthy  of  special  consideration.  The  reader  should  keep 
the  facts  before  him,  that  by  the  laws  of  England  no  Christian 
could  be  held  in  slavery ;  that  in  the  Provincial  governments  the 
laws  were  made  to  conform  with  those  of  the  home  government ; 
that,  in  specifying  the  rights  of  the  colonists,  the  Provincial  as 
semblies  limited  the  immunities  and  privileges  conferred  by  the 
Magna  Charta  upon  British  subjects,  to  Christians ;  that  Negroes 
were  considered  heathen,  and,  therefore,  denied  the  blessings  of 
the  Church  and  State ;  that  even  where  Negro  slaves  were  bap 
tized,  it  was  held  by  the  courts  in  the  colonies,  and  was  the  law- 
opinion  of  the  solicitor-general  of  Great  Britain,  that  they  were  not 
ipso  facto  free  ; 2  and  that,  where  Negroes  were  free,  they  had  no 
rights  in  the  Church  or  State.  So,  while  this  law  of  1638  did  not 
say  that  Negroes  should  be  slaves,  in  designating  those  who  were 
to  enjoy  the  rights  of  freemen,  it  excludes  the  Negro,  and  there 
by  fixes  his  condition  as  a  slave  by  implication.  If  he  were  not 
named  as  a  freeman,  it  was  the  intention  of  the  law-makers  that 


1  See  Bacon's  Laws ;  also  Holmes's  Annals,  vol.  i.  p.  250. 

2  The  following  appeared  in  the  Plantation  Laws,  printed  in   London  in  1705:    "Where 
any  negro  or  slave,  being  in  servitude  or  bondage,  is  or  shall  become  Christian,  and  receive  the 
sacrament  of  baptism,  the  same  shall  not  nor  ought  not  to  be  deemed,  adjudged  or  construed  to 
be  a  manumission  or  freeing  of  any  such  negro  or  slave,  or  his  or  her  issue,  from  their  servitude  or 
bondage,  but  that  notwithstanding  they  shall  at  all  times  hereafter  be  and  remain  in  servitude 
and  bondage  as  they  were  before  baptism,  any  opinion,  matter  or  thing  to  the  contrary  notwith 
standing." 


240      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

he  should  remain  a  bondman,  —  the  exception  to  an  established 
rule  of  law.1 

In  subsequent  Acts  reference  was  made  to  " servants,"  "fugi 
tives,"  "  runaways,"  etc. ;  but  the  first  statute  in  this  colony  estab 
lishing  slavery  was  passed  in  1663.  It  was  "  An  Act  concerning 
negroes  and  other  slaves."  It  enacts  section  one  :  — 

"  All  negroes  or  other  slaves  within  the  province,  and  all  negroes  and  other 
slaves  to  be  hereafter  imported  into  the  province,  shall  serve  durante  vita;  and 
all  children  born  of  any  negro  or  other  slave,  shall  be  slaves  as  their  fathers 
were  for  the  term  of  their  lives." 

Section  two :  — 

"  And  forasmuch  as  divers  freeborn  English  women,  forgetful  of  their  free 
condition,  and  to  the  disgrace  of  our  nation,  do  intermarry  with  negro  slaves, 
by  which  also  divers  suits  may  arise,  touching  the  issue  of  such  women,  and  a 
great  damage  doth  befall  the  master  of  such  negroes,  for  preservation  whereof 
for  deterring  such  free-born  women  from  such  shameful  matches,  be  it  enacted, 
&c. :  That  whatsoever  free-born  woman  shall  intermarry  with  any  slave,  from 
and  after  the  last  day  of  the  present  assembly,  shall  serve  the  master  of  such 
slave  during  the  life  of  her  husband;  and  that  all  the  issue  of  such  free-born 
women,  so  married,  shall  be  slaves  as  their  fathers  were." 

Section  three :  — 

"And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  all  the  issues  of  English,  or  other  free- 
born  women,  that  have  already  married  negroes,  shall  serve  the  master  of  their 
parents,  till  they  be  thirty  years  of  age  and  no  longer." 2 

Section  one  is  the  most  positive  and  sweeping  statute  we  have 
ever  seen  on  slavery.  It  fixes  the  term  of  servitude  for  the  longest 
time  man  can  claim,  —  the  period  of  his  earthly  existence, — and 
dooms  the  children  to  a  service  from  which  they  were  to  find 
discharge  only  in  death.  Section  two  was  called  into  being  on 
account  of  the  intermarriage  of  white  women  with  slaves.  Many 
of  these  women  had  been  indentured  as  servants  to  pay  their 
passage  to  this  country,  some  had  been  sent  as  convicts,  while 
still  others  had  been  apprenticed  for  a  term  of  years.  Some  of 
them,  however,  were  very  worthy  persons.  No  little  confusion 
attended  the  fixing  of  the  legal  status  of  the  issue  of  such  mar 
riages  ;  and  it  was  to  deter  Englishwomen  from  such  alliances, 
and  to  determine  the  status  of  the  children  before  the  courts,  that 
this  section  was  passed.  Section  three  was  clearly  an  ex  post 

1  McSherry's  Hist,  of  Maryland,  p.  86.  2  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol.  i.  p.  249. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MARYLAND.  241 

facto  law :  but  the  public  sentiment  of  the  colony  was  reflected  in 
it ;  and  it  stood,  and  was  re-enacted  in  1676. 

Like  Virginia,  the  colony  of  Maryland  found  the  soil  rich,  and 
the  cultivation  of  tobacco  a  profitable  enterprise.  The  country 
was  new,  and  the  physical  obstructions  in  the  way  of  civilization 
numerous  and  formidable.  Of  course  all  could  not  pursue  the 
one  path  that  led  to  agriculture.  Mechanic  and  trade  folk  were 
in  great  demand.  Laborers  were  scarce,  and  the  few  that  could 
be  obtained  commanded  high  wages.  The  Negro  slave's  labor 
could  be  made  as  cheap  as  his  master's  conscience  and  heart  were 
small.  Cheaper  labor  became  the  cry  on  every  hand,  and  the 
Negro  was  the  desire  of  nearly  all  white  men  in  the  colony.1  In 
1671  the  Legislature  passed  "An  Act  encouraging  the  importation  of 
negroes  and  slaves  into  "  the  colony,  which  was  followed  by  another 
and  similar  Act  in  1692.  Two  motives  inspired  the  colony  to  build 
up  the  slave-trade ;  viz.,  to  have  more  laborers,  and  to  get  some 
thing  for  nothing.  And,  as  soon  as  Maryland  was  known  to  be 
a  good  market  for  slaves,  the  traffic  increased  with  wonderful 
rapidity.  Slaves  soon  became  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  working- 
force  of  the  colony.  They  were  used  to  till  the  fields,  to  fell  the 
forests,  to  assist  mechanics,  and  to  handle  light  crafts  along  the 
water-courses.  They  were  to  be  found  in  all  homes  of  opulence 
and  refinement ;  and,  unfortunately,  their  presence  in  such  large 
numbers  did  much  to  lower  honorable  labor  in  the  estimation  of 
the  whites,  and  to  enervate  women  in  the  best  white  society. 
While  the  colonists  persuaded  themselves  that  slavery  was  an 
institution  indispensable  to  the  colony,  its  evil  effects  soon  became 
apparent.  It  were  impossible  to  engage  the  colony  in  the  slave- 
trade,  and  escape  the  bad  results  of  such  an  inhuman  enterprise. 
It  made  men  cruel  and  avaricious. 

It  was  the  motion  of  individuals  to  have  legislative  encourage 
ment  tendered  the  venders  of  human  flesh  and  blood ;  but  the 
time  came  when  the  government  of  the  colony  saw  that  an  impost 
tax  upon  the  slaves  imported  into  the  colony  would  not  impair 
the  trade,  while  it  would  aid  the  government  very  materially.  In 
1696  "An  Act  laying  an  imposition  on  negroes,  slaves  and  white 
persons  imported"  into  the  colony  was  passed.  It  is  plain  from 
the  reading  of  the  caption  of  the  above  bill,  that  it  was  intended 
to  reach  three  classes  of  persons  ;  viz.,  Negro  servants,  Negro 

1  McMahon's  Hist,  of  Maryland,  vol.  i.  p.  274. 


242      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

slaves,  and  white  servants.  The  word  "  imported  "  means  such 
persons  as  could  not  pay  their  passage,  and  were  therefore  inden 
tured  to  the  master  of  the  vessel.  When  they  arrived,  their  time 
was  hired  out,  if  they  were  free,  for  a  term  of  years,  at  so  much 
per  year ; l  but  if  they  were  slaves  the  buyer  had  to  pay  all  claims 
against  this  species  of  property  before  he  could  acquire  a  fee  sim 
ple  in  the  slave.  Some  historians  have  too  frequently  misinter 
preted  the  motive  and  aim  of  the  colonial  Legislatures  in  imposing 
an  impost  tax  upon  Negroes  and  other  servants  imported  into- 
their  midst.  The  fact  that  the  law  applied  to  white  persons  does 
not  aid  in  an  interpretation  that  would  credit  the  makers  of  the 
act  with  feelings  of  humanity.  A  people  who  could  buy  and  sell 
wives  did  not  hesitate  to  see  in  the  indentured  white  servants  prop 
erty  that  ought  to  be  taxed.  Why  not  ?  These  white  servants 
represented  so  many  dollars  invested,  or  so  many  years  of  labor 
in  prospect !  So  all  persons  imported  into  the  colony  of  Mary 
land,  "Negroes,  slaves,  and  white  persons,"  were  taxed  as  any 
other  marketable  article.  A  swift  and  remorseless  civilization 
against  the  stolid  forces  of  nature  made  men  indiscriminate  and 
cruel  in  their  impulses  to  obtain.  Public  sentiment  had  been 
formulated  into  law:  the  law  contemplated  "servants  and  slaves" 
as  chattel  property ;  and  the  political  economists  of  the  Province 
saw  in  this  species  of  property  rich  gains  for  the  government.  It 
was  condition,  circumstances,  that  made  the  servant  or  slave ;  but 
at  length  it  was  nationality,  color. 

When,  on  the  threshold  of  the  eighteenth  century,  "white 
indentured  "  servants  were  rapidly  ceasing  to  exist  under  color 
or  sanction  of  law,  religious  bigotry  and  ecclesiastical  intolerance 
joined  hands  with  the  supporters  of  Negro  slavery  in  a  crusade2 

1  The  following  form  was  used  for  a  long  time  in  Maryland  for  binding  out  a  servant. 

This  Indenture  made  the  day  of  in  the  yeere  of  our  Soveraigne  Lord 

King  Charles,  &*c.  betiveene  of  the  one  party,  and  on   the  other  party, 

Witnesseth,  that  the  said  doth  hereby  covenant  promise,  and  grant,  to  and  with  the 

said  his  Executors  and  Assignes,  to  serve  him  from  the  day  of  the  date  hereof,  vntill 

his  first  and  next  arrivall  in  Maryland;  and  after  for  and  during  the  tearme  of  yeeres, 

in  such  service  and  imployment,  as  the  said  or  his  assignes  shall  there  imploy  him, 

according  to  the  cnstome  of  the  Countrey  in  the  like  kind.     In  consideration  whereof,  the  said 
doth  promise  and  grant,  to  and  with  the  said  to  pay  for  his  passing,  and  to 

find  him  with  Meat,  Drinke,  Apparell  and  Lodging,  with  other  necessaries  during  the  said  terme; 
and  at  the  end  of  the  said  terme,  to  give  him  one  whole  yeeres  provision  of  Corne,  and  fifty  acres  of 
Land,  according  to  the  order  of  the  countrey.  In  witnesse  whereof,  the  said  hath 

hereitnto  put  his  hand  and  scale,  the  day  and  yeere  above  written. 

Sealed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of 

—  Relation  of  the  state  of  Maryland,  pp.  62,  63.. 

2  Modern  Traveller,  vol.  i.  pp.  122,  123. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MARYLAND.  243 

against  the  Irish  Catholics.  In  1704  the  Legislature  passed  "An 
Act  imposing  three  pence  per  gallon  on  rum  and  wine,  brandy  and 
spirits,  and  twenty  shillings  per  poll  for  negroes,  for  raising  a 
supply  to  defray  the  public  charge  of  this  province,  and  twenty  shil 
lings,  per  poll,  on  Irish  servants,  to  prevent  the  importing  too  great 
a  number  of  Irish  papist  into  this  province,"  Although  this  Act 
was  intended  to  remain  on  the  statute-books  only  three  years, 
its  life  was  prolonged  by  a  supplemental  Act,  and  it  disgraced  the 
colony  for  twenty-one  years.  As  in  New  York,  so  here,  the  gov 
ernment  regarded  the  slave  and  Papist  with  feelings  of  hatred  and 
fear.  The  former  was  only  suited  to  a  condition  of  perpetual 
bondage,  the  latter  to  be  ostracized  and  driven  out  from  before 
the  face  of  the  exclusive  Protestants  of  that  period.  Both  were 
cruelly  treated  ;  one  on  account  of  his  face,  the  other  on  account 
of  his  faith. 

"  Unfortunately  for  the  professors  of  the  Catholic  religion,  by  the  force  of 
circumstances  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  detail,  their  religious  persuasions 
became  identified,  in  the  public  mind,  with  opposition  to  the  principles  of  the 
revolution.  Their  political  disfranchisement  was  the  consequence.  Charles 
Calvert,  the  deposed  proprietary,  shared  the  common  fate  of  his  Catholic 
brethren.  Sustained  and  protected  by  the  crown  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  mere 
private  rights,  the  general  jealousy  of  Catholic  power  denied  him  the  govern 
ment  of  the  province."  J 

A  knowledge  of  the  antecedents  of  the  master-class  will  aid 
the  reader  to  a  more  accurate  conception  of  the  character  of  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  colony  of  Maryland. 

It  is  not  very  pleasing  for  the  student  of  history  at  this  time 
to  remember  that  the  British  colonies  in  North  America  received 
into  their  early  life  the  worst  poison  of  European  society,  —  the 
criminal  element.  From  the  first  the  practice  of  transporting 
convicts  into  the  colonies  obtained.  And,  during  the  reign  of 
George  I. ,  statutes  were  passed  "authorizing  transportation  as  a 
commutation  punishment  for  clergyable  felonies."  These  con 
victs  were  transported  by  private  shippers,  and  then  sold  into 
the  colony  ;  and  thus  it  became  a  gainful  enterprise.  From  1700 
until  1760  this  nefarious  and  pestiferous  traffic  greatly  increased. 
At  length  it  became,  as  already  indicated,  the  subject  of  a  special 
impost  tax.  Three  or  four  hundred  convicts  were  imported  into 
the  colony  annually,  and  the  people  began  to  complain.2  In  "The 

1  McMahoivs  Maryland,  vol.  i.  p.  278.  2  ist  Pitkin's  United  States,  p.  133. 


244      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Maryland  Gazette"  of  the  3Oth  of  July,  1767,  a  writer  attempted 
to  show  that  the  convict  element  was  not  to  be  despised,  but  was 
rather  a  desirable  addition  to  the  Province.  He  says,  — 

"  I  suppose  that  for  these  last  thirty  years,  communibus  annis,  there  have 
been  at  least  600  convicts  per  year  imported  into  this  province  :  and  these  have 
probably  gone  into  400  families." 

After  answering  some  objections  to  their  importation  because 
of  the  contagious  diseases  likely  to  be  communicated  by  them,  he 
further  remarks,  — 

"  This  makes  at  least  400  to  one,  that  they  do  no  injury  to  the  country  in 
the  way  complained  of :  and  the  people's  continuing  to  buy  and  receive  them 
so  constantly,  shows  plainly  the  general  sense  of  the  country  about  the  matter; 
notwithstanding  a  few  gentlemen  seem  so  angry  that  convicts  are  imported 
here  at  all,  and  would,  if  they  could,  by  spreading  this  terror,  prevent  the  peo 
ple's  buying  them.  I  confess  I  am  one,  says  he,  who  think  a  young  country 
cannot  be  settled,  cultivated,  and  improved,  without  people  of  some  sort :  and 
that  it  is  much  better  for  the  country  to  receive  convicts  than  slaves.  The 
wicked  and  bad  amongst  them,  that  come  into  this  province,  mostly  run  away 
to  the  northward,  mix  with  their  people,  and  pass  for  honest  men :  whilst  those 
more  innocent,  and  who  came  for  very  small  offences,  serve  their  times  out 
here,  behave  well,  and  become  useful  people." 

This  attempt  to  justify  the  convict  trade  elicited  two  able 
and  spirited  replies  over  the  signatures  of  "  Philanthropos  "  and 
"  C.  D."  appearing  in  "Green's  Gazette"  of  2Oth  of  August, 
1767,  in  which  the  writer  of  the  first  article  is  handled  "with  the 
gloves  off." 

"  His  remarks  [says  Philanthropos]  remind  me  of  the  observation  of  a 
great  philosopher,  who  alleges  that  there  is  a  certain  race  of  men  of  so  selfish 
a  cast,  that  they  would  even  set  a  neighbour's  house  on  fire,  for  the  con 
venience  of  roasting  an  egg  at  the  blaze.  That  these  are  not  the  reveries  of 
fanciful  speculatists,  the  author  now  under  consideration  is  in  a  great  measure 
-a  proof;  for  who,  but  a  man  swayed  with  the  most  sordid  selfishness,  would 
endeavor  to  disarm  the  people  of  all  caution  against  such  imminent  danger, 
lest  their  just  apprehensions  should  interfere  with  his  little  schemes  of  profit? 
And  who  but  such  a  man  would  appear  publicly  as  an  advocate  for  the  impor 
tation  of  felons,  the  scourings  of  jails,  and  the  abandoned  outcasts  of  the 
British  nation,  as  a  mode  in  any  sort  eligible  for  peopling  a  young  country  ?  " 

In  another  part  of  his  reply  he  remarks,  — 

"In  confining  the  indignation  because  of  their  importation  to  a  few,  and 
representing  that  the  general  sense  of  the  people  is  in  favor  of  this  vile  impor 
tation,  he  is  guilty  of  the  most  shameful  misrepresentation  and  the  grossest 


THE    COLONY  OF  MARYLAND.  245 

calumny  upon  the  whole  province.  What  opinion  must  our  mother  country, 
and  our  sister  colonies,  entertain  of  our  virtue,  when  they  see  it  confidently 
asserted  in  the  Maryland  Gazette,  that  we  are  fond  of  peopling  our  country 
with  the  most  abandoned  profligates  in  the  universe  ?  Is  this  the  way  to  purge 
ourselves  from  that  false  and  bitter  reproach,  so  commonly  thrown  upon  us, 
that  we  are  the  descendants  of  convicts?  As  far  as  it  has  lain  in  my  way  to 
be  acquainted  with  the  general  sentiments  of  the  people  upon  this  subject,  I 
solemnly  declare,  that  the  most  discerning  and  judicious  amongst  them  esteem 
it  the  greatest  grievance  imposed  upon  us  by  our  mother  country." 

The  writer  felt  that  a  young  country  could  not  be  settled 
"without  people  of  some  sort,"  and  that  it  was  better  to  secure 
"  convicts  than  slaves."  Upon  what  grounds  precisely  this  de 
fender  of  buying  convict  labor  based  his  conclusion  that  he  would 
rather  have  "  convicts  than  slaves  "is  not  known.  It  could  not 
have  been  that  he  believed  the  convicts  of  England  more  indus 
trious  or  skilful  than  Negro  slaves  ?  Or,  had  he  theoretical  objec 
tions  to  slavery  as  a  permanent  institution  ?  Perhaps  the  writer 
had  himself  graduated  from  the  criminal  class !  But  there  were 
gentlemen  who  differed  with  him,  and  couched  their  objections 
to  the  convict  system  of  importation  in  very  vigorous  English. 
On  the  2Oth  of  August,  1767,  two  articles  appeared  in  "Greene's 
Gazette."'  Says  one  of  these  writers,  — 

"  For  who,  but  a  man  swayed  with  the  most  sordid  selfishness,  would 
endeavor  to  disarm  the  people  of  all  caution  against  such  imminent  danger, 
lest  their  just  apprehensions  should  interfere  with  his  little  schemes  of  profit? 
And  who  but  such  a  man  would  appear  publicly  as  an  advocate  for  the  impor 
tation  of  felons,  the  scourings  of  jails,  and  the  abandoned  outcasts  of  the 
British  nation,  as  a  mode  in  any  sort  eligible  for  peopling  a  young  country  ?  " 

There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  many  of  the  convicts  thus 
imported,  having  served  out  their  time,  in  a  brief  season  became 
slave-drivers  and  slave-owners.  With  hearts  reduced  to  flinty 
hardness  in  the  fires  of  unrestrained  passions,  the  convict  element, 
as  it  became  absorbed  in  the  great  free  white  population  of  the 
Province,1  created  a  most  positive  sentiment  in  favor  of  a  cruel 
code  for  the  government  of  the  Negro  slave.  There  were  two 
motives  that  inspired  the  ex-convict  to  cruelty  to  the  Negro :  to 

1  McMahone  says  of  this  convict  element :  "  The  pride  of  this  age  revolts  at  the  idea  of 
going  back  to  such  as  these,  for  the  roots  of  a  genealogical  tree ;  and  they,  whose  delight  it  would 
be,  to  trace  their  blood  through  many  generations  of  stupid,  sluggish,  imbecile  ancestors,  with  no 
claim  to  merit  but  the  name  they  carry  down,  will  even  submit  to  be  called  '  novi  homines,'  if  a 
convict  stand  in  the  line  of  ancestry." 


246      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

divert  attention  from  himself,  and  to  persuade  himself,  in  his 
doubting  mind,  that  the  Negro  was  inferior  to  him  by  nature.  It 
was,  no  doubt,  a  great  undertaking ;  but  the  findings  of  such  a 
court  must  have  been  comforting  to  an  anxious  conscience  !  The 
result  can  be  judged.  Maryland  made  a  slave-code,  which,  for 
cruelty  and  general  inhumanity,  has  no  equal  in  the  South.1  The 
Maryland  laws  of  1715  contained,  in  chapter  forty-four,  an  act 
with  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  sections  relating  to  Negro  slaves. 
A  most  rigorous  pass-system  was  established.  By  section  six,  no 
Negro  or  other  servant  was  allowed  to  leave  the  county  without 
a  pass  under  the  seal  of  the  county  in  which  their  master  resided ; 
for  which  pass  the  slave  or  other  servant  was  compelled  to  pay 
ten  pounds  of  tobacco,  or  one  shilling  in  money.  If  such  persons 
were  apprehended,  a  justice  of  the  peace  could  irrtpose  such  fines 
and  inflict  such  punishment  as  were  fixed  by  the  law  applying  to 
runaways.  By  the  Act  of  1723,  chapter  fifteen,  under  the  caption  of 
"An  Act  to  prevent  the  tumultuous  meeting  and  other  irregularities 
of  negroes  and  other  slaves"  the  severity  of  the  laws  was  increased 
tenfold.  According  to  section  four,  a  Negro  or  other  slave  who 
had  the  temerity  to  strike  a  white  person,  was  to  have  his  ears 
"  cropt  on  order  of  a  Justice."  Section  six  denies  slaves  the  right 
of  possession  of  property :  they  could  not  own  cattle.  Section 
seven  gave  authority  to  any  white  man  to  kill  a  Negro  who  resisted 
an  attempt  to  arrest  him  ;  and  by  a  supplemental  Act  of  175 1,  chap 
ter  fourteen,  the  owner  of  a  slave  thus  killed  was  to  be  paid  out  of 
"the  public  treasury.  In  1729  an  Act  was  passed  providing,  that 
upon  the  conviction  of  certain  crimes,  Negroes  and  other  slaves 
shall  be  not  only  hanged,  but  the  body  should  be  quartered,  and 
exposed  to  public  view.  When  slaves  grew  old  and  infirm  in  the 
service  of  their  masters,  and  the  latter  were  inspired  by  a  desire  to 
compliment  the  faithfulness  of  their  servants  by  emancipation, 
the  law  came  in  and  forbade  manumission  by  the  "last  will  or 
testament,"  or  the  making  free  in  any  way  of  Negro  slaves.  It. 
was  a  temporary  Act,  passed  in  1752,  void  of  every  element  of 
humanity ;  and  yet  it  stood  as  the  law  of  the  colony  for  twenty 
long  years. 

In    1748    the    Negro    population    of   Maryland  was   thirty-six 
thousand,  and  still  rapidly  increasing. 


1  With  perhaps  the  single  exception  of  South  Carolina,  of  which  the  reader  will  learn  more 
farther  on. 


THE    COLONY  OF  MARYLAND. 


247 


"By  a  'very  accurate  census,'  taken  this  year,  this  was  found  to  be  the 
number  of  white  inhabitants  in  Maryland :  — 


FREE. 

SERVANTS. 

'  CONVICTS. 

TOTAL. 

Men     .    .    . 

24,058 

3,576 

i,5°7 

29,141 

Women    .     . 

23,52I 

1,824 

386 

25,731 

Boys    .     .    . 

26,637 

1,048 

67 

27,752 

Girls    .     .    . 

24,141 

422 

21 

24,584 

98^57 

6,870 

I,98l 

107,208 

"  By  the  same  account  the  total  number  of  mulattoes  in  Maryland 
amounted  to  3,592 ;  and  the  total  number  of  Negroes,  to  42,764.  Pres.  Stiles' 
MS.  It  was  reckoned  (say  the  authors  of  Univ.  Hist.),  that  above  2,000  Negro 
slaves  were  annually  imported  into  Maryland."  1 

In  1756  the  blacks  had  increased  to  46,225,  and  in  1761  to 
49,675.  There  was  nothing  in  the  laws  to  prohibit  the  instruction 
of  Negroes,  and  yet  no  one  dared  to  brave  public  sentiment  on 
that  point.  The  churches  gave  no  attention  or  care  to  the  slaves. 
During  the  first  half  or  three-quarters  of  a  century  there  was  an 
indiscriminate  mingling  and  marrying  among  the  Negroes  and 
white  servants  ;  and,  although  this  was  forbidden  by  rigid  statutes, 
it  went  on  to  a  considerable  extent.  The  half-breed,  or  Mulatto, 
population  increased ; 2  and  so  did  the  number  of  free  Negroes. 
The  contact  of  these  two  elements  —  of  slaves  and  convicts  — 
was  neither  prudent  nor  healthy.  The  Negroes  suffered  from  the 
touch  of  the  moral  contagion  of  this  effete  matter  driven  out  of 
European  society.  Courted  as  rather  agreeable  companions  by  the 
convicts  at  first,  the  Negro  slaves  were  at  length  treated  worse  by 
the  ex-convicts  than  by  the  mosj;  intelligent  and  opulent  slave- 
dealers  in  all  the  Province.  And  with  no  rights  in  the  courts, 
incompetent  to  hold  an  office  of  any  kind,  the  free  Negroes  were 
in  almost  as  disagreeable  a  situation  as  the  slaves. 

From  the  founding  of  the  colony  of  Maryland  in  1632  down 
to  the  Revolutionary  War,  there  is  no  record  left  us  that  any  effort 
was  ever  made  to  cure  the  most  glaring  evils  of  slavery.  For  the 
Negro  this  was  one  long^  starless  night  of  oppression  and  out- 


1  American  Annals. 

2  Dr.  Holmes  says,  "  The  total  number  of  mulattoes  in  Maryland  amounted  to  3,592,"  in  1755. 


248      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

rage.  No  siren's  voice  whispered  to  him  of  a  distant  future, 
propitious  and  gracious  to  hearts  almost  insensible  to  a  throb  of 
joy,  to  minds  unconscious  of  the  feeblest  rays  of  light.  Being 
absolute  property,  it  was  the  right  of  the  master  to  say  how  much 
food,  or  what  quantity  of  clothing,  his  slave  should  have.  There 
were  no  rules  by  which  a  slave  could  claim  the  privilege  of  ceas 
ing  from  labor  at  the  close  of  the  day.  No,  the  master  had  the 
same  right  to  work  his  slaves  after  nightfall  as  to  drive  his  horse 
morning,  noon,  and  night.  Poor  clothes,  rough  and  scanty  diet, 
wretched  quarters,  overworked,  neglected  in  body  and  mind,  the 
Negroes  of  Maryland  had  a  sore  lot. 

The  Revolution  was  nearing.  Public  attention  was  largely 
occupied  with  the  Stamp  Act  and  preparations  for  hostilities.  The 
Negro  was  left  to  toil  on  ;  and,  while  at  this  time  there  was  no- 
legislation  sought  for  slavery,  there  was  nothing  done  that  could 
be  considered  hostile  to  the  institution.  The  Negroes  hailed  the 
mutterings  of  the  distant  thunders  of  revolution  as  the  precursor 
of  a  new  era  to  them.  It  did  furnish  an  opportunity  for  them  in 
Maryland  to  prove  themselves  patriots  and  brave  soldiers.  And 
how  far  their  influence  went  to  mollify  public  sentiment  concern 
ing  them,  will  be  considered  in  its  appropriate  place.  Suffice  it 
now  to  say,  that  cruel  and  hurtful,  unjust  and  immoral,  as  the 
institution  of  slavery  was,  it  had  not  robbed  the  Negro  of  a  lofty 
conception  of  the  fundamental  principles  that  inspired  white 
men  to  resist  the  arrogance  of  England ;  nor  did  it  impair  his 
enthusiasm  in  the  cause  that  gave  birth  to  a  new  republic  amid 
the  shock  of  embattled  arms. 


THE    COLONY  OF  DELAWARE.  249 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  COLONY  OF  DELAWARE. 
1636-1775. 

THE  TERRITORY  OF  DELAWARE  SETTLED  IN  PART  BY  SWEDES  AND  DANES,  ANTERIOR  TO  THE  YEAR 
1638.  —  THR  DUKE  OF  YORK  TRANSFERS  THE  TERRITORY  OF  DELAWARE  TO  WILLIAM  PENN. — 
PENN  GRANTS  THE  COLONY  THE  PRIVILEGE  OF  SEPARATE  GOVERNMENT.  —  SLAVERY  INTRODUCED 
ON  THE  DELAWARE  AS  EARLY  AS  1636.  —  COMPLAINT  AGAINST  PETER  ALRICKS  FOR  USING  OXEN 
AND  NEGROES  BELONGING  TO  THE  COMPANY.  —  THE  FIRST  LEGISLATION  ON  THE  SLAVERY 
QUESTION  IN  THE  COLONY. — AN  ENACTMENT  OF  A  LAW  FOR  THE  BETTER  REGULATION  OF 
SERVANTS.  —  AN  ACT  RESTRAINING  MANUMISSION. 

A  NTERIOR  to  the  year  1638,  the  territory  now  occupied  by 
J~\^  the  State  of  Delaware  was  settled  in  part  by  Swedes  and 
Danes.  It  has  been  recorded  of  them  that  they  early 
declared  that  it  was  "not  lawful  to  buy  and  keep  slaves."  l  But 
the  Dutch  claimed  the  territory.  When  New  Netherlands  was 
ceded  to  the  Duke  of  York,  Delaware  was  occupied  by  his  repre 
sentatives.  On  the  24th  of  August,  1682,  the  Duke  transferred 
that  territory  to  William  Penn.2  But  in  1703  Penn  surren 
dered  the  old  form  of  government,  and  gave  the  Delaware 
counties  the  privilege  of  a  separate  administration  under  the 
Charter  of  Privileges.  Delaware  inaugurated  a  legislature,  but 
remained  under  the  Council  and  Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  But 
slavery  made  its  appearance  on  the  Delaware  as  early  as  1636.3 

"  At  this  early  period  there  appears  to  have  been  slavery  on  the  Delaware. 
As  one  Coinclisse  was  'condemned,  on  the  3d  of  February,  to  serve  the 
company  with  the  blacks  on  South  River  for  wounding  a  soldier  at  Fort 
Amsterdam.  He  was  also  to  pay  a  fine  to  the  fiscal,  and  damages  to  the 
wounded  soldier.'  On  the  22d,  a  witness  testifying  in  the  case  of  Governor 
Van  Twiller,  (the  governor  of  New  Neitherlands  before  Kieft,)  who  was 
charged  with  neglect  and  mismanagement  of  the  company's  affairs,  said  that 

1  Dr.  Stevens,  in  his  History  of  Georgia,  vol.  i.p.  288,  says,     "  In  the  Swedish  and  German 
colony,  which  Gustavus  Adolphus  planted  in  Delaware,  and  which  in  many  points  resembled  the 
plans  of  the  Trustees,  negro  servitude  was  disallowed."     But  he  gives  no  authority,  I  regret. 

2  See  Laws  of  Delaware,  vol.  i.  Appendix,  pp.  1-4.  3  Albany  Records,  vol.  ii.  p.  10, 


250      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

''  he  had  in  his  custody  for  Van  Twiller,  at  Fort  Hope  and  Nassau,  twenty-four 
to  thirty  goats,  and  that  three  negroes  bought  by  the  director  in  1636,  were  since 
employed  in  his  private  service.'  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  slavery  was  intro 
duced  on  the  Delaware  as  early  as  1636,  though  probably  not  in  this  State,  as 
the  Dutch  at  that  time  had  no  settlement  here."  x 

And  on  the  I5th  of  September,  1657,  complaint  was  made 
that  Peter  Alricks  had  "used  the  company's  oxen  and  negroes;" 
thus  showing  that  there  were  quite  a  number  of  Negroes  in  the 
colony  at  the  time  mentioned.  In  September,  1661,  there  was  a 
meeting  between  Calvert,  D'Hinoyossa,  Peter  Alricks,  and  two 
Indian  chiefs,  to  negotiate  terms  of  peace.  At  this  meeting  the 
Mary  landers  agreed  to  furnish  the  Dutch  annually  three  thousand 
hogsheads  of  tobacco,  provided  the  Dutch  would  "supply  them 
with  negroes  and  other  commodities."  2  Negroes  were  numerous, 
and  an  .intercolonial  traffic  in  slaves  was  established. 

The  first  legislation  on  the  slavery  question  in  the  colony  of 
Delaware  was  had  in  1721.  "An  Act  for  the  trial  of  Negroes" 
provided  that  two  justices  and  six  freeholders  should  have  full 
power  to  try  "negro  and  mulatto  slaves"  for  heinous  offences. 
In  case  slaves  were  executed,  the  Assembly  paid  the  owner  two- 
thirds  the  value  of  such  slave.  It  forbade  convocations  of  slaves, 
and  made  it  a  misdemeanor  to  carry  arms.  During  the  same 
year  an  Act  was  passed  punishing  adultery  and  fornication.  In 
case  of  children  of  a  white  woman  by  a  slave,  the  county  court 
bound  them  out  until  they  were  thirty-one  years  of  age.  In  1739 
the  Legislature  passed  an  Act  for  the  better  regulation  of  servants 
and  slaves,  consisting  of  sixteen  articles.  It  provided  that  no 
indentured  servant  should  be  sold  into  another  government  with 
out  the  approval  of  at  least  one  justice.  Such  servant  could 
not  be  assigned  over  except  before  a  justice.  If  a  person 
manumitted  a  slave,  good  security  was  required  :  if  he  failed  to 
•do  this,  the  manumission  was  of  no  avail.  If  free  Negroes  did 
not  care  for  their  children,  they  were  liable  to  be  bound  out.  In 
1767  the  Legislature  passed  another  Act  restraining  manumission. 
It  recites  :  — 

"  SECTION  2.  And  be  it  enacted  by  the  honorable  John  Penn,  esq.  with  his 
Majesty's  royal  approbation,  Lieutenant  Governor  and  Commander  in  Chief  of 
the  counties  of  New-Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex,  upon  Delaware,  and  province  of 
Pennsylvania,  under  the  honorable  Thomas  Penn  and  Richard  Penn,  esquires, 

1  Vincent's  History  of  Delaware,  p.  159.  2  Ibid.,  p.  381. 


THE    COLONY  OF  DELAWARE.  251 

.true  and  absolute  proprietaries  of  the  said  counties  and  province,  by  and  with 
-the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Representatives  of  the  freemen  of  the  said  coun 
ties,  in  General  Assembly  met,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  if  any 
master  or  m/stress  shall,  by  will  or  otherwise,  discharge  or  set  free  any  Mulatto 
or  Negro  slave  or  slaves ;  he  or  she,  or  his  or  her  executors  or  administrators, 
at  the  next  respective  County  Court  of  Quarter  Sessions,  shall  enter  into  a 
recognizance  with  sufficient  sureties,  to  be  taken  in  the  name  of  the  Treasurer 
of  the  said  county  for  the  time  being,  in  the  sum  of  Sixty  Pounds  for  each  slave 
so  set  free,  to  indemnify  the  county  from  any  charge  they  or  any  of  them  may 
be  unto  the  same,  in  case  of  such  Negro  or  Mulattoe's  being  sick,  or  otherwise 
rendered  incapable  to  support  him  or  herself;  and  that  until  such  recognizance 
be  given,  no  such  Negro  or  Mulatto  shall  be  deemed  free."  J 

The  remainder  of  the  slave  code  in  this  colony  was  like  unto 
those  of  the  other  colonies,  and  therefore  need  not  be  described. 
Negroes  had  no  rights,  ecclesiastical  or  political.  They  had  no 
property,  nor  could  they  communicate  a  relation  of  any  character. 
They  had  no  religious  or  secular  training,  and  none  of  the  bless 
ings  of  home  life.  Goaded  to  the  performance  of  the  most  severe 
tasks,  their  only  audible  reply  was  an  occasional  growl.  It  sent  a 
feeling  of  terror  through  their  inhuman  masters,  and  occasioned 
them  many  ugly  dreams. 

1  Laws  of  Delaware,  vol.  i.  p.  436. 


252      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA.. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE  COLONY   OF   CONNECTICUT. 
1646-1775. 

THE  FOUNDING  OF  CONNECTICUT,  1631-36.  —  No  RELIABLE  DATA  GIVEN  FOR  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF 
SLAVES.  —  NEGROES  WERE  FIRST  INTRODUCED  BY  SHIP  DURING  THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE 
COLONY.  — "  COMMITTEE  FOR  TRADE  AND  FOREIGN  PLANTATIONS."  —  INTERROGATING  THE 
GOVERNOR  AS  TO  THE  NUMBER  OF  NEGROES  IN  THE  COLONY  IN  1680.  — THE  LEGISLATURE 

(1690)    PASSES  A   LAW    PERTAINING    TO    THE   PURCHASE    AND    TREATMENT    OF    SLAVES    AND   FREE 

PERSONS. —AN  ACT  PASSED  BY  THE  GENERAL  COURT  IN  1711,  REQUIRING  PERSONS  MANUMITTING 
SLAVES  TO  MAINTAIN  THEM.— REGULATING  THE  SOCIAL  CONDUCT  OF  SLAVES  IN  1723.  — THE 
PUNISHMENT  OF  NEGRO,  INDIAN,  AND  MULATTO  SLAVES,  FOR  THE  USE  OF  PROFANE  LANGUAGE, 
IN  1630.  —  LAWFULNESS  OF  INDIAN  AND  NEGRO  SLAVERY  RECOGNIZED  BY  CODE,  SEPT.  5,  1646. 
—  LIMITED  RIGHTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES  IN  THE  COLONY.  —  NEGRO  POPULATION  IN  1762.  —  ACT 
AGAINST  IMPORTATION  OF  SLAVES,  1774. 

A  LTHOUGH  the  colony  of  Connecticut  was  founded  between 
/\  the  years  1631  and  1636,  there  are  to  be  found  no  reliable 
data  by  which  to  fix  the  time  of  the  introduction  of  slavery 
there.1  Like  the  serpent's  entrance  into  the  Garden  of  Eden, 
slavery  entered  into  this  colony  stealthily ;  and  its  power  for  evil 
was  discovered  only  when  it  had  become  a  formidable  social  and 
political  element.  Vessels  from  the  West  Coast  of  Africa,  from 
the  West  Indies,  and  from  Barbadoes,  landed  Negroes  for  sale  in 
Connecticut  during  the  early  years  of  its  settlement.  And  for 
many  years  slavery  existed  here,  without  sanction  of  law,  it  is 
true,  but  perforce  of  custom.  Negroes  were  bought  as  laborers 
and  domestics,  and  it  was  a  long  time  before  their  number  called 
for  special  legislation.  But,  like  a  cancer,  slavery  grew  until  there 
was  not  a  single  colony  in  North  America  that  could  boast  of  its 
ability  to  check  the  dreadful  curse.  When  the  first  slaves  were 
introduced  into  this  colony,  can  never  be  known ;  but,  that  there 
were  Negro  slaves  from  the  beginning,  we  have  the  strongest 


1  In  the  Capital  Laws  of  Connecticut,  passed  on  the  ist  of  December,  1642,  the  tenth  law 
reads  as  follows;  "  10.  If  any  man  stealeth  a  man  or  mankind,  he  shall  be  put  to  death.  Ex. 
21  1 6."  But  this  was  the  law  in  Massachusetts,  and  yet  slavery  existed  there  for  one  hundred  and; 
forty-three  (143)  years. 


THE    COLONY  OF  CONNECTICUT.  253 

historical    presumption.     For   nearly  two   decades  there  was    no 
reference  made  to  slavery  in  the  records  of  the  colony. 

In  1680  "the  Committee  for  Trade  and  Foreign  Plantations  " 
addressed  to  the  governors  of  the  North-American  plantations  or 
colonies  a  series  of  questions.  Among  the  twenty-seven  ques 
tions  put  to  Gov.  Leete  of  Connecticut,  were  two  referring  to 
Negroes.  The  questions  were  as  follows  :  — 

"17.  What  number  of  English,  Scotch,  Irish  or  Forreigners  have  (for 
these  seaven  yeares  last  past,  or  any  other  space  of  time)  come  yearly  to  plant 
and  inhabit  within  your  Corporation.  And  also,  what  Blacks  and  Slaves  have 
been  brought  in  within  the  said  time,  and  att  what  rates  ? 

"18.  What  number  of  Whites,  Blacks  or  Mulattos  have  been  born  and 
christened,  for  these  seaven  yeares  last  past,  or  any  other  space  of  time,  for  as 
many  yeares  as  you  are  able  to  state  on  account  of?"  * 

To  these  the  governor  replied  as  follows  :  — 

"  17.  Answ.  For  English,  Scotts  and  Irish,  there  are  so  few  come  in  that 
we  cannot  give  a  certain  acco*-  Som  yeares  come  none ;  sometimes,  a  famaly 
or  two,  in  a  year.  And  for  Blacks,  there  comes  sometimes  3  or  4  in  a  year 
from  Barbadoes ;  and  they  are  sold  usually  at  the  rate  of  22^-  a  piece,  some 
times  more  and  sometimes  less,  according  as  men  can  agree  with  the  master  of 
vessells,  or  merchants  that  bring  them  hither. 

"  18.  Answ.  We  can  give  no  acco1-  of  the  perfect  number  of  either  born; 
but  fewe  blacks ;  and  but  two  blacks  christened,  as  we  know  of."2 

It  is  evident  that  the  number  of  slaves  was  not  great  at  this 
time,  and  that  they  were  few  and  far  between.  The  sullen  and 
ofttimes  revengeful  spirit  of  the  Indians  had  its  effect  upon  the 
few  Negro  slaves  in  the  colony.  Sometimes  they  were  badly 
treated  by  their  masters,  and  occasionally  they  would  run  away. 
The  country  was  new,  the  settlements  scattered ;  and  slavery  as 
an  institution,  at  this  time  and  in  this  colony,  in  its  infancy.  The 
spirit  of  insubordination  among  the  slave  population  seemed  to 
call  aloud  for  legislative  restriction.  In  October,  1690,  the  Legis^ 
lature  passed  the  following  bill :  — 

"Whereas  many  persons  of  this  Colony  doe  for  their  necessary  use  pur 
chase  negroe  seruants,  and  often  times  the  sayd  seruants  run  away  to  the  great 
wronge,  damage  and  disapoyntment  of  their  masters  and  owners,  for  preven 
tion  of  which  for  [221]  the  future,  as  much  as  ||  may  be,  it  is  ordered  by  this 
Court  that  Whateuer  negroe  or  negroes  shall  hereafter,  at  any  time,  be  fownd 
wandring  out  of  the  towne  bownds  or  place  to  which  they  doe  belong,  without 

1  Conn.  Col.  Recs.,  1678-89,  p.  293.  2  Ibid.,  p.  298. 


254      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

a  ticket  or  pass  from  the  authority,  or  their  masters  or  owners,  shall  be  stopt 
and  secured  by  any  of  the  inhabitants,  or  such  as  shall  meet  with  them,  and 
brought  before  the  next  authority  to  be  examined  and  returned  to  their  owners, 
who  shall  sattisfy  for  the  charge  if  any  be  ;  and  all  ferrymen  within  this  Colony 
are  hereby  required  not  to  suffer  any  negroe  without  such  certificate,  to  pass 
ouer  their  ferry  by  assisting  them  therein,  upon  the  penalty  of  twenty  shillings, 
to  be  payd  as  a  fine  to  the  county  treasury,  and  to  be  leuyed  upon  theire  estates 
for  non-payment  in  way  of  distresse  by  warrant  from  any  one  Assistant  or 
Comr.  This  order  to  be  obserued  as  to  vagrant  and  susspected  persons  fownd 
wandring  from  town  to  town,  haueing  no  passes ;  such  to  be  seized  for  exami 
nation  and  farther  disspose  by  the  authority ;  and  if  any  negroes  are  free  and 
for  themselues,  trauelling  without  such  ticket  or  certificate,  they  to  bear  the 
charge  themselues  of  their  takeing  up."  » 

The  general  air  of  complaint  that  pervades  the  above  bill  leaas 
to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  required  by  an  alarming  state  of 
affairs.  The  pass-system  was  a  copy  from  the  laws  of  the  older 
colonies  where  slavery  had  long  existed.  By  implication  free 
Negroes  had  to  secure  from  the  proper  authorities  a  certificate  of 
freedom  ;  and  the  bill  required  them  to  carry  it,  or  pay  the  cost 
of  arrest. 

One  of  the  most  palpable  evidences  of  the  humanity  of  the 
Connecticut  government  was  the  following  act  passed  in  May, 
1702  :  — 

"Whereas  it  is  observed  that  some  persons  in  this  Colonie  having  pur 
chased  Negro  or  Malatta  Servants  or  Slaves,  after  they  have  spent  the  princi- 
pall  part  of  their  time  and  strength  in  their  masters  service,  doe  sett  them  at 
liberty,  and  the  said  slaves  not  being  able  to  provide  necessaries  for  themselves 
may  become  a  charge  and  burthen  to  the  towns  where  they  have  served :  for 
prevention  whereof, 

"  It  is  ordered  and  enacted  by  this  Court  and  the  authority  thereof:  That 
every  person  in  this  Colonie  that  now  is  or  hereafter  shall  be  owner  of  a  negro 
or  mulatta  servant  or  slave,  and  after  some  time  of  his  or  her  being  taken  into 
imployment  in  his  or  her  service,  shall  sett  such  servant  or  slave  at  liberty  to 
provide  for  him  or  herselfe,  if  afterwards  such  servant  or  slave  shall  come  to 
want,  every  such  servant  shall  be  relieved  at  the  onely  cost  and  charge  of  the 
person  in  whose  service  he  or  she  was  last  reteined  or  taken,  and  by  whome 
sett  at  liberty,  or  at  the  onely  cost  and  charge  of  his  or  her  heirs,  executors  or 
administrators,  any  law,  usage  or  custome  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding."  2 

Massachusetts  had  acted  and  did  act  very  cowardly  about  this 
matter.  But  Connecticut  showed  great  wisdom  and  humanity  in 
making  a  just  and  equitable  provision  for  such  poor  and  decrepit 
slaves  as  might  find  themselves  turned  out  to  charity  after  a  long 

1  Conn.  Col.  Recs.,  1689-1706,  p.  40.  2  Ibid.,  1689-1706,  pp.  375,  376. 


THE    COLONY  OF   CONNECTICUT.  255 

life  of  unrequited  toil.  Slavery  was  in  itself  "the  sum  of  all  vil- 
lanies," — the  blackest  curse  that  ever  scourged  the  earth.  To 
buy  and  sell  human  beings  ;  to  tear  from  the  famishing  breast  of 
the  mother  her  speechless  child  ;  to  separate  the  husband  from 
the  wife  of  his  heart ;  to  wring  riches  from  the  unpaid  toil  of 
human  beings ;  to  tear  down  the  family  altar,  and  let  lecherous 
beasts,  who  claim  the  name  of  "  Christian,"  run  over  defenceless 
womanhood  as  swine  over  God's  altar  !  —  is  there  any  thing  worse, 
do  you  ask  ?  Yes !  To  work  a  human  being  from  youth  to  old 
age,  to  appropriate  the  labor  of  that  being  exclusively,  to  rob  it 
of  the  blessings  of  this  life,  to  poison  every  domestic  charity,  to 
fetter  the  intellect  by  Jhe  po\ver  of  fatal  ignorance,  to  withhold 
the  privileges  of  the  gospel  of  love ;  and  then,  when  the  hollow 
cough  comes  under  an  inclement  sky,  when  the  shadows  slant, 
when  the  hand  trembles,  when  the  gait  is  shuffling,  when  the  ear 
is  deaf,  the  eye  dim,  when  desire  faileth,  —  then  to  turn  that 
human  being  out  to  die  is  by  far  the  profoundest  crime  man  can 
be  guilty  of  in  his  dealings  with  mankind  !  And  slavery  had  so 
hardened  men's  hearts,  that  the  above  act  was  found  to  be  neces 
sary  to  teach  the  alphabet  of  human  kindness.  No  wonder  human 
forbearance  was  strained  to  its  greatest  tension  when  masters, 
thus  liberating  their  slaves,  assumed  the  lofty  air  of  humanitarians 
who  had  actually  done  a  noble  act  in  manumitting  a  slave ! 

In  1708  the  General  Court  was  called  upon  to  legislate  against 
the  commercial  communion  that  had  gone  on  between  the  slaves 
and  free  persons  in  an  unrestricted  manner  for  a  long  time. 
Slaves  would  often  steal  articles  of  household  furniture,  wares, 
clothing,  etc.,  and  sell  them  to  white  persons.  And,  in  order  to 
destroy  the  ready  market  this  wide-spread  kleptomania  found,  an 
Act  was  passed  making  it  a  misdemeanor  for  a  free  person  to  pur 
chase  any  article  from  slaves.  It  is  rather  an  interesting  law,  and 
is  quoted  in  full. 

"  Whereas  divers  rude  and  evil  minded  persons  for  the  sake  of  filthie  lucre 
do  frequently  receive  from  Indians,  malattoes  and  negro  servants,  money  and 
goods  stolen  or  obteined  by  other  indirect  and  unlawful  means,  thereby  incour- 
aging  such  servants  to  steal  from  their  masters  and  others  :  for  redress 
whereof, 

[35]  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Governour,  Council  and  Representatives,  in 
General  Court  assembled,  and  by  the  authoritie  of  the  same,  That  every  free 
person  whomsoever,  which  shall  presume  either  openly  or  privately  to  buy 
or  receive  of  or  from  any  Indian,  molato  or  negro  servant  or  slave,  any  goods, 
money,  merchandize,  wares,  or  provisions,  without  order  from  the  master  or 


256      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

mistress  of  such  servant  or  slave,  every  person  so  offending  and  being  thereor 
convicted,  shall  be  sentenced  to  restore  all  such  money,  goods,  wares,  merchan 
dizes,  or  provisions,  unto  the  partie  injured,  in  specie,  (if  not  altered,)  and  also 
forfeit  to  the  partie  double  the  value  thereof  over  and  above,  or  treble  the  value 
where  the  same  are  disposed  of  or  made  away.  And  if  the  person  so  offend 
ing  be  unable,  or  shall  not  make  restitution  as  awarded,  then  to  be  openly 
whipt  with  so  many  stripes  (not  exceeding  twentie,)  as  the  court  or  justices 
that  have  cognizance  of  such  offence  shall  order,  or  make  satisfaction  by  ser 
vice.  And  the  Indian,  negro,  or  molatto  servant  or  slave,  of  or  from  whom 
such  goods,  money,  wares,  merchandizes  or  provisions  shall  be  received  or 
bought,  if  it  appear  to  be  stolen,  or  that  shall  steal  any  money,  goods,  or  chat- 
tells,  and  be  thereof  convicted,  although  the  buyer  or  receiver  be  not  found, 
shall  be  punished  by  whipping  not  exceeding  thirtie  stripes,  and  the  money, 
goods  or  chattels  shall  be  restored  to  the  partie  injured,  if  it  be  found.  And 
every  assistant  and  justice  of  peace  in  the  countie  where  such  offence  is  com 
mitted,  is  hereby  authorized  to  hear  and  determine  all  offences  against  this  law, 
provided  the  damage  exceed  not  the  sum  of  fortie  shillings."  l 

On  the  same  day  another  act  was  passed,  charging  that  as 
Mulatto  and  Negro  slaves  had  become  numerous  in  parts  of  the 
colony,  destined  to  become  insubordinate,  abusive  of  white  peo 
ple,  etc.,  and  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  And  whereas  negro  and  molatto  servants  or  slaves  are  become  numerous 
in  some  parts  of  this  Colonie,  and  are  very  apt  to  be  turbulent,  and  often  quar 
relling  with  white  people  to  the  great  disturbance  of  the  peace  : 

"  //  is  therefore  ordered  and  enacted  by  the  Governour,  Council  and  Repre 
sentatives,  in  General  Court  assembled,  and  by  the  authoritie  of  the  same,  That 
if  any  negro  or  malatto  servant  or  slave  disturb  the  peace,  or  shall  offer  to 
strike  any  white  person,  and  be  thereof  convicted,  such  negro  or  malatto  ser 
vant  or  slave  shall  be  punished  by  whipping,  at  the  discretion  of  the  court, 
assistant,  or  justice  of  the  peace  that  shall  have  cognizance  thereof,  not  exceed 
ing  thirtie  stripes  for  one  offence."  2 

In  1711  the  General  Court  of  Connecticut  Colony  signally  dis 
tinguished  itself  by  the  passage  of  an  act  in  harmony  with  that  of 
1702.  It  was  found  that  indentured  servants  as  well  as  slaves 
had  been  made  the  victims  of  the  cruel  policy  of  turning  slaves 
and  servants  out  into  the  world  without  means  of  support  after 
they  had  become  helpless,  or  had  served  out  their  time.  This 
class  of  human  beings  had  been  cast  aside,  like  a  squeezed  lemon, 
to  be  trodden  under  the  foot  of  men.  The  humane  and  thought 
ful  men  of  the  colony  demanded  a  remedy  at  law,  and  it  came  in 
the  following  admirable  bill :  — 

1  Conn.  Col.  Recs.,  1706-16,  p.  52.  2  Ibid.,  pp.  52,  53. 


THE    COLONY  OF  CONNECTICUT.  257 

"An  Act  relating  to  Slaves,  and  such  in  particular  as  shall  happen  to 
'become  Servants  for  Time. 

"  //  is  ordered  and  enacted  by  the  Governour,  Council  and  Representatives, 
in  General  Court  assembled,  and  by  the  atithority  of  the  same,  That  all  slaves 
set  at  liberty  by  their  owners,  and  all  negro,  malatto,  or  Spanish  Indians,  who 
are  servants  to  masters  for  time,  in  case  they  come  to  want,  after  they  shall  be 
so  set  at  liberty,  or  the  time  of  their  said  service  be  expired,  shall  be  relieved 
by  such  owners  or  masters  respectively,  their  heirs,  executors,  or  administra 
tors  ;  and  upon  their,  or  either  of  their  refusal  so  to  do,  the  said  slaves  and 
servants  shall  be  relieved  by  the  selectmen  of  the  towns  to  which  they  belong, 
and  the  said  selectmen  shall  recover  of  the  said  owners  or  masters,  their  heirs, 
executors,  or  administrators,  all  the  charge  and  cost  they  were  at  for  such 
relief,  in  the  usual  manner  as  in  the  case  of  any  other  debts."  x 

In  1723  an  Act  was  passed  regulating  the  social  conduct,  and 
restricting  the  personal  rights,  of  slaves.  The  slaves  were  quite 
numerous  at  this  time,  and  hence  the  colonists  deemed  it  proper 
to  secure  repressive  legislation.  It  is  strange  how  anticipatory 
the  colonies  were  during  the  zenith  of  the  slavery  institution ! 
They  were  always  expecting  something  of  the  slaves.  No  doubt 
they  thought  that  it  would  be  but  the  normal  action  of  goaded 
humanity  if  the  slaves  should  rise  and  cut  their  masters'  throats. 
The  colonists  lived  in  mortal  dread  of  their  slaves,  and  the  char 
acter  of  the  legislation  was  but  the  thermometer  of  their  fear. 
This  Act  was  a  slight  indication  of  the  unrest  of  the  people  of 
this  colony  on  the  slavery  question  :  — 

"[376]   AN   ACT   TO   PREVENT   THE    DISORDER   OF    NEGRO   AND    INDIAN    SER 
VANTS  AND  SLAVES  IN  THE  NIGHT  SEASON. 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Governour,  Council  and  Representatives,  in  General 
Court  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  from  and  after  the 
publication  of  this  act,  if  any  negro  or  Indian  servant  or  slave  shall  be  found 
abroad  from  home  in  the  night  season,  after  nine  of  the  clock,  without  special 
order  from  his  or  their  master  or  mistress,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  any  person  or 
persons  to  apprehend  and  secure  such  negro  or  Indian  servant  or  slave  so 
offending,  and  him  or  them  bring  before  the  next  assistant  or  justice  of  peace ; 
which  assistant  or  justice  of  peace  shall  have  full  power  to  pass  sentence  upon 
such  negro  or  Indian  servant  or  slave  so  offending,  and  order  him  or  them  to 
be  publickly  whipt  on  his  or  their  naked  body,  not  exceeding  ten  stripes,  and 
pay  cost  of  court,  except  his  or  their  master  or  mistress  shall  redeem  them  by 
paying  a  fine  not  exceeding  twenty  shillings. 

"  And  it  is  hereby  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  if  any  such  negro 
or  Indian  servant  or  slave  as  abovesaid  shall  have  entertainment  in  any  house 
after  nine  of  the  clock  as  aforesaid,  except  to  do  any  business  they  may  be  sent 

1  Conn.  Col.  Recs.,  1706-16,  p.  233. 


258      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

upon,  the  head  of  the  family  that  entertaineth  or  tolerates  them  in  his  or  their 
house,  or  any  the  dependencies  thereof,  and  being  convicted  thereof  before  any 
one  assistant  or  justice  of  the  peace,  who  shall  have  power  to  hear  and  deter 
mine  the  same,  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  twenty  shillings,  one-half  to  the  com- 
plainer  and  the  other  half  to  the  treasury  of  the  town  where  the  offence  is 
committed;  any  law  or  usage  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  And  that  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  several  grand-jurors  and  constables  and  tything-men, 
to  make  diligent  enquiry  into  and  present  of  all  breaches  of  this  act."  J 

The  laws  regulating  slavery  in  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  up 
to  this  time,  had  stood,  and  been  faithfully  enforced.  There  had 
been  a  few  infractions  of  the  law,  but  the  guilty  had  been  pun 
ished.  And  in  addition  to  statutory  regulation  of  slaves,  the  refrac 
tory  ones  were  often  summoned  to  the  bar  of  public  opinion  and 
dealt  with  summarily.  Individual  owners  of  slaves  felt  themselves 
at  liberty  to  use  the  utmost  discretion  in  dealing  with  this  species 
of  their  property.  So  on  every  hand  the  slave  found  himself 
scrutinized,  suspicioned,  feared,  hated,  and  hounded  by  the  entire 
community  of  whites  who  were  by  law  a  perpetual  posse  comitatus. 
The  result  of  too  great  vigilance  and  severe  censorship  was  posi 
tive  and  alarming.  It  made  the  slave  desperate.  It  intoxicated 
him  with  a  malice  that  would  brook  no  restraint.  It  is  said  that 
the  use  of  vigorous  adjectives  and  strong  English  is  a  relief  to 
one  in  moments  of  trial.  But  even  this  was  denied  the  oppressed 
slaves  in  Connecticut ;  for  in  May,  1730,  a  bill  was  passed  punish 
ing  them  for  using  strong  language. 

"AN  ACT  FOR  THE  PUNISHMENT  OF   NEGROES,   INDIAN  AND  MOLATTO 

SLAVES,  FOR  SPEAKING  DEFAMATORY  WORDS. 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Governour,  Council  and  Representatives,  in  General 
Court  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  if  any  Negro,  Indian 
or  Molatto  slave  shall  utter,  publish  and  speak  such  words  of  any  person  that 
would  by  law  be  actionable  if  the  same  were  uttered,  published  or  spoken  by 
any  free  person  of  any  other,  such  Negro,  Indian  or  Molatto  slave,  being  thereof 
convicted  before  any  one  assistant  or  justice  of  the  peace,  (who  are  hereby  im- 
powred  to  hear  and  ^determine  the  same,)  shall  be  punished  by  whipping,  at 
the  discretion  of  the  assistant  or  justice  before  whom  the  tryal  is,  (respect  being 
had  to  the  circumstances  of  the  case,)  not  exceeding  forty  stripes.  And  the 
said  slave,  so  convict,  shall  be  sold  to  defray  all  charges  arising  thereby,  unless 
the  same  be  by  his  or  their  master  or  mistress  paid  and  answered,  &c."  2 

The  above  act  is  the  most  remarkable  document  in  this  period 
of  its  kind.  And  yet  there  are  two  noticeable  features  in  it :  viz., 

1  Conn.  Col.  Recs.,  1717-25,  pp.  390,  391.  2  Ibid.,  1726-35,  p.  290. 


THE    COLONY  OF   CONNECTICUT.  259 

the  slave  is  to  be  proceeded  against  the  same  as  if  he  were  a  free 
person  ;  and  he  was  to  be  entitled  to  offer  evidence,  enter  his  plea, 
and  otherwise  defend  himself  against  the  charge.  This  was  more 
than  was  allowed  in  any  of  the  other  colonies. 

On  the  Qth  of  September,  1730,  Gov.  J.  Talcott,  in  a  letter  to 
the  "Board  of  Trade,"  said  that  there  were  "about  700  Indian 
and  Negro  slaves"  in  the  colony.  The  most  of  these  were  Negro 
slaves.  For  on  the  8th  of  July,  1715,  a  proclamation  was  issued 
by  the  governor  against  the  importation  of  Indians ; x  and  on 
the  1 3th  of  October,  1715,  a  bill  was  passed  "prohibiting  the  Im 
portation  or  bringing  into"  the  colony  any  Indian  slaves.  It  was 
an  exact  copy  of  the  Act  of  May,  1712,  passed  in  the  colony  of 
Massachusetts. 

The  colony  of  Connecticut  never  established  slavery  by  direct 
statute ;  but  in  adopting  a  code  which  was  ordered  by  the  General 
Court  of  Hartford  to  be  "  copied  by  the  secretary  into  the  book  of 
public  records,"  it  gave  the  institution  legal  sanction.  This  code 
was  signed  on  the  5th  of  September,  1646.  It  recognized  the 
lawfulness  of  Indian  and  Negro  slavery.  This  was  done  under 
the  confederacy  of  the  "United  Colonies  of  New  England."2 
For  some  reason  the  part  of  the  code  recognizing  slavery  is 
omitted  from  the  revised  laws  of  1715.  In  this  colony,  as  in 
Massachusetts,  only  members  of  the  church,  "and  living  within 
the  jurisdiction,"  could  be  admitted  to  the  rights  of  freemen.  In 
1715  an  Act  was  passed  requiring  persons  who  desired  to  become 
"freemen  of  this  corporation,"  to  secure  a  certificate  from  the 
selectmen  that  they  were  "  persons  of  quiet  and  peaceable 
behavior  and  civil  conversation,  of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years, 
and  freeholders."  This  provision  excluded  all  free  Negroes.  Ilj 
was  impossible  for  one  to  secure  such  a  certificate.  Public  senti 
ment  alone  would  have  frowned  upon  such  an  innovation  upon  the 
customs  and  manners  of  the  Puritans.  On  the  I7th  of  May,  1660, 
the  following  Act  was  passed  :  "  It  is  ordered  by  this  court,  that 
neither  Indian  nor  negar  servts  shall  be  required  to  traine,  watch 
or  ward  in  the  Collo  : "  3 

To  determine  the  status  of  the  Negro  here,  this  Act  was  neces 
sary.  He  might  be  free,  own  his  own  labor ;  but  if  the  law  ex 
cluded  him  from  the  periodical  musters  and  trainings,  from  the 

1  Conn.  Col.  Recs.,  1706-16,  pp.  515,  516.         2  Hazard,  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1-6. 
3  Conn.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  i.  p.  349. 


260      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE   IN  AMERICA. 

church  and  civil  duties,  his  freedom  was  a  mere  misnomer.  It  is 
difficult  to  define  the  rights  of  a  free  Negro  in  this  colony.  He 
was  restricted  in  his  relations  with  the  slaves,  and  in  his  inter 
course  with  white  people  was  regarded  with  suspicion.  If  he  had, 
in  point  of  law,  the  right  to  purchase  property,  the  general  preju 
dice  that  confronted  him  on  every  hand  made  his  warmest  friends 
judiciously  conservative.  There  were  no  provisions  made  for 
his  intellectual  or  spiritual  growth.  He  was  regarded  by  both 
the  religious  and  civil  government,  under  which  he  lived,  as  a 
heathen.  Even  his  accidental  conversion  could  not  change  his 
condition,  nor  mollify  the  feelings  of  the  white  Christians  (?)  about 
him.  Like  the  wild  animal,  he  was  possessed  with  the  barest 
privilege  of  getting  something  to  eat.  Beyond  this  he  had  noth 
ing.  Everywhere  he  turned,  he  felt  the  withering  glance  of  a 
suspicious  people.  Prejudice  and  proscriptive  legislation  cast 
their  dark  shadows  on  his  daily  path  ;  and  the  conscious  superiority 
of  the  whites  consigned  him  to  the  severest  drudgery  for  his  daily 
bread.  The  recollection  of  the  past  was  distressing,  the  trials 
and  burdens  of  the  present  were  almost  unbearable,  while  the 
future  was  one  shapeless  horror  to  him. 

Perhaps  the  lowly  and  submissive  acquiescence  of  the  Negroes, 
bond  and  free,  had  a  salutary  effect  upon  the  public  mind.  There 
is  something  awfully  grand  in  an  heroic  endurance  of  undeserved 
pain.  The  white  Christians  married,  and  were  given  in  marriage ; 
they  sowed  and  gathered  rich  harvests  ;  they  bought  and  built 
happy  homes  ;  beautiful  children  were  born  unto  them  ;  they  built 
magnificent  churches,  and  worshipped  the  true  God :  the  present 
was  joyous,  and  the  future  peopled  with  sublime  anticipation. 
The  contrast  of  these  two  peoples  in  their  wide-apart  conditions 
must  have  made  men  reflective.  And  added  to  this  came  the  loud 
thunders  of  the  Revolution.  Connecticut  had  her  orators,  and 
they  touched  the  public  heart  with  the  glowing  coals  of  patriotic 
resolve.  They  felt  the  insecurity  of  their  own  liberties,  and  were 
now  willing  to  pronounce  in  favor  of  the  liberty  of  the  Negroes. 
The  inconsistency  of  asking  for  freedom,  praying  for  freedom,  fight 
ing  for  freedom,  and  dying  for  freedom,  when  they  themselves  held 
thousands  of  human  beings  in  bondage  the  most  cruel  the  world 
ever  knew,  helped  the  cause  of  the  slave.  In  1762  the  Negro  popu 
lation  of  this  colony  was  four  thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety.1 

1  Pres.  Stiles's  MSS. 


THE    COLONY  OF   CONNECTICUT.  261 

Public  sentiment  was  aroused  on  the  slavery  question ;  and  in  Octo 
ber,  1774,  the  following  prohibition  was  directed  at  slavery :  — 

"Act  against  importation  of  slaves  —  "  No  Indian,  negro,  or  mulatto  slave 
shall  at  any  time  hereafter  be  brought  or  imported  into  this  State,  by  sea  or  land, 
from  any  place  or  places  whatsoever,  to  be  disposed  of,  left  or  sold,  within  this 
State."  < 

The  above  bill  was  brief,  but  pointed ;  and  showed  that  Con 
necticut  was  the  only  one  of  the  New-England  colonies  that  had 
the  honesty  and  courage  to  legislate  against  slavery.  And  the 
patriotism  and  incomparable  valor  of  the  Negro  soldiers  of  Con 
necticut,  who  proudly  followed  the  Continental  flag  through  the 
fires  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  proved  that  they  were  worthy  of 
the  humane  sentiment  that  demanded  the  Act  of  1774. 

1  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol.  i.  pp.  272,  273. 


262      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND. 

1647-1775. 
COLONIAL  GOVERNMENT  IN  RHODE  ISLAND,  MAY,  1647. —  AN  ACT  PASSED  TO  ABOLISH  SLAVERY  m 

1652,  BUT  WAS  NEVER  ENFORCED.  — AN  ACT  SPECIFYING  WHAT  TlMES  INDIAN  AND  NEGRO  SLAVES 
SHOULD  NOT  APPEAR  IN  THE  STREETS.  — AN  IMPOST-TAX  ON  SLAVES  (1708,).  —  PENALTIES  IMPOSED 

ON  DISOBEDIENT  SLAVES. — ANTI-SLAVERY  SENTIMENT  IN  THE  COLONIES  RECEIVES  LITTLE 
ENCOURAGEMENT.  —  CIRCULAR  LETTER  FROM  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  THE 
ENGLISH  COLONIES  RELATIVE  TO  NEGRO  SLAVES.  —  GOVERNOR  CRANSTON'S  REPLY.  —  LIST  OF 
MILITIA-MEN,  INCLUDING  WHITE  AND  BLACK  SERVANTS.  —  ANOTHER  LETTER  FROM  THE  BOARD 
OF  TRADE.  — AN  ACT  PREVENTING  CLANDESTINE  IMPORTATIONS  AND  EXPORTATIONS  OF  PAS 
SENGERS,  NEGROES,  OR  INDIAN  SLAVES.  —  MASTERS  OF  VESSELS  REQUIRED  TO  REPORT  THE  NAMES 
AND  NUMBER  OF  PASSENGERS  TO  THE  GOVERNOR.  —  VIOLATION  OF  THE  IMPOST-TAX  LAW  ON 
SLAVES  PUNISHED  BY  SEVERE  PENALTIES.  —  APPROPRIATION  BY  THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  JULY 

5,  1715,   FROM   THE   FUND  DERIVED   FROM   THE   IMPOST-TAX,   FOR  THE   PAVING   OF  THE   STREETS  OF 

NEWPORT.  — AN  ACT  PASSED  DISPOSING  OF  THE  MONEY  RAISED  BY  IMPOST-TAX.  —  IMPOST-LAW 
REPEALED,  MAY,  1732. — AN  ACT  RELATING  TO  FREEING  MULATTO  AND  NEGRO  SLAVES  PASSED 
1728. — AN  ACT  PASSED  PREVENTING  MASTERS  OF  VESSELS  FROM  CARRYING  SLAVES  OUT  OF  THE 
COLONY,  JUNE  17,  1757.  —  EVE  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. —  AN  ACT  PROHIBITING  IMPORTATION  OF 
NEGROES  INTO  THE  COLONY  IN  1774.  —  THE  POPULATION  OF  RHODE  ISLAND  IN  1730  AND  1774. 

INDIVIDUAL  Negroes  were  held  in  bondage  in  Rhode  Island 
from  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  colonial  government 
there,  in  May,  1647,  down  to  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  Like  her  sister  colonies,  she  early  took  the  poison  of 
the  slave-traffic  into  her  commercial  life,  and  found  it  a  most 
difficult  political  task  to  rid  herself  of  it.  The  institution  of 
slavery  was  never  established  by  statute  in  this  colony ;  but  it 
was  so  firmly  rooted  five  years  after  the  establishment  of  the 
government,  that  it  required  the  positive  and  explicit  prohibition 
of  law  to  destroy  it.  On  the  iQth  of  May,  1652,  the  General 
Court  passed  the  following  Act  against  slavery.  It  is  the  earliest 
positive  prohibition  against  slavery  in  the  records  of  modern 
nations. 

"  Whereas,  there  is  a  common  course  practiced  amongst  English  men  to 
buy  negers,  to  that  end  they  may  have  them  for  service  or  slaves  forever;  for 
the  preventinge  of  such  practices  among  us,  let  it  be  ordered,  that  no  blacke 
mankind  or  white  being  forced  by  covenant  bond,  or  otherwise,  to  serve  any 
man  or  his  assighnes  longer  than  ten  yeares,  or  until  they  come  to  bee  twentie- 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE   ISLAND.  263 

four  yeares  of  age,  if  they  bee  taken  in  under  fourteen,  from  the  time  of  their 
cominge  within  the  liberties  of  this  Collonie.  And  at  the  end  or  terme  of  ten 
yeares  to  sett  them  free,  as  the  manner  is  with  the  English  servants.  And  that 
man  that  will  not  let  them  goe  free,  or  shall  sell  them  away  elsewhere,  to  that 
end  that  they  may  bee  enslaved  to  others  for  a  long  time,  hee  or  they  shall  for 
feit  to  the  Collonie  forty  pounds."  J 

The  above  law  was  admirable,  but  there  was  lacking  the  public 
sentiment  to  give  it  practical  force  in  the  colony.  It  was  never 
repealed,  and  yet  slavery  flourished  under  it  for  a  century  and  a 
half.  Mr.  Bancroft  says,  "The  law  was  not  enforced,  but  the 
principle  lived  among  the  people."  2  No  doubt  the  principle  lived 
among  the  people ;  but,  practically,  they  did  but  little  towards 
emancipating  their  slaves  until  the  Revolutionary  War  cloud  broke 
over  their  homes.  There  is  more  in  the  statement  Mr.  Bancroft 
makes  than  the  casual  reader  is  likely  to  discern. 

The  men  who  founded  Rhode  Island,  or  Providence  Plantation 
as  it  was  called  early,  were  of  the  highest  type  of  Christian  gen 
tlemen.  They  held  advanced  ideas  on  civil  government  and 
religious  liberty.  They  realized,  to  the  full,  the  enormity  of  the 
sinfulness  of  slavery ;  but  while  they  hesitated  to  strike  down 
what  many  men  pronounced  a  necessary  social  evil,  it  grew  to  be 
an  institution  that  governed  more  than  it  could  be  governed. 
The  institution  was  established.  Slaves  were  upon  the  farms,  in 
the  towns,  and  in  the  families,  of  those  who  could  afford  to  buy 
them.  The  population  of  the  colony  was  small ;  and  to"  manumit 
the  slaves  in  whom  much  money  was  invested,  or  to  suddenly 
cut  off  the  supply  from  without,  was  more  than  the  colonists  felt 
able  to  perform.  The  spirit  was  willing,  but  the  flesh  was  weak. 

For  a  half-century  there  was  nothing  done  by  the  General 
Court  to  check  or  suppress  the  slave-trade,  though  the  Act  of 
1652  remained  the  law  of  the  colony.  The  trade  was  not  exten 
sive.  No  vessels  from  Africa  touched  at  Newport  or  Providence. 
The  source  of  supply  was  Barbadoes  ;  and,  occasionally,  some 
came  by  land  from  other  colonies.  Little  was  said  for  or  against 
slavery  during  this  period.  It  was  a  question  difficult  to  handle. 
The  sentiment  against  it  was  almost  unanimous.  It  was  an  evil ; 
but  how  to  get  rid  of  it,  was  the  most  important  thing  to  be  con 
sidered.  During  this  period  of  perplexity,  there  was  an  ominous 
silence  on  slavery.  The  conservatism  of  the  colonists  produced 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  i.  p.  243.  2  Bancroft,  vol.  i.  5th  ed.  p.  175. 


264      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  opposite  in  the  Negro  population.  They  began  to  think  and 
talk  about  their  "rights.'*  The  Act  of  1652  had  begun  to  bear 
fruit.  At  the  expiration  of  ten  years'  service,  slaves  began  to- 
demand  their  freedom-papers.  This  set  the  entire  Negro  class  in 
a  state  of  expectancy.-  Their  eagerness  for  liberty  was  inter 
preted  by  the  more  timid  among  the  whites  as  the  signal  for 
disorder.  A  demand  was  made  for  legislation  that  would  curtail 
the  personal  liberties  of  the  Negroes  in  the  evenings.  It  is  well 
to  produce  the  Act  of  Jan.  4,  1703,  that  the  reader  may  see  the 
similarity  of  the  laws  passed  in  the  New-England  colonies  against 
Negroes :  — 

"An  Act  to  restrict  negroes  and  Indians  for  walking  in  unseasonable 
times  in  the  night,  and  at  other  times  not  allowable. 

"  Voted,  Be  it  enacted  by  this  Assembly  and  the  authority  thereof,  and  it 
is  hereby  enacted,  If  any  negroes  or  Indians,  either  freemen,  servants,  or 
slaves,  do  walk  in  the  streets  of  the  town  of  Newport,  or  any  other  town  in 
this  Collony,  after  nine  of  the  clock  of  the  night,  without  a  certificate  from  their 
masters,  or  some  English  person  of  said  family  with  them,  or  some  lawful!' 
excuse  for  the  same,  that  it  shall  be  lawfull  for  any  person  to  take  them  up  and 
deliver  them  to  a  Constable,  to  be  secured,  or  see  them  secured,  till  the  next 
morning,  and  then  to  be  brought  before  some  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  said 
town,  to  be  dealt  withall,  according  to  the  recited  Act,  which  said  Justice  shall 
cause  said  person  or  persons  so  offending,  to  be  whipped  at  the  publick  whip 
ping  post  in  said  town,  not  exceeding  fifteen  stripes  upon  their  naked  backs, 
except  their  incorrigible  behavior  require  more.  And  all  free  negroes  and  free 
Indians  to  be  under  the  same  penalty,  without  a  lawful  excuse  for  their  so. 
being  found*walking  in  the  streets  after  such  unseasonable  time  of  night. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  All  and  every  house  keeper,  within  said  town 
or  towns  or  Collony,  that  shall  entertain  men's  servants,  either  negroes  or 
Indians,  without  leave  of  their  masters  or  to  whom  they  do  belong,  after  said 
set  time  of  the  night  before  mentioned,  and  being  convicted  of  the  same  before 
any  one  Justice  of  the  Peace,  he  or  they  shall  pay  for  each  his  defect  five 
shillings  in  money,  to  be  for  the  use  of  the  poor  in  the  town  where  the  person 
lives ;  and  if  refused  to  be  paid  down,  to  be  taken  by  distraint  by  a  warrant  to 
any  one  Constable,  in  said  town ;  any  Act  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding."  * 

It  is  rather  remarkable  that  this  Act  should  prohibit  free 
Negroes  and  free  Indians  from  walking  the  streets  after  nine 
o'clock.  In  this  particular  this  bill  had  no  equal  in  any  of  the 
other  colonies.  This  act  seemed  to  be  aimed  with  remarkable 
precision  at  the  Negroes  as  a  class,  both  bond  and  free.  The 
influence  of  free  Negroes  upon  the  slaves  had  not  been  in  har 
mony  with  the  condition  of  the  latter ;  and  the  above  Act  was 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  492,  493. 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  265 

intended  as  a  reminder,  in  part,  to  free  Negroes  and  Indians.  It 
went  to  show  that  there  was  but  little  meaning  in  the  word  "free," 
when  placed  before  a  Negro's  name.  No  such  restriction  could 
have  been  placed  upon  the  personal  rights  of  a  white  colonist*; 
for,  under  the  democratical  government  of  the  colony,  a  subject 
was  greater  than  the  government.  No  law  could  stand  that  was 
inimical  to  his  rights  as  a  freeman.  But  the  free  Negro  had  no 
remedy  at  law.  He  was  literally  between  two  conditions,  bondage 
and  freedom. 

Attention  has  been  called  to  the  fact,  that  the  Act  of  1652  was 
never  enforced.  In  April,  1708,  an  Act,  laying  an  impost-tax  upon 
slaves  imported  into  the  colony,  was  passed  which  really  gave 
legal  sanction  to  the  slave-trade.1  The  following  is  the  Act  re 
ferred  to :  — 

"  And  it  is  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  whereas,  by  an 
act  of  Assembly,  in  February  last  past,  concerning  the  importing  negroes,  one 
article  of  said  act,  expressing  that  three  pounds  money  shall  be  parid  into  the 
treasury  for  each  negro  imported  into  this  colony;  but  upon  exporting  such 
negro  in  time  limited  in  said  act,  said  three  pounds  were  to  be  drawn  out  of  the 
treasury  again  by  the  importer: 

"It  is  hereby  enacted,  that  said  sum  for  the  future,  shall  not  be  drawn  out, 
but  there  continued  for  the  use  in  said  act  expressed;  any  act  to  the  contrary, 
notwithstanding."  2 

The  Act  referred  to  as  having  passed  "in  February  last  past,'* 
cannot  be  found.3  But,  from  the  one  quoted  above,  it  is  to  be 
inferred  that  two  objects  were  aimed  at,  viz.  :  First,  under  the 
codes  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  a  drawback  was  allowed  to 
an  importer  of  a  Negro  who  exported  him  within  a  stated  time  :  the 
Rhode-Island  Act  of  "  February  "  had  allowed  importers  this  privi 
lege.  Second,  notwithstanding  the  loud-sounding  Act  of  1652,  this 
colony  was  not  only  willing  to  levy  an  impost-tax  upon  all  slaves 
imported,  but,  in  her  greed  for  "blood  money,"  even  denied  the 
importer  the  mean  privilege,  in  exporting  his  slave,  of  drawing 
his  rebate !  The  consistency  of  Rhode  Island  must  have  been  a 
jewel  that  the  other  colonies  did  not  covet. 

The  last  section  of  the  Act  of  1703  was  directed  against  "  house 

1  There  is  no  law  making  the  manufacturing  of  whiskey  legal  in  the  United  States  ;  and  yet 
the  United-States  government  makes  laws  to  regulate  the  business,  and  collects  a  revenue  from  it. 
It  exists  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  government,  and,  in  a  sense,  is  legal. 

2  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  p.  34. 

3  I  have  searched  diligently  for  the  Act  of  February,  among  the  Rhode-Island  Collections 
and  Records,  but  have  not  found  it.     It  was  evidently  more  comprehensive  than  the  above  Act. 


266      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

keepers,"  who  were  to  be  fined  for  entertaining  Negro  or  Indian 
slaves  after  nine  o'clock.  In  1708  another  Act  was  passed,  sup 
plemental  to  the  one  of  1703,  and  added  stripes  as  a  penalty  for 
non-payment  of  fines.  Many  white  persons  in  the  larger  towns 
had  grown  rather  friendly  towards  the  slaves ;  and,  even  where 
they  did  not  speak  out  in  public  against  the  enslavement  of 
human  beings,  their  hearts  led  them  to  the  performance  of  many 
little  deeds  of  kindness.  They  discovered  many  noble  attributes 
in  the  Negro  character,  and  were  not  backward  in  expressing  their 
admiration.  When  summoned  before  a  justice,  and  fined  for 
entertaining  Negroes  after  nine  o'clock,  they  paid  the  penalty 
with  a  willingness  and  alacrity  that  alarmed  the  slave-holding 
caste.  This  was  regarded  as  treason.  Some  could  not  pay  the 
fine,  and,  hence,  went  free.  The  new  Act  intended  to  remedy 
this.  It  was  as  follows  :  — 

"  An  Act  to  prevent  the  entertainment  of  Negroes,  &c. 

"Whereas,  there  is  a  law  in  this  colony  to  suppress  any  persons  from 
entertaining  of  negro  slaves  or  Indian  servants  that  are  not  their  own,  in  their 
houses,  or  unlawfully  letting  them  have  strong  drink,  whereby  they  were  dam 
nified,  such  persons  were  to  pay  a  fine  of  five  shillings,  and  so  by  that  means 
go  unpunished,  there  being  no  provision  made  [of]  what  corporeal  punishment 
they  should  have,  if  they  have  not  wherewith  to  pay : 

"Therefore,  it  is  now  enacted,  that  any  such  delinquent  that  shall  so 
offend,  if  he  or  she  shall  not  have  or  procure  the  sum  of  ten  shillings  for  each 
defect,  to  be  paid  down  before  the  authority  before  whom  he  or  she  hath  been 
legally  convicted,  he  or  she  shall  be  by  order  of  said  authority,  publicly 
whipped  upon  their  naked  back,  not  exceeding  ten  stripes ;  any  act  to  the  con 
trary,  notwithstanding."  l 

It  is  certain  that  what  little  anti-slavery  sentiment  there  was 
in  the  British  colonies  in  North  America  during  the  first  century 
of  their  existence  received  no  encouragement  from  Parliament. 
From  the  beginning,  the  plantations  in  this  new  world  in  the  West 
were  regarded  as  the  hotbeds  in  which  slavery  would  thrive,  and 
bring  forth  abundant  fruit,  to  the  great  gain  of  the  English  gov 
ernment.  All  the  appointments  made  by  the  crown  were  ex 
pected  to  be  in  harmony  with  the  plans  to  be  carried  out  in  the 
colonies.  From  the  settlement  of  Jamestown  down  to  the  break 
ing  out  of  the  war,  and  the  signing  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  not  a  single  one  of  the  royal  governors  ever  suffered 
his  sense  of  duty  to  the  crowned  heads  to  be  warped  by  local 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  p.  50. 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  267 

views  on  "the  right  of  slavery."  The  Board  of  Trade  was  untir 
ing  in  its  attention  to  the  colonies.  And  no  subject  occupied 
greater  space  in  the  correspondence  of  that  colossal  institution 
than*  slavery.  The  following  circular  letter,  addressed  to  the 
governors  of  the  colonies,  is  worthy  of  reproduction  here,  rather 
than  in  the  Appendix.  It  is  a  magnificent  window,  that  lets  the 
light  in  upon  a  dark  subject.  It  gives  a  very  fair  idea  of  the  pro 
found  concern  that  the  home  government  had  in  foreign  and 
domestic  slavery. 

I 

"CIRCULAR  LETTER  FROM  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO 
THE  GOVERNORS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  COLONIES,  RELA 
TIVE  TO  NEGRO  SLAVES. 

"APRIL  17,  1708. 

"  SIR  :  Some  time  since,  the  Queen  was  pleased  to  refer  to  us  a  petition 
relating  to  the  trade  of  Africa,  upon  which  we  have  heard  what  the  Royal 
African  Company,  and  the  separate  traders  had  to  offer;  and  having  otherwise 
informed  ourselves,  in  the  best  manner  we  could,  of  the  present  state  of  that 
trade,  we  laid  the  same  before  Her  Majesty.  The  consideration  of  that  trade 
came  afterwards  into  the  house  of  commons,  and  a  copy  of  our  report  was  laid 
before  the  house ;  but  the  session  being  then  too  far  spent  to  enter  upon  a 
matter  of  so  great  weight,  and  other  business  intervening,  no  progress  was 
made  therein.  However,  it  being  absolutely  necessary  that  a  trade  so  beneficial 
to  the  kingdom  should  be  carried  on  to  the  greatest  advantage,  there  is  no 
doubt  but  the  consideration  thereof  will  come  early  before  the  Parliament  at 
their  next  meeting;  and  as  the  well  supplying  of  the  plantations  and  colonies 
with  sufficient  number  of  negroes  at  reasonable  prices,  is  in  our  opinion  the 
chief  point  to  be  considered  in  regard  to  that  trade,  and  as  hitherto  we  have 
not  been  able  to  know  how  they  have  been  supplied  by  the  company,  or  by 
separate  traders,  otherwise  than  according  to  the  respective  accounts  given  by 
them,  which  for  the  most  part  are  founded  upon  calculations  made  from  their 
exports  on  one  side  and  the  other,  and  do  differ  so  very  much,  that  no  certain 
judgment  can  be  made  upon  those  accounts. 

"  Wherefore,  that  we  may  be  able  at  the  next  meeting  of  the  Parliament 
to  lay  before  both  houses  when  required,  an  exact  and  authentic  state  of  that 
trade,  particularly  in  regard  to  the  several  plantations  and  colonies ;  we  do 
hereby  desire  and  strictly  require  you,  that  upon  the  receipt  hereof,  you  do 
inform  yourself  from  the  proper  officers  or  otherwise,  in  the  best  manner  you 
can,  what  number  of  negroes  have  been  yearly  imported  directly  from  Africa 
into  Jamaica,  since  the  24th  of  June,  1698,  to  the  25th  of  December,  1707,  and 
at  what  rate  per  head  they  have  been  sold  each  year,  one  with  another,  distin 
guishing  the  numbers  that  have  been  imported  on  account  of  the  Royal  African 
Company,  and  those  which  have  been  imported  by  separate  traders ;  as  like 
wise  the  rates  at  which  such  negroes  have  been  sold  by  the  company  and  by 
separate  traders.  We  must  recommend  it  to  your  care  to  be  as  exact  and 
diligent  therein  as  possibly  you  can,  and  with  the  first  opportunity  to  transmit 


268      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

to  us  such  accounts  as  aforesaid,  that  they  may  arrive  here  in  due  time,  as  also 
duplicates  by  the  first  conveyance. 

"And  that  we  may  be  the  better  able  to  make  a  true  judgment  of  the 
present  settlement  of  that  trade,  we  must  further  recommend  it  to  you  to  confer 
with  some  of  the  principal  planters  and  inhabitants  within  your  government 
touching  that  matter,  and  to  let  us  know  how  the  negro  trade  was  carried  on, 
and  the  island  of  Jamaica  supplied  with  negroes  till  the  year  1698,  when  that 
trade  was  laid  open  by  act  of  Parliament;  how  it  has  been  carried  on,  and 
negroes  supplied  since  that  time,  or  in  what  manner  they  think  the  said  trade 
may  best  be  managed  for  the  benefit  of  the  plantations. 

"  We  further  desire  you  will  inform  us  what  number  of  ships,  if  any,  are 
employed  from  Jamaica  to  the  coast  of  Africa  in  the  negro  trade,  and  how  many 
separate  traders  are  concerned  therein. 

"  Lastly,  whatever  accounts  you  shall  from  time  to  time  send  us  touching 
these  matters  of  the  negro  trade,  we  desire  that  the  same  may  be  distinct,  and 
not  intermixed  with  other  matters ;  and  that  for  the  time  to  come,  you  do 
transmit  to  us  the  like  half  yearly  accounts  of  negroes,  by  whom  imported 
and  at  what  rates  sold ;  the  first  of  such  subsequent  accounts,  to  begin  from 
Christmas,  1707,  to  which  time  those  now  demanded,  are  to  be  given.  So  we 

bid  you  heartily  farewell, 

"  Your  very  loving  friends, 

"  STAMFORD, 
HERBERT, 
PH.  MEADOWS,. 
I.  PULTENEY, 
R.  MONCKTON. 

"  P.  S.  We  expect  the  best  account  you  can  give  us,  with  that  expedition 
which  the  shortness  of  the  time  requires. 

"  Memorandum.  This  letter,  mutatis  mutandis,  was  writ  to  the  Governors 
of  Barbadoes,  the  Leeward  Islands,  Bermuda,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Mary 
land,  the  President  of  the  Council  of  Virginia,  the  Governor  of  New  Hamp 
shire  and  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  the  Deputy  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  the 
Lords  proprietors  of  Carolina,  the  Governors  and  Companies  of  Connecticut 
and  Rhode  Island."  ' 

The  good  Queen  of  England  was  interested  in  the  traffic  in 
human  beings ;  and  although  the  House  of  Commons  was  too 
busy  to  give  attention  to  "a  matter  of  so  great  weight,"  the 
"Board  of  Trade"  felt  that  it  was  "absolutely  necessary  that  a 
trade  so  beneficial  to  the  kingdom  should  be  carried  on  to  the 
greatest  advantage."  England  never  gave  out  a  more  cruel  docu 
ment  than  the  above  circular  letter.  To  read  it  now,  under  the 
glaring  light  of  the  nineteenth  century,  will  almost  cause  the 
English-speaking  people  of  the  world  to  doubt  even  "  the  truth  of 
history."  Slavery  did  not  exist  at  sufferance.  It  was  a  crime 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  53,  54. 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  269 

Against  the  weak,  ignorant,  and  degraded  children  of  Africa, 
systematically  perpetrated  by  an  organized  Christian  government, 
backed  by  an  army  that  grasped  the  farthest  bounds  of  civiliza 
tion,  and  a  navy  that  overshadowed  the  oceans. 

The  reply  of  the  governor  of  Rhode  Island  was  not  as 
encouraging  as  their  lordships  could  have  wished. 

GOVERNOR  CRANSTON'S  REPLY. 

"  May  it  please  your  Lordships :  In  obedience  to  your  Lordships'  com 
mands  of  the  1 5th  of  April  last,  to  the  trade  of  Africa. 

"We,  having  inspected  into  the  books  of  Her  Majesty's  custom,  and 
informed  ourselves  from  the  proper  officers  thereof,  by  strict  inquiry,  can  lay 
before  your  Lordships  no  other  account  of  that  trade  than  the  following,  viz. : 

"  i.  That  from  the  24th  of  June,  1698,  to  the  25th  of  December,  1707,  we 
have  not  had  any  negroes  imported  into  this  colony  from  the  coast  of  Africa, 
neither  on  the  account  of  the  Royal  African  Company,  or  by  any  of  the 
separate  traders. 

"2.  That  on  the  3oth  day  of  May,  1696,  arrived  at  this  port  from  the  coast 
of  Africa,  the  brigantine  Seaflower,  Thomas  Windsor,  master,  having  on  board 
her  forty-seven  negroes,  fourteen  of  which  he  disposed  of  in  this  colony,  for 
betwixt  ^30  and  ^35  per  head ;  the  rest  he  transported  by  land  for  Boston, 
where  his  owners  lived. 

"3.  That  on  the  loth  of  August,  the  I9th  and  28th  of  October,  in  the  year 
1700,  sailed  from  this  port  three  vessels,  directly  for  the  coast  of  Africa;  the  two 
former  were  sloops,  the  one  commanded  by  Nicho's  Hillgroue,  the  other  by 
Jacob  Bill ;  the  last  a  ship,  commanded  by  Edwin  Carter,  who  was  part  owner 
of  the, said  three  vessels,  in  company  with  Thomas  Bruster,  and  John  Bates, 
merchants,  of  Barbadoes,  and  separate  traders  from  thence  to  the  coast  of 
Africa ;  the  said  three  vessels  arriving  safe  to  Barbadoes  from  the  coast  of 
Africa,  where  they  made  the  disposition  of  their  negroes. 

"4.  That  we  have  never  had  any  vessels  from  the  coast  of  Africa  to  this 
colony,  nor  any  trade  there,  the  brigantine  above  mentioned,  excepted. 

"  5.  That  the  whole  and  only  supply  of  negroes  to  this  colony,  is  from  the 
island  of  Barbadoes  ;  from  whence  is  imported  one  year  with  another,  betwixt 
twenty  and  thirty ;  and  if  those  arrive  well  and  sound,  the  general  price  is  from 
^3°  to  ^4°  per  head. 

"  According  to  your  Lordships'  desire,  we  have  advised  with  the  chiefest  of 
our  planters,  and  find  but  small  encouragement  for  that  trade  to  this  colony ; 
since  by  the  best  computation  we  can  make,  there  would  not  be  disposed  in  this, 
colony  above  twenty  or  thirty  at  the  most,  annually ;  the  reasons  of  which  are 
chiefly  to  be  attributed  to  the  general  dislike  our  planters  have  for  them,  by 
reason  of  their  turbulent  and  unruly  tempers. 

"  And  that  most  of  our  planters  that  are  able  and  willing  to  purchase  any  of 
them,  are  supplied  by  the  offspring  of  those  they  have  already,  which  increase 
daily;  and  that  the  inclination  of  our  people  in  general,  is  to  employ  white 
servants  before  Negroes. 


270      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


"  Thus  we  have  given  our  Lordships  a  true  and  faithful  account  of  what 
hath  occurred,  relating  to  the  trade  of  Africa  from  this  colony ;  and  if,  for  the 
future,  our  trade  should  be  extended  to  those  parts,  we  shall  not  fail  transmit 
ting  accounts  thereof  according  to  your  Lordships'  orders,  and  that  at  all  times 
be  ready  to  show  ourselves, 

"  Your  Lordships'  obedient  servant, 

"  SAMUEL  CRANSTON,  Governor. 
"NEWPORT,  ON  RHODE  ISLAND,  December  5,  1708."  l 

So  in  nine  years  there  had  been  no  Negro  slaves  imported  into 
the  colony;  that  in  1696  fourteen  had  been  sold  to  the  colonists 
for  between  thirty  pounds  and  thirty-five  pounds  apiece;  that 
this  was  the  only  time  a  vessel  direct  from  the  coast  of  Africa 
had  touched  in  this  colony  ;  that  the  supply  of  Negro  slaves  came 
from  Barbadoes,  and  that  the  colonistc  who  would  purchase  slaves 
were  supplied  by  the  offspring  of  those  already  in  the  plantation  ; 
and  that  the  colonists  preferred  white  servants  to  black  slaves. 
The  best  that  can  be  said  of  Gov.  Cranston's  letter  is,  it  was  very 
respectful  in  tone.  The  following  table  was  one  of  the  enclosures 
of  the  letter.  It  is  given  in  full  on  account  of  its  general  inter 
est: — 

"  A  list  of  the  number  of  freemen  and  militia,  with  the  servants,  white  and 
black,  in  the  respective  towns;  as  also  the  number  of  inhabitants  in  Her 
Majesty's  colony  of  Rhode  Island,  &c.,  December  the  5th,  1708. 


TOWNS. 

FREEMEN. 

MILITIA. 

WHITE 
SERVANTS. 

BLACK 
SERVANTS. 

TOTAL 
NUMBER  OF 
INHABITANTS. 

Newport     .    .    . 

190 

358 

20 

220 

2,203 

Providence  .    .     . 

241 

283 

6 

7 

1,446 

Portsmouth      .     . 

98 

104 

8 

40 

628 

Warwick    .     .     . 

80 

95 

4 

10 

480 

Westerly     .    .    . 

95 

100 

5 

20 

570 

New  Shoreham    . 

38 

47 

— 

6 

208 

Kingstown  .     .     . 

200 

282 

— 

85 

I,2OO 

Jamestown  .    .    . 

33 

28 

9 

32 

206 

Greenwich  .     .     . 

40 

65 

3 

6 

240 

Total   .    .     . 

1,015 

1,362 

56 

426 

7,181 

1  R.  I.  Coll.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  54,  55. 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE   ISLAND.  271 

"  It  is  to  be  understood  that  all  men  within  this  colony,  from  the  age  of 
sixteen  to  the  age  of  sixty  years,  are  of  the  militia,  so  that  all  freemen  above 
and  under  said  ages,  are  inclusive  in  the  abovesaid  number  of  the  militia. 

"  As  to  the  increase  or  decrease  of  the  inhabitants  within  five  years  last 
past,  we  are  not  capable  to  give  an  exact  account,  by  reason  there  was  no  list 
ever  taken  before  this  (the  militia  excepted),  which  hath  increased  since  the 
I4th  of  February,  1704-5  (at  which  time  a  list  was  returned  to  your  Lordships), 

the  number  of  287. 

"  SAMUEL  CRANSTON,  Governor. 

"NEWPORT,  ON  RHODE  ISLAND,  December  the  5th,  1708."  1 

The  Board  of  Trade  replied  to  Gov.  Cranston,  under  date  of 
"Whitehall,  January  i6th,  1709-10.,"  saying  they  should  be  glad  to 
hear  from  him  "in  regard  to  Negroes,"  etc.2 

The  letter  of  inquiry  from  the  Board  of  Trade  imparted  to 
slave-dealers  an  air  of  importance  and  respectability.  The  insti 
tution  was  not  near  so  bad  as  it  had  been  thought  to  be  ;  the  royal 
family  were  interested  in  its  growth ;  it  was  a  gainful  enterprise  ; 
and,  more  than  all,  as  a  matter  touching  the  conscience,  the  Bible 
and  universal  practice  had  sanctified  the  institution.  To  attempt 
to  repeal  the  Act  of  1652  would  have  been  an  occasion  unwisely 
furnished  for  anti-slavery  men  to  use  to  a  good  purpose.  The  bill 
was  a  dead  letter,  and  its  enemies  concluded  to  let  it  remain  on 
the  statute-book  of  the  colony. 

The  experiment  of  levying  an  impost-tax  upon  Negro  slaves 
imported  into  the  colony  had  proved  an  enriching  success.  After 
1709  the  slave-trade  became  rather  brisk.  As  the  population 
increased,  public  improvements  became  necessary,  —  there  were 
new  public  buildings  in  demand,  roads  to  be  repaired,  bridges  to 
be  built,  and  the  poor  and  afflicted  to  be  provided  for.  To  do  all 
this,  taxes  had  to  be  levied  upon  the  freeholders.  A  happy  thought 
struck  the  leaders  of  the  government.  If  men  would  import  slaves, 
and  the  freemen  of  the  colony  would  buy  them,  they  should  pay  a 
tax  as  a  penalty  for  their  sin. 3  And  the  people  easily  accommo 
dated  their  views  to  the  state  of  the  public  treasury. 

Attention  has  been  called  already  to  the  impost  Act  of  1708. 
On  the  27th  of  February,  1712,  the  General  Assembly  passed 
"An  Act  for  preventing  clandestine  importations  and  exportations 


1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  p.  59.       2  J.  Carter  Brown's  Manuscripts,  vol.  viii.  Nos.  506,  512. 

3  It  was  a  specious  sort  of  reasoning.  I  learn  that  the  bank  over  on  the  corner  is  to  be  robbed 
to-night  at  twelve  o'clock.  Shall  I  go  and  rob  it  at  ten  o'clock ;  because,  if  I  do  not  do  so,  another 
person  will,  two  hours  later  ? 


272      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  passengers,  or  negroes,  or  Indian  slaves  into  or  out  of  this  colony" 
etc.  The  Act  is  quite  lengthy.  It  required  masters  of  vessels  to 
report  to  the  governor  the  names  and  number  of  all  passengers 
landed  into  the  colony,  and  not  to  carry  away  any  person  without 
a  pass  or  permission  from  the  governor,  upon  pain  of  a  fine  of 
fifty  pounds  current  money  of  New  England.  Persons  desiring 
to  leave  the  colony  had  to  give  public  notice  for  ten  days  in  the 
most  public  place  in  the  colony ;  and  it  specifies  the  duties  of 
naval  officers,  and  closes  with  the  following  in  reference  to  Negro 
slaves,  calling  attention  to  the  impost  Act  of  1708  :  — 

"  It  was  then  and  there  enacted,  that  for  all  negroes  imported  into  this 
colony,  there  shall  be  £3  current  money,  of  New  England,  paid  into  the  general 
treasury  of  this  colony  for  each  negro,  by  the  owner  or  importer  of  said 
negro ;  reference  being  had  unto  the  said  act  will  more  fully  appear. 

"  But  were  laid  under  no  obligation  by  the  said  act,  to  give  an  account  to 
the  Governor  what  negroes  they  did  import,  whereby  the  good  intentions  of 
said  act  were  wholly  frustrated  and  brought  to  no  effect ;  and  by  the  clandes 
tinely  hiding  and  conveying  said  negroes  out  of  the  town  into  the  country, 
where  they  lie  concealed : 

"  For  the  prevention  of  which  for  the  future,  it  is  hereby  enacted  by  the 
authority  aforesaid,  that  from  and  after  the  publication  of  this  act,  all  masters 
of  vessels  that  shall  come  into  the  harbor  of  Newport,  or  into  any  port  of  this 
government,  that  hath  imported  any  negroes  or  Indian  slaves,  shall,  before  he 
puts  on  shore  in  any  port  of  this  government,  or  in  the  town  of  Newport,  any 
negroes  or  Indian  slaves,  or  suffers  any  negroes  or  Indian  slaves  to  be  put  on 
shore  by  any  person  whatsoever,  from  on  board  his  said  vessel,  deliver  unto  the 
naval  officer  in  the  town  of  Newport,  a  fair  manifest  under  his  hand,  which  shall 
specify  the  full  number  of  negroes  and  Indian  slaves  he  hath  imported  in  his 
said  vessel,  of  what  sex,  with  their  names,  the  names  of  their  owners,  or  of 
those  they  are  consigned  to ;  to  the  truth  of  which  manifest  so  given  in,  the 
said  master  shall  give  his  corporal  oath,  or  solemn  engagement  unto  the  said 
naval  officer,  who  is  hereby  empowered  to  administer  the  same  unto  him ;  which 
said  manifest  being  duly  sworn  unto,  the  said  naval  officer  shall  make  a  fair 
entry  thereof  in  a  book,  which  shall  be  prepared  for  that  use,  whereunto  the 
said  master  shall  set  his  hand.  .  .  . 

"  And  when  the  said  master  hath  delivered  his  said  manifest  and  sworn  to 
it,  as  abovesaid,  and  before  he  hath  landed  on  shore,  or  suffer  to  be  landed, 
any  negroes  or  Indian  slaves  as  aforesaid,  he,  the  said  master,  shall  pay  to  the 
naval  officer  the  sum  of  ^3  current  money,  of  New  England,  for  each  negro ; 
and  the  sum  of  forty  shillings  of  the  like  money  for  each  Indian  that  shall  be 
by  him  imported  into  this  colony,  or  that  shall  be  brought  into  this  colony  in 
the  vessel  whereof  he  is  master. 

"  But  if  he  hath  not  ready  money  to  pay  down,  as  aforesaid,  he  shall  then 
give  unto  the  said  naval  officer  a  bill,  as  the  law  directs,  to  pay  unto  him  the 
full  sum  above  mentioned,  for  each  and  every  negro  and  Indian  imported  as 
above  said,  which  bill  shall  run  payable  in  ten  days  from  the  entering  the  mani- 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  273 

fest  as  above  said ;  and  if  at  the  end  of  the  ten  days,  the  said  master  shall 
refuse  to  pay  the  full  contents  of  his  bill,  that  then  the  said  naval  officer  shall 
deliver  the  said  bill  unto  the  Governor,  or  in  his  absence,  to  the  next  officer  of 
the  peace,  as  aforesaid  who  shall  immediately  proceed  with  the  said  master  in 
the  manner  above  said,  by  committing  of  him  to  Her  Majesty's  jail,  where  he 
shall  remain  without  bail  or  mainprize,  until  he  hath  paid  unto  the  naval  officer, 
for  the  use  of  this  colony,  double  the  sum  specified  in  his  said  bill,  and  all 
charges  that  shall  accrue  thereby ;  which  money  shall  be  paid  out  by  the  said 
naval  officer,  as  the  General  Assembly  of  this  colony  shall  order  the  same. 

"  And  it  is  further  enacted,  that  the  naval  officer  who  now  is,  and  who  ever 
shall  be  for  the  future  put  into  said  office,  shall  at  his  entering  into  the  said 
office,  take  his  engagement  to  the  faithful  performance  of  the  above  said  acts. 
And  for  his  encouragement,  shall  have  such  fees  as  are  hereafter  mentioned  at 
the  end  of  this  act. 

"  And  for  the  more  effectual  putting  in  execution  those  acts,  and  that  none 
may  plead  ignorance : 

"  It  is  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  all  masters  of  vessels  trading 
to  this  government,  shall  give  bond,  with  sufficient  surety  in  the  naval  office, 
for  the  sum  of  ^50,  current  money  of  New  England."  » 

We  have  omitted  a  large  portion  of  the  bill,  because  of  its 
length ;  but  have  quoted  sufficient  to  give  an  excellent  idea  of  the 
marvellous  caution  taken  by  the  good  Christians  of  Rhode  Island 
to  get  every  cent  due  them  on  account  of  the  slave-trade,  which 
their  prohibition  did  not  prohibit.  It  was  a  carefully  drawn  bill 
for  those  days. 

The  diligence  of  the  public  officers  in  the  seaport  town  of 
Newport  was  richly  rewarded.  The  slave-trade  now  had  the 
sanction  and  regulation  of  colonial  law.  The  demand  for  Negro 
laborers  was  not  affected  in  the  least,  while  traders  did  not  turn 
aside  on  account  of  three  pounds  per  head  tax  upon  every  slave 
sold  into  Rhode  Island.  On  the  5th  of  July,  1715,  the  General 
Assembly  appropriated  a  portion  of  the  fund  derived  from  the 
impost-tax  on  imported  Negroes  -to  repairing  the  streets  ;  and  then 
strengthened  and  amplified  the  original  law  on  impost-duties,  etc. 
The  following  is  the  Act  :  — 

"  This  Assembly,  taking  into  consideration  that  Newport  is  the  metropolitan 
town  in  this  colony,  and  that  all  the  courts  of  judicature  within  this  colony  are 
held  there;  and  also,  that  it  is  the  chief  market  town  in  the  government;  and 
that  it  hath  very  miry  streets,  especially  that  leading  from  the  ferry,  or  landing 
place,  up  to  the  colony  house,  so  that  the  members  of  the  courts  are  very  much 
discommoded  therewith,  and  is  a  great  hindrance  to  the  transporting  of  pro- 

1  R.  I.  Coi.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  133-135. 


274      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

visions,  &c.,  in  and  out  of  the  said  towns,  to  the  great  loss  of  the  inhabitants 
thereof ; — 

"  Therefore,  be  it  enacted  by  this  present  Assembly,  and  by  the  authority 
thereof  it  is  enacted,  that  the  sum  of  ^289  173.  3d.,  now  lying  in  the  naval 
officer's  hand,  (being  duties  paid  to  this  colony  for  importing  of  slaves),  shall 
be,  and  is  hereby  granted  to  the  town  of  Newport,  towards  paving  the  streets 
of  Newport,  from  the  ferry  place,  up  to  the  colony  house,  in  said  Newport ;  to 
be  improved  by  their  directors,  such  as  they  shall,  at  their  quarter  meetings 
appoint  for  the  same. 

"  And  whereas,  there  was  an  act  of  Assembly,  made  at  Newport,  in  the 
year  1701-2,  for  the  better  preventing  of  fraud,  and  cozen,  in  paying  the  duties 
for  importing  of  negro  and  Indian  slaves  into  this  colony,  and  the  same  being 
found  in  some  clauses  deficient,  for  the  effecting  of  the  full  intent  and  purpose 
thereof ; — 

"Therefore,  it  is  hereby  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  every 
master  of  ship,  or  vessel,  merchant  or  other  person  or  persons,  importing  or 
bringing  into  this  colony  any  negro  slave  or  slaves  of  what  age  soever,  shall 
enter  their  number,  names,  and  sex  in  the  naval  office ;  and  the  master  shall 
insert  the  same  in  the  manifest  of  his  lading,  and  shall  pay  to  the  naval  officer 
in  Newport,  £3  per  head,  for  the  use  of  this  colony,  for  every  negro,  male  or 
female,  so  imported,  or  brought  in.  And  every  such  master,  merchant,  or  other 
person,  refusing  or  neglecting  to  pay  the  said  duty  within  ten  days  after  they 
are  brought  ashore  in  said  colony,  then  the  said  naval  officer,  on  knowledge 
thereof,  shall  enter  an  action  and  sue  [for]  the  recovery  of  the  same,  against 
him  or  them,  in  an  action  of  debt,  in  any  of  His  Majesty's  courts  of  record, 
within  this  colony. 

"And  if  any  master  of  ship  or  vessel,  merchant  or  others,  shall  refuse  or 
neglect  to  make  entry,  as  aforesaid,  of  all  negroes  imported  in  such  ship  or 
vessel,  or  be  convicted  of  not  entering  the  full  number,  such  master,  merchant, 
or  other  person,  shall  forfeit  and  pay  the  sum  of  £6,  for  every  one  that  he 
shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  make  entry,  of  one  moiety  thereof  to  His  Majesty, 
for  and  towards  the  support  of  the  government  of  this  colony;  and  the  other 
moiety  to  him  or  them  that  shall  inform  or  sue  for  the  same ;  to  be  recovered 
by  the  naval  officer  in  manner  as  above  said. 

"  And  also,  all  persons  that  shall  bring  any  negro  or  negroes  into  this  colony, 
from  any  of  His  Majesty's  provinces  adjoining,  shall  in  like  manner  enter  the 
number,  names  and  sex,  of  all  such  negroes,  in  the  above  said  office,  under  the 
penalty  of  the  like  forfeiture,  as  above  said  ;  and  to  be  recovered  in  like  manner 
by  the  naval  officer,  and  shall  pay  into  the  said  office  within  the  time  above 
limited,  the  like  sum  of  £,3  per  head ;  and  for  default  of  payment,  the  same  to 
be  recovered  by  the  naval  officer  in  like  manner  as  aforesaid. 

"  Provided  always,  that  if  any  gentleman,  who  is  not  a  resident  in  this 
colony,  and  shall  pass  through  any  part  thereof,  with  a  waiting  man  or  men  with 
him,  and  doth  not  reside  in  this  colony  six  months,  then  such  waiting  men  shall 
be  free  from  the  above  said  duty ;  the  said  gentleman  giving  his  solemn  en 
gagement,  that  they  are  not  for  sale ;  any  act  or  acts,  clause  or  clauses  of  acts, 
to  the  contrary  hereof,  in  any  ways,  notwithstanding. 

"  Provided,  that  none  of  the  clauses  in  the  aforesaid  act,  shall  extend  to 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  275; 

any  masters  or  vessels,  who  import  negroes  into  this  colony,  directly  from  the 
coast  of  Africa. 

"And  it  is  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  the  money  raised 
by  the  impost  of  negroes,  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  disposed  of  as  followeth,  viz. : 

"  The  one  moiety  of  the  said  impost  money  to  be  for  the  use  of  the  town 
of  Newport,  to  be  disposed  of  by  the  said  town  towards  paving  the  streets  of 
said  town,  and  for  no  other  use  whatsoever,  for  and  during  the  full  time  of 
seven  years  from  the  publication  of  this  act;  and  that  ^60  of  said  impost 
money  be  for,  and  towards  the  erecting  of  a  substantial  bridge  over  Potowo- 
mut  river,  at  or  near  the  house  of  Ezekiel  Hunt,  in  East  Greenwich,  and  to  no 
other  use  whatsoever. 

"And  that  Major  Thomas  Frye  and  Capt.  John  Eldredge  be  the  persons 
appointed  to  order  and  oversee  the  building  of  said  bridge,  and  to  render  an 
account  thereof,  to  the  Assembly ;  and  the  said  Major  Frye  and  Capt.  Eldredge 
to  be  paid  for  their  trouble  and  pains,  out  of  the  remaining  part  of  said  impost 
money;  and  the  remainder  of  said  impost  money  to  be  disposed  of  as  the 
Assembly  shall  from  time  to  time  see  fit."  J 

And  in  October,  1717,  the  following  order  passed  the  as 
sembly  :  — 

"  It  is  ordered  by  this  Assembly,  that  the  naval  officer  pay  out  of  the  impost 
money  on  slaves,  .£100,  to  the  overseer  that  oversees  the  paving  of  the  streets, 
of  Newport,  to  be  improved  for  paying  the  charges  of  paving  said  streets."2 

The  fund  accruing  from  the  impost-duty  on  slaves  was  re 
garded  with  great  favor  everywhere,  especially  in  Newport.  It. 
had  cleaned  her  streets  and  lightened  the  burdens  of  taxation 
which  rested  so  grievously  upon  the  freeholders.  There  was  no 
voice  lifted  agahist  the  iniquitous  traffic,  and  the  conscience  of 
the  colony  was  at  rest.  In  June,  1729,  the  following  Act  was 
passed :  — 

"An  Act  disposing  of  the  money  raised  in  this  colony  on  importing  negro 

slaves  into  this  colony. 

"  Forasmuch  as  there  is  an  act  of  Assembly  made  in  this  colony  the 
27th  day  of  February,  A.D.  1711,  laying  a  duty  of  ^3  per  head  on  all  slaves 
imported  into  this  colony,  as  is  in  said  act  is  expressed ;  and  several  things  of  a 
public  nature  requiring  a  fund  to  be  set  apart  for  carrying  them  on  ;  — 

"  Be  it  therefore  enacted  by  the  General  Assembly,  and  by  the  authority  of 
the  same  it  is  enacted  and  declared,  that  henceforward  all  monies  that  shall  be 
raised  in  this  colony  by  the  aforesaid  account,  on  any  slaves  imported  into  this 
colony,  shall  be  employed,  the  one  moiety  thereof  for  the  use  of  the  town  of 
Newport,  towards  paving  and  amending  the  streets  thereof;  and  the  other 
moiety,  for,  and  towards  the  support,  repairing  and  mending  the  great  bridges. 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  191-193.  2  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  p.  225. 


276      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

on  the  main,  in  the  country  roads,  and  for  no  other  use  whatsoever;  any  thing 
in  the  aforesaid  act  to  the  contrary,  in  anywise  notwithstanding."  * 

It  is  wonderful  how  potential  the  influence  of  money  is  upon 
mankind.  The  sentiments  of  the  good  people  had  been  scattered 
to  the  winds  ;  and  they  had  found  a  panacea  for  the  violated 
convictions  of  the  wrong  of  slavery  in  the  reduction  of  their 
taxes,  new  bridges,  and  cleansed  streets.  Conscience  had  been 
bribed  into  acquiescence,  and  the  iniquity  thrived.  There  were 
those  who  still  endeavored  to  escape  the  vigilance  of  the  naval 
officers,  and  save  the  three  pounds  on  each  slave.  But  the  dili 
gence  and  liberality  of  the  authorities  were  not  to  be  outdone  by 
the  skulking  stinginess  of  Negro-smugglers.  On  the  i8th  of 
June,  1723,  the  General  Assembly  passed  the  following  order:  — 

"  Voted,  that  Mr.  Daniel  Updike,  the  attorney  general,  be,  and  he  hereby 
is  ordered,  appointed  and  empowered  to  gather  in  the  money  due  to  this  colony, 
for  the  importation  of  negroes,  and  to  prosecute,  sue  and  implead  such  person 
or  persons  as  shall  refuse  to  pay  the  same ;  and  that  he  be  allowed  five  shil 
lings  per  head,  for  every  slave  that  shall  be  hereafter  imported  into  this  colony, 
out  of  the  impost  money ;  and  that  he  be  also  allowed  ten  per  cent,  more  for 
all  such  money  as  he  shall  recover  of  the  outstanding  debts ;  and  in  all  respects 
to  have  the  like  power  as  was  given  to  the  naval  officer  by  the  former  act."2 

The  above  illustrates  the  spirit  of  the  times.  There  was  a 
mania  for  this  impost-tax  upon  stolen  Negroes,  and  the  law  was  to 
be  enforced  against  all  who  sought  to  evade  its  requirements. 
But  the  Assembly  had  a  delicate  sense  of  equity,  as  well  as  an 
inexorable  opinion  of  the  precise  demands  of  the  law  in  its  letter 
and  spirit.  On  the  igth  of  June,  1716,  the  following  was 
passed  :  — 

"  It  is  ordered  by  this  Assembly,  that  the  duty  of  two  sucking  slaves  im 
ported  into  this  colony  by  Col.  James  Vaughan,  of  Barbadoes,  be  remitted  to 
the  said  James  Vaughan."  3 

It  was  not  below  the  dignity  of  the  Legislature  of  the  colony  of 
Rhode  Island  to  pass  a  bill  of  relief  for  Col.  Vaughan,  and  refund 
to  him  the  six  pounds  he  had  paid  to  land  his  two  sucking  Negro 
baby  slaves!  In  June,  1731,  the  naval  officer,  James  Cranston, 
called  the  attention  of  the  Assembly  to  the  case  of  one  Mr.  Roy- 
all,  —  who  had  imported  forty-five  Negroes  into  the  colony,  and 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  423,  424.  2  Ibid.,  p.  330.  3  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.  p.  209. 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  277 

after  a  short  time  sold  sixteen  of  them  into  the  Province  of  Mas 
sachusetts  Bay,  where  there  was  also  an  impost-tax, — and  asked 
directions.  The  Assembly  replied  as  follows  :  — 

"  Upon  consideration  whereof,  it  is  voted  and  ordered,  that  the  duty  to  this 
colony  of  the  said  sixteen  negroes  transported  into  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  as 
aforesaid,  be  taken  off  and  remitted  ;  but  that  he  collect  the  duty  of  the  other 
twenty-nine."  ' 

But  the  zeal  of  the  colony  in  seeking  the  enforcement  of  the 
impost-law  created  a  strong  influence  against  it  from  without  ; 
and  by  order  of  the  king  the  entire  law  was  repealed  in  May, 
I732.2 

The  cruel  practice  of  manumitting  aged  arid  helpless  slaves 
became  so  general  in  this  plantation,  that  the  General  Assembly 
passed  a  law  regulating  it,  in  February,  1728.  It  was  borrowed 
very  largely  from  a  similar  law  in  Massachusetts,  and  reads  as 
follows  :  — 

"  An  Act  relating  to  freeing  mulatto  and  negro  slaves. 

"  Forasmuch,  as  great  charge,  trouble  and  inconveniences  have  arisen  to  the 
inhabitants  of  divers  towns  in  this  colony,  by  the  manumitting  and  setting  free 
mulatto  and  negro  slaves  ;  for  remedying  whereof,  for  the  future, — 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  General  Assembly  of  this  colony,  and  by  the  au 
thority  of  the  same  it  is  enacted,  that  no  mulatto  or  negro  slave,  shall  be 
hereafter  manumitted,  discharged  or  set  free,  or  at  liberty,  until  sufficient 
security  be  given  to  the  town  treasurer  of  the  town  or  place  where  such  person 
dwells,  in  a  valuable  sum  of  not  less  than  ^100,  to  secure  and  indemnify  the 
town  or  place  from  all  charge  for,  or  about  such  mulatto  or  negro,  to  be  manu 
mitted  and  set  at  liberty,  in  case  he  or  she  by  sickness,  lameness  or  otherwise, 
be  rendered  incapable  to  support  him  or  herself. 

"  And  no  mulatto  or  negro  hereafter  manumitted,  shall  be  deemed  or 
accounted  free,  for  whom  security  shall  not  be  given  as  aforesaid,  but  shall  be 
the  proper  charge  of  their  respective  masters  or  mistresses,  in  case  they  should 
stand  in  need  of  relief  and  support ;  notwithstanding  any  manumission  or 
instrument  of  freedom  to  them  made  and  given ;  and  shall  be  liable  at  all  times 
to  be  put  forth  to  service  by  the  justices  of  the  peace,  or  wardens  of  the 
town.' 's 

It  is  very  remarkable  that  there  were  no  lawyers  to  challenge 
the  legality  of  such  laws  as  the  above,  which  found  their  way  into 
the  statute  books  of  all  the  New-England  colonies.  There  could 
be  no  conditional  emancipation.  If  a  slave  were  set  at  liberty, 
why  he  was  free,  and,  if  he  afterwards  became  a  pauper,  was 
entitled  to  the  same  care  as  a  white  freeman.  But  it  is  not  diffi- 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  iv.  p.  454.     2  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.  p.  471.    3  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  415,  416. 


278      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

cult  to  see  that  the  status  of  a  free  Negro  was  difficult  of  defini 
tion.  When  the  Negro  slave  grew  old  and  infirm,  his  master  no 
longer  cared  for  him,  and  the  public  was  protected  against  him  by 
law.  Death  was  his  most  beneficent  friend. 

In  October,  1743,  a  widow  lady  named  Comfort  Taylor,  of 
Bristol  County,  Massachusetts  Bay,  sued  and  obtained  judgment 
against  a  Negro  named  Cuff  Borden  for  two  hundred  pounds,  and 
cost  of  suit  "for  a  grievous  trespass."  Cuff  was  a  slave.  An 
ordinary  execution  would  have  gone  against  his  person  :  he  would 
have  been  imprisoned,  and  nothing  more.  In  view  of  this  condi 
tion  of  affairs,  Mrs.  Taylor  petitioned  the  General  Assembly  of 
Rhode  Island,  praying  that  authority  be  granted  the  sheriff  to  sell 
Cuff,  as  other  property,  to  satisfy  the  judgment.  The  Assembly 
granted  her  prayer  as  follows  :  — 

"  Upon  consideration  whereof,  it  is  voted  and  resolved,  that  the  sheriff  of 
the  said  county  of  Newport,  when  he  shall  receive  the  execution  against  the 
said  negro  Cuff,  be,  and  he  is  hereby  fully  empowered  to  sell  said  negro  Cuff 
as  other  personal  estate  ;  and  after  the  fine  of  ^20  be  paid  into  the  general 
treasury,  and  all  other  charges  deducted  out  of  the  price  of  said  negro,  the 
remainder  to  be  appropriated  in  said  satisfying  said  execution."  J 

This  case  goes  to  show  that  in  Rhode  Island  Negro  slaves 
were  rated,  at  law,  as  chattel  property,  and  could  be  taken  in 
execution  to  satisfy  debts  as  other  personal  property. 

A  great  many  slaves  availed  themselves  of  frequent  opportu 
nities  of  going  away  in  privateers  and  other  vessels.  With  but 
little  before  them  in  this  life,  they  were  even  willing  to  risk  being 
sold  into  slavery  at  some  other  place,  that  they  might  experience 
a  change.  They  made  excellent  seamen,  and  were  greatly  desired 
by  masters  of  vessels.  This  went  on  for  a  long  time.  The  loss 
to  the  colony  was  great ;  and  the  General  Assembly  passed  the 
subjoined  bill  as  a  check  to  the  stampede  that  had  become  quite 
general :  — 

"AN   ACT   TO    PREVENT     THE    COMMANDERS     OF     PRIVATEERS,    OR     MASTERS 
OF   ANY   OTHER   VESSELS,    FROM    CARRYING  SLAVES  OUT  OF  THIS  COLONY. 

"  Whereas,  it  frequently  happens  that  the  commanders  of  privateers,  and 
masters  of  other  vessels,  do  carry  off  slaves  that  are  the  property  of  inhabit 
ants  of  this  colony,  and  that'without  the  privity  or  consent  of  their  masters 
or  mistresses ;  and  whereas,  there  is  no  law  of  this  colony  for  remedying  so 
great  an  evil,  — . 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  v.  pp.  72,  73. 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  279 

"  Be  it  therefore  enacted  by  this  General  Assembly,  and  by  the  authority 
of  the  same,  it  is  enacted,  that  from  and  after  the  publication  of-  this  act,  if 
any  commander  of  a  private  man  of  war,  or  master  of  a  merchant  ship  or  other 
vessel,  shall  knowingly  carry  away  from,  or  out  of  this  colony,  a  slave  or  slaves, 
the  property  of  any  inhabitant  thereof,  the  commander  of  such  privateer,  or 
the  master  of  the  said  merchant  ship  or  vessel,  shall  pay,  as  a  fine,  the  sum  of 
^500,  to  be  recovered  by  the  general  treasurer  of  this  colony  for  the  time  being, 
by  bill,  plaint,  or  information  in  any  court  of  record  within  this  colony. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  the  owner  or 
owners  of  any  slave  or  slaves  that  may  be  carried  away,  as  aforesaid,  shall 
have  a  right  of  action  against  the  commander  of  the  said  privateer,  or  master 
of  the  said  merchant  ship  or  vessel,  or  against  the  owner  or  owners  of  the 
same,  in  which  the  said  slave  or  slaves  is,  or  are  carried  away ;  and  by  the  said 
action  or  suit,  recover  of  him  or  them,  double  damages. 

"And  whereas,  disputes  may  arrise  respecting  the  knowledge  that  the 
owner  or  owners,  commanders  or  masters  of  the  said  private  men  of  war,  mer 
chant  ships  or  vessels  may  have  of  any  slave  or  slaves  being  on  board  a  priva 
teer,  or  merchant  ship  or  vessel, — 

"Be  it  therefore  further  enacted,  and  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  it  is 
enacted,  that  when  any  owner  or  owners  of  any  slave  or  slaves  in  this  colony, 
shall  suspect  that  a  slave  or  slaves,  to  him,  her  or  them  belonging,  is,  or  are, 
on  board  any  private  man  of  war,  or  merchant  ship  or  vessel,  the  owner  or 
owners  of  such  slave  or  slaves  may  make  application,  either  to  the  owner  or 
owners,  or  to  the  commander  or  master  of  the  said  ship  or  vessel,  before  its 
sailing,  and  inform  him  or  them  thereof;  which  being  done  in  the  presence  of 
one  or  more  substantial  witness  or  witnesses,  the  said  information  or  applica 
tion  shall  amount  to,  and  be  construed,  deemed  and  taken  to  be  a  full  proof  of 
his  or  their  knowledge  thereof;  provided,  the  said  slave  or  slaves  shall  go  in 
any  such  ship  or  vessel. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  if  the  owner  or 
owners  of  any  slave  or  slaVes  in  this  colony,  or  any  other  person  or  persons, 
legally  authorized  by  the  owner  or  owners  of  a  slave  or  slaves,  shall  attempt  to 
go  on  board  any  privateer,  or  a  merchant  ship  or  vessel,  to  search  for  his,  her 
or  their  slave  or  slaves,  and  the  commander  or  master  of  such  ship  or  vessel, 
or  other  officer  or  officers  on  board  the  same,  in  the  absence  of  the  commander 
or  master,  shall  refuse  to  permit  such  owner  or  owners  of  a  slave  or  slaves,  or 
other  person  or  persons,  authorized,  as  aforesaid,  to  go  on  board  and  search 
for  the  slave  or  slaves  by  him,  her  or  them  missed,  or  found  absent,  such  refus 
al  shall  be  deemed,  construed,  and  taken  to  be  full  proof  that  the  owner  or 
owners,  commander  or  master  of  the  said  privateer  or  other  ship  or  vessel, 
hath,  or  have  a  real  knowledge  that  such  slave  or  slaves  is,  or  are  on  board. 

"  And  this  act  shall  be  forthwith  published,  and  therefrom  have,  and  take 
force  and  effect,  in  and  throughout  this  colony. 

"Accordingly  the  said  act  was  published  by  the  beat  of  drum,  on  the  i;th 
day  of  June,  1757,  a  few  minutes  before  noon,  by 

"THO.   WARD,  Secretary.'^ 
1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  vi.  pp.  64,  65. 


280     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  education  of  the  Negro  slave  in  this  colony  was  thought 
to  be  inimical  to  the  best  interests  of  the  master  class.  Ignorance 
was  the  sine  qua  non  of  slavery.  The  civil  government  and  eccle 
siastical  establishment  ground  him,  body  and  spirit,  as  between 
"the  upper  and  nether  millstones."  But  the  Negro  was  a  good 
listener,  and  was  not  unconscious  of  what  was  going  on  around 
him.  He  was  neither  blind  nor  deaf. 

The  fires  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle  began  to  melt  the  frozen 
feelings  of  the  colonists  towards  the  slaves.  When  they  began 
to  feel  the  British  lion  clutching  at  the  throat  of  their  own  liber 
ties,  the  bondage  of  the  Negro  stared  them  in  the  face.  They 
knew  the  Negro's  power  of  endurance,  his  personal  courage,  his 
admirable  promptitude  in  the  performance  of  difficult  tasks,  and 
his  desperate  spirit  when  pressed  too  sharply.  The  thought  of 
such  an  ally  for  the  English  army,  such  an  element  in  their  rear,, 
was  louder  in  their  souls  than  the  roar  of  the  enemy's  guns.  The 
act  of  June,  1774,  shows  how  deeply  the  people  felt  on  the  subject, 

"  AN   ACT   PROHIBITING  THE   IMPORTATION  OF   NEGROES  INTO  THIS  COLONY. 

Whereas,  the  inhabitants  of  America  are  generally  engaged  in  the  preser 
vation  of  their  own  rights  and  liberties,  among  which,  that  of  personal  freedom 
must  be  considered  as  the  greatest ;  as  those  who  are  desirous  of  enjoying  all 
the  advantages  of  liberty  themselves,  should  be  willing  to  extend  personal  lib 
erty  to  others ;  — 

"  Therefore,  be  it  enacted  by  this  General  Assembly,  and  by  the  authority 
thereof  it  is  enacted,  that  for  the  future,  no  negro  or  mulatto  slave  shall  be 
brought  into  this  colony ;  and  in  case  any  slave  shall  hereafter  be  brought  in, 
he  or  she  shall  be,  and  are  hereby,  rendered  immediately  free,  so  far  as  respects 
personal  freedom,  and  the  enjoyment  of  private  property,  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  native  Indians. 

"  Provided,  nevertheless,  that  this  law  shall  not  extend  to  servants  of  per 
sons  travelling  through  this  colony,  who  are  not  inhabitants  thereof,  and  who 
carry  them  out  with  them,  when  they  leave  the  same. 

"  Provided,  also,  that  nothing  in  this  act  shall  extend,  or  be  deemed  to 
extend,  to  any  negro  or  mulatto  slave,  belonging  to  any  inhabitant  of  either  of 
the  British  colonies,  islands  or  plantations,  who  shall  come  into  this  colony, 
with  an  intention  to  settle  or  reside,  for  a  number  of  years,  therein ;  but  such 
negro  or  mulatto,  so  brought  into  this  colony,  by  such  person  inclining  to 
settle  or  reside  therein,  shall  be,  and  remain,  in  the  same  situation,  and  subject 
in  like  manner  to  their  master  or  mistress,  as  they  were  in  the  colony  or  plan 
tation  from  whence  they  removed. 

"  Provided,  nevertheless,  that  if  any  person,  so  coming  into  this  colony,  to 
settle  or  reside,  as  aforesaid,  shall  afterwards  remove  out  of  the  same,  such 
person  shall  be  obliged  to  carry  all  such  negro  or  mulatto  slaves,  as  also  all 
such  as  shall  be  born  from  them,  out  of  the  colony  with  them. 


THE    COLONY  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  28  r 

"  Provided,  also,  that  nothing  in  this  act  shall  extend,  or  be  deemed  ta 
extend,  to  any  negro  or  mulatto  slave  brought  from  the  coast  of  Africa,  into- 
the  West  Indies,  on  board  any  vessel  belonging  to  this  colony,  and  which 
negro  or  mulatto  slave  could  not  be  disposed  of  in  the  West  Indies,  but  shall 
be  brought  into  this  colony. 

"  Provided,  that  the  owner  of  such  negro  or  mulatto  slave  give  bond  to  the 
general  treasurer  of  the  said  colony,  within  ten  days  after  such  arrival  in  the 
sum  of  ^100,  lawful  money,  for  each  and  every  such  negro  or  mulatto  slave  so 
brought  in,  that  such  negro  or  mulatto  slave  shall  be  exported  out  of  the  colony, 
within  one  year  from  the  date  of  such  bond ;  if  such  negro  or  mulatto  be  alive,, 
and  in  a  condition  to  be  removed. 

"Provided,  also,  that  nothing  in  this  act  shall  extend,  or  be  deemed  ta 
extend,  to  any  negro  or  mulatto  slave  that  may  be  on  board  any  vessel  belong 
ing  to  this  colony,  now  at  sea,  in  her  present  voyage." * 

In  1730  the  population  of  Rhode  Island  was,  whites,  15,302; 
Indians,  985;  Negroes,  1,648;  total,  17,935.  In  1749  there  were 
28,439  whites,  and  3,077  Negroes.  Indians  were  not  given  this, 
year.  In  1756  the  whites  numbered  35,939,  the  Negroes  4,697. 
In  1774  Rhode  Island  contained  9,439  families,  Newport  had 
9,209  inhabitants.  The  whites  in  the  entire  colony  numbered 
54,435,  the  Negroes,  3,761,  and  the  Indians,  1,482.2  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  Negro  population  fell  off  between  the  years 
1749  and  1774  It  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  mentioned  before, 
—  that  many  ran  away  on  ships  that  came  into  the  Province. 

The  Negroes  received  better  treatment  at  this  time  than  at 
any  other  period  during  the  existence  of  the  colony.  There  was 
a  general  relaxation  of  the  severe  laws  that  had  been  so  rigidly 
enforced.  They  took  great  interest  in  public  meetings,  devoured 
with  avidity  every  scrap  of  news  regarding  the  movements  of  the 
Tory  forces,  listened  with  rapt  attention  to  the  patriotic  conver 
sations  of  their  masters,  and  when  the  storm-cloud  of  war  broke 
were  as  eager  to  fight  for  the  independence  of  North  America  as- 
their  masters. 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  251,  252. 

2  American  Annals,  vol.  ii.  pp.  107,  155,  156,  184,  and  265. 


282      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  COLONY  OF  NEW  JERSEY. 
1664-1775. 

NEW  JERSEY  PASSES  INTO  THE  HANDS  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  —  POLITICAL  POWERS  CONVEYED  TO  BERKELEY 
AND  CARTERET.  —  LEGISLATION  ON  THE  SUBJECT  OF  SLAVERY  DURING  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 
—  THE  COLONY  DIVIDED  INTO  EAST  AND  WEST  JERSEY.  —  SEPARATE  GOVERNMENTS.  —  AN  ACT 
CONCERNING  SLAVERY  BY  THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  EAST  JERSEY.  —  GENERAL  APPREHENSION 

RESPECTING  THE    RISING    OF    NEGRO    AND    INDIAN    SLAVES.  —  EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY   SURRENDER 

THEIR  RIGHTS  OF  GOVERNMENT  TO  THE  QUEEN.  —  AN  ACT  FOR  REGULATING  THE  CONDUCT  OF 
SLAVES.  —  IMPOST-TAX  OF  TEN  POUNDS  LEVIED  UPON  EACH  NEGRO  IMPORTED  INTO  THE  COLONY.  — 
THE  GENERAL  COURT  PASSES  A  LAW  REGULATING  THE  TRIAL  OF  SLAVES.  —  NEGROES  RULED  OUT  OF 
THE  MILITIA  ESTABLISHMENT  UPON  CONDITION.  —  POPULATION  OF  THE  JERSEYS  IN  1738  AND  1745. 

r  I  ^HE  colony  of  New  Jersey  passed  into  the  control  of  the 
English  in   1664;  and  the  first  grant  of  political  powers, 
upon  which  the  government  was  erected,  was  conveyed  by 
the  Duke   of  York  to  Berkeley  and   Carteret  during   the   same 
year.     In  the  "  Proprietary  Articles  of  Concession, "  the  words  ser 
vants,  slaves,  and  Christian  servants  occur.     It  was  the  intention 
of  the  colonists  to  draw  a  distinction  between  "  servants  for  a 
term  of  years"  and  (<  servants  for  life"  between  white  servants 
and  black  slaves,  between  Christians  and  pagans. 

When  slavery  was  introduced  into  Jersey  is  not  known.1 
There  is  no  doubt  but  that  it  made  its  appearance  there  almost  as 
early  as  in  New  Netherlands.  The  Dutch,  the  Quakers,  and  the 
English  held  slaves.  But  the  system  was  milder  here  than  in  any 
of  the  other  colonies.  The  Negroes  were  scattered  among  the 
families  of  the  whites,  and  were  treated  with  great  humanity. 
Legislation  on  the  subject  of  slavery  did  not  begin  until  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  it  was  not  severe.  Before 
this  time,  say  three-quarters  of  a  century,  a  few  Acts  had  been 
passed  calculated  to  protect  the  slave  element  from  the  sin  of 
intoxication.  In  1675  an  Act  passed,  imposing  fines  and  punish- 

1  It  is  unfortunate  that  there  is  no  good  history  of  New  Jersey.  The  records  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  that  State  are  not  conveniently  printed,  nor  valuable  in  colonial  data. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  JERSEY.  283 

merits  upon  any  white  person  who  should  transport,  harbor,  or 
entertain  "apprentices,  servants,  or  slaves."  It  was  perfectly 
natural  that  the  Negroes  should  be  of  a  nomadic  disposition. 
They  had  no  homes,  no  wives,  no  children,  —  nothing  to  attach 
them  to  a  locality.  Those  who  resided  near  the  seacoast 
watched,  with  unflagging  interest,  the  coming  and  going  of  the 
mysterious  white-winged  vessels.  They  hung  upon  the  storied 
lips  of  every  fugitive,  and  dreamed  of  lands  afar  where  they 
might  find  that  liberty  for  which  their  souls  thirsted  as  the  hart 
for  the  water-brook.  Far  from  their  native  country,  without  the 
blessings  of  the  Church,  or  the  warmth  of  substantial  friendship, 
they  fell  into  a  listless  condition,  a  somnolence  that  led  them 'to 
stagger  against  some  of  the  regulations  of  the  Province.  Their 
wandering  was  not  inspired  by  any  subjective,  inherent,  generic 
evil :  it  was  but  the  tossing  of  a  weary,  distressed  mind  under 
the  dreadful  influences  of  a  hateful  dream.  And  what  little  there 
is  in  the  early  records  of  the  colony  of  New  Jersey  is  at  once  a 
compliment  to  the  humanity  of  the  master,  and  the  docility  of 
the  slave. 

In  1676  the  colony  was  divided  into  East  and  West  Jersey, 
with  separate  governments.  The  laws  of  East  Jersey,  promul 
gated  in  1682,  contained  laws  prohibiting  the  entertaining  of 
fugitive  servants,  or  trading  with  Negroes.  The  law  respecting 
fugitive  servants  was  intended  to  destroy  the  hopes  of  runaways 
in  the  entertainment  they  so  frequently  obtained  at  the  hands  of 
benevolent  Quakers  and  other  enemies  of  "indenture"  and 
slavery.  The  law-makers  acted  upon  the  presumption,  that  as  the 
Negro  had  no  property,  did  not  own  himself,  he  could  not  sell  any 
article  of  his  own.  All  slaves  who  attempted  to  dispose  of  any 
article  were  regarded  with  suspicion.  The  law  made  it  a  misde 
meanor  for  a  free  person  to  purchase  any  thing  from  a  slave,  and 
hence  cut  off  a  source  of  revenue  to  the  more  industrious  slaves, 
who  by  their  frugality  often  prepared  something  for  sale. 

In  1694  "an  Act  concerning  slaves"  was  passed  by  the  Legis 
lature  of  East  Jersey.  It  provided,  among  other  things,  for  the 
trial  of  "  negroes  and  other  slaves,  for  felonies  punishable  with 
death,  by  a  jury  of  twelve  persons  before  three  justices  of  the  peace  ; 
for  theft,  before  two  justices  ;  the  punishment  by  whipping"  Here 
was  the  grandest  evidence  of  the  high  character  of  the  white 
population  in  East  Jersey.  In  every  other  colony  in  North 
America  the  Negro  was  denied  the  right  of  "trial  by  jury,"  so 


284     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

sacred  to  Englishmen.  In  Virginia,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,, 
Connecticut,  —  in  all  the  colonies, — the  Negro  went  into  court 
convicted,  went  out  convicted,  and  was  executed,  upon  the  frailest 
evidence  imaginable.  But  here  in  Jersey  the  only  example  of 
justice  was  shown  toward  the  Negro  in  North  America.  " Trial 
by  jury"  implied  the  right  to  be  sworn,  and  give  competent 
testimony.  A  Negro  slave,  when  on  trial  for  his  life,  was 
accorded  the  privilege  of  being  tried  by  twelve  honest  white 
colonists  before  three  justices  of  the  peace.  This  was  in  striking 
contrast  with  the  conduct  of  the  colony  of  New  York,  where 
Negroes  were  arrested  upon  the  incoherent  accusations  of  disso 
lute  whites  and  terrified  blacks.  It  gave  the  Negroes  a  new  and 
an  anomalous  position  in  the  New  World.  It  banished  the 
cruel  theory  of  Virginia,  New  York,  and  Connecticut,  that  the 
Negro  was  a  pagan,  and  therefore  should  not  be  sworn  in  courts 
of  justice,  and  threw  open  a  wide  door  for  his  entrance  into  a 
more  hopeful  state  than  he  had,  up  to  that  time,  dared  to  antici 
pate.  It  allowed  him  to  infer  that  his  life  was  a  little  more  than 
that  of  the  brute  that  perisheth  ;  that  he  could  not  be  dragged  by 
malice  through  the  forms  of  a  trial,  without  jury,  witness,  counsel, 
or  friend,  to  an  ignominious  death,  that  was  to  be  regretted  only  by 
his  master,  and  his  regrets  to  be  solaced  by  the  Legislature  paying 
"  the  price ; "  that  the  law  regarded  him  as  a  man,  whose  life  was 
too  dear  to  be  .committed  to  the  disposition  of  irascible  men, 
whose  prejudices  could  be  mollified  only  in  extreme  cruelty  or 
cold-blooded  murder.  It  had  much  to  do  toward  elevating  the 
character  of  the  Negro  in  New  Jersey.  It  first  fired  his  heart 
with  the  noble  impulse  of  gratitude,  and  then  led  him  to  hope. 
And  how  much  that  little  word  means !  It  causes  the  soul  to 
spread  its  white  pinions  to  every  favoring  breeze,  and  hasten  on 
to  a  propitious  future.  And  then  the  fact  that  Negroes  had 
rights  acknowledged  by  the  statutes,  and  respectfully  accorded 
them  by  the  courts,  had  its  due  influence  upon  the  white 
colonists.  The  men,  or  class  of  men,  who  have  rights  not  chal 
lenged,  command  the  respect  of  others.  The  fact  clothes  them 
with  dignity  as  with  a  garment.  And  then,  by  the  inevitable 
logic  of  the  position  of  the  courts  of  East  Jersey,  the  colonists 
were  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Negroes  among  them  had 
other  rights.  And,  as  it  has  been  said  already,  they  received  bet 
ter  treatment  here  than  in  any  other  colony  in  the  country. 

In  West  Jersey  happily  the  word  "  slave  "  was  omitted  from  the 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  JERSEY.  285 

laws.  Only  servants  and  runaway  servants  were  mentioned,  and 
the  selling  of  rum  to  Negroes  and  Indians  was  strictly  forbidden. 
The  fear  of  insurrection  among  Indians  and  Negroes  was 
general  throughout  all  of  the  colonies.  One  a  savage,  and  the 
other  untutored,  they  knew  but  two  manifestations,  —  gratitude 
and  revenge.  It  was  deemed  a  wise  precaution  to  keep  these 
unfortunate  people  as  far  removed  from  the  exciting  influences  of 
rum  as  possible.  Chapter  twenty-three  of  a  law  passed  in  West 
Jersey  in  1676,  providing  for  publicity  in  judicial  proceedings, 
concludes  as  follows  :  — 

"  That  all  and  every  person  and  persons  inhabiting  the  said  province,  shall, 
as  far  as  in  us  lies,  be  free  from  oppression  and  slavery."  l 

In  1702  the  proprietors  of  East  and  West  Jersey  surrendered 
their  rights  of  government  to  the  queen.  The  Province  was 
immediately  placed  with  New  York,  and  the  government  commit 
ted  to  the  hands  of  Lord  Cornbury.2  In  1704  "An  Act  for  regu 
lating  negroe,  Indian  and  mulatto  slaves  within  the  province  of 
New  Jersey"  was  introduced,  but  was  tabled  and  disallowed. 
The  Negroes  had  just  cause  for  the  fears  they  entertained  as  to 
legislation  directed  at  the  few  rights  they  had  enjoyed  under  the 
Jersey  government.  Their  fellow-servants  over  in  New  York  had 
suffered  under  severe  laws,  and  at  that  time  had  no  privilege 
in  which  they  could  rejoice.  In  1713  the  following  law  was 
passed :  — 

"  An  act  for  regulating  slaves,  (i  Nev.  L.,  c.  10.)  Sect.  i.  Against  trading 
with  slaves.  2.  For  arrest  of  slaves  being  without  pass.  3.  Negro  belonging 
to  another  province,  not  having  license,  to  be  whipped  and  committed  to  jail. 
4.  Punishment  of  slaves  for  crimes  to  be  by  three  or  more  justices  of  the 
peace,  with  five  of  the  principal  freeholders,  without  a  grand  jury;  seven 
agreeing,  shall  give  judgment.  5.  Method  in  such  causes  more  particularly 
described.  Provides  that  'the  evidence  of  Indian,  negro,  or  mulatto  slaves 
shall  be  admitted  and  allowed  on  trials  of  such  slaves,  on  all  causes  criminal/ 
6.  Owner  may  demand  a  jury.  7,  8.  Compensation  to  owners  for  death  of 
slave.  9.  A  slave  for  attempting  to  ravish  any  white  woman,  or  presuming 
*  to  assault  or  strike  any  free  man  or  woman  professing  Christianity,' any  two. 

1  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol.  i.  p.  283. 

2  The  following  were  the  instructions  his  lordship  received,  concerning   the  treatment  of 
Negro  slaves  :  "  You  shall  endeavour  to  get  a  law  past  for  the  restraining  of  any  inhuman  severity, 
which  by  ill  masters  or  overseers  may  be  used  towards  their  Christian  servants  and  their  slaves,  and 
that  provision  be  made  therein  that  the  wilfull  killing  of  Indians  and  negroes  may  be  punished  with 
death,  and  that  a  fit  penalty  be  emposed  for  the  maiming  of  them."  —  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol. 
i.  p.  280,  note. 


286      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

justices  have  discretionary  powers  to  inflict  corporal  punishment,  not  extending 
to  life  or  limb.  10.  Slaves,  for  stealing,  to  be  whipped,  n.  Penalties  on 
justices,  &c.,  neglecting  duty.  12.  Punishment  for  concealing,  harboring,  or 
entertaining  slaves  of  others.  13.  Provides  that  no  Negro,  Indian,  or  mulatto 
that  shall  thereafter  be  made  free,  shall  hold  any  real  estate  in  his  own  right, 
in  fee  simple  or  fee  tail.  14.  'And  whereas  it  is  found  by  experience  that  free 
Negroes  are  an  idle,  slothful  people,  and  prove  very  often  a  charge  to  the  place 
where  they  are,'  enacts  that  owners  manumitting,  shall  give  security,  &c."  T 

Nearly  all  the  humane  features  of  the  Jersey  laws  were  sup 
planted  by  severe  prohibitions,  requirements,  and  penalties.  The 
trial  by  jury  was  construed  to  mean  that  one  Negro's  testimony 
was  good  against  another  Negro  in  a  trial  for  a  felony,  allowing 
the  owner  of  the  slave  to  demand  a  jury.  Humane  masters  were 
denied  the  right  to  emancipate  their  slaves,  and  the  latter  were 
prohibited  from  owning  real  property  in  fee  simple  or  fee  tail. 
Having  stripped  the  Negro  of  the  few  rights  he  possessed,  the 
General  Court,  during  the  same  year,  went  on  to  reduce  him  to 
absolute  property,  and  levied  an  impost-tax  of  ten  pounds  upon 
every  Negro  imported  into  the  colony,  to  remain  in  force  for 
seven  years. 

In  1754  an  Act  provided,  that  in  the  borough  of  Elizabeth  any 
white  servant  or  servants,  slave  or  slaves,  which  shall  "  be  brought 
before  the  Mayor,  &c.,  by  their  masters  or  other  inhabitant  of  the 
Borough,  for  any  misdemeanor  rude  or  disorderly  behavior,  may 
be  committed  to  the  workhouse  to  hard  labor  and  receive  correc 
tion  not  exceeding  thirty  lashes."  2  This  Act  was  purely  local  in 
character,  and  indiscriminate  in  its  application  to  every  class  of 
servants.  It  was  nothing  more  than  a  police  regulation,  and  as 
such  was  a  wholesome  law. 

In  1768  the  General  Court  passed  An  Act  to  regulate  the  trial 
of  slaves  for  murder  and  other  crimes  and  to  repeal  so  much  of  an 
act,  &c.  Sections  one  and  two  provided  for  the  trial  of  slaves  by 
the  ordinary  higher  criminal  courts.  Section  three  provided  that 
the  expenses  incurred  in  the  execution  of  slaves  should  be  levied 
upon  all  the  owners  of  able-bodied  slaves  in  the  county,  by  order 
of  the  justices  presiding  at  the  trial.  Section  four  repealed  sec 
tions  four,  five,  six,  and  seven  of  the  Act  of  1713.  This  was 
significant.  It  portended  a  better  feeling  toward  the  Negroes,  and 
illumined  the  dark  horizon  of  slavery  with  the  distant  light  of 

1  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol.  i.  p.  284.  2  Hurd,  vol.  i.  p.  285. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  JERSEY.  287 

hope.  A  strong  feeling  in  favor  of  better  treatment  for  Negro 
slaves  made  itself  manifest  at  this  time.  When  the  Quaker  found 
the  prejudice  against  himself  subsiding,  he  turned,  like  a  good 
Samaritan,  to  pour  the  wine  of  human  sympathy  into  the  lacerated 
feelings  of  the  Negro.  Private  instruction  was  given  to  them  in 
many  parts  of  Jersey.  The  gospel  was  expounded  to  them  in  its 
beauty  and  simplicity,  and  produced  its  good  fruit  in  better  lives. 
The  next  year,  1769,  a  mercenary  spirit  inspired  and  secured 
the  passage  of  another  Act  levying  a  tax  upon  imported  slaves, 
and  requiring  persons  manumitting  slaves  to  give  better  securi 
ties.  It  reads,  — 

"  Whereas  duties  on  the  importation  of  negroes  in  several  of  the  neighbor 
ing  colonies  hath,  on  experience,  been  found  beneficial  in  the  introduction  of 
sober  industrious  foreigners,  to  settle  under  his  Majesty's  allegiance,  and  the 
promoting  a  spirit  of  industry  among  the  inhabitants  in  general,  in  order  there 
fore  to  promote  the  same  good  designs  in  this  government  and  that  such  as 
purchase  slaves  may  contribute  some  equitable  proportion  of  the  public 
burdens."  I 

How  an  impost-tax  upon  imported  slaves  would  be  "benefi 
cial  in  the  introduction  of  sober  industrious  foreigners,"  is  not 
easily  perceived ;  and  how  it  would  promote  "  a  spirit  of  industry 
among  the  inhabitants  in  general,"  is  a  problem  most  difficult  of 
solution.  But  these  were  the  lofty  reasons  that  inspired  the 
General  Court  to  seek  to  fill  the  coffers  of  the  Province  with 
money  drawn  from  the  slave-lottery,  where  human  beings  were 
raffled  off  to  the  highest  bidders  in  the  colony.  The  cautious 
language  in  which  the  Act  was  couched  indicated  the  sensitive 
state  of  the  public  conscience  on  slavery  at  that  time.  They  were 
afraid  to  tell  the  truth.  They  did  not  dare  to  say  to  the  people : 
We  propose  to  repair  the  streets  of  your  towns,  the  public  roads, 
and  lighten  the  burden  of  taxation,  by  saying  to  men-stealers,  we 
will  allow  you  to  sell  your  cargoes  of  slaves  into  this  colony  pro 
vided  you  share  the  spoils  of  your  superlative  crime !  No,  they 
had  to  tell  the  people  that  the  introduction  of  Negro  slaves,  upon 
whom  there  was  a  tax,  would  entice  sober  and  industrious  white 
people  to  come  among  them,  and  would  quicken  the  entire  Prov 
ince  with  a  spirit  of  thrift  never  before  witnessed  ! 

In  1760  the  Negro  was  ruled  out  of  the  militia  establishment 
upon  a  condition.  The  law  provided  against  the  enlistment  of 

1  Kurd,  vol.  i.  p.  285. 


288      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

any  "young  man  under  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  or  any  slaves 
who  are  so  for  terms  of  life,  or  apprentices"  without  leave  of  their 
masters.  This  was  the  mildest  prohibition  against  the  entrance 
of  the  slave  into  the  militia  service  in  any  of  the  colonies. 
There  is  nothing  said  about  the  employment  of  the  free  Negroes 
in  this  service ;  and  it  is  fair  to  suppose,  in  view  'of  the  mild 
character  of  the  laws,  that  they  were  not  excluded.  In  settle 
ments  where  the  German  and  Quaker  elements  predominated,  the 
Negro  found  that  his  "  lines  had  fallen  unto  him  in  pleasant 
places,  and  that  he  had  a  goodly  heritage."  In  the  coast  towns, 
and  in  the  great  centres  of  population,  the  white  people  were  of  a 
poorer  class.  Many  were  adventurers,  cruel  and  unscrupulous 
in  their  methods.  The  speed  with  which  the  people  sought  to 
obtain  a  competency  wore  the  finer  edges  of  their  feeling  to  the 
coarse  grain  of  selfishness ;  and  they  not  only  drew  themselves 
up  into  the  miserable  rags  of  their  own  selfish  aggrandizements 
as  far  as  all  competitors  were  concerned,  but  regarded  slavery 
with  imperturbable  complacency. 

In  1738  the  population  of  the  Jerseys  was,  whites,  43,388; 
blacks,.  3,981.  In  1745  the  whites  numbered  56,797,  and  the 
blacks,  4,6o6.r 

1  American  Annals,  vol.  ii.  pp.  127,  143. 


THE    COLONY  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  289 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

THE  COLONY   OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
1665-1775. 

THE  CAROLINAS  RECEIVE  TWO  DIFFERENT  CHARTERS  FROM  THE  CROWN  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN.  — ERA 
OF  SLAVERY  LEGISLATION.  —  LAW  ESTABLISHING  SLAVERY.  —  THE  SLAVE  POPULATION  OF  THIS 
PROVINCE  REGARDED  AS  CHATTEL  PROPERTY.  —  TRIAL  OF  SLAVES.  —  INCREASE  OF  SLAVE  POPU 
LATION. —THE  INCREASE  IN  THE  RICE-TRADE.  —  SEVERE  LAWS  REGULATING  THE  PRIVATE  AND 
PUBLIC  CONDUCT  OF  SLAVES.  — PUNISHMENT  OF  SLAVES  FOR  RUNNING  AWAY.  — THE  LIFE  OF 
SLAVES  REGARDED  AS  OF  LITTLE  CONSEQUENCE  BY  THE  VIOLENT  MASTER  CLASS.  —  AN  ACT 

EMPOWERING    TWO    JUSTICES    OF  THE  PEACE  TO   INVESTIGATE   TREATMENT  OF   SLAVES.  — AN   ACT 
PROHIBITING  THE   OVERWORKING  OF   SLAVES   —  SLAVE-MARKET  AT  CHARLESTON. —INSURRECTION. 

—  A   LAW   AUTHORIZING   THE   CARRYING   OF   FlRE-ARMS   AMONG   THE   WHITES   —THE    ENLISTMENT 

OF  SLAVES  TO  SERVE  IN  TIME  OF  ALARM.  — NEGROES  ADMITTED  TO  THE  MILITIA  SERVICE.— 
COMPENSATION  TO  MASTERS  FOR  THE  Loss  OF  SLAVES  KILLED  BY  THE  ENEMY  OR  WHO  DESERT. 

—  FEW   SLAVES    MANUMITTED.  —  FROM    1754-1776    LITTLE    LEGISLATION   ON   THE   SUBJECT   OF 
SLAVERY. — THREATENING  WAR  BETWEEN  ENGLAND  AND  HER  PROVINCIAL  DEPENDENCIES.  —  THE 
EFFECT  UPON  PUBLIC  SENTIMENT. 

THE  Carolinas  received  two  different  charters  from  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain.     The  first  was  witnessed  by  the  king  at 
Westminster,  March  24,  1663  ;  the  second,  June  30,  1665. 
The  last  charter  was  surrendered  to  the  king  by  seven  of  the  eight 
proprietors    on    the    25th    July,   1729.     The  government  became 
regal ;  and  the  Province  was  immediately  divided  into  North  and 
South  Carolina  by  an  order  of  the  British  Council,  and  the  bound 
aries  between  the  two  governments  fixed. 

There  were  Negro  slaves  in  the  Carolinas  from  the  earliest 
days  of  their  existence.  The  era  of  slavery  legislation  began  about 
the  year  1690.  The  first  Act  for  the  "  Better Ordering  of Slaves" 
was  "  read  three  times  and  passed,  and  ratified  in  open  Parliament, 
the  seventh  day  of  February,  Anno  Domini,  1690."  It  bore  the 
signatures  of  Seth  Sothell,  G.  Muschamp,  John  Beresford,  and 
John  Harris.  It  contained  fifteen  articles  of  the  severest  charac 
ter.  On  the  7th  of  June,  1712,  the  first  positive  law  establishing 
slavery  passed,  and  was  signed.1  The  entire  Act  embraced  thirty- 

1  An  eminent  lawyer,  chief  justice   of   the   Supreme  Court  of  the   State  of  ,  and  a 

•warm  personal  friend  of  mine,  recently  said  to  me,  during  an  afternoon  stroll,  that  he  never  knew 
that  slavery  was  ever  established  by  statute  in  any  of  the  British  colonies  in  North  America. 


200      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

five  sections.  Section  one  is  quoted  in  full  because  of  the  interest 
that  centres  in  it  in  connection  with  the  problem  of  slavery  legis 
lation  in  the  colonies. 

"i.  Be  it  therefore  enacted,  by  his  Excellency,  William,  Lord  Craven, 
Palatine,  and  the  rest  of  the  true  and  absolute  Lords  and  Proprietors  of  this 
Province,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  rest  of  the  members  of 
the  General  Assembly,  now  met  at  Charlestown,  for  the  South-west  part  of  this 
Province,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  all  negroes,  mulatoes,  musti- 
zoes  or  Indians,  which  at  any  time  heretofore  have  been  sold,  or  now  are  held 
or  taken  to  be,  or  hereafter  shall  be  bought  and  sold  for  slaves,  are  hereby 
declared  slaves ;  and  they,  and  their  children,  are  hereby  made  and  declared 
slaves,  to  all  intents  and  purposes ;  excepting  all  such  negroes,  mulatoes,  mus- 
tizoes  or  Indians,  which  heretofore  have  been,  or  hereafter  shall  be,  for  some 
particular  merit,  made  and  declared  free,  either  by  the  Governor  and  council 
of  this  Province,  pursuant  to  any  Act  or  law  of  this  Province,  or  by  their 
respective  owners  or  masters ;  and  also,  excepting  all  such  negroes,  mulatoes, 
mu--".  oes  or  Indians,  as  can  prove  they  ought  not  to  be  sold  for  slaves.  And 
in  case. any  negro,  mulatoe,  mustizoe  or  Indian,  doth  lay  claim  to  his  or  her 
freedom,  upon  all  or  any  of  the  said  accounts,  the  same  shall  be  finally  heard 
and  determined  by  the  Governor  and  council  of  this  Province."  l 

The  above  section  was  re-enacted  into  another  law,  containing 
forty-three  sections,  passed  on  the  23d  of  February,  1722.  Vir 
ginia  declared  that  children  should  follow  the  condition  of  their 
mothers,  but  never  passed  a  law  in  any  respect  like  unto  this  most 
remarkable  Act.  South  Carolina  has  the  unenviable  reputation 
of  being  the  only  colony  in  North  America  where  by  positive 
statute  the  Negro  was  doomed  to  perpetual  bondage.2  On  the 
loth  of  May,  1740,  an  act  regulating  slaves,  containing  fifty  sec 
tions,  recites :  — 

"WHEREAS,  in  his  Majesty's  plantations  in  America,  slavery  has  been 
introduced  and  allowed,  and  the  people  commonly  called  negroes,  Indians, 
mulattoes  and  mustizoes,  have  been  deemed  absolute  slaves,  and  the  subjects 
of  property  in  the  hands  of  particular  persons,  the  extent  of  whose  power  over 
such  slaves  ought  to  be  settled  and  limited  by  positive  laws,  so  that  the  slave 
may  be  kept  in  due  subjection  and  obedience,  and  the  owners  and  other  per 
sons  having  the  care  and  government  of  slaves  may  be  restrained  from  exer 
cising  too  great  rigour  and  cruelty  over  them,  and  that  the  public  peace  and 
order  of  this  Province  may  be  preserved :  We  pray  your  most  sacred  Majesty 
that  it  may  be  enacted."  3 

1  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  vii.  p.  352. 

2  Virginia  made  slavery  statutory  as  did  other  colonies,  but  we  have  no  statute  so  explicit 
as  the  above.     But  slavery  was  slavery  in  all  the  colonies,  cruel  and  hurtful. 

3  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  vii.  p.  397. 


THE    COLONY  OF  SOUTH   CAROLINA.  291 

The  first  section  of  this  Act  was  made  more  elaborate  than  any 
.other  law  previously  passed.  It  bore  all  the  marks  of  ripe  schol 
arship  and  profound  law  learning.  The  first  section  is  produced 
here :  — 

"  i.  And  be  it  enacted,  by  the  honorable  William  Bull,  Esquire,  Lieutenant 
Governor  and  Commander-in-chief,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  his 
Majesty's  honorable  Council,  and  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly  of  this 
Province,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  all  negroes  and  Indians,  (free 
Indians  in  amity  with  this  government,  and  negroes,  mulattoes  and  mustizoes, 
who  are  now  free,  excepted,)  mulattoes  or  mustizoes  who  now  are,  or  shall 
hereafter  be,  in  this  Province,  and  all  their  issue  and  offspring,  born  or  to  be 
born,  shall  be,  and  they  are  hereby  declared  to  be,  and  remain  forever  here 
after,  absolute  slaves,  and  shall  follow  the  condition  of  the  mother,  and  shall 
be  deemed,  held,  taken,  reputed  and  adjudged  in  law,  to  be  chattels  personal, 
in  the  hands  of  their  owners  and  possessors,  and  their  executors,  administra 
tors  and  assigns,  to  all  intents,  constructions  and  purposes  whatsoever ;  pro 
vided  always,  that  if  any  negro,  Indian,  mulatto  or  mustizo,  shall  claim  his  or 
her  freedom,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  such  negro,  Indian,  mulatto  or 
mustizo,  or  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  on  his  or  her  behalf,  to  apply 
to  the  justices  of  his'  Majesty's  court  of  common  pleas,  by  petition  or  motion, 
either  during  the  sitting  of  the  said  court,  or  before  any  of  the  justices  of  the 
same  court,  at  any  time  in  the  vacation ;  and  the  said  court,  or  any  of  the  jus 
tices  thereof,  shall,  and  they  are  hereby  fully  impowered  to,  admit  any  person 
so  applying  to  be  guardian  for  any  negro,  Indian,  mulatto  or  mustizo,  claiming 
his,  her  or  their  freedom ;  and  such  guardians  shall  be  enabled,  entitled  and 
capable  in  law,  to  bring  an  action  of  trespass  in  the  nature  of  ravishment  of 
ward,  against  any  person  who  shall  claim  property  in,  or  who  shall  be  in  pos 
session  of,  any  such  negro,  Indian,  mulatto  or  mustizo;  and  the  defendant 
shall  and  may  plead  the  general  issue  on  such  action  brought,  and  the  special 
matter  may  and  shall  be  given  in  evidence,  and  upon  a  general  or  special  ver 
dict  found,  judgment  shall  be  given  according  to  the  very  right  of  the  cause, 
without  having  any  regard  to  any  defect  in  the  proceedings,  either  in  form 
or  substance ;  and  if  judgment  shall  be  given  for  the  plaintiff,  a  special  entry 
shall  be  made,  declaring  that  the  ward  of  the  plaintiff  is  free,  and  the  jury  shall 
assess  damages  which  the  plaintiff's  ward  hath  sustained,  and  the  court  shall 
give  judgment,  and  award  execution,  against  the  defendant  for  such  damage, 
with  full  costs  of  suit;  but  in  case  judgment  shall  be  given  for  the  defendant, 
the  said  court  is  hereby  fully  impowered  to  inflict  such  corporal  punishment, 
not  extending  to  life  or  limb,  on  the  ward  of  the  plaintiff,  as  they,  in  their 
discretion,  shall  think  fit ;  provided  always,  that  in  any  action  or  suit  to  be 
brought  in  pursuance  of  the  direction  of  this  Act,  the  burthen  of  the  proof  shall 
lay  on  the  plaintiff,  and  it  shall  be  always  presumed  that  every  negro,  Indian, 
mulatto  and  mustizo,  is  a  slave,  unless  the  contrary  can  be  made  appear,  the 
Indians  in  amity  with  this  government  excepted,  in  which  case  the  burthen  of 
the  proof  shall  lye  on  the  defendant ;  provided  also,  that  nothing  in  this  Act 
shall  be  construed  to  hinder  or  restrain  any  other  court  of  law  or  equity  in  this 
Province,  from  determining  the  property  of  slaves,  or  their  right  of  freedom, 


292      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA.      , 

which  now  have  cognizance  or  jurisdiction  of  the  same,  when  the  same  shall 
happen  to  come  in  judgment  before  such  courts,  or  any  of  them,  always  taking 
this  Act  for  their  direction  therein."  * 


The  entire  slave  population  of  this  Province  was  regarded  as 
chattel  property,  absolutely.  They  could  be  seized  in  execution  as 
in  the  case  of  other  property,  but  not,  however,  if  there  were 
other  chattels  available.  In  case  of  "burglary,  robbery,  burning 
of  houses,  killing  or  stealing  of  any  meat  or  other  cattle,  or  other 
petty  injuries,  as  maiming  one  of  the  other,  stealing  of  fowls,  pro 
visions,  or  such  like  trespass  or  injuries,"  a  justice  of  the  peace 
was  to  be  informed.  He  issued  a  warrant  for  the  arrest  of  the 
offender  or  offenders,  and  summoned  all  competent  witnesses. 
After  examination,  if  found  guilty,  the  offender  or  offenders  were 
committed  to  jail.  The  justice  then  notified  the  justice  next  to 
him  to  be  associated  with  him  in  the  trial.  He  had  the  authority 
to  fix  the  day  and  hour  of  the  trial,  to  summon  witness,  and  "  three 
discreet  and  sufficient  freeholders."  The  justices  then  swore  the 
"freeholders,"  and,  after  they  had  tried  the  case,  had  the  authority 
to  pronounce  the  sentence  of  death,  "or  such  other  punishment" 
as  they  felt  meet  to  fix.  "The  solemnity  of  a  jury"  was  never 
accorded  to  slaves.  "Three  freeholders"  could  dispose  of  human 
life  in  such  cases,  and  no  one  could  hinder.2  The  confession  of 
the  accused  slave,  and  the  testimony  of  another  slave,  were  "held 
for  good  and  convincing  evidence  in  all  petty  larcenies  or  tres 
passes  not  exceeding  forty  shillings."  In  the  case  of  a  Negro  on 
trial  for  his  life,  "  the  oath  of  Christian  evidence  "  was  required, 
or  the  "positive  evidence  of  two  Negroes  or  slaves,"  in  order  to 
convict. 

The  increase  of  slaves  was  almost  phenomenal.  The  rice- 
trade  had  grown  to  enormous  proportions.  The  physical  obstruc 
tion  gave  away  rapidly  before  the  incessant  and  stupendous  efforts 
of  Negro  laborers.  The  colonists  held  out  most  flattering  induce 
ments  to  Englishmen  to  emigrate  into  the  Province.  The  home 
government  applauded  the  zeal  and  executive  abilities  of  the  local 
authorities.  Attention  was  called  to  the  necessity  of  legislation  for 
the  government  of  the  vast  Negro  population  in  the  colony.  The 
•code  of  South  Carolina  was  without  an  example  among  the  civil 
ized  governments  of  modern  times.  It  was  unlawful  for  any  free 

1  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  397,  398.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  343,  344. 


THE    COLONY  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  293 

person  to  inhabit  or  trade  with  Negroes.1  Slaves  could  not  leave 
the  plantation  on  which  they  were  owned,  except  in  livery,  or 
armed  with  a  pass,  signed  by  their  master,  containing  the  name 
of  the  possessor.  For  a  violation  of  this  regulation  they  were 
whipped  on  the  naked  back.  No  man  was  allowed  to  conduct  a 
"plantation,  cow-pen  or  stock,"  that  shall  be  six  miles  distant 
from  his  usual  place  of  abode,  and  wherein  six  Negroes  were 
employed,  without  one  or  more  white  persons  were  residing  on 
the  place.2  Negro  slaves  found  on  another  plantation  than  the 
one  to-  which  they  belonged,  "on  the  Lord's  Day,  fast  days,  or 
holy-days,"  even  though  they  could  produce  passes,  were  seized 
and  whipped.  If  a  slave  were  found  "keeping  any  horse,  horses,  or 
neat  cattle,"  any  white  man,  by  warrant,  could  seize  the  animals, 
and  sell  them  through  the  church-wardens  ;  and  the  money  arising 
from  such  sale  was  devoted  to  the  poor  of  the  parish  in  which 
-said  presumptuous  slaves  resided.  If  more  than  seven  slaves 
were  found  travelling  on  the  highway,  except  accompanied  by  a 
white  man,  it  was  lawful  for  any  white  man  to  apprehend  each 
and  every  one  of  such  slaves,  and  administer  twenty  lashes  upon 
their  bare  back.  No  slave  was  allowed  to  hire  out  his  time. 
Some  owners  of  slaves  were  poor,  and,  their  slaves  being  trusty 
and  industrious,  permitted  them  to  go  out  and  get  whatever  work 
they  could,  with  the  understanding  that  the  master  was  to  have 
the  wages.  An  Act  was  passed  in  1735,  forbidding  such  transac 
tions,  and  fining  the  persons  who  hired  slaves  who  had  no  written 
certificate  from  their  masters  setting  forth  the  terms  upon  which 
the  work  was  to  be  done.  No  slave  could  hire  a  house  or  planta 
tion.  No  amount  of  industry  could  make  him  an  exception  to 
the  general  rule.  If  he  toiled  faithfully  for  years,  amassed  a  for 
tune  for  his  master,  earned  quite  a  competence  for  himself  during 
the  odd  moments  he  caught  from  a  busy  life,  and  then,  with 
acknowledged  character  and  business  tact,  he  sought  to  hire  a 
plantation  or  buy  a  house,  the  law  came  in,  and  pronounced  it  a 
misdemeanor,  for  which  both  purchaser  and  seller  had  to  pay  in 
fines,  stripes,  and  imprisonment.  A  slave  could  not  keep  in  his 
own  name,  or  that  of  his  master,  any  kind  of  a  house  of  enter 
tainment.  He  was  even  prohibited  by  law  from  selling  corn  or 
rice  in  the  Province.  The  penalty  was  a  fine  of  forty  shillings, 

1  This  Act,  passed  on  the  i6th  of  March,  1696,  was  made  " perpetual"  on  the  iath  of 
December,  1712.     It  remained  throughout  the  entire  period.     See  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  ii.  p.  598. 

2  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  vii.  p.  363. 


294      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  the  forfeiture  of  the  articles  for  sale.     They  could  not  keep  a 
boat  or  canoe. 

The  cruelties  of  the  code  are  without  a  parallel,  as  applied  ta 
the  correction  of  Negro  slaves. 

"If  any  negro  or  Indian  slave  [says  the  act  of  Feb.  7,  1690]  shall  offer 
any  violence,  by  stricking  or  the  like,  to  any  white  person,  he  shall  for  the  first 
offence  be  severely  whipped  by  the  constable,  by  order  of  any  justice  of  peace  j 
and  for  the  second  offence,  by  like  order,  shall  be  severely  whipped,  his  or  her 
nose  slit,  and  face  burnt  in  some  place ;  and  for  the  third  offence,  to  be  left 
to  two  justices  and  three  sufficient  freeholders,  to  inflict  death,  or  any  other 
punishment,  according  to  their  discretion." 

As  the  penalties  for  the  smallest  breach  of  the  slave-code 
grew  more  severe,  the  slaves  grew  more  restless  and  agitated. 
Sometimes  under  great  fear  they  would  run  away  for  a  short  time, 
in  the  hope  that  their  irate  masters  would  relent.  But  this, 
instead  of  helping,  hindered  and  injured  the  cause  of  the  slaves. 
Angered  at  the  conduct  of  their  slaves,  the  master  element,  hav 
ing  their  representatives  on  the  floor  of  the  Assembly,  secured 
the  passage  of  the  following  brutal  law :  — 

"  That  every  slave  of  above  sixteen  years  of  age,  that  shall  run  away  from 
his  master,  mistress  or  overseer,  and  shall  so  continue  for  the  space  of  twenty 
days  at  one  time,  shall,  by  his  master,  mistress,  overseer  or  head  of  the  family's 
procurement,  for  the  first  offence,  be  publicly  and  severely  whipped,  not  exceed 
ing  forty  lashes  ;  and  in  case  the  master,  mistress,  overseer,  or  head  of  the  family, 
shall  neglect  to  inflict  such  punishment  of  whipping,  upon  any  negro  or  slave 
that  shall  so  run  away,  for  the  space  of  ten  days,  upon  complaint  made  thereof, 
within  one  month,  by  any  person  whatsoever,  to  any  justice  of  the  peace,  the 
said  justice  of  the  peace  shall,  by  his  warrant  directed  to  the  constable,  order 
the  said  negro  or  slave  to  be  publicly  and  severely  whipped,  the  charges  of 
such  whipping,  not  exceeding  twenty  shillings,  to  be  borne  by  the  person 
neglecting  to  have  such  runaway  negro  whipped,  as  before  directed  by  this  Act. 
And  in  case  such  negro  or  slave  shall  run  away  a  second  time,  and  shall  so 
continue  for  the  space  of  twenty  days,  he  or  she,  so  offending,  shall  be  branded 
with  the  letter  "R,  on  the  right  cheek.  And  in  case  the  master,  mistress,  over 
seer,  or  head  of  the  family,  shall  neglect  to  inflict  the  punishment  upon  such 
slave  running  away  the  second  time,  the  person  so  neglecting  shall  forfeit  the 
sum  of  ten  pounds,  and  upon  any  complaint  made  by  any  person,  within  one 
month,  to  any  justice  of  the  peace,  of  the  neglect  of  so  punishing  any  slave 
for  running  away  the  second  time,  such  justice  shall  order  the  constable  to 
inflict  the  same  punishment  upon  such  slave,  or  cause  the  same  to  be  done,  the 
charges  thereof,  not  exceeding  thirty  shillings,  to  be  borne  by  the  person 
neglecting  to  have  the  punishment  inflicted.  And  in  case  such  negro  or  slave 
shall  run  away  the  third  time,  and  shall  so  continue  for  the  space  of  thirty 
days,  he  or  she,  so  offending,  for  the  third  offence,  shall  be  severely  whipped, 


THE    COLONY  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  295 

not  exceeding  forty  lashes,  and  shall  have  one  of  his  ears  cut  off;  and  in  case 
the  master,  mistress,  overseer  or  head  of  the  family,  shall  neglect  to  inflict  the 
punishment  upon  such  slave  running  away  the  third  time,  the  person  so 
neglecting  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  twenty  pounds,  and  upon  any  complaint 
made  by  any  person,  within  two  months,  to  any  justice  of  the  peace,  of  the 
neglect  of  the  so  punishing  any  slave  for  running  away  the  third  time,  the  said 
justice  shall  order  the  constable  to  inflict  the  same  punishment  upon  such 
slave,  or  cause  the  same  to  be  done,  the  charges  thereof,  not  exceeding  forty 
.shillings,  to  be  borne  by  the  person  neglecting  to  have  the  punishment  inflicted. 
And  in  case  such  male  negro  or  slave  shall  run  away  the  fourth  time,  and  shall 
.so  continue  for  the  space  of  thirty  days,  he,  so  offending,  for  the  fourth  offence, 
by  order  or  procurement  of  the  master,  mistress,  overseer  or  head  of  the 
iamily,  shall  be  gelt;  and  in  case  the  negro  or  slave  that  shall  be  gelt,  shall  die, 
by  reason  of  his  gelding,  and  without  any  neglect  of  the  person  that  shall 
-order  the  same,  the  owner  of  the  negro  or  slave  so  dying,  shall  be  paid  for  him, 
out  of  the  public  treasury.  And  if  a  female  slave  shall  run  away  the  fourth 
time,  then  she  shall,  by  order  of  her  master,  mistress  or  overseer,  be  severely 
whipped,  and  be  branded  on  the  left  cheek  with  the  letter  R,  and  her  left  ear 
cut  off.  And  if  the  owner,  if  in  this  Province,  or  in  case  of  his  absence,  if  his 
agent,  factor  or  attorney,  that  hath  the  charge  of  the  negro  or  slave,  by  this 
Act  required  to  be  gelt,  whipped,  branded  and  the  ear  cut  off,  for  the  fourth 
time  of  running  away,  shall  neglect  to  have  the  same  done  and  executed, 
accordingly  as  the  same  is  ordered  by  this  Act,  for  the  space  of  twenty  days 
after  such  slave  is  in  his  or  their  custody,  that  then  such  owner  shall  lose  his 
property  to  the  said  slave,  to  him  or  them  that  will  sue  for  the  same,  by  infor 
mation,  at  any  time  within  six  months,  in  the  court  of  common  pleas  in  this 
Province.  And  every  person  who  shall  so  recover  a  slave  by  information,  for 
the  reasons  aforesaid,  shall,  within  twenty  days  after  such  recovery,  inflict  such 
punishment  upon  such  slave  as  his  former  owner  or  head  of  a  family  ought  to 
•have  done,  and  for  neglect  of  which  he  lost  his  property  to  the  said  slave,  or 
for  neglect  thereof  shall  forfeit  fifty  pounds ;  and  in  case  any  negro  slave  so 
recovered  by  information,  and  gelt,  shall  die,  in  such  case,  the  slave  so  dying 
shall  not  be  paid  for  out  of  the  public  treasury.  And  in  case  any  negro  or 
slave  shall  run  away  the  fifth  time,  and  shall  so  continue  by  the  space  of  thirty 
days  at  one  time,  such  slave  shall  be  tried  before  two  justices  of  the  peace  and 
three  freeholders,  as  before  directed  by  this  Act  in  case  of  murder,  and  being 
by  them  declared  guilty  of  the  offence,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  them  to  order  the 
cord  of  one  of  the  slave's  legs  to  be  cut  off  above  the  heel,  or  else  to  pronounce 
sentence  of  death  upon  the  slave,  at  the  discretion  of  the  said  justices ;  and 
any  judgment  given  after  the  first  offence,  shall  be  sufficient  conviction  to  bring 
the  offenders  within  the  penalty  for  the  second  offence ;  and  after  the  second, 
•within  the  penalty  of  the  third ;  and  so  for  the  inflicting  the  rest  of  the  punish 
ments."  ' 

If  any  slave. attempted  to  run  away  from  his  or  her  master, 
and  go  out  of  the  Province,  he  or  she  could  be  tried  before  two 

1  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  359,  360. 


296      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO    RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

justices  and  three  freeholders,  and  sentenced  to  suffer  a  most  cruel 
death.  If  it  could  be  proved  that  any  Negro,  free  or  slave,  had 
endeavored  to  persuade  or  entice  any  other  Negro  to  run  off  out  of 
the  Province,  upon  conviction  he  was  punished  with  forty  lashesr 
and  branded  on  the  forehead  with  a  red  hot  iron,  "  that  the  mark 
thereof  may  remain."  If  a  white  man  met  a  slave,  and  demanded 
of  him  to  show  his  ticket,  and  the  slave  refused,  the  law  empowered 
the  white  man  "  to  beat,  maim,  or  assault ;  and  if  such  Negro  or 
slave"  could  not  "be  taken,  to  kill  him,"  if  he  would  not  "shew 
his  ticket." 

The  cruel  and  barbarous  code  of  the  slave-power  in  South 
Carolina  produced,  in  course  of  time,  a  re-action  in  the  opposite 
direction.  The  large  latitude  that  the  law  gave  to  white  people  in 
their  dealings  with  the  hapless  slaves  made  them  careless  and 
extravagant  in  the  use  of  their  authority.  It  educated  them  into 
a  brood  of  tyrants.  They  did  not  care  any  more  for  the  life  of  a 
Negro  slave  than  for  the  crawling  worm  in  their  path.  Many 
white  men  who  owned  no  slaves  poured  forth  their  wrathful  invec 
tives  and  cruel  blows  upon  the  heads  of  innocent  Negroes  with 
the  slightest  pretext.  They  pushed,'  jostled,  crowded,  and  kicked 
the  Negro  on  every  occasion.  The  young  whites  early  took  their 
lessons  .in  abusing  God's  poor  and  helpless  children  ;  while  an 
overseer  was  prized  more  for  his  brutal  powers — to  curse,  beat, 
and  torture  —  than  for  any  ability  he  chanced  to  possess  for  busi 
ness  management.  The  press  and  pulpit  had  contemplated  this 
state  of  affairs  until  they,  too,  were  the  willing  abettors  in  the  most 
cruel  system  of  bondage  that  history  has  recorded.  But  no  man 
wants  his  horse  driven  to  death,  if  it  is  a  beast.  No  one  cares  to 
have  every  man  that  passes  kick  his  dog,  even  if  it  is  not  the  best 
dog  in  the  community.  It  is  his  dog,  and  that  makes  all  the  dif 
ference  in  the  world.  The  men  who  did  the  most  cruel  things  to 
the  slaves  they  found  in  their  daily  path  were,  as  a  rule,  without 
slaves  or  any  other  kind  of  property.  They  used  their  authority 
unsparingly.  Common-sense  taught  the  planters  that  better  treat 
ment  of  the  slaves  meant  better  work,  and  increased*  profits  for 
themselves.  A  small  value  was  finally  placed  upon  a  slave's  life, 
—  fifty  pounds.  Fifty  pounds  paid  into  the  public  treasury  by  a 
man  who,  "  of  wantonness,  or  only  of  bloody-mindedness,  or  cruel 
intention,"  had  killed  "a  negro  or  other  slave  of  his  own,"  was 
enough  to  appease  the  public  mind,  and  atone  for  a  cold-blooded 
murder !  If  he  killed  another  man's  slave,  the  law  demanded  that 


THE    COLONY  OF  SOUTH   CAROLINA.  297 

he  pay  fifty  pounds  current  money  into  the  public  treasury,  and 
the  full  price  of  the  slave  to  the  owner,  but  was  "not  to  be  liable 
to  any  other  punishment  or  forfeiture  for  the  same."  *  The  law 
just  referred  to,  passed  in  1712,  was  re-enacted  in  1722.  One 
change  was  made  in  it :  i.e.,  if  a  white  servant,  having  no  property, 
killed  a  slave,  three  justices  could  bind  him  over  to  the  master 
whose  slave  he  killed  to  serve  him  for  five  years.  This  law  had  a 
wholesome  effect  upon  irresponsible  white  men,  who  often  pre 
sumed  upon  their  nationality,  having  neither  brains,  money,  nor 
social  standing,  to  punish  slaves. 

In  1740,  May  10,  the  following  Act  became  a  law ;  showing  that 
there  had  been  a  wonderful  change  in  public  sentiment  resoecting 
the  treatment  of  slaves  :  — 

"XXXVII.  And  whereas,  cruelty  is  not  only  highly  unbecoming  those 
who  profess  themselves  Christians,  but  is  odious  in  the  eyes  of  all  men  who 
have  any  sense  of  virtue  or  humanity;  therefore,  to  restrain  and  prevent  bar 
barity  being  exercised  towards  slaves,  Be  it  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  if  any  person  or  persons  whosoever,  shall  wilfully  murder  his  own  slave, 
or  the  slave  of  any  other  person,  every  such  person  shall,  upon  conviction  there 
of,  forfeit  and  pay  the  sum  of  seven  hundred  pounds,  current  money,  and  shall 
be  rendered,  and  is  hereby  declared  altogether  and  forever  incapable  of  holding, 
exercising,  enjoying  or  receiving  the  profits  of  any  office,  place  or  employment, 
civil  or  military,  within  this  Province  :  And  in  case  any  such  person,  shall  not 
be  able  to  pay  the  penalty  and  forfeitures  hereby  inflicted  and  imposed,  every 
such  person  shall  be  sent  to  any  of  the  frontier  garrisons  of  this  Province,  or 
committed  to  the  work  house  in  Charlestown,  there  to  remain  for  the  space  of 
seven  years,  and  to  serve  or  to  be  kept  at  hard  labor.  And  in  case  the  slave 
murdered  shall  be  the  property  of  any  other  person  than  the  offender,  the  pay 
usually  allowed  by  the  public  to  the  soldiers  of  such  garrison,  or  the  profits  of 
the  labor  of  the  offender,  if  committed  to  the  work  house  in  Charlestown,  shall 
be  paid  to  the  owner  of  the  slave  murdered.  And  if  any  person  shall,  on  a 
sudden  heat  of  passion,  or  by  undue  correction,  kill  his  own  slave,  or  the  slave 
of  any  other  person,  he  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  pounds, 
current  money.  And  in  case  any  person  or  persons  shall  wilfully  cut  out  the 
tongue,  put  out  the  eye,  castrate,  or  cruelly  scald,  burn,  or  deprive  any  slave  of 
any  limb  or  member,  or  shall  inflict  any  other  cruel  punishment,  other  than  by 
whipping  or  beating  with  a  horse-whip,  cow-skin,  switch  or  small  stick,  or  by 
putting  irons  on,  or  confining  or  imprisoning  such  slave,  every  such  person 
shall,  for  every  such  offence,  forfeit  the  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds,  current 
money."  2 

It  may  be  said  truthfully  that  the  slaves  in  the  colony  of  South 
Carolina  were  accorded  treatment  as  good  as  that  bestowed  upon 

1  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  vii  p.  36.3.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  410,  411. 


298      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

horses,  in  1750.  But  their  social  condition  was  most  deplorable. 
The  law  positively  forbid  the  instruction  of  slaves,  and  the  penalty 
was  "one  hundred  pounds  current  money."  For  a  few  years 
Saturday  afternoon  had  been  allowed  them  as  a  day  of  recreation, 
but  as  early  as  1690  it  was  forbidden  by  statute.  In  the  same  year 
an  Act  was  passed  declaring  that  slaves  should  "have  convenient 
clothes,  once  every  year;  and  that  no  slave"  should  "be  free  by 
becoming  a  Christian,1  but  as  to  payments  of  debts "  were 
"  deemed  and  taken  as  all  other  goods  and  chattels."  Their  houses 
were  searched  every  fortnight  "for  runaway  slaves"  and  "stolen 
goods."  Druggists  were  not  allowed  to  employ  a  Negro  to  handle 
medicines,  upon  pain  of  forfeiting  twenty  pounds  current  money 
for  every  such  offence.  Negroes  were  not  allowed  to  practise 
medicine,  nor  administer  drugs  of  any  kind,  except  by  the  direction 
of  some  white  person.  Any  gathering  of  Negroes  could  be  broken 
up  at  the  discretion  of  a  justice  living  in  the  district  where  the 
meeting  was  in  session. 

Poor  clothing  and  insufficient  food  bred  wide-spread  discontent 
among  the  slaves,  and  attracted  public  attention.2  Many  masters 
endeavored  to  get  on  as  cheaply  as  possible  in  providing  for  their 
slaves.  In  1722  the  Legislature  passed  an  Act  empowering  two 
justices  of  the  peace  to  inquire  as  to  the  treatment  of  slaves  on 
the  several  plantations ;  and  if  any  master  neglected  his  slaves  in 
food  and  raiment,  he  was  liable  to  a  fine  of  not  more  than  fifty 
shillings.  In  May,  1740,  an  Act  was  passed  requiring  masters  to 
see  to  it  that  their  slaves  were  not  overworked.  The  time  set  for 
them  to  work,  was  "from  the  25th  day  of  March  to  the  25th  day 
of  September,"  not  "more  than  fifteen  hours  in  four-and- 
•  twenty  ;"  and  "from  the  25th  day  of  September  to  the  25th  day 
of  March,"  not  "  more  than  fourteen  hours  in  four-and-twenty." 

1  The  following  is  the  Act  of  the  ;th  of  June,  1690.     "XXXIV.     Since  charity,  and  the 
Christian  religion,  which  we  profess,  obliges  us  to  wish  well  to  the  souls  of  all  men,  and  that  reli 
gion  may  not  be  made  a  pretence  to  alter  any  man's  property  and  right,  and  that  no  person  may 
neglect  to  baptize  their  negroes  or  slaves,  or  suffer  them  to  be  baptized,  for  fear  that  thereby  they 
should  be  manumitted  and  set  free,  Be  it  therefore  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  it  shall 
be,  and  is  hereby  declared,  lawful  for  any  negro  or  Indian  slave,  or  any  other  slave  or  slaves  what 
soever,  to  receive  and  profess  the  Christian  faith,  and  be  thereinto  baptized  ;  but  that  notwithstand 
ing  such  slave  or  slaves  shall  receive  and  profess  the  Christian  religion,  and  be  baptized,  he  or  they 
shall  not  thereby  be  manumitted  or  set  free,  or  his  or  their  owner,  master  or  mistress  lose  his  or 
their  civil  right,  property  and  authority  over  such  slave  or  slaves,  but  that  the  slave  or  slaves,  with 
respect  to  his  servitude,  shall  remain  and  continue  in  the  same  state  and  condition  that  he  or  they 
was  in  before  the  making  of  this  act."  —  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  364,  365. 

2  In  1740  an  Act  was  passed  requiring  masters  to  provide  "sufficient  clothing"  for  their 
slaves. 


THE    COLONY  OF  SOUTH   CAROLINA.  299 

The  history  of  the  impost-tax  on  slaves  imported  into  the 
Province  of  South  Carolina  is  the  history  of  organized  greed, 
ambition,  and  extortion.  Many  were  the  gold  sovereigns  that 
were  turned  into  the  official  coffers  at  Charleston  !  With  a 
magnificent  harbor,  and  a  genial  climate,  no  city  in  the  South 
could  rival  it  as  a  slave-market.  With  an  abundant  supply  from 
without,  and  a  steady  demand  from  within,  the  officials  at 
Charleston  felt  assured  that  high  impost-duties  could  not  interfere 
with  the  slave-trade ;  while  the  city  would  be  a  great  gainer  by  the 
traffic,  both  mediately  and  immediately. 

Sudden  and  destructive  insurrections  were  the  safety-valves  to 
the  institution  of  slavery.  A  race  long  and  cruelly  enslaved  may 
endure  the  yoke  patiently  for  a  season :  but  like  the  sudden 
gathering  of  the  summer  clouds,  the  pelting  rain,  the  vivid, 
blinding  lightning,  the  deep,  hoarse  thundering,  it  will  assert 
itself  some  day;  and  then  it  is  indeed  a  day  of  judgment  to  the 
task-masters  !  The  Negroes  in  South  Carolina  endured  a  most 
cruel  treatment  for  a  long  time ;  and,  when  "  the  day  of  their 
wrath  "  came,  they  scarcely  knew  it  themselves,  much  less  the 
whites.  Florida  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Spaniards.  Its 
governor  had  sent  out  spies  into  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  who 
held  out  very  flattering  inducements  to  the  Negroes  to  desert 
their  masters  and  go  to  Florida.  Moreover,  there  was  a  Negro 
regiment  in  the  Spanish  service,  whose  officers  were  from  their 
own  race.  Many  slaves  had  made  good  their  escape,  and  joined 
this  regiment.  It  was  allowed  the  same  uniform  and  pay  as  the 
Spanish  soldiers  had.  The  colony  of  South  Carolina  was  fearing 
an  enemy  from  without,  while  behold  their  worst  enemy  was  at 
their  doors!  In  1740  some  Negroes  assembled  themselves 
together  at  a  town  called  Stone,  and  made  an  attack  upon  two 
young  men,  who  were  guarding  a  warehouse,  and  killed  them. 
They  seized  the  arms  and  ammunition,  effected  an  organization  by 
electing  one  of  their  number  captain  ;  and,  with  boisterous  drums 
and  flying  banners,  they  marched  off  "like  a  disciplined  com 
pany."  They  entered  the  house  of  one  Mr.  Godfrey,  slew  him, 
his  wife,  and  child,  and  then  fired  his  dwelling.  They  next  took 
up  their  march  towards  Jacksonburgh,  and  plundered  and  burnt 
the  houses  of  Sacheveral,  Nash,  Spry,  and  others.  They  killed 
ail  the  white  people  they  found,  and  recruited  their  ranks  from 
the  Negroes  they  met.  Gov,  Bull  was  "  returning  to  Charleston 
from  the  southward,  met  them,  and,  observing  them  armed, 


300      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

quickly  rode  out  of  their  way."  *  In  a  march  of  twelve  miles,, 
they  had  wrought  a  work  of  great  destruction.  News  reached 
Wiltown,  and  the  militia  were  called  out.  The  Negro  insurrec 
tionists  were  intoxicated  with  their  triumph,  and  drunk  from  rum 
they  had  taken  from  the  houses  they  had  plundered.  They  halted 
in  an  open  field  to  sing  and  dance ;  and,  during  their  hilarity, 
Capt.  Bee,  at  the  head  of  the  troops  of  the  district,  fell  upon 
them,  and,  having  killed  several,  captured  all  who  did  not  make 
their  escape  in  the  woods. 

The  Province  was  thrown  into  intense  excitement.  The  Legis^ 
lature  called  attention  to  the  insurrection,2  and  declared  legal 
some  very  questionable  and  summary  acts.  In  1743  the  people 
had  not  recovered  from  the  fright  they  received  from  the  insur 
rection.  On  the  /th  of  May,  1743,  an  Act  was  passed  requiring 
every  white  male  inhabitant,  who  resorted  "  to  any  church  or  any 
other  public  place  of  divine  worship,  within "  the  Province  to 
"  carry  with  him  a  gun  or  a  pair  of  horse  pistols,  in  good  order 
and  fit  for  service,  with  at  least  six  charges  of  gun-powder  and 
ball,"  upon  pain  of  paying  "twenty  shillings." 

As  there  was  a  law  against  teaching  slaves  to  read  and  write,, 
there  were  no  educated  preachers.  If  a  Negro  desired  to  preach 
to  his  fellow-slaves,  he  had  to  secure  written  permission  from  his 
master.  While  Negroes  were  sometimes  baptized  into  the  com 
munion  of  the  Church,  —  usually  the  Episcopal  Church,  —  they 
were  allowed  only  in  the  gallery,  or  organ-loft,  of  white  congrega 
tions,  in  small  numbers.  No  clergyman  ventured  to  break  unta 
this  benighted  people  the  bread  of  life.  They  were  abandoned  to 
the  superstitions  and  religious  fanaticisms  incident  to  their  con 
dition. 

In  1704  an  Act  was  passed  "for  raising  and  enlisting  such 
slaves  as  shall  be  thought  serviceable  to  this  Province  in  time  of 
Alarms"  It  required,  within  thirty  days  after  the  publication  of 
the  Act,  that,  the  commanders  of  military  organizations  through 
out  the  Province  should  appoint  "five  freeholders,"  "sober  and 
discreet  men,"  who  were  to  make  a  complete  list  of  all  the  able- 
bodied  slaves  in  their  respective  districts.  Three  of  them  were 
competent  to  decide  upon  the  qualifications  of  a  slave.  After  the 
completion  of  the  list,  the  freeholders  mentioned  above  notified 
the  owners  to  appear  before  them  upon  a  certain  day,  and  show 

1  Hist.  S.  C.  and  Georgia,  vol.  ii.  p.  73.  2  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  vii.  p.  416. 


THE    COLONY  OF  SOUTH   CAROLINA.  301 

cause  why  their  slaves  should  not  be  chosen  for  the  service  of  the 
colony.  The  slaves  were  then  enlisted,  and  their  masters  charged 
with  the  duty  of  arming  them  "  with  a  serviceable  lance,  hatchet 
or  gun,  with  sufficient  amunition  and  hatchets,  according  to  the 
conveniency  of  the  said  owners,  to  appear  under  the  colours  of 
the  respective  captains,  in  their  several  divisions,  throughout " 
the  Province,  for  the  performance  of  such  "  public  service "  as 
required.  If  an  owner  refused  to  equip  or  permit  his  slave  to 
respond  to  alarms,  he  was  fined  five  pounds  for  each  neglect, 
which  was  to  be  paid  to  the  captain  of  the  company  to  which  the 
slave  belonged.  If  a  slave  were  killed  by  the  enemy  "in  the  line 
of  duty,"  the  owner  of  such  slave  was  paid  out  of  the  public 
treasury  such  sum  of  money  as  three  freeholders,  under  oath, 
should  award.  The  Negroes  did  admirably  ;  and  four  years  later, 
op  the  24th  of  April,  1708,  the  Legislature  re-enacted  the  bill 
making  them  militia-men.  The  last  Act  contained  ten  sections, 
and  bears  evidence  of  the  pleasure  the  whites  took  in  the  employ 
ment  of  Negroes  as  their  defenders.  If  a  Negro  were  taken 
prisoner  by  the  enemy,  and  effected  his  escape  back  into  the 
Province,  he  was  emancipated.  And  if  a  Negro  captured  and 
killed  an  enemy,  he  was  emancipated,  but  if  wounded  himself, 
was  set  free  at  the  public  expense.  If  he  deserted  to  the  enemy, 
his  master  was  paid  for  his  loss. 

Few  slaves  were  manumitted.  The  law  required  that  masters 
who  emancipated  their  slaves  should  make  provisions  for  trans 
porting  them  out  of  the  Province.  If  they  were  found  in  the 
Province  twelve  months  after  they  were  set  free,  the  manumission 
was  considered  void,  except  approved  by  the  Legislature. 

From  1754  till  1776  there  was  little  legislation  on  the  subject 
of  slavery.  The  pressure  from  without  made  men  conservative 
about  slavery,  and  radical  on  the  question  of  the  rights  and  liber 
ties  of  the  colonies.  The  threatening  war  between  England  and 
her  provincial  dependencies  made  men  humane  and  patriotic  ;  and 
during  these  years  of  anxiety  and  excitement,  the  weary  slaves 
breathed  a  better  atmosphere,  and  enjoyed  the  rare  sensation  of 
confidence  and  benevolence. 


302      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  COLONY   OF  NORTH   CAROLINA. 

-    1669-1775. 

THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  SITUATION  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA  FAVORABLE  TO  THE  SLAVE-TRADE.  —  THE  LOCKE 
CONSTITUTION  ADOPTED.  —  WILLIAM  SAYLE  COMMISSIONED  GOVERNOR.  —  LEGISLATIVE  CAREER 
OF  THE  COLONY.  —  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  THE  ESTABLISHED  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  INTO  THE 
COLONY.  —  THE  RIGHTS  OF  NEGROES  CONTROLLED  ABSOLUTELY  BY  THEIR  MASTERS. — AN  ACT 
RESPECTING  CONSPIRACIES.  —  THE  WRATH  OF  ILL-NATURED  WHITES  VISITED  UPON  THEIR  SLAVES. 
—  AN  ACT  AGAINST  THE  EMANCIPATION  OF  SLAVES.  —  LIMITED  RIGHTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES. 

THE  geographical  situation  of  North  Carolina  was  favorable 
to  the  slave-trade. 

Through  the  genius  of  Shaftesbury,  and  the  subtle  cun 
ning  of  John  Locke,  Carolina  received,  and  for  a  time  adopted, 
the  most  remarkable  constitution  ever  submitted  to  any  people 
in  any  age  of  the  world.  The  whole  affair  was  an  insult  to 
humanity,  and  in  its  fundamental  elements  bore  the  palpable 
evidences  of  the  cruel  conclusions  of  an  exclusive  philosophy. 
"  No  elective  franchise  could  be  conferred  upon  a  freehold  of  less 
than  fifty  acres,"  while  all  executive  power  was  vested  in  the 
proprietors  themselves.  Seven  courts  were  controlled  by  forty- 
two  counsellors,  twenty-eight  of  whom  held  their  places  through 
the  gracious  favor  of  the  proprietary  and  "the  nobility."  Trial 
by  jury  was  concluded  by  the  opinions  of  the  majority. 

"The  instinct  of  aristocracy  dreads  the  moral  power  of  a  proprietary 
yeomanry ;  the  perpetual  degradation  of  the  cultivators  of  the  soil  was  enacted. 
The  leet-men,  or  tenants,  holding  ten  acres  of  land  at  a  fixed  rent,  were  not 
only  destitute  of  political  franchises,  but  were  adscripts  to  the  soil;  'under  the 
jurisdiction  of  their  lord,  without  appeal ; '  and  it  was  added,  *  all  the  children 
of  leet-men  shall  be  leet-men,  and  so  to  all  generations.'  "  x 

The  men  who  formed  the  rank  and  file  of  the  yeomanry  of  the 
colony  of  North  Carolina  were  ill  prepared  for  a  government 

1  Bancroft,  vol.  ii.  5th  ed.  p.  148. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NORTH   CAROLINA.  303 

launched  upon  the  immense  scale  of  the  Locke  Constitution.  The 
hopes  and  fears,  the  feuds  and  debates,  the  vexatious  and  insolu 
ble  problems,  of  the  political  science  of  government  which  had 
clouded  the  sky  of  the  most  astute  and  ambitous  statesmen  of 
Europe,  were  dumped  into  this  remarkable  instrument.  The 
distance  between  the  people  and  the  nobility  was -sought  to  be 
made  illimitable,  and  the  right  to  govern  was  based  upon  perma 
nent  property  conditions.  Hereditary  wealth  was  to  go  arm  in 
arm  with  political  power. 

The  constitution  was  signed  on  the  2ist  of  July,  1669,  and 
William  Sayle  was  commissioned  as  governor.  The  legislative 
career  of  the  Province  began  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year;  and 
history  must  record  that  it  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  and 
startling  North  America  ever  witnessed.  The  portions  of  the  con 
stitution  which  refer  to  the  institution  of  slavery  are  as  follows  :  — 

"  97th.  But  since  the  natives  of  that  place,  who  will  be  concerned  in  our 
plantation,  are  utterly  strangers  to  Christianity,  whose  idolatry,  ignorance  or 
mistake,  gives  us  no  right  to  expel  or  use  them  ill ;  and  those  who  remove  from 
other  parts  to  plant  there,  will  unavoidably  be  of  different  opinions,  concerning 
matters  of  religion,  the  liberty  whereof  they  will  expect  to  have  allowed  them, 
and  it  will  not  be  reasonable  for  us  on  this  account  to  keep  them  out ;  that  civil 
peace  may  be  obtained  amidst  diversity  of  opinions,  and  our  agreement  and 
compact  with  all  men,  may  be  duly  and  faithfully  observed ;  the  violation 
whereof,  upon  what  pretence  soever,  cannot  be  without  great  offence  to 
Almighty  God,  and  great  scandal  to  the  true  religion  which  we  profess ;  and 
also  that  Jews,  Heathens  and  other  dissenters  from  the  purity  of  the  Christian 
religion,  may  not  be  scared  and  kept  at  a  distance  from  it,  but  by  having  an 
opportunity  of  acquainting  themselves  with  the  truth  and  reasonableness  of  its 
doctrines,  and  the  peaceableness  and  inoffensiveness  of  its  professors,  may  by 
good  usage  and  persuasion,  and  all  those  convincing  methods  of  gentleness 
and  meekness,  suitable  to  the  rules  and  design  of  the  gospel,  be  won  over  to 
embrace,  and  unfeignedly  receive  the  truth ;  therefore  any  seven  or  more  per 
sons  agreeing  in  any  religion,  shall  constitute  a  church  or  profession,  to  which 
they  shall  give  some  name,  to  distinguish  it  from  others.  .  .  . 

"loist.  No  person  above  seventeen  years  of  age,  shall  have  any  benefit 
or  protection  of  the  law,  or  be  capable  of  any  place  of  profit  or  honor,  who  is 
not  a  member  of  some  church  or  profession,  having  his  name  recorded  in  some 
one,  and  but  one  religious  record,  at  once.  .  .  . 

"  royth.  Since  charity  obliges  us  to  wish  well  to  the  souls  of  all  men,  and 
religion  ought  to  alter  nothing  in  any  man's  civil  estate  or  right,  it  shall  be 
lawful  for  slaves  as  well  as  others,  to  enter  themselves  and  be  of  what  church 
or  profession  any  of  them  shall  think  best,  and  thereof  be  as  fully  members 
as  any  freemen.  But  yet  no  slave  shall  hereby  be  exempted  from  that  civil 
dominion  his  master  hath  over  him,  but  be  in  all  things  in  the  same  state  and 
condition  he  was  in  before.  .  .  . 


304      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  i  loth.  Every  freeman  of  Carolina,  shall  have  absolute  power  and  authori 
ty  over  his  negro  slaves,  of  what  opinion  or  religion  soever."  » 

Though  the  Locke  Constitution  was  adopted  by  the  proprie 
taries,  March  i,  1669,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  it  ever  had  the 
force  of  law,  as  it  was  never  ratified  by  the  local  Legislature. 
Article  one  hundred  and  ten,  granting  absolute  power  and 
authority  to  a  master  over  his  Negro  slave,  is  without  a  parallel 
in  the  legislation  of  the  colonies.  And  while  the  slave  might 
enter  the  Christian  Church,  and  his  humanity  thereby  be  recog 
nized,  it  was  strangely  inconsistent  to  place  his  life  at  the  disposal 
of  brutal  masters,  who  "neither  feared  God  nor  regarded  man." 

The  Negro  slaves  in  North  Carolina  occupied  the  paradoxical 
position  of  being  eligible  to  membership  in  the  Christian  Church, 
and  the  absolute  property  of  their  white  brothers.  In  the  second 
draught  of  the  constitution,  signed  in  March,  1670,  against  the 
eloquent  protest  of  John  Locke,  the  section  on  religion  was 
amended  so  as,  while  tolerating  every  religious  creed,  to  declare 
"the  Church  of  England"  the  only  true  Orthodox  Church,  and 
the  national  religion  of  the  Province.  This,  in  the  face  of  the 
fact  that  the  great  majority  of  all  the  Christians  who  flocked  to 
the  New  World  were  dissenters,  separatists,  and  nonconformists, 
can  only  be  explained  in  the  light  of  the  burning  zeal  of  the 
Church  of  England  to  out-Herod  Herod,  —  to  carry  the  Negroes 
into  the  communion  of  the  State  church  for  political  purposes. 
It  was  the  most  sordid  motive  that  impelled  the  churchmen  to 
open  the  church  to  the  slave.  His  membership  did  not  change, 
his  condition,  nor  secure  him  immunity  from  the  barbarous  treat 
ment  the  institution  of  slavery  bestowed  upon  its  helpless  victims. 

In  the  eyes  of  the  law  the  Negro,  being  absolute  property,  had 
no  rights,  except  those  temporarily  delegated  by  the  master  ;  and 
he  acted  in  the  relation  of  an  agent.  Negro  slaves  were  not 
allowed  "  to  raise  horses,  cattle  or  hogs ; "  and  if  any  stock  were 
found  in  their  possession  six  months  after  the  passage  of  the  Act 
of  1741,  they  were  to  be  seized  by  the  sheriff  of  the  county,  and 
sold  by  the  church-wardens  of  the  parish.  The  profits  arising 
from  such  sales  went,  one  half  to  the  parish,  the  other  half  to  the 
informer.2  A  slave  was  not  suffered  to  go  off  of  the  plantation 
where  he  was  appointed  to  live,  without  a  pass  signed  by  his 

1  Statutes  of  S.  C.,  vol.  i.  pp.  53-55.  2  Public  Acts  of  N.  C.,  vol.  1.  p.  64. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA.  305 

master  or  the  overseer.  There  was  an  exception  made  in  the  case 
of  Negroes  wearing  liveries.  Negro  slaves  were  not  allowed  the 
use  of  fire-arms  or  other  weapons,  except  they  were  armed  with  a 
certificate  from  their  master  granting  the  coveted  permission.  If 
they  hunted  with  arms,  not  having  a  certificate,  any  Christian 
could  apprehend  them,  seize  the  weapons,  deliver  the  slave  to  the 
first  justice  of  the  peace ;  who  was  authorized  to  administer,  with 
out  ceremony,  twenty  lashes  upon  his  or  her  bare  back,  and  send 
him  or  her  home.  The  master  had  to  pay  the  cost  of  arrest  and 
punishment.  The  one  exception  to  this  law  was,  that  one  Negro 
on  each  plantation  or  in  each  district  could  carry  a  gun  to  shoot 
game  for  his  master  and  protect  stock,  etc. ;  but  his  certificate  was 
to  be  in  his  possession  all  the  time.  If  a  Negro  went  from  the 
plantation  on  which  he  resided,  to  another  plantation  or  place,  he 
was  required  by  statute  to  travel  in  the  most  generally  frequented 
road.  If  caught  in  another  road,  not  much  travelled,  except  in 
the  company  of  a  white  man,  it  was  lawful  for  the  man  who  owned 
the  land  through  which  he  was  passing  to  seize  him,  and  adminis 
ter  not  more  than  forty  lashes.  If  Negroes  visited  each  other  in 
the  night  season,  —  the  only  time  they  could  visit,  —  the  ones  who 
were  found  on  another  plantation  than  their  master's  were  pun 
ished  with  lashes  on  their  naked  back,  not  exceeding  forty ;  while 
the  Negroes  who  had  furnished  the  entertainment  received  twenty 
lashes  for  their  hospitality.  In  case  any  slave,  who  had  not  been 
properly  fed  and  clothed  by  his  master,  was  convicted  of  stealing 
•cattle,  hogs,  or  corn  from  another  man,  an  action  of  trespass 
could  be  maintained  against  the  master  in  the  general  or  county 
court,  and  damages  recovered.1 

Here,  as  in  the  other  colonies,  the  greatest  enemy  of  the 
colonists  was  an  accusing  conscience.  The  people  started  at 
every  breath  of  rumor,  and  always  imagined  their  slaves  con 
spiring  to  cut  their  throats.  There  was  nothing  in  the  observed 
character  of  the  slaves  to  justify  the  wide-spread  consternation 
that  filled  the  public  mind.  Nor  was  there  any  occasion  to 
warrant  the  passage  of  the  Act  of  1741,  respecting  conspiracies 
among  slaves.  It  is  a  remarkable  document,  and  is  produced  here. 

"  XLVI  I.  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  if  any 
number  of  negroes  or  other  slaves,  that  is  to  say,  three,  or  more,  shall,  at  any 

1  This  is  an  instance  of  humanity  in  the  North-Carolina  code  worthy  of  special  note.  It 
stands  as  the  only  instance  of  justice  toward  the  over-worked  and  under-fed  slaves  of  the  colony. 


306      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

time  hereafter,  consult,  advise  or  conspire  to  rebel,  or  make  insurrection,'  or 
shall  plot  or  conspire  the  murder  of  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  every 
such  consulting,  plotting  or  conspiring,  shall  be  adjudged  and  deemed  felony; 
and  the  slave  or  slaves  convicted  thereof,  in  manner  herein  after  directed,  shall 
suffer  death. 

"XLVIII.  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That 
every  slave  committing  such  offence,  or  any  other  crime  or  misdemeanor, 
shall  forthwith  be  committed,  by  any  justice  of  the  peace,  to  the  common  jail 
of  the  county  within  which  the  said  offence  shall  be  committed,  there  to  be 
safely  kept;  and  that  the  sheriff  of  such  county,  upon  such  commitment,  shall 
forthwith  certify  the  same  to  any  Justice  in  the  commission  for  the  said  court 
for  the  time  being,  resident  in  the  county,  who  is  thereupon  required  and 
directed  to  issue  a  summons  for  two  or  more  Justices  of  the  said  court,  and 
four  freeholders,  such  as  shall  have  slaves  in  the  said  county;  which  said  three 
Justices  and  four  freeholders,  owners  of  slaves,  are  hereby  impowered  and 
required  upon  oath,  to  try  all  manner  of  crimes  and  offences,  that  shall  be  com 
mitted  by  any  slave  or  slaves,  at  the  court  house  of  the  county,  and  to  take  for 
evidence,  the  confession  of  the  offender,  the  oath  of  one  or  more  credible  wit 
nesses,  or  such  testimony  of  negroes,  mulattoes  or  Indians,  bond  or  free,  with 
pregnant  circumstances,  as  to  them  shall  seem  convincing,  without  the  solemnity 
of  a  jury;  and  the  offender  being  then  found  guilty,  to  pass  such  judgment 
upon  such  offender,  according  to  their  discretion,  as  the  nature  of  the  crime 
or  offence  shall  require ;  and  on  such  judgment,  to  award  execution. 

"XLIX.  Provided  always,  and  be  it  enacted,  That  it  shall  and  may  be 
lawful  for  each  and  every  Justice,  being  in  the  commission  of  the  peace  for 
the  county  where  any  slave  or  slaves  shall  be  tried,  by  virtue  of  this  act,  (who 
is  owner  of  slaves)  to  sit  upon  such  trial,  and  act  as  a  member  of  such  courtr 
though  he  or  they  be  not  summoned  thereto:  anything  herein  before  contained 
to  the  contrary,  in  any  wise,  notwithstanding. 

"  L.  And  to  the  end  such  negro,  mulatto  or  Indian,  bond  or  free,  not  being 
Christians,  as  shall  hereafter  be  produced  as  an  evidence  on  the  trial  of  any 
slave  or  slaves,  for  capital  or  other  crimes,  may  be  under  the  greater  obligation 
to  declare  the  truth ;  Be  it  further  enacted,  There  where  any  such  negro,  mu 
latto  or  Indian,  bond  or  free,  shall,  upon  due  proof  made,  or  pregnant  circum 
stances,  appearing  before  any  county  court  within  this  government,  be  found  to 
have  given  a  false  testimony,  every  such  offender  shall,  without  further  trial,  be 
ordered,  by  the  said  court,  to  have  one  ear  nailed  to  the  pillory,  and  there  stand 
for  the  space  of  one  hour,  and  the  said  ear  to  be  cut  off,  and  thereafter  the  other 
ear  nailed  in  like  manner,  and  cut  off,  at  the  expiration  of  one  other  hour;  and 
moreover,  to  order  every  such  offender  thirty-nine  lashes,  well  laid  on,  on  his  or 
her  bare  back,  at  the  common  whipping  post. 

"  LI.  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  at  every 
such  trial  of  slaves  committing  capital  or  other  offences,  the  first  person  in 
commission  sitting  on  such  trial,  shall,  before  the  examination  of  every  negro, 
mulatto  or  Indian,  not  being  a  Christian,  charge  such  to  declare  the  truth. 

"  LI  I.  Provided  always,  and  it  is  hereby  intended,  That  the  master,  owner 
or  overseer  of  any  slave,  to  be  arraigned  and  tried  by  virtue  of  this  act,  may 
appear  at  the  trial,  and  make  what  just  defence  he  can  for  such  slave  or  slaves  ; 


THE    COLONY  OF  NORTH   CAROLINA.  307 

so  that  such  defence  do  not  relate  to  any  formality  in  the  proceeding  on  the 
trial."  ' 

The  manner  of  conducting  the  trials  of  Negroes  charged  with 
felony  or  misdemeanor  was  rather  peculiar.  Upon  one  or  more 
white  persons'  testimony,  or  the  evidence  of  Negroes  and  Indians, 
bond  or  free,  the  unfortunate  defendant,  "  without  the  solemnity  of 
a  jury,"  before  three  justices  and  four  freeholders,  could  be  hurried 
through  a  trial,  convicted,  sentenced  to  die  a  dreadful  death,  and 
then  be  executed  without  the  officiating  presence  of  a  minister  of 
the  gospel. 

The  unprecedented  discretion  allowed  to  masters  in  the  govern 
ment  led  to  the  most  tragic  results.  Men  were  not  only  reckless 
of  the  lives  of  their  own  slaves,  but  violent  toward  those  belong 
ing  to  others.  If  a  Negro  showed  the  least  independence  in  con 
versation  with  a  white  man,  he  could  be  murdered  in  cold  blood ; 
and  it  was  only  a  case  of  a  contumacious  slave  getting  his  dues. 
But  men  became  so  prodigal  in  the  exercise  of  this  authority  that 
the  public  became  alarmed,  and  the  Legislature  called  a  halt  on  the 
master-class.  At  first  the  Legislature  paid  for  the  slaves  who 
were  destroyed  by  the  consuming  wrath  of  ill-natured  whites,  but 
finally  allowed  an  action  to  lie  against  the  persons  who  killed  a 
slave.  This  had  a  tendency  to  reduce  the  number  of  murdered 
slaves  ;  but  the  fateful  clause  in  the  Locke  Constitution  had 
educated  a  voracious  appetite  for  blood,  and  the  extremest  cruel 
treatment  continued  without  abatement. 

The  free  Negro  population  was  very  small  in  this  colony. 
The  following  act  on  manumission  differs  so  widely  from  the  law 
on  this  point  in  the  other  colonies,  that  it  is  given  as  an  illustra 
tion  of  the  severe  character  of  the  legislation  of  North  Carolina 
against  the  emancipation  of  Negroes. 

"  LVI.  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  no- 
Negro  or  mulatto  slaves  shall  be  set  free,  upon  any  pretence  whatsoever,  except 
for  meritorious  services,  to  be  adjudged  and  allowed  of  by  the  county  court,  anc; 
Licence  thereupon  first  had  and  obtained  :  and  that  where  any  slave  shall  be  set 
free  by  his  or  her  master  or  owner,  otherwise  than  is  herein  before  directed,  it 
shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the  church-wardens  of  the  parish  wherein  such 
negro,  mulatto  or  Indian,  shall  be  found,  at  the  expiration  of  six  months,  next 
after  his  or  her  being  set  free,  and  they  are  hereby  authorized  and  required,  to 
take  up  and  sell  the  said  negro,  mulatto  or  Indian,  as  a  slave,  at  the  next  court  to 

1  Public  Acts  of  N.  C.,  p.  65. 


308      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

be  held  for  the  said  county,  at  public  vendue :  and  the  monies  arising  by  such 
sale,  shall  be  applied  to  the  use  of  the  parish,  by  the  vestry  thereof :  and  if  any 
negro,  mulatto  or  Indian  slave,  set  free  otherwise  than  is  herein  directed,  shall 
depart  this  province,  within  six  months  next  after  his  or  her  freedom,  and  shall 
afterwards  return  into  this  government,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the 
churchwardens  of  the  parish  where  such  negro  or  mulatto  shall  be  found,  at  the 
expiration  of  one  month,  next  after  his  or  her  return  into  this  government  to 
take  up  such  negro  or  mulatto,  and  sell  him  or  them,  as  slaves,  at  the  next 
court  to  be  held  for  the  county,  at  public  vendue  ;  and  the  monies  arising  there 
by,  to  be  applied,  by  the  vestry,  to  the  use  of  the  parish,  as  aforesaid."  l 

The  free  Negroes  were  badly  treated.  They  were  not  allowed 
any  communion  with  the  slaves.  A  free  Negro  man  was  not 
allowed  to  marry  a  white  woman,  nor  even  a  Negro  slave  woman 
without  the  consent  of  her  master.  If  he  formed  an  alliance  with 
a  white  woman,  her  offspring  were  bound  out,  or  sold  by  the 
church-wardens,  until  they  obtained  their  majority.2  If  the  white 
woman  were  an  indentured  servant,  she  was  constrained  to  serve 
an  additional  year.  If  she  were  a  free  woman,  she  was  sold  for 
two  years  by  the  church-wardens.  Free  Negroes  were  greatly 
despised  and  shunned  by  both  slaves  and  white  people. 

As  a  conspicuous  proof  of  the  glaring  hypocrisy  of  the 
"  nobility,"  who,  in  the  constitution,  threw  open  the  door  of  the 
Church  to  the  Negro,  it  should  be  said,  that,  during  the  period  from 
the  founding  of  the  Province  down  to  the  colonial  war,  no  attempt 
was  ever  made,  through  the  ecclesiastical  establishment,  to  dissi 
pate  the  dark  clouds  of  ignorance  that  enveloped  the  Negro's 
mind.  They  were  left  in  a  state  of  ignorance  and  crime.  The 
gravest  social  evils  were  winked  at  by  masters,  whose  lecherous 
examples  were  the  occasion  for  the  most  grievous  offending  of  the 
slaves.  The  Mulattoes  and  other  free  Negroes  were  taxed.  They 
had  no  place  in  the  militia,  nor  could  they  claim  the  meanest 
rights  of  the  humblest  "leetman." 

1  Public  Acts  of  N.  C.,  p.  66.  2  The  Act  of  1741  says,  "until 31  years  of  age." 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  309 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE  COLONY  OF  NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 
1679-1775. 

THE  PROVINCIAL  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  EXERCISES  AUTHORITY  OVER  THE  STATE  OF  NEW 
HAMPSHIRE  AT  ITS  ORGANIZATION.  —  SLAVERY  EXISTED  FROM  THE  BEGINNING. —THE  GOVERNOR 

RELEASES  A  SLAVE  FROM  BONDAGE.  —  INSTRUCTION  AGAINST   IMPORTATION  OF  SLAVES.  —  SEVERAL 

ACTS  REGULATING  THE  CONDUCT  OF  SERVANTS. — THE  INDIFFERENT  TREATMENT  Oh  SLAVES. — 
THE  IMPORTATION  OF  INDIAN  SERVANTS  FORBIDDEN.  —  AN  ACT  CHECKING  THE  SEVERE  TREAT 
MENT  OF  SERVANTS  AND  SLAVES.  —  SLAVES  IN  THE  COLONY  UNTIL  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF 
HOSTILITIES. 

A  NTERIOR  to  the  year  1679,  the  provincial  government  of 
J~Y  Massachusetts  exercised  authority  over  the  territory  that 
now  comprises  the  State  of  New  Hampshire.  It  is  not  at 
all  improbable,  then,  that  slavery  existed  in  this  colony  from  the 
beginning  of  its  organic  existence.  As  early  as  1683  it  was  set 
upon  by  the  authorities  as  a  wicked  and  hateful  institution.  On 
the  1 4th  of  March,  1684,  the  governor  of  New  Hampshire  as 
sumed  the  responsibility  of  releasing  a  Negro  slave  from  bondage. 
The  record  of  the  fact  is  thus  preserved  :  — 

"  The  governor  toidd  Mr.  Jaffery's  negro  hee  might  goe  from  his  master,  hee 
would  dere  him  under  hande  and  sele,  so  the  fello  no  more  attends  his  master's 
consernes"  J 

It  may  be  inferred  from  the  above,  that  the  royal  governor  of 
the  Province  felt  the  pressure  of  public  sentiment  on  the  question 
of  anti-slavery.  While  this  colony  copied  its  criminal  code  from 
Massachusetts,  its  people  seemed  to  be  rather  select,  and,  on  the 
question  of  human  rights,  far  in  advance  of  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts.  The  twelfth  article  was:  "If  any  man  stealeth  man 
kind  he  shall  be  put  to  death  or  otherwise  grievously  punished." 
The  entire  code  —  the  first  one  —  was  rejected  in  England  as 
"fanatical  and  absurd."2  It  was  the  desire  of  this  new  and 

1  Belknap's  Hist,  of  N.  H.,  vol.  i.  p.  333.  2  Hildreth,  vol.  i.  p.  501. 


310      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE   IN  AMERICA. 

feeble  colony  to  throw  every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  any  legal 
recognition  of  slavery.  The  governors  of  all  the  colonies  received 
instruction  in  regard  to  the  question  of  slavery,  but  the  governor 
of  New  Hampshire  had  received  an  order  from  the  crown  to  have 
the  tax  on  imported  slaves  removed.  The  royal  instructions, 
dated  June  30,  1761,  were  as  follows  :  — 

"You  are  not  to  give  your  assent  to,  or  pass  any  law  imposing  duties  on 
negroes  imported  into  New  Hampshire."  « 

New  Hampshire  never  passed  any  law  establishing  slavery, 
but  in  1714  enacted  several  laws  regulating  the  conduct  of 
servants.  One  was  An  Act  to  prevent  disorders  in  the  night :  — 

"Whereas  great  disorders,  insolencies  and  burglaries  are  ofttimes  raised 
and  committed  in  the  night  time  by  Indian,  negro  and  mulatto  servants  and 
slaves,  to  the  disquiet  and  hurt  of  her  Majesty's  good  subjects ,  for  the  pre 
vention  whereof  Be  it,  &c.  —  that  no  Indian,  negro  or  mulatto  servant  or  slave 
may  presume  to  be  absent  from  the  families  where  they  respectively  belong,  or 
be  found  abroad  in  the  night  time  after  nine  o'clock;  unless  it  be  upon  errand 
for  their  respective  masters."  2 

The  instructions  against  the  importation  of  slaves  were  in 
harmony  with  the  feelings  of  the  great  majority  of  the  people. 
They  felt  that  slavery  would  be  a  hinderance  rather  than  a  help 
to  them,  and  in  the  selection  of  servants  chose  white  ones.  If 
the  custom  of  holding  men  in  bondage  had  become  a  part  of  the 
institutions  of  Massachusetts,  —  so  like  a  cancer  that  it  could  not 
be  removed  without  endangering  the  political,  and  commercial  life 
of  the  colony,  —  the  good  people  of  New  Hampshire,  acting  in 
the  light  of  experience,  resolved,  upon  the  threshold  of  their  pro 
vincial  life,  to  oppose  the  introduction  of  slaves  into  their  midst. 
The  first  result  was,  that  they  learned  quite  early  that  they  could 
get  on  without  slaves  ;  and,  second,  the  traders  in  human  flesh 
discovered  that  there  was  no  demand  for  slaves  in  New  Hamp 
shire.  Even  nature  fought  against  the  crime ;  and  Negroes  were 
found  to  be  poorly  suited  to  the  climate,  and,  of  course,  were  an 
expensive  luxury  in  that  colony. 

But,  nevertheless,  there  were  slaves  in  New  Hampshire.  The 
majority  of  them  had  gone  in  during  the  time  the  colony  was  a 
part  of  the  territory  of  Massachusetts.  They  had  been  purchased 
by  men  who  regarded  them  as  indispensable  to  them.  They  had 

1  Gordon's  Hist,  of  Am.  Rev.,  vol.  v.  Letter  2.        2  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol.  i.  p.  266. 


THE    COLONY  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  311 

lived  long  in  many  families  ;  children  had  been  born  unto  them, 
and  in  many  instances  they  were  warmly  attached  to  their  owners. 
But  all  masters  were  not  alike.  Some  treated  their  servants  and 
slaves  cruelly.  The  neglect  in  some  cases  was  worse  than  stripes 
or  over-work.  Some  were  poorly  clad  and  scantily  fed  ;  and,  thus 
exposed  to  the  inclemency  of  the  severe  climate,  many  were  pre 
cipitated  into  premature  graves.  Even  white  and  Indian  servants 
shared  this  harsh  treatment.  The  Indians  endured  greater  hard 
ships  than  the  Negroes.  They  were  more  lofty  in  their  tone, 
more  sensitive  in  their  feelings,  more  revengeful  in  their  disposi 
tion.  They  were  both  hated  and  feared,  and  the  public  sentiment 
against  them  was  very  pronounced.  A  law,  passed  in  1714,  forbid 
their  importation  into  the  colony  under  a  heavy  penalty. 

In  1718  it  was  found  necessary  to  pass  a  law  to  check  the 
severe  treatment  inflicted  upon  servants  and  slaves.  An  Act  for 
restraining  inhuman  severities  recited,  — 

"  For  the  prevention  and  restraining  of  inhuman  severities  which  by  evil 
masters  or  overseers,  may  be  used  towards  their  Christian  servants,  that  from 
.and  after  the  publication  hereof,  if  any  man  smite  out  the  eye  or  tooth  of  his 
man  servant  or  maid  servant,  or  otherwise  maim  or  disfigure  them  much,  unless 
it  be  by  mere  casualty,  he  shall  let  him  or  her  go  free  from  his  service,  and 
;shall  allow  such  further  recompense  as  the  court  of  quarter  sessions  shall 
adjudge  him.  2.  That  if  any  person  or  persons  whatever  in  this  province  shall 
wilfully  kill  his  Indian  or  negroe  servant  or  servants  he  shall  be  punished  with 
death."  ' 

There  were  slaves  in  New  Hampshire  down  to  the  breaking- 
out  of  the  war  in  the  colonies,  but  they  were  only  slaves  in  name. 
Few  in  number,  widely  scattered,  they  felt  themselves  closely 
identified  with  the  interests  of  the  colonists. 

1  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol.  i.  p.  267. 


312      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

THE   COLONY   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 

• 

1681-1775. 

ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  —  THE  SWEDES  AND  DUTCH  PLANT  SETTLE 
MENTS  ON  THE  WESTERN  BANK  OF  THE  DELAWARE  RIVER.  —  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  YORK 
SEEKS  TO  EXERCISE  JURISDICTION  OVER  THE  TERRITORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA  — THE  FlRST  LAWS 
AGREED  UPON  IN  ENGLAND.  —  PROVISIONS  OF  THE  LAW.  —  MEMORIAL  AGAINST  SLAVERY  DRAUGHTED 

AND    ADOPTED    BY    THE    GERMANTOWN    FRIENDS.  —  WlLLIAM    PENN    PRESENTS    A    BlLL    FOR    THE 

BETTER  REGULATION  OF  SERVANTS.  — AN  ACT  PREVENTING  THE  IMPORTATION  OF  NEGROES  AND 
INDIANS.  —  RIGHTS  OF  NEGROES.  — A  DUTY  LAID  UPON  NEGROES  AND  MULATTO  SLAVES. —  THE 
QUAKER  THE  FRIEND  OF  THE  NEGRO. —  ENGLAND  BEGINS  TO  THREATEN  HER  DEPENDENCIES  IN 
NORTH  AMERICA.  — THE  PEOPLE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA  REFLECT  UPON  THE  PROBABLE  OUTRAGES 
THEIR  NEGROES  MIGHT  COMMIT. 

LONG  before  there  was  an  organized  government  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  the  Swedes  and  Dutch  had  planted  settlements  on 
the  western  bank  of  the  Delaware  River.  But  the  English 
crown  claimed  the  soil ;  and  the  governor  of  New  York,  under 
patent  from  the  Duke  of  York,  sought  to  exercise  jurisdiction 
over  the  territory.  On  the  nth  of  July,  1681,  "  Conditions  and 
Concessions  were  agreed  upon  by  William  Penn,  Proprietary," 
and  the  persons  who  were  "adventurers  and  purchasers  in  the 
same  province."  Provision  was  made  for  the  punishment  of 
persons  who  should  injure  Indians,  and  that  the  planter  injured 
by  them  should  "not  be  his  own  judge  upon  the  Indian."  All  con 
troversies  arising  between  the  whites  and  the  Indians  were  to  be 
settled  by  a  council  of  twelve  persons,  —  six  white  men  and  six 
Indians. 

The  first  laws  for  the  government  of  the  colony  were  agreed 
upon  in  England,  and  in  1682  went  into  effect.  Provision  was 
made  for  the  registering  of  all  servants,  their  full  names,  amount 
of  wages  paid,  and  the  time  when  they  received  their  remunera 
tion.  It  was  strictly  required  that  servants  should  not  be  kept 
beyond  the  time  of  their  indenture,  should  be  kindly  treated,  and 
the  customary  outfit  furnished  at  the  time  of  their  freedom. 

The  baneful  custom  of  enslaving  Negroes  had  spread  through 


THE    COLONY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  313 

every  settlement  in  North  America,  and  was  even  "tolerated  in 
Pennsylvania  under  the  specious  pretence  of  the  religious  instruc 
tion  of  the  slave."  l  In  1688  Francis  Daniel  Pastorius  draughted  a 
memorial  against  slavery,  which  was  adopted  by  the  Germantown 
Friends,  and  by  them  sent  up  to  the  Monthly  Meeting,  and  thence 
to  the  Yearly  Meeting  at  Philadelphia.2  The  original  document 
was  found  by  Nathan  Kite  of  Philadelphia  in  1844.3  It  was  a 
remarkable  document,  and  the  first  protest  against  slavery  issued 
by  any  religious  body  in  America.  Speaking  of  the  slaves,  Pasto 
rius  asks,  "  Have  not  these  negroes  as  much  right  to  fight  for 
their  freedom  as  y*ou  have  to  keep  them  slaves  ? "  He  believed 
the  time  would  come,  — 

"When,  from  the  gallery  to  the  farthest  seat, 
Slave  and  slave-owner  shall  no  longer  meet, 
But  all  sit  equal  at  the  Master's  feet." 

He  regarded  the  "buying,  selling,  and  holding  men  in  slavery,, 
as  inconsistent  with  the  Christian  religion."  When  his  memorial 
came  before  the  Yearly  Meeting  for  action,  it  confessed  itself  "  un 
prepared  to  act,"  and  voted  it  "not  proper  then  to  give  a  positive 
judgment  in  the  case."  In  1696  the  Yearly  Meeting  pronounced 
against  the  further  importation  of  slaves,  and  adopted  measures 
looking  toward  their  moral  improvement.  George  JCeith,  catch 
ing  the  holy  inspiration  of  humanity,  with  a  considerable  follow 
ing,  denounced  the  institution  of  slavery  "as  contrary  to  the 
religion  of  Christ,  the  rights  of  man,  and  sound  reason  and 
policy."4 

While  these  efforts  were,  to  a  certain  extent,  abortive,  yet,, 
nevertheless,  the  Society  of  the  Friends  made  regulations  for  the 
better  treatment  of  the  enslaved  Negroes.  The  sentiment  thus 
created  went  far  toward  deterring  the  better  class  of  citizens  from 
purchasing  slaves.  To  his  broad  and  lofty  sentiments  of  human 
ity,  the  pious  William  Penn  sought  to  add  the  force  of  positive 
law.  The  published  views  of  George  Fox,  given  at  Barbadoes  in 
1671,  in  his  "Gospel  Family  Order,  being  a  short  discourse  con 
cerning  the  ordering  of  Families,  both  of  Whites,  Blacks,  and 
Indians,"  had  a  salutary  effect  upon  the  mind  of  Penn.  In  1700 

1  Gordon's  History  of  Penn.,  p.  114.  2  Whittier's  Penn.  Pilgrim,  p.  viii. 

3  The  memorial  referred  to  was  printed  in  extenso  in  The  Friend,  vol.  xviii.  No  16. 
*  Minutes  of  Yearly  Meeting,  Watson's  MS.  Coll.     Bettle's  notices  of  N.  S.  Minutes,  Penn.. 
Hist  Soc. 


.314      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

he  proposed  to  the  Council  "  the  necessitie  of  a  law  [among  others] 
about ye  marriages  of  negroes."  The  bill  was  referred  to  a  joint 
committee  of  both  houses,  and  they  brought  in  a  bill  "for  regulat 
ing  Negroes  in  their  Morals  and  Marriages  &c."  It  readied  a 
second  reading,  and  was  lost.1  Penn  regarded  the  teaching  of 
Negroes  the  sanctity  of  the  marriage  relation  as  of  the  greatest 
importance  to  the  colony,  and  the  surest  means  of  promoting  pure 
morals.  Upon  what  grounds  it  was  rejected  is  not  known.  He 
presented,  at  the  same  session  of  the  Assembly,  another  bill, 
which  provided  "for  the  better  regulation  of  servants  in  this  prov 
ince  and  territories"  He  desired  the  government  of  slaves  to  be 
prescribed  and  regulated  by  law,  rather  than  by  the  capricious 
whims  of  masters.  No  servant  was  to  be  sold  out  of  the  Province 
without  giving  his  consent,  nor  could  he  be  assigned  over  except 
before  a  justice  of  the  peace.  It  provided  for  a  regular  allowance 
to  servants  at  the  expiration  of  their  time,  and  required  them  to 
serve  five  days  extra  for  every  day's  absence  from  their  master 
without  the  latter's  assent.  A  penalty  was  fixed  for  concealing 
runaway  slaves,  and  a  reward  offered  for  apprehending  them.  No 
free  person  was  allowed  to  deal  with  servants,  and  justices  and 
sheriffs  were  to  be  punished  for  neglecting  their  duties  in  the 
premises. 

In  case  a  Negro  was  guilty  of  murder,  he  was  tried  by  two 
justices,  appointed  by  the  governor,  before  six  freeholders.  The 
manner  of  procedure  was  prescribed,  and  the  nature  of  the  sen 
tence  and  acquittal.  Negroes  were  not  allowed  to  carry  a  gun  or 
other  weapons.  Not  more  than  four  were  allowed  together,  upon 
pain  of  a  severe  flogging.  An  Act  for  raising  revenue  was  passed, 
and  a  duty  upon  imported  slaves  was  levied,  in  1710.  In  1711-12, 
an  Act  was  passed  "  to  prevent  the  importation  of  negroes  and 
Indians  "  into  the  Province.  A  general  petition  for  the  emanci 
pation  of  slaves  by  law  was  presented  to  the  Legislature  during 
this  same  year;  but  the  wise  law-makers  replied,  that  "it  was 
neither  just  nor  convenient  to  set  them  at  liberty."  The  bill 
passed  on  the  /th  of  June,  1712,  but  was  disapproved  by  Great 
Britain,  and  was  accordingly  repealed  by  an  Act  of  Queen  Anne, 
Feb.  20,  1713.  In  1714  and  1717,  Acts  were  passed  to  check  the 
importation  of  slaves.  But  the  English  government,  instead  of 
being  touched  by  the  philanthropic  endeavors  of  the  people  of 

1  Colonial  Rec..  vol.  i.  pp.  598,  606.    See  also  Votes  of  Assembly,  vol.  5.  pp.  120-122. 


THE    COLONY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  315 

Pennsylvania,  was  seeking,  for  purposes  of  commercial  trade  and 
gain,  to  darken  the  continent  with  the  victims  of  its  avarice. 

Negroes  had  no  political  rights  in  the  Province.  Free  Negroes 
were'  prohibited  from  entertaining  Negro  or  Indian  slaves,  or  trad- 
ing  with  them.  Masters  were  required,  when  manumitting  slaves, 
to  furnish  security,  as  in  the  other  colonies.  Marriages  between 
the  races  were  forbidden.  Negroes  were  not  allowed  to  be  abroad 
after  nine  o'clock  at  night. 

In  1773  the  Assembly  passed  "An  Act  making  perpetual  the 
Act  entitled.  An  Act  for  laying  a  duty  on  negroes  and  mulatto 
slaves"  etc.,  and  added  ten  pounds  to  the  duty.  The  colonists 
did  much  to  check  the  vile  and  inhuman  traffic ;  but,  having  once 
obtained  a  hold,  it  did  eat  like  a  canker.  It  threw  its  dark  shadow 
over  personal  and  collective  interests,  and  poisoned  the  springs  of 
human  kindness  in  many  hearts.  It  was  not  alone  hurtful  to  the 
slave :  it  transformed  and  blackened  character  everywhere,  and 
fascinated  those  who  were  anxious  for  riches  beyond  the  power  of 
moral  discernment.  Here,  however,  as  in  New  Jersey,  the  Negro 
found  the  Quaker  his  practical  friend  ;  and  his  upper  and  better 
life  received  the  pruning  advice,  refining  and  elevating  influence, 
of  a  godly  people.  But  intelligence  in  the  slave  was  an  occasion 
of  offending,  and  prepared  him  to  realize  his  deplorable  situation. 
So  to  enlighten  him  was  to  excite  in  him  a  deep  desire  for  liberty, 
and,  not  unlikely,  a  feeling  of  revenge  toward  his  enslavers.  So 
there  was  really  danger  in  the  method  the  guileless  Friends 
adopted  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  slaves. 

When  England  began  to  breathe  out  threatenings  against  her 
contumacious  dependencies  in  North  America,  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania  began  to  reflect  upon  the  probable  outrages  their 
Negroes  would,  in  all  probability,  commit.  They  inferred  that 
the  Negroes  would  be  their  enemy  because  they  were  their  slaves. 
This  was  the  equitable  findings  of  a  guilty  conscience.  They  did 
not  dare  expect  less  than  the  revengeful  hate  of  the  beings  they 
had  laid  the  yoke  of  bondage  upon  ;  and  verily  they  found  them 
selves  with  "fears  within,  and  fightings  without." 


316      H1S20RY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE  COLONY   OF  GEORGIA. 

1732-1775. 

GEORGIA  ONCE  INCLUDED  IN  THE  TERRITORY  OF  CAROLINA.  —  THE  THIRTEENTH  COLONY  PLANTED  IN 
NORTH  AMERICA  BY  THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT.  —  SLAVES  RULED  our  ALTOGETHER  BY  THE 
TRUSTEES.  — THE  OPINION  OF  GEN.  OGLETHORPE  CONCERNING  SLAVERY.  —  LONG  AND  BITTER 
DISCUSSION  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  ADMISSION  OF  SLAVERY  INTO  THE  COLONY.  —  SLAVERY  INTRO 
DUCED. —  HISTORY  OF  SLAVERY  IN  GEORGIA. 

GEORGIA  was  once  included  in  the  territory  of  Carolina, 
and  extended  from  the  Savannah  to  the  St.  John's  River. 
A  corporate  body,  under  the  title  of  "  The  Trustees  for 
establishing  the  Colony  of  Georgia,"  was  created  by  charter,  bear 
ing  date  of  June  9,  1/32.  The  life  of  their  trust  was  tor  the 
space  of  twenty-one  years.  The  rules  by  which  the  trustees 
sought  to  manage  the  infant  were  rather  novel ;  but  as  a  discus 
sion  of  them  would  be  irrelevant,  mention  can  be  made  only  of 
that  part  which  related  to  slavery.  Georgia  was  the  last  colony 
—  the  thirteenth  —  planted  in  North  America  by  the  English 
government.  Special  interest  centred  in  it  for  several  reasons, 
that  will  be  explained  farther  on. 

The  trustees  ruled  out  slavery  altogether.  Gen.  John  Ogle- 
thorpe,  a  brilliant  young  English  officer  of  gentle  blood,  the  first 
governor  of  the  colony,  was  identified  with  "the  Royal  African 
Company,  which  alone  had  the  right  of  planting  forts  and  trading 
on  the  coast  of  Africa."  He  said  that  "slavery  is  against  the 
gospel,  as  well  as  the  fundamental  law  of  England.  We  refused, 
as  trustees,  to  make  a  law  permitting  such  a  horrid  crime/' 
Another  of  the  trustees,  in  a  sermon  preached  on  Sunday,  Feb. 
17,  1734,  at  St.  George's  Church,  Hanover  Square,  London, 
declared,  "Slavery,  the  misfortune,  if  not  the  dishonor,  of  other 
plantations,  is  absolutely  proscribed.  Let  avarice  defend  it  as  it 
will,  there  is  an  honest  reluctance  in  humanity  against  buying 
and  selling,  and  regarding  those  of  our  own  species  as  our  wealth 


THE    COLONY  OF   GEORGIA.  317 

and  possessions."  Beautiful  sentiments !  Eloquent  testimony 
against  the  crime  of  the  ages !  At  first  blush  the  student  of 
history  is  apt  to  praise  the  sublime  motives  of  the  "trustees," 
in  placing  a  restriction  against  the  slave-trade.  But  the  declara 
tion  of  principles  quoted  above  is  not  borne  out  by  the  facts  of 
history.  On  this  point  Dr.  Stevens,  the  historian  of  Georgia, 
observes,  "Yet  in  the  official  publications  of  that  body  [the 
trustees],  its  inhibition  is  based  only  on  political  and  prudential, 
and  not  on  humane  and  liberal  grounds ;  and  even  Oglethorpe 
owned  a  plantation  and  negroes  near  Parachucla  in  South  Caro 
lina,  about  forty  miles  above  Savannah."  *  To  this  reliable  opinion 
is  added  :  — 

"  The  introduction  of  slaves  was  prohibited  to  the  colony  of  Georgia  for 
some  years,  not  from  motives  of  humanity,  but  for  the  reason  it  was  encouraged 
elsewhere,  to  wit :  the  interest  of  the  mother  country.  It  was  a  favorite  idea 
with  the  'mother  country,'  to  make  Georgia  a  protecting  barrier  for  the  Caro- 
linas,  against  the  Spanish  settlements  south  of  her,  and  the  principal  Indian 
tribes  to  the  west ;  to  do  this,  a  strong  settlement  of  white  men  was  sought  to 
be  built  up,  whose  arms  and  interests  would  defend  her  northern  plantations. 
The  introduction  of  slaves  was  held  to  be  unfavorable  to  this  scheme,  and 
hence  its  prohibition.  During  the  time  of  the  prohibition,  Oglethorpe  himself 
was  a  slave-holder  in  Carolina."  2 

The  reasons  that  led  the  trustees  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the 
colony  are  put  thus  tersely  :  — 

"  ist.  Its  expense;  which  the  poor  emigrant  would  be  entirely  unable  to 
sustain,  either  in  the  first  cost  of  a  negro,  or  his  subsequent  keeping.  2d. 
Because  it  would  induce  idleness,  and  render  labour  degrading.  3d.  Because 
the  settlers,  being  freeholders  of  only  fifty-acre  lots,  requiring  but  one  or  two 
extra  hands  for  their  cultivation,  the  German  servants  would  be  a  third  more 
profitable  than  the  blacks.  Upon  the  last  original  design  I  have  mentioned,  in 
planting  this  colony,  they  also  based  an  argument  against  their  admission,  viz., 
that  the  cultivation  of  silk  and  wine,  demanding  skill  and  nicety,  rather  than 
strength  and  endurance  of  fatigue,  the  whites  were  better  calculated  for  such 
labour  than  the  negroes.  These  were  the  prominent  arguments,  drawn  from 
the  various  considerations  of  internal  and  external  policy,  which  influenced  the 
Trustees  in  making  this  prohibition.  Many  of  them,  however,  had  but  a 
temporary  bearing;  none  stood  the  test  of  experience."  3 

It  is  clear,  then,  that  the  founders  of  the  colony  of  Georgia 
were  not  moved  by  the  noblest  impulses  to  prohibit  slavery  within 

1  Stephens's  Journal,  vol.  iii.  p.  281.  2  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol.  i.  p.  310,  note. 

3  Stevens's  Hist,  of  Georgia,  vol.  i.  p.  289. 


3l8      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

their  jurisdiction.  In  the  chapter  on  South  Carolina,  attention 
was  called  to  the  influence  of  the  Spanish  troops  in  Florida  on 
the  recalcitrant  Negroes  in  the  Carolinas,  the  Negro  regiment 
with  subalterns  from  their  own  class,  and  the  work  of  Spanish 
emissaries  among  the  slaves.  The  home  government  thought  it 
wise  to  build  up  Georgia  out  of  white  men,  who  could  develop  its 
resources,  and  bear  arms  in  defence  of  British  possessions  along 
an  extensive  border  exposed  to  a  pestiferous  foe.  But  the  Board 
of  Trade  soon  found  this  an  impracticable  scheme,  and  the  colo 
nists  themselves  began  to  clamor  "for  the  use  of  negroes."  1  The 
first  petition  for  the  introduction  and  use  of  Negro  slaves  was 
offered  to  the  trustees  in  1735.  This  prayer  was  promptly  and 
positively  denied,  and  for  fifteen  years  they  refused  to  grant  all 
requests  for  the  use  of  Negroes.  They  adhered  to  their  prohibi 
tion  in  letter  and  spirit.  Whenever  and  wherever  Negroes  were 
found  in  the  colony,  they  were  sold  back  into  Carolina.  In  the 
month  of  December,  1738,  a  petition,  addressed  to  the  trustees, 
including  nearly  all  the  names  of  the  foremost  colonists,  set  forth 
the  distressing  condition  into  which  affairs  had  drifted  under  the 
enforcement  of  the  prohibition,  and  declared  that  "the  use  of 
negroes,  with  proper  limitations,  which,  if  granted,  would  both 
occasion  great  numbers  of  white  people  to  come  here,  and  also  to 
render  us  capable  to  subsist  ourselves,  by  raising  provisions  upon 
our  lands,  until  we  could  make  some  produce  fit  for  export,  in 
some  measure  to  balance  our  importations."  But  instead  of 
securing  a  favorable  hearing,  the  petition  drew  the  fire  of  the 
friends  of  the  prohibition  against  the  use  of  Negroes.  On  the 
3d  of  January,  1739,  a  petition  to  the  trustees  combating  the  argu 
ments  of  the  above-mentioned  petition,  and  urging  them  to  remain 
firm,  was  issued  at  Darien.  This  was  followed  by  another  one, 
issued  from  Ebenezer  on  the  I3th  of  March,  in  favor  of  the 
position  occupied  by  the  trustees.  A  great  many  Scotch  and 
German  people  had  settled  in  the  colony ;  and,  familiar  with  the 
arts  of  husbandry,  they  became  the  ardent  supporters  of  the 
trustees.  James  Habersham,  the  "dear  fellow-traveller"  of 
Whitefield,  exclaimed, — 

"  I  once  thought,  it  was  unlawful  to  keep  negro  slaves,  but  I  am  now 
induced  to  think  God  may  have  a  higher  end  in  permitting  them  to  be  brought 
to  this  Christian  country,  than  merely  to  support  their  masters.  Many  of  the 

1  Bancroft,  vol.  iii.  i2th  ed.  p.  427. 


THE    COLONY  OF   GEORGIA.  319 

poor  slaves  in  America  have  already  been  made  freemen  of  the  heavenly 
Jerusalem,  and  possibly  a  time  may  come  when  many  thousands  may  embrace 
the  gospel,  and  thereby  be  brought  into  the  glorious  liberty  of  the  children  of 
God.  These,  and  other  considerations,  appear  to  plead  strongly  for  a  limited 
use  of  negroes ;  for,  while  we  can  buy  provisions  in  Carolina  cheaper  than  we 
can  here,  no  one  will  be  induced  to  plant  much." 

But  the  trustees  stood  firm  against  the  subtle  cunning  of  the 
politicians,  and  the  eloquent' pleadings  of  avarice. 

On  the  7th  October,  1741,  a  large  meeting  was  held  at  Savan 
nah,  and  a  petition  drawn,  in  which  the  land-holders  and  settlers 
presented  their  grievances  to  the  English  authorities  in  London. 
On  the  26th  of  March,  1742,  Mr.  Thomas  Stephens,  armed  with 
the  memorial,  as  the  agent  of  the  memorialists,  sailed  for  Lon 
don.  While  the  document  ostensibly  set  forth  their  wish  for  a 
definition  of  "the  tenure  of  the  lands,"  really  the  burden  of  the 
prayer  was  for  "Negroes"  He  presented  the  memorial  to  the 
king,  and  his  Majesty  referred  it  to  a  committee  of  the  "  Lords  of 
Council  for  Plantation  Affairs."  This  committee  transferred  a 
copy  of  the  memorial  to  the  trustees,  with  a  request  for  their 
answer.  About  this  time  Stephens  presented  a  petition  to  Parlia 
ment,  in  which  he  charged  the  trustees  with  direliction  of  duty, 
improper  use  of  the  public  funds,  abuse  of  their  authority,  and 
numerous  other  sins  against  the  public  welfare.  It  created  a 
genuine  sensation.  The  House  resolved  to  go  into  a  "committee 
of  the  whole,"  to  consider  the  petitions  and  the  answer  of  the- 
trustees.  The  answer  of  the  trustees  was  drawn  by  the  able  pen 
of  the  Earl  of  Egmont,  and  by  them  warmly  approved  on  the  3d 
of  May,  and  three  days  later  was  read  to  the  House  of  Commons. 
A  motion  prevailed  "  that  the  petitions  do  lie  upon  the  table,"  for 
the  perusal  of  the  members,  for  the  space  of  one  week.  At  the 
expiration  of  the  time  fixed,  Stephens  appeared,  and  all  the  peti 
tions  of  the  people  of  Georgia  to  the  trustees  in  reference  to  "  the 
tenure  of  lands,"  and  for  "  the  use  of  negroes,"  were  laid  before 
the  honorable  body.  In  the  committee  of  the  whole  the  affairs 
of  the  colony  were  thoroughly  investigated ;  and,  after  a  few  days 
session,  Mr.  Carew  reported  a  set  of  resolutions,  being  the  sense 
of  the  committee  after  due  deliberation  upon  the  matters  before 
them  :  — 

"That  the  province  of  Georgia,  in  America,  by  reason  of  its  situation, 
may  be  an  useful  barrier  to  the  British  provinces  on  the  continent  of  America 
against  the  French  and  Spaniards,  and  Indian  nations  in  their  interests ;  that 


320      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  ports  and  harbours  within  the  said  province  may  be  a  good  security  to  the 
trade  and  navigation  of  this  kingdom ;  that  the  said  province,  by  reason  of  the 
fertility  of  the  soil,  the  healthfulness  of  the  climate,  and  the  convenience  of 
the  rivers,  is  a  proper  place  for  establishing  a  settlement,  and  may  contribute 
greatly  to  the  increasing  trade  of  this  kingdom ;  that  it  is  very  necessary  and 
advantageous  to  this  nation  that  the  colony  of  Georgia  should  be  preserved  and 
supported ;  that  it  will  be  an  advantage  to  the  colony  of  Georgia  to  permit  the 
importation  of  rum  into  the  said  colony  from  any  of  the  British  colonies ;  that 
the  petition  of  Thomas  Stephens  contains  false,  scandalous  and  malicious 
charges,  tending  to  asperse  the  characters  of  the  Trustees  for  Establishing  the 
Colony  of  Georgia,  in  America." 

When  the  resolution  making  the  importation  of  rum  lawful 
reached  a  vote,  it  was  amended  by  adding,  "As  also  the  use  of 
negroes,  who  may  be  employed  there  with  advantage  to  the 
colony,  under  proper  regulations  and  restrictions."  It  was  lost 
by  a  majority  of  nine  votes.  A  resolution  prevailed  calling 
Thomas  Stephens  to  the  bar  of  the  House,  "  to  be  reprimanded 
on  his  knees  by  Mr.  Speaker,"  for  his  offence  against  the  trustees. 

On  the  next  day  Stephens,  upon  his  bended  knees  at  the  bar 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  before  the  assembled  statesmen  of 
Great  Britain,  was  publicly  reprimanded  by  the  speaker,  and 
discharged  after  paying  his  fees.  Thus  ended  the  attempt  of 
the  people  of  the  colony  of  Georgia  to  secure  permission,  over 
the  heads  of  the  trustees,  to  introduce  slaves  into  their  service. 

The  dark  tide  of  slavery  influence  was  dashing  against  the 
borders  of  the  colony.  The  people  were  discouraged.  Business 
was  stagnated.  Internal  dissatisfaction  and  factional  strife  wore 
hard  upon  the  spirit  of  a  people  trying  to  build  up  and  develop  a 
new  country.  Then  the  predatory  incursions  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  the  threatening  attitude  of  the  Indians,  unnerved  the  entire 
Province.  In  this  state  of  affairs  white  servants  grew  insolent 
and  insubordinate.  Those  whose  term  of  service  expired  refused 
to  work.  In  this  dilemma  many  persons  boldly  put  the  rule  of 
the  trustees  under  foot,  and  hired  Negroes  from  the  Carolinas. 
At  length  the  trustees  became  aware  of  the  clandestine  importa 
tion  of  Negroes  into  the  colony,  and  thereupon  gave  the  magis 
trates  a  severe  reproval.  On  the  2d  of  October,  1747,  they 
received  the  following  reply :  — 

"  We  are  afraid,  sir,  from  what  you  have  wrote  in  relation  to  negroes,  that 
:he  Honourable  Trustees  have  been  misinformed  as  to  our  conduct  relating 
thereto ;  for  we  can  with  great  assurance  assert,  that  this  Board  has  always 
acted  an  uniform  part  in  discouraging  the  use  of  negroes  in  this  colony,  well 


THE    COLONY  OF  GEORGIA.  321 

knowing  it  to  be  disagreeable  to  the  Trustees,  as  well  as  contrary  to  an  act 
existing  for  the  prohibition  of  them,  and  always  gave  it  in  charge  to  those 
whom  we  had  put  in  possession  of  lands,  not  to  attempt  the  introduction  or 
use  of  negroes.  But  notwithstanding  our  great  caution,  some  people  from 
Carolina,  soon  after  settling  lands  on  the  Little  Ogeechee,  found  means  of 
bringing  and  employing  a  few  negroes  on  the  said  lands,  some  time  before  it 
was  discovered  to  us ;  upon  which  they  thought  it  high  time  to  withdraw  them, 
for  fear  of  being  seized,  and  soon  after  withdrew  themselves  and  families  out 
of  the  colony,  which  appears  to  us  at  present  to  be  the  resolution  of  divers 
others."  ' 

It  was  charged  that  the  law-officers  knew  of  the  presence  of 
Negroes  in  Georgia ;  that  their  standing  and  constant  toast  was, 
"the  one  thing  needful"  (Negroes) ;  and  that  they  themselves  had 
surreptitiously  aided  in  the  procurement  of  Negroes  for  the 
colony.  The  supporters  of  the  colonists  grew  less  powerful  as 
the  struggle  went  forward.  The  most  active  grew  taciturn  and 
conservative.  The  advocates  of  Negro  labor  became  bolder,  and 
more  acrimonious  in  debate ;  and  at  length  the  champions  of 
exclusive  white  labor  shrank  into  silence,  appalled  at  the  despera 
tion  of  their  opponents.  The  Rev.  Martin  Bolzius,  one  of  the 
most  active  supporters  of  the  trustees,  wrote  those  gentlemen  on 
May  3,  1748:- 

"  Things  being  now  in  such  a  melancholy  state,  I  must  humbly  beseech 
your  honors,  not  to  regard  any  more  our  or  our  friend's  petitions  against 
negroes." 

The  Rev.  George  Whitefield  and  James  Piabersham  used  their 
utmost  influence  upon  the  trustees  to  obtain  a  modification  of  the 
prohibition  against  "the  use  of  negroes."  On  the  6th  of  Decem 
ber,  1748,  Rev.  Whitefield,  speaking  of  a  plantation  and  Negroes 
he  had  purchased,  wrote  the  trustees  :  — 

"  Upwards  of  five  thousand  pounds  have  been  expended  in  that  under 
taking,  and  yet  very  little  proficiency  made  in  the  cultivation  of  my  tract  of 
land,  and  that  entirely  owing  to  the  necessity  I  lay  under  of  making  use  of 
white  hands.  Had  a  negro  been  allowed,  I  should  now  have  had  a  sufficiency 
to  support  a  great  many  orphans,  without  expending  above  half  the  sum  which 
has  been  laid  out.  An  unwillingness  to  let  so  good  a  design  drop,  and  having 
a  rational  conviction  that  it  must  necessarily,  if  some  other  method  was  not 
fixed  upon  to  prevent  it — these  two  considerations,  honoured  gentlemen,  prevailed 
on  me  about  two  years  ago,  through  the  bounty  of  my  good  friends,  to 
purchase  a  plantation  in  South  Carolina,  where  negroes  are  allowed.  Blessed 

1  Stevens's  Hist,  of  Georgia,  vol.  i.  p.  307. 


322      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

be  God,  this  plantation  has  succeeded;  and  though  at  present  I  have  only 
eight  working  hands,  yet  in  all  probability  there  will  be  more  raised  in  one 
year,  and  with  a  quarter  the  expense,  than  has  been  produced  at  Bethesda  for 
several  years  last  past.  This  confirms  me  in  the  opinion  I  have  entertained 
for  a  long  time,  that  Georgia  never  can  or  will  be  a  flourishing  province  with 
out  negroes  are  allow  ed?"1  J 

The  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  importation  of  Negro  slaves 
had  become  well-nigh  unanimous.  The  trustees  began  to  waver. 
On  the  loth  of  January,  1749,  another  petition  was  presented  to 
the  trustees.  It  was  carefully  drawn,  and  set  forth  the  restric 
tions  under  which  slaves  should  be  introduced.  On  the  i6th  of 
May  following,  it  was  read  to  the  trustees  ;  and  they  resolved  to 
have  it  "presented  to  His  Majesty  in  council."  They  also  asked 
that  the  prohibition  against  the  introduction  of  Negroes,  passed 
in  "  1735,  be  repealed."  The  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  at  the  head  of 
a  special  committee,  draughted  a  bill  repealing  the  prohibition.  On 
the  26th  of  October,  1749,  a  large  and  influential  committee  of 
twenty-seven  drew  up  and  signed  a  petition  urging  the  imme 
diate  introduction  of  slavery,  with  certain  limitations.  The  paper 
was  duly  attested,  and  returned  to  the  trustees.  The  opposition 
to  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  colony  of  Georgia  had 
been  conquered ;  and,  after  a  long  and  bitter  struggle,  slavery  was- 
firmly  and  legally  established  in  this  the  last  Province  of  the 
English  in  the  Western  world.  The  colonists  were  jubilant. 

The  charter  under  which  the  trustees  acted  expired  by  limita 
tion  in  1752,  and  a  new  form  of  government  was  established 
under  the  Board  of  Trade.  The  royal  commission  appointed  a 
governor  and  council.  One  of  the  first  ordinances  enacted  by 
them  was  one  whereby  "  all  offences  committed  by  slaves  were  to 
be  tried  by  a  single  justice,  without  a  juryr  who  was  to  award 
execution,  and,  in  capital  cases,  to  set  a  value  on  the  slave,  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  public  treasury."  At  the  first  session  of  the 
Assembly  in  1755,  a  law  was  passed  "for  the  regulation  and  gov 
ernment  of  slaves."  In  1765  an  Act  was  passed  establishing  a 
pass  system,  and  the  rest  of  the  legislation  in  respect  to  slaves 
was  a  copy  of  the  laws  of  South  Carolina. 

The  history  of  slavery  in  Georgia  during  this  period  is  unpar 
alleled  and  incomparably  interesting.  It  illustrates  the  power  of 
the  institution,  and  shows  that  there  was  no  Province  sufficiently 

1  Whitefield's  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  90,  105,  208. 


THE    COLONY  OF  GEORGIA.  323 

independent  of  its  influence  so  as  to  expel  it  from  its  jurisdiction. 
Like  the  Angel  of  Death  that  passed  through  Egypt,  there  was 
no  colony  that  it  did  not  smite  with  its  dark  and  destroying 
pinions.  The  dearest,  the  sublimest,  interests  of  humanity  were 
prostrated  by  its  defiling  touch.  It  shut  out  the  sunlight  of 
human  kindness ;  it  paled  the  fires  of  hope  ;  it  arrested  the  devel 
opment  of  the  branches  of  men's  better  natures,  and  peopled 
their  lower  being  with  base  and  consuming  desires  ;  it  placed  the 
"Golden  Rule"  under  the  unholy  heel  of  time-servers  and  self- 
seekers  ;  it  made  the  Church  as  secular  as  the  'Change,  and  the 
latter  as  pious  as  the  former  :  it  was  a  gigantic  system,  at  war 
with  the  civilization  of  the  Roundheads  and  Puritans,  and  an 
intolerable  burden  to  a  people  who  desired  to  build  a  new  nation 
in  this  New  World  in  the  West. 


324      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


$art  HI. 
THE  NEGRO  DURING   THE  REVOLUTION. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES. 

1775-1780. 
"  Many  black  soldiers  were  in  the  service  during  all  stages  of  the  war."  —  SPARKS. 

THE  COLONIAL  STATES  IN  1715.  —  RATIFICATION  OF  THE  NON-IMPORTATION  ACT  BY  THE  SOUTHERN 
COLONIES.  —  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  PRESENTS  RESOLUTIONS  AGAINST  SLAVERY,  IN  A  MEETING 
AT  FAIRFAX  COURT-HOUSE,  VA.  —  LETTER  WRITTEN  BY  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  TO  DEAN  WOOD 
WARD,  PERTAINING  TO  SLAVERY.  —  LETTER  TO  THE  FREEMEN  OF  VIRGINIA  FROM  A  COMMITTEE, 

CONCERNING  THE  SLAVES  BROUGHT  FROM  JAMAICA. — SEVERE  TREATMENT  OF  SLAVES  IN  THE 
COLONIES  MODIFIED. —  ADVERTISEMENT  IN  "THE  BOSTON  GAZETTE"  OF  THE  RUNAWAY  SLAVE 
CRISPUS  ATTUCKS.  —  THE  BOSTON  MASSACRE.  —  ITS  RESULTS.  —  CRISPUS  ATTUCKS  SHOWS  HIS 
LOYALTY.  —  His  SPIRITED  LETTER  TO  THE  TORY  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  PROVINCE.  —  SLAVES 
ADMITTED  INTO  THE  ARMY.  — THE  CONDITION  OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  ARMY. — SPIRITED  DEBATE 
IN  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS,  OVER  THE  DRAUGHT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  GEN.  WASHINGTON. — 
INSTRUCTIONS  TO  DISCHARGE  ALL  SLAVES  AND  FREE  NEGROES  IN  HIS  ARMY.  —  MINUTES  OF  THE 
MEETING  HELD  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  —  LORD  DUNMORE'S  PROCLAMATION.  —  PREJUDICE  IN  THE 
SOUTHERN  COLONIES.  —  NEGROES  IN  VIRGINIA  FLOCK  TO  THE  BRITISH  ARMY.  —  CAUTION  TO 
THE  NEGROES  PRINTED  IN  A  WILLIAMSBURG  PAPER.  —  THE  VIRGINIA  CONVENTION  ANSWERS  THE 
PROCLAMATION  OF  LORD  DUNMORE.  — GEN.  GREENE,  IN  A  LETTER  TO  GEN.  WASHINGTON,  CALLS 
ATTENTION  TO  THE  RAISING  OF  A  NEGRO  REGIMENT  ON  STATEN  ISLAND.  —  LETTER  FROM  A 
HESSIAN  OFFICER.  — CONNECTICUT  LEGISLATURE  ON  THE  SUBJECT  OF  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES 
AS  SOLDIERS.  —  GEN.  VARNUM'S  LETTER  TO  GEN.  WASHINGTON,  SUGGESTING  THE  EMPLOYMENT 
OF  NEGROES,  SENT  TO  Gov.  COOKE.  —  THE  GOVERNOR  REFERS  VARNUM'S  LETTER  TO  THE  GEN 
ERAL  ASSEMBLY.  —  MINORITY  PROTEST  AGAINST  ENLISTING  SLAVES  TO  SERVE  IN  THE  ARMY.  — 
MASSACHUSETTS  TRIES  TO  SECURE  LEGAL  ENLISTMENTS  OF  NEGRO  TROOPS.  —  LETTER  OF  THOMAS 
KENCH  TO  THE  COUNCIL  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  BOSTON,  MASS.  —  NEGROES  SERVE 
IN  WHITE  ORGANIZATIONS  UNTIL  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  —  NEGRO  SOLDIERS 
SERVE  IN  VIRGINIA.  —  MARYLAND  EMPLOY  NEGROES.  —  NEW  YORK  PASSES  AN  ACT  PROVIDING 
FOR  THE  RAISING  OF  Two  COLORED  REGIMENTS.  —  WAR  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AND  SOUTHERN  COLO 
NIES —  HAMILTON'S  LETTER  TO  JOHN  JAY.  —  COL.  LAURENS'S  EFFORTS  TO  RAISE  NEGRO  TROOPS 
IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  —  PROCLAMATION  OF  SIR  HENRY  CLINTON  INDUCING  NEGROES  TO  DESERT  THE 
REBEL  ARMY.  —  LORD  CORNWAI.LIS  ISSUES  A  PROCLAMATION  OFFERING  PROTECTION  TO  ALL 
NEGROES  SEEKING  HIS  COMMAND.  —  COL.  LAURENS  is  CALLED  TO  FRANCE  ON  IMPORTANT  BUSI 
NESS. —His  PLAN  FOR  SECURING  BLACK  LEVIES  FOR  THE  SOUTH  UPON  HIS  RETURN. —  His 
LETTERS  TO  GEN.  WASHINGTON  IN  REGARD  TO  HIS  FRUITLESS  PLANS.  —  CAPT.  DAVID 
HUMPHREYS  RECRUITS  A  COMPANY  OF  COLORED  INFANTRY  IN  CONNECTICUT.  —  RETURN  OP 
NEGROES  IN  THE  ARMY  IN  1778. 

THE  policy  of  arming  the  Negroes  early  claimed  the  anxious 
consideration   of  the  leaders  of  the  colonial  army  during 
the  American  Revolution.     England  had  been  crowding  her 
American  plantations  with  slaves  at  a  fearful  rate ;  and,  when  hos- 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES. 


325 


tilities  actually  began,  it  was  difficult  to  tell  whether  the  American 
army  or  the  ministerial  army  would  be  able  to  secure  the  Negroes 
as  allies.  In  1715  the  royal  governors  of  the  colonies  gave  the 
Board  of  Trade  the  number  of  the  Negroes  in  their  respective 
colonies.  The  slave  population  was  as  follows  :  — 


NEGROES. 

New  Hampshire 15° 

Massachusetts 2,000 

Rhode  Island 500 

Connecticut 1,500 

.New  York 4,000 

New  Jersey 1,500 

Pennsylvania  and  Delaware    .  2,500 


NEGROES. 

Maryland 9, 500 

Virginia 23,000 

North  Carolina 3>7oo 

South  Carolina 10,500 


Total 


58,850 


Sixty  years  afterwards,  when  the  Revolution  had  begun,  the 
slave  population  of  the  thirteen  colonies  was  as  follows :  — 


NEGROES. 

Massachusetts 3,5°° 

Rhode  Island 4,373 

Connecticut 5,000 

New  Hampshire 629 

New  York 15,000 

New  Jersey 7,600 

Pennsylvania 10,000 

Delaware 9,000 


NEGROES. 

Maryland 80,000 

Virginia 165,000 

North  Carolina 75,ooo 

South  Carolina 110,000 

Georgia 16,000 


Total 501,102 


Such  a  host  of  beings  was  not  to  be  despised  in  a  great  mili 
tary  struggle.  Regarded  as  a  neutral  element  that  could  be  used 
simply  to  feed  an  army,  to  perform  fatigue  duty,  and  build  fortifi 
cations,  the  Negro  population  was  the  object  of  fawning  favors  of 
the  white  colonists.  In  the  NON-IMPORTATION  COVENANT,  passed 
by  the  Continental  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  24th  of 
October,  1774,  the  second  resolve  indicated  the  feeling  of  the 
representatives  of  the  people  on  the  question  of  the  slave- 
trade  :  — 

"  2.  We  will  neither  import  nor  purchase,  any  slave  imported  after  the  first 
day  of  December  next;  after  which  time,  we  will  wholly  discontinue  the  slave- 
trade,  and  will  neither  be  concerned  in  it  ourselves,  nor  will  we  hire  our  vessels, 
nor  sell  our  commodities  or  manufactures  to  those  who  are  concerned  in 
it."  i 


Journal  of  the  Continental  Congress. 


326      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

It,  with  the  entire  covenant,  received  the  signatures  of  all 
the  delegates  from  the  twelve  colonies.1  The  delegates  from  the 
Southern  colonies  were  greatly  distressed  concerning  the  probable 
attitude  of  the  slave  element.  They  knew  that  if  that  ignorant 
mass  of  humanity  were  inflamed  by  some  act  of  strategy  of  the 
enemy,  they  might  sweep  their  homes  and  families  from  the  face 
of  the  earth.  The  cruelties  of  the  slave-code,  the  harsh  treat 
ment  of  Negro  slaves,  the  lack  of  confidence  in  the  whites  every 
where  manifested  among  the  blacks,  —  as  so  many  horrid  dreams, 
harassed  the  minds  of  slaveholders  by  day  and  by  night.  They 
did  not  even  possess  the  courage  to  ask  the  slaves  to  remain  silent 
and  passive  during  the  struggle  between  England  and  themselves. 
The  sentiment  that  adorned  the  speeches  of  orators,  and  graced 
the  writings  of  the  colonists,  during  this  period,  was  "  the  equality 
of  the  rights  of  all  men."  And  yet  the  slaves  who  bore  their 
chains  under  their  eyes,  who  were  denied  the  commonest  rights  of 
humanity,  who  were  rated  as  chattels  and  real  property,  were 
living  witnesses  to  the  insincerity  and  inconsistency  of  this  decla 
ration.  But  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  all  the  Southern  colonies, 
in  addition  to  the  action  of  their  delegates,  ratified  the  Non- 
Importation  Covenant.  The  Maryland  Convention  on  the  8th  of 
December,  1774;  South  Carolina  Provincial  Congress  on  the  nth 
January,  1775  ;  Virginia  Convention  on  the  22d  March,  1775  ; 
North  Carolina  Provincial  Congress  on  the  23d  of  August,  1775  ; 
Delaware  Assembly  on  the  25th  of  March,  1775  (refused  by  Gov. 
John  Penn) ;  and  Georgia, — passed  the  following  resolves  there 
abouts  :  — 

"  i.  Resolved,  That  this  Congress  will  adopt,  and  carry  into  execution,  all 
and  singular  the  measures  and  recommendations  of  the  late  Continental  Con 
gress. 

"  4.  Resolved,  That  we  will  neither  import  or  [nor]  purchase  any  slave 
imported  from  Africa  or  elsewhere  after  this  date." 

Meetings  were  numerous  and  spirited  throughout  the  colonies, 
in  which,  by  resolutions,  the  people  expressed  their  sentiments  in 
reference  to  the  mother  country.  On  the  i8th  of  July,  1774,  at  a 
meeting  held  in  Fairfax  Court-House,  Virginia,  a  series  of  twenty- 

1  The  Hon.  Peter  Force,  in  an  article  to  The  National  Intelligencer,  Jan.  16  and  18, 
1855,  says:  "Southern  colonies,  jointly  with  all  the  others,  and  separately  each  for  itself,  did 
agree  to  prohibit  the  importation  of  slaves,  voluntarily  and  in  good  faith."  Georgia  was  not 
represented  in  this  Congress,  and,  therefore,  could  not  sign. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.          327 

four  resolutions  was  presented  by  George  Washington,  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  resolutions,  three  of  which  were  directed 
against  slavery. 

"  1 7.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that,  during  our 
present  difficulties  and  distress,  no  slaves  ought  to  be  imported  into  any  of  the 
British  colonies  on  this  continent ;  and  we  take  this  opportunity  of  declaring 
our  most  earnest  wishes  to  see  an  entire  stop  for  ever  put  to  such  a  wicked, 
cruel,  and  unnatural  trade,  -  .  . 

"21.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  this  and  the 
other  associating  colonies  should  break  off  all  trade,  intercourse,  and  dealings 
"with  that  colony,  province,  or  town,  which  shall  decline,  or  refuse  to  agree  to, 
the  plan  which  shall  be  adopted  by  the  General  Congress.  .  ,  . 

"  24.  Resolved,  That  George  Washington  and  Charles  Broadwater,  lately 
elected  our  representatives  to  serve  in  the  General  Assembly,  be  appointed  to 
attend  the  Convention  at  Williamsburg  on  the  first  day  of  August  next,  and 
present  these  resolves,  as  the  sense  of  the  people  of  this  county  upon  the 
measures  proper  to  be  taken  in  the  present  alarming  and  dangerous  situation  of 
America." 

Mr.  Sparks  comments  upon  the  resolutions  as  follows  :  — 

"The  draught,  from  which  the  resolves  are  printed,  I  find  among  Washing 
ton's  papers,  in  the  handwriting  of  George  Mason,  by  whom  they  were  probably 
drawn  up ;  yet,  as  they  were  adopted  by  the  Committee  of  which  Washington 
was  chairman,  and  reported  by  him  as  moderator  of  the  meeting,  they  may  be 
presumed  to  express  his  opinions,  formed  on  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  subject, 
and  after  cool  deliberation.  This  may  indeed  be  inferred  from  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Bryan  Fairfax,  in  which  he  intimates  a  doubt  only  as  to  the  article  favoring  the 
idea  of  a  further  petition  to  the  king.  He  was  opposed  to  such  a  step,  believ 
ing  enough  had  been  done  in  this  way  already;  but  he  yielded  the  point  in 
tenderness  to  the  more  wavering  resolution  of  his  associates. 

"  These  resolves  are  framed  with  much  care  and  ability,  and  exhibit  the 
question  then  at  issue,  and  the  state  of  public  feeling,  in  a  manner  so  clear  and 
forcible  as  to  give  them  a  special  claim  to  a  place  in  the  present  work,  in  addi 
tion  to  the  circumstance  of  their  being  the  matured  views  of  Washington  at  the 
outset  of  the  great  Revolutionary  struggle  in  which  he  was  to  act  so  conspicu 
ous  a  part.  .  .  . 

"  Such  were  the  opinions  of  Washington,  and  his  associates  in  Virginia,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Revolutionary  contest.  The  seventeenth  resolve  merits 
attention,  from  the  pointed  manner  in  which  it  condemns  the  slave-trade." ' 

Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin,  in  a  letter  to  Dean  Woodward,  dated 
April  10,  1773,  says, — 

"  I  have  since  had  the  satisfaction  to  learn  that  a  disposition  to  abolish 
slavery  prevails  in  North  America ;  that  many  of  the  Pennsylvanians  have  set 

1  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  ii.  pp.  488-495, 


328      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE   IN  AMERICA. 

their  slaves  at  liberty;  and  that  even  the  Virginia  Assembly  have  petitioned 
the  king  for  permission  to  make  a  law  for  preventing  the  importation  of  more 
into  that  Colony.  This  request,  however,  will  probably  not  be  granted,  as 
their  former  laws  of  that  kind  have  always  been  repealed,  and  as  the  interest  o' 
a  few  merchants  here  has  more  weight  with  Government  than  that  of  thousand^ 
at  a  distance."  » 

Virginia  gave  early  and  positive  proof  that  she  was  in  earnest 
on  the  question  of  non-importation.  One  John  Brown,  a  merchant 
of  Norfolk,  broke  the  rules  of  the  colony  by  purchasing  imported 
slaves,  and  was  severely  rebuked  in  the  following  article  :  — 

"'TO  THE   FREEMEN   OF   VIRGINIA: 

"  'COMMITTEE  CHAMBER,  NORFOLK,  March  6,  1775. 

"  '  Trusting  to  your  sure  resentment  against  the  enemies  of  your  country, 
we,  the  committee,  elected  by  ballot  for  the  Borough  of  Norfolk,  hold  up  for 
your  just  indignation  Mr.  John  Brown,  merchant  of  this  place. 

"'On  Thursday,  the  2d  of  March,  this  committee  were  informed  of  the 
arrival  of  the  brig  Fanny,  Capt.  Watson,  with  a  number  of  slaves  for  Mr. 
Brown ;  and,  upon  inquiry,  it  appeared  they  were  shipped  from  Jamaica  as  his 
property,  and  on  his  account ;  that  he  had  taken  great  pains  to  conceal  their 
arrival  from  the  knowledge  of  the  committee;  and  that  the  shipper  of  the 
slaves,  Mr.  Brown's  correspondent,  and  the  captain  of  the  vessel,  were  all 
fully  apprised  of  the  Continental  prohibition  against  that  article. 

"'From  the  whole  of  this  transaction,  therefore,  we,  the  committee  for 
Norfolk  Borough,  do  give  it  as  our  unanimous  opinion,  that  the  said  John 
Brown  has  wilfully  and  perversely  violated  the  Continental  Association  to  which 
he  had  with  his  own  hand  subscribed  obedience ;  and  that,  agreeable  to  the 
eleventh  article,  we  are  bound  forthwith  to  publish  the  truth  of  the  case,  to 
the  end  that  all  such  foes  to  the  rights  of  British  America  may  be  publicly 
known  and  universally  contemned  as  the  enemies  of  American  liberty,  and  that 
every  person  may  henceforth  break  off  all  dealings  with  him.'  " 

And  the  first  delegation  from  Virginia  to  Congress  in  August, 
1774,  had  instructions  as  follows,  drawn  by  Thomas  Jefferson  :  — 

"  For  the  most  trifling  reasons,  and  sometimes  for  no  conceivable  reason 
at  all,  his  Majesty  has  rejected  laws  of  the  most  salutary  tendency.  The  aboli 
tion  of  domestic  slavery  is  the  great  object  of  desire  in  those  Colonies,  ivJicre  it 
was,  unhappily,  introduced  in  their  infant  state.  But,  previous  to  tJie  enfran 
chisement  of  the  slaves  ive  have,  it  is  necessary  to  exclude  all  further  importa 
tions  from  Africa.  Yet  our  repeated  attempts  to  effect  this  by  prohibitions, 
and  by  imposing  duties  which  might  amount  to  a  prohibition,  have  been  hitherto 
defeated  by  his  Majesty's  negative ;  thus  preferring  the  immediate  advantages 

1  Sparks's  Franklin,  vol.  viii.  p.  42. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  329 

of  a  few  British  corsairs  to  the  lasting  interests  of  the  American  States,  and 
to  the  rights  of  human  nature,  deeply  wounded  by  this  infamous  practice." « 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  mention  the  fact,  that  there  were 
several  very  cogent  passages  in  the  first  draught  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  that  were  finally  omitted.  The  one  most 
pertinent  to  this  history  is  here  given  :  — 

"  He  has  waged  cruel  war  against  human  nature  itself,  violating  its  most 
sacred  rights  of  life  and  liberty  in  the  persons  of  a  distant  people  who  never 
offended  him;  captivating  and  carrying  them  into  slavery  in  another  hemi 
sphere,  or  to  incur  miserable  death  in  their  transportation  thither.  This  pirati 
cal  warfare,  the  opprobrium  of  Infidel  powers,  is  the  warfare  of  the  Christian 
king  of  Great  Britain.  Determined  to  keep  open  a  market  where  men  should 
be  bought  and  sold,  he  has  prostituted  his  negative  for  suppressing  every  legis 
lative  attempt  to  prohibit  or  to  restrain  this  execrable  commerce.  And,  that 
this  assemblage  of  horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  distinguished  die,  he  is  now 
exciting  those  very  people  to  rise  in  arms  among  us,  and  to  purchase  that 
liberty  of  which  he  has  deprived  them,  by  murdering  the  people  on  whom  he 
also  obtruded  them ;  thus  paying  off  former  crimes  committed  against  the 
liberties  of  one  people  with  crimes  which  he  urges  them  to  commit  against 
the  lives  of  another."  2 

The  solicitude  concerning  the  slavery  question  was  not  sa 
great  in  the  Northern  colonies.  The  slaves  were  not  so  numerous 
as  in  the  Carolinas  and  other  Southern  colonies.  The  severe 
treatment  of  slaves  had  been  greatly  modified,  the  spirit  of 
masters  toward  them  more  gentle  and  conciliatory,  and  the 
public  sentiment  concerning  them  more  humane.  Public  discus 
sion  of  the  Negro  question,  however,  was  cautiously  avoided. 
The  failure  of  attempted  legislation  friendly  to  the  slaves  had 
discouraged  their  friends,  while  the  critical  situation  of  public 
affairs  made  the  supporters  of  slavery  less  aggressive.  On  the 
25th  of  October,  1774,  an  effort  was  made  in  the  Provincial  Con 
gress  of  Massachusetts  to  re-open  the  discussion,  but  it  failed. 
The  record  of  the  attempt  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  Mr.  Wheeler  brought  into  Congress  a  letter  directed  to  Doct.  Appleton, 
purporting  the  propriety,  that  while  we  are  attempting  to  free  ourselves  from 
our  present  embarrassments,  and  preserve  ourselves  from  slavery,  that  we  also 
take  into  consideration  the  state  and  circumstances  of  the  negro  slaves  in  this 
province.  The  same  was  read,  and  it  was  moved  that  a  committee  be  appointed 
to  take  the  same  into  consideration.  After  some  debate  thereon,  the  question 
was  put,  whether  the  matter  now  subside,  and  it  passed  in  the  affirmative."  3 

1  Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  135.  2  Ibid.,  pp.  23,  24* 

3  Journals  of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Mass.,  p.  29. 


33°      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Thus  ended  the  attempt  to  call  the  attention  of  the  people's 
representatives  to  the  inconsistency  of  their  doctrine  and  practice 
on  the  question  of  the  equality  of  human  rights.  Further  agita 
tion  of  the  question,  followed  by  the  defeat  of  just  measures  in 
the  interest  of  the  slaves,  was  deemed  by  many  as  dangerous  to  the 
colony.  The  discussions  were  watched  by  the  Negroes  with  a 
lively  interest ;  and  failure  led  them  to  regard  the  colonists  as 
their  enemies,  and  greatly  embittered  them.  Then  it  was  difficult 
to  determine  just  what  would  be  wisest  to  do  for  the  enslaved  in 
this  colony.  The  situation  was  critical :  a  bold,  clear-headed, 
loyal-hearted  man  was  needed. 

On  Tuesday,  Oct.  2,  1750,  "The  Boston  Gazette,  or  Weekly 
Journal,"  contained  the  following  advertisement :  — 

"  T3  AN-away  from  his  master  William  Brown  of  Framingham,  on  the  3oth 
J-X  of  Sept.  last,  a  Molatto  Fellow,  about  27  Years  of  Age,  named  Crispas, 
6  Feet  2  Inches  high,  short  curl'd  Hair,  his  Knees  nearer  together  than  com 
mon  ;  had  on  a  light  colour'd  Bear-skin  Coat,  plain  brown  Fustain  Jacket,  or 
brown  all- Wool  one,  new  Buckskin  Breeches,  blue  Yarn  Stockings,  and  a 
checked  woolen  Shirt. 

"  Whoever  shall  take  up  said  Run-away,  and  convey  him  to  his  abovesaid 
Master,  shall  have  ten  Pounds,  old  Tenor  Reward,  and  all  necessary  Charges 
paid.  And  all  Masters  of  Vessels  and  others,  are  hereby  cautioned  against 
concealing  or  carrying  off  said  Servant  on  Penalty  of  the  Law.  Boston, 
October  2,  1 750." 

During  the  month  of  November, — the  I3th  and  2Oth, — a 
similar  advertisement  appeared  in  the  same  paper ;  showing  that 
the  "  Molatto  Fellow  "  had  not  returned  to  his  master. 

Twenty  years  later  "Crispas's  "  name  once  more  appeared  in 
the  journals  of  Boston.  This  time  he  was  not  advertised  as  a 
runaway  slave,  nor  was  there  reward  offered  for  his  apprehension. 
His  soul  and  body  were  beyond  the  cruel  touch  of  master  ;  the 
press  had  paused  to  announce  his  apotheosis,  and  to  write  the 
name  of  the  Negro  patriot,  soldier,  and  martyr  to  the  ripening 
cause  of  the  American  Revolution,  in  fadeless  letters  of  gold, — 
CRISPUS  ATTUCKS  ! 

On  March  5,  1770,  occurred  the  Boston  Massacre;  and,  while 
it  was  not  the  real  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle, 
it  was  the  bloody  drama  that  opened  the  most  eventful  and 
thrilling  chapter  in  American  history.  The  colonists  had  endured, 
with  obsequious  humility,  the  oppressive  acts  of  Britain,  the 
.swaggering  insolence  of  the  ministerial  troops,  and  the  sneers 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  331 

of  her  hired  minions.  The  aggressive  and  daring  men  had  found 
themselves  hampered  by  the  conservative  views  of  a  large  class  of 
colonists,  who  feared  lest  some  one  should  take  a  step  not  exactly 
according  to  the  law.  But  while  the  "wise  and  prudent"  were 
deliberating  upon  a  legal  method  of  action,  there  were  those,  who, 
"made  of  sterner  stuff,"  reasoned  right  to  the  conclusion,  that 
they  had  rights  as  colonists  that  ought  to  be  respected.  That 
there  was  cause  for  just  indignation  on  the  part  of  the  people 
towards  the  British  soldiers,  there  is  no  doubt.  But  there  is 
reason  to  question  the  time  and  manner  of  the  assault  made  by 
the  citizens.  Doubtless  they  had  "a  zeal,  but  not  according  to 
knowledge."  There  is  no  record  to  controvert  the  fact  of  the 
leadership  of  Crispus  Attucks.  A  manly-looking  fellow,  six  feet 
two  inches  in  height,  he  was  a  commanding  figure  among  the 
irate  colonists.  His  enthusiasm  for  the  threatened  interests  of 
the  Province,  his  loyalty  to  the  teachings  of  Otis,  and  his  willing 
ness  to  sacrifice  for  the  cause  of  equal  rights,  endowed  him  with  a 
courage,  which,  if  tempered  with  better  judgment,  would  have  made 
him  a  military  hero  in  his  day.  But  consumed  by  the  sacred  fires 
of  patriotism,  that  lighted  his  path  to  glory,  his  career  of  usefulness 
ended  at  the  beginning.  John  Adams,  as  the  counsel  for  the 
soldiers,  thought  that  the  patriots  Crispus  Attucks  led  were  a 
"rabble  of  saucy  boys,  negroes,  mulattoes,  &c.,"  who  could  not 
restrain  their  emotion.  Attucks  led  the  charge  with  the  shout, 
"The  way  to  get  rid  of  these  soldiers  is  to  attack  the  main-guard; 
strike  at  the  root :  this  is  the  nest."  A  shower  of  missiles  was 
answered  by  the  discharge  of  the  guns  of  Capt.  Preston's 
company.  The  exposed  and  commanding  person  of  the  intrepid 
Attucks  went  down  before  the  murderous  fire.  Samuel  Gray  and 
Jonas  Caldwell  were  also  killed,  while  Patrick  Carr  and  Samuel 
Maverick  were  mortally  wounded. 

The  scene  that  followed  beggared  description.  The  people 
ran  from  their  homes  and  places  of  business  into  the  streets, 
white  with  rage.  The  bells  rang  out  the  alarm  of  danger.  The 
bodies  of  Attucks  and  Caldwell  were  carried  into  Faneuil  Hall, 
where  their  strange  faces  were  viewed  by  the  largest  gathering  of 
people  ever  before  witnessed.  Maverick  was  buried  from  his 
mother's  house  in  Union  Street,  and  Gray  from  his  brother's 
residence  in  Royal  Exchange  Lane.  But  Attucks  and  Caldwell, 
strangers  in  the  city,  without  relatives,  were  buried  from  Faneuil 
Hall,  so  justly  called  "  the  Cradle  of  Liberty."  The  four  hearses 


332      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

formed  a  junction  in  King  Street ;  and  from  thence  the  procession 
moved  in  columns  six  deep,  with  a  long  line  of  coaches  containing 
the  first  citizens  of  Boston.  The  obsequies  were  witnessed  by  a 
very  large  and  respectful  concourse  of  popple.  The  bodies  were 
deposited  in  one  grave,  over  which  a  stone  was  placed  bearing 
this  inscription  :  — 

"  Long  as  in  Freedom's  cause  the  wise  contend, 
Dear  to  your  country  shall  your  fame  extend ; 
While  to  the  world  the  lettered  stone  shall  tell 
Where  Caldwell,  Attucks,  Gray  and  Maverick  fell." 

Who  was  Crispus  Attucks  ?  A  Negro  whose  soul,  galling 
under  the  destroying  influence  of  slavery,  went  forth  a  freeman, 
went  forth  not  only  to  fight  for  his  liberty,  but  to  give  his  life  as 
an  offering  upon  the  altar  of  American  liberty.  He  was  not  a 
madcap,  as  some  would  have  the  world  believe.  He  was  not 
ignorant  of  the  issues  between  the  American  colonies  and  the 
English  government,  between  the  freemen  of  the  colony  and  the 
dictatorial  governors.  Where  he  was  during  the  twenty  years 
from  1750  to  17/0,  is  not  known;  but  doubtless  in  Boston,  where 
he  had  heard  the  fiery  eloquence  of  Otis,  the  convincing  argu 
ments  of  Sewall,  and  the  tender  pleadings  of  Belknap.  He  had 
learned  to  spell  out  the  fundamental  principles  that  should  govern 
well-regulated  communities  and  states ;  and,  having  come  to  the 
rapturous  consciousness  of  his  freedom  in  fee  simple,  the  brightest 
crown  God  places  upon  mortal  man,  he  felt  himself  neighbor  and 
friend.  His  patriotism  was  not  a  mere  spasm  produced  by  sudden 
and  exciting  circumstances.  It  was  an  education  ;  and  knowledge 
comes  from  experience ;  and  the  experience  of  this  black  hero 
was  not  of  a  single  day.  Some  time  before  the  memorable  5th  of 
March,  Crispus  addressed  the  following  spirited  letter  to  the  Tory 
governor  of  the  Province  :  — 

"To  THOMAS  HUTCHINSON:  Sir,  —  You  will  hear  from  us  with  astonish 
ment.  You  ought  to  hear  from  us  with  horror.  You  are  chargeable  before 
God  and  man,  with  our  blood.  The  soldiers  were  but  passive  instruments, 
mere  machines ;  neither  moral  nor  voluntary  agents  in  our  destruction,  more 
than  the  leaden  pellets  with  which  we  were  wounded.  You  was  a  free  agent. 
You  acted,  coolly,  deliberately,  with  all  that  premeditated  malice,  not  against  us 
in  particular,  but  against  the  people  in  general,  which,  in  the  sight  of  the  law, 
is  an  ingredient  in  the  composition  of  murder.  You  will  hear  further  from  us 
hereafter.  CRISPUS  ATTUCKS."  « 

1  Adams's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  322. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  333 

This  was  the  declaration  of  war.  It  was  fulfilled.  The  world 
has  heard  from  him ;  and,  more,  the  English-speaking  world  will 
never  forget  the  noble  daring  and  excusable  rashness  of  Attucks 
in  the  holy  cause  of  liberty !  Eighteen  centuries  before  he  was 
saluted  by  death  and  kissed  by  immortality,  another  Negro  bore 
the  cross  of  Christ  to  Calvary  for  hirn.  And  when  the  colonists 
were  staggering  wearily  under  their  cross  of  woe,  a  Negro  came 
to  the  front,  and  bore  that  cross  to  the  victory  of  glorious 
martyrdom  ! 

And  the  people  did  not  agree  with  John  Adams  that  Attucks 
led  "  a  motley  rabble,"  but  a  band  of  patriots.  Their  evidence  of 
the  belief  they  entertained  was  to  be  found  in  the  annual  com 
memoration  of  the  "5th  of  March,"  when  orators,  in  measured 
sentences  and  impassioned  eloquence,  praised  the  hero-dead.  In 
March,  1775,  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  who  a  few  months  later,  as 
Gen.  Warren,  made  Bunker  Hill  the  shrine  of  New-England 
patriotism,  was  the  orator.  On  the  question  of  human  liberty, 
he  said,  — 

"  That  personal  freedom  is  the  natural  right  of  every  man,  and  that  property, 
or  an  exclusive  right  to  dispose  of  what  he  has  honestly  acquired  by  his  own 
labor,  necessarily  arises  therefrom,  are  truths  which  common  sense  has  placed 
beyond  the  reach  of  contradiction.  And  no  man,  or  body  of  men,  can,  without 
being  guilty  of  flagrant  injustice,  claim  a  right  to  dispose  of  the  persons  or 
acquisitions  of  any  other  man,  or  body  of  men,  unless  it  can  be  proved  that 
such  a  right  has  arisen  from  some  compact  between  the  parties,  in  which  it  has 
been  explicitly  and  freely  granted." 

These  noble  sentiments  were  sealed  by  his  blood  at  Bunker 
Hill,  on  the  I7th  of  June,  1775,  and  are  the  amulet  that  will  pro 
tect  his  fame  from  the  corroding  touch  of  centuries  of  time 

The  free  Negroes  of  the  Northern  colonies  responded  to  the 
call  " to  arms"  that  rang  from  the  placid  waters  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  to  the  verdant  hills  of  Berkshire,  and  from  Lake  Champlain 
to  the  upper  waters  of  the  Hudson.  Every  Northern  colony  had 
its  Negro  troops,  not  as  separate  organizations,  —  save  the  black 
regiment  of  Rhode  Island, — but  scattered  throughout  all  of  the 
white  organizations  of  the  army.  At  the  first  none  but  free 
Negroes  were  received  into  the  army ;  but  before  peace  came 
Negroes  were  not  only  admitted,  they  were  purchased,  and  sent 
into  the  war,  with  an  offer  of  freedom  and  fifty  dollars  bounty 
at  the  close  of  their  service.  On  the  2Qth  of  May,  1775,  the 
"Committee  of  Safety"  for  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  passed 


334      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  following  resolve  against  the  enlistment  of  Negro  slaves  as 
soldiers :  — 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  as  the  contest  now 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies  respects  the  liberties  and  privileges  of 
the  latter,  which  the  colonies  are  determined  to  maintain,  that  the  admission  of 
any  persons,  as  soldiers,  into  the  army  now  raising,  but  only  such  as  are  free 
men,  will  be  inconsistent  with  the  principles  that  are  to  be  supported,  and  reflect 
dishonor  on  this  colony,  and  that  no  slaves  be  admitted  into  this  army  upon  any 
consideration  whatever."  « 


On  Tuesday,  the  6th  of  June,  1775,  "A  resolve  of  the  com 
mittee  of  safety,  relative  to  the  [admission]  of  slaves  into  the 
army  was  read,  and  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table  for  further  con 
sideration."  2  But  this  was  but  another  evidence  of  the  cold, 
conservative  spirit  of  Massachusetts  on  the  question  of  other 
people's  rights. 

The  Continental  army  was  in  bad  shape.  Its  arms  and  cloth 
ing,  its  discipline  and  efficiency,  were  at  such  a  low  state  as  to 
create  the  gravest  apprehensions  and  deepest  solicitude.  Gen. 
George  Washington  took  command  of  the  army  in  and  around 
Boston,  on  the  3d  of  July,  1775,  and  threw  his  energies  into  the 
work  of  organization.  On  the  loth  of  July  he  issued  instructions 
to  the  recruiting-officers  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  which  he  for 
bade  the  enlistment  of  any  "negro,"  or  "any  Person  who  is  not 
an  American  born,  unless  such  Person  has  a  Wife  and  Family  and 
is  a  settled  resident  in  this  Country."  3  But,  nevertheless,  it  is  a 
curious  fact,  as  Mr.  Bancroft  says,  "the  roll  of  the  army  at  Cam 
bridge  had  from  its  first  formation  borne  the  names  of  men  of 
color."  "Free  negroes  stood  in  the  ranks  by  the  side  of  white 
men.  In  the  beginning  of  the  war  they  had  entered  the  pro 
vincial  army ;  the  first  general  order  which  was  issued  by  Ward, 
had  required  a  return,  among  other  things,  of  the  *  complexion ' 

1  Journals  of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Mass.,  p.  553.  2  Ibid.,  p.  302. 

3  The  following  is  a  copy  of  Gen.  Gates's  order  to  recruiting-officers :  — 

"  You  are  not  to  enlist  any  deserter  from  the  Ministerial  Army,  or  any  stroller,  negro,  or  vagabond, 
or  person  suspected  of  being  an  enemy  to  the  liberty  of  America,  nor  any  under  eighteen  years  of  age. 

"  As  the  cause  is  the  best  that  can  engage  men  of  courage  and  principle  to  take  up  arms,  so  it  is 
expected  that  none  but  such  will  be  accepted  by  the  recruiting  officer.  The  pay,  provision,  &c.,  being 
so  ample,  it  is  not  doubted  but  that  the  officers  sent  upon  this  service  will,  without  delay,  complete  their 
respective  corps,  and  march  the  men  forthwith  to  camp. 

"  You  are  not  to  enlist  any  person  who  is  not  an  American  born,  unless  such  person  has  a  wife  and 
family,  and  is  a  settled  resident  in  this  country.  The  persons  you  enlist  must  be  provided  with  good  and 
complete  arms." 

—  MOORE'S  Diary  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  i.  p.  no. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  335 

of  the  soldiers ;  and  black  men  like  others  were  retained  in  the 
service  after  the  troops  were  adopted  by  the  continent."  There 
is  no  room  to  doubt.  Negroes  were  in  the  army  from  first  to 
last,  but  were  there  in  contravention  of  law  and  positive  pro 
hibition.1 

On  the  29th  of  September,  1775,  a  spirited  debate  occurred 
in  the  Continental  Congress,  over  the  draught  of  a  letter  to  Gen. 
Washington,  reported  by  Lynch,  Lee,  and  Adams.  Mr.  Rutledge 
of  South  Carolina  moved  that  the  commander-in-chief  be  in 
structed  to  discharge  all  slaves  and  free  Negroes  in  his  army. 
The  Southern  delegates  supported  him  earnestly,  but  his  motion 
was  defeated.  Public  attention  was  called  to  the  question,  and  at 
length  the  officers  of  the  army  debated  it.  The  following  minute 
of  a  meeting  held  at  Cambridge  preserves  and  reveals  the  senti 
ment  of  the  general  officers  of  the  army  on  the  subject :  — 

"At  a  council  of  war,  held  at  head-quarters,  October  8th,  1775,  present: 
His  Excellency,  General  Washington ;  Major-Generals  Ward,  Lee,  and  Put 
nam;  Brigadier-Generals  Thomas,  Spencer,  Heath,  Sullivan,  Greene,  and 
Gates  —  the  question  was  proposed: 

"*  Whether  it  will  be  advisable  to  enlist  any  negroes  in  the  new  army?  or 
whether  there  be  a  distinction  between  such  as  are  slaves  and  those  who  are 
free?' 

"  It  was  agreed  unanimously  to  reject  all  slaves ;  and,  by  a  great  majority, 
to  reject  negroes  altogether." 

Ten  days  later,  Oct.  18,  1775,  a  committee  of  conference  met 
at  Cambridge,  consisting  of  Dr.  Franklin,  Benjamin  Harrison,  and 
Thomas  Lynch,  who  conferred  with  Gen.  Washington,  the  deputy- 
governors  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  and  the  Committee 
of  the  Council  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  The  object  of  the  confer 
ence  was  the  renovation  and  improvement  of  the  army.  On  the 
23d  of  October,  the  employment  of  Negroes  as  soldiers  came 
before  the  conference  for  action,  as  follows  :  — 

"Ought  not  negroes  to  be  excluded  from  the  new  enlistment,  especially 
such  as  are  slaves  ?  all  were  thought  improper  by  the  council  of  officers." 
"  Agreed  that  they  be  rejected  altogether." 

1  The  Provincial  Congress  of  South  Carolina,  Nov.  20,  1775,  passed  the  following  resolve:  — 

"  On  motion,  Resolved,  That  the  colonels  of  the  several  regiments  of  militia  throughout  the  Colony 

have  leave  to  enroll  such  a  number  of  able  male  slaves,  to  be  employed  as  pioneers  and  laborers,  as  public 

exigencies  may  require;  and  that  a  daily  pay  of  seven  shillings  and  sixpence  be  allowed  for  the  service  of 

each  such  slave  while  actually  employed." 

—  American  Archives,  4th  Series,  vol.  Iv.  p.  6. 


336      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

In  his  General  Orders,  issued  from  headquarters  on  the  I2th 
of  November,  1775,  Washington  said, — 

"  Neither  negroes,  boys  unable  to  bear  arms,  nor  old  men  unfit  to  endure 
the  fatigues  of  the  campaign,  are  to  be  enlisted."  * 

But  the  general  repaired  this  mistake  the  following  month. 
Lord  Dunmore  had  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  "  all  indented 
servants,  negroes,  or  others  (appertaining  to  rebels)  free."  Fear 
ing  lest  many  Negroes  should  join  the  ministerial  army,  in  Gen 
eral  Orders,  3Oth  December,  Washington  wrote  :  — 

"  As  the  General  is  informed  that  numbers  of  free  negroes  are  desirous  of 
enlisting,  he  gives  leave  to  the  recruiting  officers  to  entertain  them,  and  prom 
ises  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  Congress,  who,  he  doubts  not,  will  approve 
of  it." 

Lord  Dunmore's  proclamation  is  here  given  :  — 

"By  his  Excellency  the  Right  Honorable  JOHN,  Earl  of  DUNMORE,  his  Majes 
ty 's  Lieutenant  and  Governor-General  of  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Vir 
ginia^  and  Vice-Admiral  of  the  same, — 

"A   PROCLAMATION. 

"As  I  have  ever  entertained  hopes  that  an  accommodation  might  have 
taken  place  between  Great  Britain  and  this  Colony,  without  being  compelled 
by  my  duty  to  this  most  disagreeable  but  now  absolutely  necessary  step,  ren 
dered  so  by  a  body  of  armed  men,  unlawfully  assembled,  firing  on  his  Majesty's 
tenders ;  and  the  formation  of  an  army,  and  that  army  now  on  their  march  to 
attack  his  Majesty's  troops,  and  destroy  the  well-disposed  subject  of  this 
Colony :  To  defeat  such  treasonable  purposes,  and  that  all  such  traitors  and 
their  abettors  may  be  brought  to  justice,  and  that  the  peace  and  good  order  of 
this  Colony  may  be  again  restored,  which  the  ordinary  course  of  the  civil  law 
is  unable  to  effect,  I  have  thought  fit  to  issue  this  my  Proclamation ;  hereby 
declaring,  that,  until  the  aforesaid  good  purposes  can  be  obtained,  I  do,  in 
virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  to  me  given  by  his  Majesty,  determine  to 
execute  martial  law,  and  cause  the  same  to  be  executed,  throughout  this  Colo 
ny.  And,  to  the  end  that  peace  and  good  order  may  the  sooner  be  restored, 
I  do  require  every  person  capable  of  bearing  arms  to  resort  to  his  Majesty's 
standard,  or  be  looked  upon  as  traitors  to  his  Majesty's  Crown  and  Govern 
ment,  and  thereby  become  liable  to  the  penalty  the  law  inflicts  upon  such 
offences,  —  such  as  forfeiture  of  life,  confiscation  of  lands,  &c.,  &c.  And  I  do 
hereby  further  declare  all  indented  servants,  negroes,  or  others,  (appertaining 
to  Rebels,)  free,  that  are  able  and  willing  to  bear  arms,  they  joining  his  Majes 
ty's  troops,  as  soon  as  may  be,  for  the  more  speedily  reducing  this  Colony  to 
a  proper  sense  of  their  duty  to  his  Majesty's  crown  and  dignity.  I  do  further 


Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  iii.  p.  155,  note. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  337 

order  and  require  all  his  Majesty's  liege  subjects  to  retain  their  quit-rents,  or 
any  other  taxes  due,  or  that  may  become  due,  in  their  own  custody,  till  such 
time  as  peace  may  be  again  restored  to  this  at  present  most  unhappy  country, 
or  demanded  of  them,  for  their  former  salutary  purposes,  by  officers  properly 
authorized  to  receive  the  same. 

"Given  under  my  hand,  on  board  the  Ship  William,  off  Norfolk,  the 
seventh  day  of  November,  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  his  Majesty's  reign. 

"  DUNMORE. 

"  God  save  the  King  !  "  ' 

On  account  of  this,  on  the  3ist  of  December,  Gen.  Washington 
wrote  the  President  of  Congress  as  follows  :  — 

"  It  has  been  represented  to  me,  that  the  free  negroes,  who  have  served 
in  this  army,  are  very  much  dissatisfied  at  being  discarded.  As  it  is  to  be 
apprehended,  that  they  may  seek  employ  in  the  ministerial  army,  I  have  pre 
sumed  to  depart  from  the  resolution  respecting  them,  and  have  given  license 
for  their  being  enlisted.  If  this  is  disapproved  of  by  Congress,  I  will  put  a 
stop  to  it."  2 

This  letter  was  referred  to  a  committee  consisting  of  Messrs. 
Wythe,  Adams,  and  Wilson.  On  the  i6th  of  January,  1776,  they 
made  the  following  report :  — 

"That  the  free  negroes  who  have  served  faithfully  in  the  army  at  Cam 
bridge  may  be  re-enlist  —  therein,  but  no  others."  3 

This  action  on  the  part  of  Congress  had  reference  to  the  army 
around  Boston,  but  it  called  forth  loud  and  bitter  criticism  from 
the  officers  of  the  army  at  the  South.  In  a  letter  to  John  Adams, 
dated  Oct.  24,  1775,  Gen.  Thomas  indicated  that  there  was  some 
feeling  even  before  the  action  of  Congress  was  secured.  He 
says,  — 

"  I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  any  prejudices  should  take  place  in  any-  Southern 
colony,  with  respect  to  the  troops  raised  in  this.  I  am  certain  the  insinuations 
you  mention  are  injurious,  if  we  consider  with  what  precipitation  we  were 
obliged  to  collect  an  army.  In  the  regiments  at  Roxbury,  the  privates  are 
equal  to  any  that  I  served  with  in  the  last  war ;  very  few  old  men,  and  in  the 
ranks  very  few  boys.  Our  fifers  are  many  of  them  boys.  We  have  some 
negroes ;  but  I  look  on  them,  in  general,  equally  serviceable  with  other  men 
for  fatigue ;  and,  in  action,  many  of  them  have  proved  themselves  brave. 

"  I  would  avoid  all  reflection,  or  any  thing  that  may  tend  to  give  umbrage ; 
but  there  is  in  this  army  from  the  southward  a  number  called  riflemen,  who  are 

1  Force's  American  Archives,  4th  Series,  vol.  iii.  p.  1,385. 
2  Sparks's  Washington,  vo\.  iii.  p.  218.  3  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  ii.  p.  26. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

as  indifferent  men  as  I  ever  served  with.  These  privates  are  mutinous,  and 
often  deserting  to  the  enemy;  unwilling  for  duty  of  any  kind;  exceedingly 
vicious ;  and,  I  think,  the  army  here  would  be  as  well  without  as  with  them. 
But  to  do  justice  to  their  officers,  they  are,  some  of  them,  likely  men." 

The  Dunmore  proclamation  was  working  great  mischief  in  the 
Southern  colonies.  The  Southern  colonists  were  largely  engaged 
in  planting,  and,  as  they  were  Tories,  did  not  rush  to  arms  with 
the  celerity  that  characterized  the  Northern  colonists.  At  an 
early  moment  in  the  struggle,  the  famous  Rev.  Dr.  Hopkins  of 
Rhode  Island  wrote  the  following  pertinent  extract :  — 

"  God  is  so  ordering  it  in  his  providence,  that  it  seems  absolutely  necessary 
something  should  speedily  be  done  with  respect  to  the  slaves  among  us,  in 
order  to  our  safety,  and  to  prevent  their  turning  against  us  in  our  present 
struggle,  in  order  to  get  their  liberty.  Our  oppressors  have  planned  to  gain 
the  blacks,  and  induce  them  to  take  up  arms  against  us,  by  promising  them 
liberty  on  this  condition;  and  this  plan  they  are  prosecuting  to  the  utmost  of 
their  power,  by  which  means  they  have  persuaded  numbers  to  join  them.  And 
should  we  attempt  to  restrain  them  by  force  and  severity,  keeping  a  strict 
guard  over  them,  and  punishing  them  severely  who  shall  be  detected  in 
attempting  to  join  our  opposers,  this  will  only  be  making  bad  worse,  and  serve 
to  render  our  inconsistence,  oppression,  and  cruelty  more  criminal,  perspicuous, 
and  shocking,  and  bring  down  the  righteous  vengeance  of  Heaven  on  our 
heads.  The  only  way  pointed  out  to  prevent  this  threatening  evil  is  to  set  the 
blacks  at  liberty  ourselves  by  some  public  acts  and  laws,  and  then  give  them 
proper  encouragement  to  labor,  or  take  arms  in  the  defence  of  the  American 
cause,  as  they  shall  choose.  This  would  at  once  be  doing  them  some  degree 
of  justice,  and  defeating  our  enemies  in  the  scheme  that  they  are  prosecuting."  * 

On  Sunday,  the  24th  of  September,  1775,  John  Adams  re 
corded  the  following  conversation,  that  goes  to  show  that  Lord 
Dunmore's  policy  was  well  matured  :  — 

"  In-  the  evening,  Mr.  Bullock  and  Mr.  Houston,  two  gentlemen  from 
Georgia,  came  into  our  room,  and  smoked  and  chatted  the  whole  evening. 
Houston  and  Adams  disputed  the  whole  time  in  good  humor.  They  are  both 
dabs  at  disputation,  I  think.  Houston,  a  lawyer  by  trade,  is  one  of  course,  and 
Adams  is  not  a  whit  less  addicted  to  it  than  the  lawyers.  The  question  was, 
whether  all  America  was  not  in  a  state  of  war^and  whether  we  ought  to  con 
fine  ourselves  to  act  upon  the  defensive  only?  He  was  for  acting  offensively, 
next  spring  or  this  fall,  if  the  petition  was  rejected  or  neglected.  If  it  was  not 
answered,  and  favorably  answered,  he  would  be  for  acting  against  Britain  and 
Britons,  as,  in  open  war,  against  French  and  Frenchmen ;  fit  privateers,  and 
take  their  ships  anywhere.  These  gentlemen  give  a  melancholy  account  of 

1  Hopkins's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  584. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  339 

the  State  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina.  They  say  that  if  one  thousand 
regular  troops  should  land  in  Georgia,  and  their  commander  be  provided  with 
arms  and  clothes  enough,  and  proclaim  freedom  to  all  the  negroes  who  would 
join  his  camp,  twenty  thousand  negroes  would  join  it  from  the  two  Provinces 
in  a  fortnight.  The  negroes  have  a  wonderful  art  of  communicating  intelli 
gence  among  themselves;  it  will  run  several  hundreds  of  miles  in  a  week  or 
fortnight.  They  say,  their  only  security  is  this ;  that  all  the  king's  friends,  and 
tools  of  government,  have  large  plantations,  and  property  in  negroes ;  so  that 
the  slaves  of  the  Tories  would  be  lost,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Whigs."  * 


The  Negroes  in  Virginia  sought  the  standards  of  the  minis 
terial  army,  and  the  greatest  consternation  prevailed  among  the 
planters.  On  the  2/th  of  November,  1775,  Edmund  Pendleton 
wrote  to  Richard  Lee  that  the  slaves  were  daily  flocking  to  the 
British  army. 

"  The  Governour,  hearing  of  this,  marched  out  with  three  hundred  and  fifty 
soldiers,  Tories  and  slaves,  to  Kemp's  Landing;  and  after  setting  up  his 
standard,  and  issuing  his  proclamation,  declaring  all  persons  Rebels  who  took  up 
arms  for  the  country,  and  inviting  all  slaves,  servants,  and  apprentices  to  come 
to  him  and  receive  arms,  he  proceeded  to  intercept  Hutchings  and  his  party, 
upon  whom  he  came  by  surprise,  but  received,  it  seems,  so  warm  a  fire,  that  the 
ragamuffins  gave  way.  They  were,  however,  rallied  on  discovering  that  two 
companies  of  our  militia  gave  way;  and  left  Hutchings  and  Dr.  Reid  with  a  vol 
unteer  company,  who  maintained  their  ground  bravely  till  they  were  overcome 
by  numbers,  and  took  shelter  in  a  swamp.  The  slaves  were  sent  in  pursuit  of 
them ;  and  one  of  Col.  Hutchings's  own,  with  another,  found  him.  On  their 
approach,  he  discharged  his  pistol  at  his  slave,  but  missed  him ;  and  was  taken 
by  them,  after  receiving  a  wound  in  his  face  with  a  sword.  The  number 
taken  or  killed,  on  either  side,  is  not  ascertained.  •  It  is  said  the  Governour 
went  to  Dr.  Reid's  shop,  and,  after  taking  the  medicines  and  dressings  neces 
sary  for  his  wounded  men,  broke  all  the  others  to  pieces.  Letters  mention 
that  slaves  flock  to  him  in  abundance ;  but  I  hope  it  is  magnified."2 

But  the  dark  stream  of  Negroes  that  had  set  in  toward  the 
English  troops,  where  they  were  promised  the  privilege  of  bear 
ing  arms  and  their  freedom,  could  not  easily  be  stayed.  The 
proclamation  of  Dunmore  received  the  criticism  of  the  press,  and 
the  Negroes  were  appealed  to  and  urged  to  stand  by  their  "true 
friends."  A  Williamsburg  paper,  printed  on  the  23d  of  Novem 
ber,  1775,  contained  the  following  well-written  plea:  — 

1  Works  of  John  Adams,  vol.  ii.  p.  428. 

2  Force's  American  Archives,  4th  Series,  vol.  iv.  p.  202. 


340      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"CAUTION   TO   THE   NEGROES. 

"The  second  class  of  people  for  whose  sake  a  few  remarks  upon  this 
proclamation  seem  necessary  is  the  Negroes.  They  have  been  flattered  with 
their  freedom,  if  they  be  able  to  bear  arms,  and  will  speedily  join  Lord  Dun- 
more's  troops.  To  none,  then,  is  freedom  promised,  but  to  such  as  are  able  to 
do  Lord  Dunmore  service.  The  aged,  the  infirm,  the  women  and  children,  are 
still  to  remain  the  property  of  their  masters,  —  of  masters  who  will  be  pro 
voked  to  severity,  should  part  of  their  slaves  desert  them.  Lord  Dunmore's 
declaration,  therefore,  is  a  cruel  declaration  to  the  Negroes.  He  does  not 
pretend  to  make  it  out  of  any  tenderness  to  them,  but  solely  upon  his  own 
account ;  and,  should  it  meet  with  success,  it  leaves  by  far  the  greater  number 
at  the  mercy  of  an  enraged  and  injured  people.  But  should  there  be  any 
amongst  the  Negroes  weak  enough  to  believe  that  Lord  Dunmore  intends  to  do 
them  a  kindness,  and  wicked  enough  to  provoke  the  fury  of  the  Americans 
against  their  defenceless  fathers  and  mothers,  their  wives,  their  women  and 
children,  let  them  only  consider  the  difficulty  of  effecting  their  escape,  and 
what  they  must  expect  to  suffer  if  they  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 
Let  them  further  consider  what  must  be  their  fate  should  the  English  prove 
conquerors.  If  we  can  judge  of  the  future  from  the  past,  it  will  not  be  much 
mended.  Long  have  the  Americans,  moved  by  compassion  and  actuated  by 
sound  policy,  endeavored  to  stop  the  progress  of  slavery.  Our  Assemblies 
have  repeatedly  passed  acts,  laying  heavy  duties  upon  imported  Negroes ;  by 
which  they  meant  altogether  to  prevent  the  horrid  traffick.  But  their  humane 
intentions  have  been  as  often  frustrated  by  the  cruelty  and  covetousness  of  a 
set  of  English  merchants,  who  prevailed  upon  the  King  to  repeal  our  kind  and 
merciful  acts,  little,  indeed,  to  the  credit  of  his  humanity.  Can  it,  then,  be 
supposed  that  the  Negroes  will  be  better  used  by  the  English,  who  have  always 
encouraged  and  upheld  this  slavery,  than  by  their  present  masters,  who  pity 
their  condition ;  who  wish,  in  general,  to  make  it  as  easy  and  comfortable  as 
possible  ;  and  who  would,  were  it  in  their  power,  or  were  they  permitted,  not 
cnly  prevent<any  more  Negroes  from  losing  their  freedom,  but  restore  it  to  such 
as  have  already  unhappily  lost  it?  No:  the  ends  of  Lord  Dunmore  and  his 
party  being  answered,  they  will  either  give  up  the  offending  Negroes  to  the 
rigor  of  the  laws  they  have  broken,  or  sell  them  in  the  West  Indies,  where 
every  year  they  sell  many  thousands  of  their  miserable  brethren,  to  perish 
either  by  the  inclemency  of  weather  or  the  cruelty  of  barbarous  masters.  Be 
not  then,  ye  Negroes,  tempted  by  this  proclamation  to  ruin  yourselves.  I  have 
given  vou  a  faithful  view  of  what  you  are  to  expect;  and  declare  before  God, 
in  doing  it,  I  have  considered  your  welfare,  as  well  as  that  of  the  country. 
Whether  you  will  profit  by  my  advice,  I  cannot  tell ;  but  this  I  know,  that, 
whether  we  suffer  or  not,  if  you  desert  us,  you  most  certainly  will."  x 

But  the  Negroes  had  been  demoralized,  and  it  required  an 
extraordinary  effort  to  quiet  them.  On  the  I3th  of  December, 
the  Virginia  Convention  put  forth  an  answer  to  the  proclamation 

1  Force's  American  Archives,  4th  Series,  vol.  iii.  p.  1.387. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  341 

of  Lord  Dunmore.  On  the  I4th  of  December  a  proclamation  was 
issued  "  offering  pardon  to  such  slaves  as  shall  return  to  their 
duty  within  ten  days  after  the  publication  thereof."  The  follow 
ing  was  their  declaration  :  — 


"  By  the  Representatives  of  the  People  of  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Vir 
ginia,  assembled  in  General  Convention, 

"A   DECLARATION. 

"Whereas  Lord  Dunmore,  by  his  Proclamation  dated  on  board  the  ship 
*  William,'  off  Norfolk,  the  seventh  day  of  November,  1775,  hath  offered  free 
dom  to  such  able-bodied  slaves  as  are  willing  to  join  him,  and  take  up  arms 
against  the  good  people  of  this  Colony,  giving  thereby  encouragement  to  a 
general  insurrection,  which  may  induce  a  necessity  of  inflicting  the  severest 
punishments  upon  those  unhappy  people,  already  deluded  by  his  base  and 
insidious  arts ;  and  whereas,  by  an  act  of  the  General  Assembly  now  in  force 
in  this  Colony,  it  is  enacted,  that  all  negro  or  other  slaves,  conspiring  to  rebel 
or  make  insurrection,  shall  suffer  death,  and  be  excluded  all  benefit  of  clergy; 
—  we  think  it  proper  to  declare,  that  all  slaves  who  have  been  or  shall  be 
seduced,  by  his  Lordship's  Proclamation,  or  T>ther  arts,  to  desert  their  masters' 
service,  and  take  up  arms  against  the  in*"* Chants  of  this  Colony,  shall  be  liable 
to  such  punishment  as  shall  hereafter  *>e  directed  by  the  General  Convention. 
And  to  the  end  that  all  such  wh<>  ^2ve  taken  this  unlawful  and  wicked  step 
may  return  in  safety  to  their  di^y,  and  escape  the  punishment  due  to  their 
crimes,  we  hereby  promise  p**7don  to  them,  they  surrendering  themselves  to 
Colonel  William  Woodfo"^  or  any  other  commander  of  our  troops,  and  not 
appearing  in  arms  s-^tcr  the  publication  hereof.  And  we  do  further  earnestly 
recommend  it  to  all  humane  and  benevolent  persons  in  this  Colony  to  explain 
and  make  kr^wn  this  our  offer  of  mercy  to  those  unfortunate  people." I 


Gen,  '  -ashington  was  not  long  in  observing  the  effects  of  the 
proclamation.  He  began  to  fully  realize  the  condition 
of  affiars  at  the  South,  and  on  Dec.  15  wrote  Joseph  Reed  as 
follows  :  — 

"  If  the  Virginians  are  wise,  that  arch-traitor  to  the  rights  of  humanity, 
Lord  Dunmore,  should  be  instantly  crushed,  if  it  takes  the  force  of  the  whole 
army  to  do  it;  otherwise,  like  a  snow-ball  in  rolling,  his  army  will  get  size, 
some  through  fear,  some  through  promises,  and  some  through  inclination, 
joining  his  standard :  but  that  which  renders  the  measure  indispensably  neces 
sary  is  the  negroes ;  for,  if  he  gets  formidable,  numbers  of  them  will  be  tempted 
to  join  who  will  be  afraid  to  do  it  without."  * 


1  Force's  American  Archives,  4th  Series,  vol.  iv.  pp.  84,  85. 
*  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Joseph  Reed,  vol.  i.  p.  135. 


342      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  slaves  themselves  were  not  incapable  of  perceiving  the 
cunning  of  Lord  Dunmore.  England  had  forced  slavery  upon  the 
colonists  against  their  protest,  had  given  instructions  to  the  royal 
governors  concerning  the  increase  of  the  traffic,  and  therefore 
could  not  be  more  their  friends  than  the  colonists.  The  number 
that  went  over  to  the  enemy  grew  smaller  all  the  while,  and 
finally  the  British  were  totally  discouraged  in  this  regard.  Lord 
Dunmore  was  unwilling  to  acknowledge  the  real  cause  of  his  fail 
ure  to  secure  black  recruits,  and  so  he  charged  it  to  the  fever. 

"LORD   DUNMORE   TO   THE   SECRETARY   OF   STATE. 

[No.   I.]  "Snip  'DUNMORE,'  IN  ELIZABETH  RIVER,  VIRGINIA, 

3oth  March,  1776. 

"  Your  Lordship  will  observe  by  my  letter,  No.  34,  that  I  have  been  en 
deavouring  to  raise  two  regiments  here  —  one  of  white  people,  the  other  of 
black.  The  former  goes  on  very  slowly,  but  the  latter  very  well,  and  would 
have  been  in  great  forwardness,  had  not  a  fever  crept  in  amongst  them,  which 
carried  off  a  great  many  very  fine  fellows." 

[No.  3.]  "SHIP  'DUNMORE,'  IN  GWIN'S  ISLAND  HARBOUR,  VIRGINIA, 

June  26,  1776. 

"  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  inform  your  Lordship,  that  that  fever,  of  which 
I  informed  you  in  my  letter  No.  I,  has  proved  a  very  malignant  one,  and  has 
carried  off.  an  incredible  number  of  our  people,  especially  the  blacks.  Had  it 
not  been  for  this  horrid  disorder,  I  am  satisfied  I  should  have  had  two  thousand 
blacks ;  with  whom  I  should  have  had  no  doubt  of  penetrating  into  the  heart 
of  this  Colony."  * 

While  the  colonists  felt,  as  Dr.  Hopkins  had  written,  that  some 
thing  ought  to  be  done  toward  securing  the  services  of  the  Negroes, 
yet  their  representatives  were  not  disposed  to  legislate  the  Negro 
into  the  army.  He  was  there,  and  still  a  conservative  policy  was 
pursued  respecting  him.  Some  bold  officers  took  it  upon  them 
selves  to  receive  Negroes  as  soldiers.  Gen.  Greene,  in  a  letter  to 
Gen.  Washington,  called  attention  to  the  raising  of  a  Negro  regi 
ment  on  Staten  Island. 

"CAMP  ON  LONG  ISLAND, 

July  21,  1776,  two  o'clock. 

"Sm;  Colonel  Hand  reports  seven  large  ships  are  coming  up  from  the 
Hook  to  the  Narrows. 

"  A  negro  belonging  to  one  Strickler,  at  Gravesend,  was  taken  prisoner  (as 

1  Force's  American  Archives,  5th  Series,  vol.  ii.  pp.  160,  162. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMEN1    OF  NEGROES.  343 

he  says)  last  Sunday  at  Coney  Island.  Yesterday  he  made  his  escape,  and  was 
taken  prisoner  by  the  rifle-guard.  He  reports  eight  hundred  negroes  collected 
on  Staten  Island,  this  day  to  be  formed  into  a  regiment. 

"  I  am  your  Excellency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"N.  GREENE. 
"  To  his  Excellency  GEN.  WASHINGTON,  Headquarters,  New  York."  x 

To  the  evidence  already  produced  as  to  the  indiscriminate 
employment  of  Negroes  as  soldiers  in  the  American  army,  the 
observations  of  a  foreign  officer  are  added.  Under  date  of  the  23d 
of  October,  1777,  a  Hessian  officer  wrote  :2  — 

"  From  here  to  Springfield,  there  are  few  habitations  which  have  not  a 
negro  family  dwelling  in  a  small  house  near  by.  The  negroes  are  here  as 
fruitful  as  other  cattle.  The  young  ones  are  well  foddered,  especially  while 
they  are  still  calves.  Slavery  is,  moreover,  very  gainful.  The  negro  is  to  be 
considered  just  as  the  bond-servant  of  a  peasant.  The  negress  does  all  the 
coarse  work  of  the  house,  and  the  little  black  young  ones  wait  on  the  little 
white  young  ones.  The  negro  can  take  the  field,  instead  of  his  master;  and 
therefore  no  regiment  is  to  be  seen  in  which  there  are  not  negroes  in  abundance: 
and  among  tJictn  there  are  able-bodied,  strong,  and  brave  fellows.  Here,  too, 
there  are  many  families  of  free  negroes,  who  live  in  good  houses,  have  prop 
erty,  and  live  just  like  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants."  3 

In  the  month  of  May,  1777,  the  Legislature  of  Connecticut 
•sought  to  secure  some  action  on  the  subject  of  the  employment 
of  Negroes  as  soldiers." 

"In  May,  1777,  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut  appointed  a  Com 
mittee  *  to  take  into  consideration  the  state  and  condition  of  the  negro  and 
mulatto  slaves  in  this  State,  and  what  may  be  done  for  their  emancipation.' 
This  Committee,  in  a  report  presented  at  the  same  session  (signed  by  the 
•chairman,  the  Hon.  Matthew  Griswold  of  Lyme),  recommended  — 

"'That  the  effective  negro  and  mulatto  slaves  be  allowed  to 'enlist  with  the 
Continental  battalions  now  raising  in  this  State,  under  the  following  regulations 
and  restrictions :  viz.,  that  all  such  negro  and  mulatto  slaves  as  can  procure, 
either  by  bounty,  hire,  or  in  any  other  way,  such  a  sum  to  be  paid  to  their 
masters  as  such  negro  or  mulatto  shall  be  judged  to  be  reasonably  worth  by 
the  selectmen  of  the  town  where  such  negro  or  mulatto  belongs,  shall  be 
allowed  to  enlist  into  either  of  said  battalions,  and  shall  thereupon  be,  de  facto, 
free  and  emancipated ;  and  that  the  master  of  such  negro  or  mulatto  shall  be 
exempted  from  the  support  and  maintenance  of  such  negro  or  mulatto,  in  case 

1  Force's  American  Archives,  5th  Series,  vol.  i.  p.  486. 

2  During  a  few  months  of  study  in  New-York  City,  I  came  across  the  above  in  the  library  of 
the  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc. 

3  Schloezer's  Briefwechsel,  vol.  iv.  p.  365. 


344      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

such  negro  or  mulatto  shall  hereafter  become  unable  to  support  and  maintain, 
himself. 

" '  And  that,  in  case  any  such  negro  or  mulatto  slave  shall  be  disposed  to 
enlist  into  either  of  said  battalions  during  the  [war],  he  shall  be  allowed  so  to 
do :  and  such  negro  or  mulatto  shall  be  appraised  by  the  selectmen  of  the  town 
to  which  he  belongs ;  and  his  master  shall  be  allowed  to  receive  the  bounty  to 
which  such  slave  may  be  entitled,  and  also  one-half  of  the  annual  wages  of 
such  slave  during  the  time  he  shall  continue  in  said  service ;  provided,  however, 
that  said  master  shall  not  be  allowed  to  receive  such  part  of  said  wages  after 
he  shall  have  received  so  much  as  amounts,  together  with  the  bounty,  to  the 
sum  at  which  he  was  appraised.'  " 

In  the  lower  house  the  report  was  put  over  to  the  next  session, 
but  when  it  reached  the  upper  house  it  was  rejected. 

"You  will  see  by  the  Report  of  Committee,  May,  1777,  that  General 
Varnum's  plan  for  the  enlistment  of  slaves  had  been  anticipated  in  Connecti 
cut;  with  this  difference,  that  Rhode  Island  adopted  it,  while  Connecticut  did 
not. 

"  The  two  States  reached  nearly  the  same  results  by  different  methods. 
The  unanimous  declaration  of  the  officers  at  Cambridge,  in  the  winter  of  1775, 
against  the  enlistment  of  slaves,  —  confirmed  by  the  Committee  of  Congress, 
—  had  some  weight,  I  think,  with  the  Connecticut  Assembly,  so  far  as  the 
formal  enactment  of  a  law  authorizing  such  enlistments  was  in  question.  At. 
the  same  time,  Washington's  license  to  continue  the  enlistment  of  negroes  was 
regarded  as  a  rule  of  action,  both  by  the  selectmen  in  making  up,  and  by  the 
State  Government  in  accepting,  the  quota  of  the  towns.  The  process  of 
draughting,  in  Connecticut,  was  briefly  this:  The  able-bodied  men,  in  each 
town,  were  divided  into  '  classes  ; '  and  each  class  was  required  to  furnish  one- 
or  more  men,  as  the  town's  quota  required,  to  answer  a  draught.  Now,  the 
Assembly,  at  the  same  session  at  which  the  proposition  for  enlisting  slaves  was 
rejected  (May,  1777),  passed  an  act  providing  that  any  two  men  belonging  to- 
this  State,  '  who  should  procure  an  able-bodied  soldier  or  recruit  to  enlist  into 
either  of  the  Continental  battalions  to  be  raised  from  this  State,'  should  them 
selves  be  exempted  from  draught  during  the  continuance  of  such  enlistment 
Of  recruits  or  draughted  men  thus  furnished,  neither  the  selectmen  nor  com 
manding  officers  questioned  the  color  or  the  civil  status  :  white  and  black,  bond 
and  free,  if  'able-bodied,'  went  on  the  roll  together,  accepted  as  the  representa 
tives  of  their  '  class,'  or  as  substitutes  for  their  employers.  At  the  next  session 
(October,  1 777),  an  act  was  passed  which  gave  more  direct  encouragement  to 
the  enlistment  of  slaves.  By  this  existing  law,  the  master  who  emancipated  a 
slave  was  not  released  from  the  liability  to  provide  for  his  support.  This  law 
was  now  so  amended,  as  to  authorize  the  selectmen  of  any  town,  on  the 
application  of  the  master,  —  after  'inquiry  into  the  age,  abilities,  circum 
stances,  and  character'  of  the  servant  or  slave,  and  being  satisfied  'that  it  was 
likely  to  be  consistent  with  his  real  advantage,  and  that  it  was  probable  that  he 
would  be  able  to  support  himself,'  —  to  grant  liberty  for  his  emancipation,  and 
to  discharge  the  master  'from  any  charge  or  cost  which  may  be  occasioned  by 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  345 

maintaining  or  supporting  the  servant  or  slave  made  free  as  aforesaid.'  This 
enactment  enabled  the  selectmen  to  offer  an  additional  inducement  to  enlist 
ment,  for  making  up  the  quota  of  the  town.  The  slave  (or  servant  for  term  of 
years)  might  receive  his  freedom :  the  master  might  secure  exemption  from 
draught,  and  a  discharge  from  future  liabilities,  to  which  he  must  otherwise 
have  been  subjected.  In  point  of  fact,  some  hundreds  of  blacks — slaves  and 
freemen  —  were  enlisted,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  regiments  of  the  State  troops 
and  of  the  Connecticut  line.  How  many,  it  is  impossible  to  tell;  for,  from 
first  to  last,  the  company  or  regimental  rolls  indicate  no  distinctions  of  color. 
The  name  is  the  only  guide :  and,  in  turning  over  the  rolls  of  the  Connecticut 
line,  the  frequent  recurrence  of  names  which  were  exclusively  appropriated 
to  negroes  and  slaves,  shows  how  considerable  was  their  proportion  of  the 
material  of  the  Connecticut  army ;  while  such  surnames  as  *  Liberty,'  '  Free 
man,'  « Freedom,'  &c.,  by  scores,  indicate  with  what  anticipations,  and  under 
what  inducements,  they  entered  the  service. 

"  As  to  the  efficiency  of  the  service  they  rendered,  I  can  say  nothing  from 
the  records,  except  what  is  to  be  gleaned  from  scattered  files,  such  as  one  of 
the  petitions  I  send  you.  So  far  as  my  acquaintance  extends,  almost  every 
family  has  its  traditions  of  the  good  and  faithful  service  of  a  black  servant  or 
slave,  who  was  killed  in  battle,  or  served  through  the  war,  and  came  home  to- 
tell  stories  of  hard  fighting,  and  draw  his  pension.  In  my  own  native  town, — 
not  a  large  one,  —  I  remember  five  such  pensioners,  three  of  whom,  I  believe, 
had  been  slaves,  and,  in  fact,  were  slaves  to  the  day  of  their  death ;  for  (and 
this  explains  the  uniform  action  of  the  General  Assembly  on  petitions  for 
emancipation)  neither  the  towns  nor  the  State  were  inclined  to  exonerate  the- 
master,  at  a  time  when  slavery  was  becoming  unprofitable,  from  the  obligation 
to  provide  for  the  old  age  of  his  slave."  * 

Gen.  Yarn  urn,  a  brave  and  intelligent  officer  from  Rhode 
Island,  early  urged  the  employment  of  Negro  soldiers.  He 
communicated  his  views  to  Gen.  Washington,  and  he  referred 
the  correspondence  to  the  governor  of  R'hode  Island. 

GEN.  WASHINGTON   TO   GOV.  COOKE. 

"HEADQUARTERS,  2d  January,  1778. 

"  SIR  :  —  Enclosed  you  will  receive  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  General  Varnum 
to  me,  upon  the  means  which  might  be  adopted  for  completing  the  Rhode  Island 
troops  to  their  full  proportion  in  the  Continental  army.  I  have  nothing  to  say 
in  addition  to  what  I  wrote  the  2pth  of  the  last  month  on  this  important  subject, 
but  to  desire  that  you  will  give  the  officers  employed  in  this  business  all  the 
assistance  in  your  power. 

"  I  am  with  great  respect,  sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"G.  WASHINGTON. 
"  To  GOVERNOR  COOKE."  2 

1  An  Historical  Research  (Liver-more),  pp.  114-116.        2  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  viii.  p.  640. 


346      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  letter  of  Gen.  Varnum  to  Gen.  Washington,  in  reference 
to  the  employment  of  Negroes  as  soldiers,  is  as  follows  :  — 

GEN.  VARNUM   TO   GEN.  WASHINGTON. 

"  CAMP,  January  2d,  1778. 

"SiR:  —  The  two  battalions  from  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  being  small, 
and  there  being  a  necessity  of  the  state's  furnishing  an  additional  number  to 
make  up  their  proportion  in  the  Continental  army;  the  field  officers  have  repre 
sented  to  me  the  propriety  of  making  one  temporary  battalion  from  the  two,  so 
that  one  entire  corps  of  officers  may  repair  to  Rhode  Island,  in  order  to  receive 
and  prepare  the  recruits  for  the  field.  It  is  imagined  that  a  battalion  of  negroes 
can  be  easily  raised  there.  Should  that  measure  be  adopted,  or  recruits  ob 
tained  upon  any  other  principle,  the  service  will  be  advanced.  The  field  officers 
who  go  upon  this  command,  are  Colonel  Greene,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Olney,  and 
Major  Ward ;  seven  captains,  twelve  lieutenants,  six  ensigns,  one  paymaster, 
one  surgeon  and  mates,  one  adjutant  and  one  chaplain. 

"  I  am  Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

"J.  M.  VARNUM. 
"  To  His  EXCELLENCY  GENERAL  WASHINGTON."  1 


Gov.  Cooke  wrote  Gen.  Washington  as  follows  :  — 

"  STATE  OF  RHODE  ISLAND,  &c. 

"  PROVIDENCE,  January  igth,  1778. 

"  SIR  :  —  Since  we  had  the  honor  of  addressing  Your  Excellency  by  Mr. 
Thompson,  we  received  your  favor  of  the  2d  of  January  current,  enclosing  a 
proposition  of  Gen.  Varnum's  for  raising  a  battalion  of  negroes. 

"We  in  our  letter  of  the  I5th  current,  of  which  we  send  a  duplicate,  have 
fully  represented  our  present  circumstances,  and  the  many  difficulties  we  labor 
under,  in  respect  to  our  filling  up  the  Continental  battalions.  In  addition 
thereto,  will  observe,  that  we  have  now  in  the  state's  service  within  the  govern 
ment,  two  battalions  of  infantry,  and  a  regiment  of  artillery  who  are  enlisted 
to  serve  until  the  i6th  day  of  March  next;  and  the  General  Assembly  have 
ordered  two  battalions  of  infantry,  and  a  regiment  of  artillery,  to  be  raised,  to 
serve  until  the  i6th  of  March,  1779.  So  that  we  have  raised  and  kept  in  the 
field,  more  than  the  proportion  of  men  assigned  us  by  Congress. 

"The  General  Assembly  of  this  state  are  to  convene  themselves  on  the 
.second  Monday  of  February  next,  when  your  letters  will  be  laid  before  them, 
and  their  determination  respecting  the  same,  will  be  immediately  transmitted  to 
Your  Excellency. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c., 

"NICHOLAS  COOKE. 
"To  GEN.  WASHINGTON."  2 

1  R.  I.  CoL  Recs.,  vol.  viii.  p.  641.  *  Ibid.,  vol.  viii.  p.  524. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  347 

The  governor  laid  the  above  letters  before  the  General  Assem 
bly,  at  their  February  session ;  and  the  following  act  was  passed  :  — 

"  Whereas,  for  the  preservation  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  necessary  that  the  whole  powers  of  government  should  be  exerted 
in  recruiting  the  Continental  battalions ;  and  whereas,  His  Excellency  Gen. 
Washington  hath  enclosed  to  this  state  a  proposal  made  to  him  by  Brigadier 
General  Varnum,  to  enlist  into  the  two  battalions,  raising  by  this  state,  such 
slaves  as  should  be  willing  to  enter  into  the  service ;  and  whereas,  history 
affords  us  frequent  precedents  of  the  wisest,  the  freest,  and  bravest  nations 
having  liberated  their  slaves,  and  enlisted  them  as  soldiers  to  fight  in  defence 
of  their  country ;  and  also  whereas,  the  enemy,  with  a  great  force,  have  taken 
possession  of  the  capital,  and  of  a  greater  part  of  this  state ;  and  this  state  is 
obliged  to  raise  a  very  considerable  number  of  troops  for  its  own  immediate 
defence,  whereby  it  is  in  a  manner  rendered  impossible  for  this  state  to  furnish 
recruits  for  the  said  two  battalions,  without  adopting  the  said  measure  so  recom 
mended. 

"  It  is  voted  and  resolved,  that  every  able-bodied  negro,  mulatto,  or  Indian 
man  slave,  in  this  state,  may  enlist  into  either  of  the  said  two  battalions,  to 
serve  during  the  continuance  of  the  present  war  with  Great  Britain. 

"  That  every  slave,  so  enlisting,  shall  be  entitled  to,  and  receive,  all  the 
bounties,  wages,  and  encouragements,  allowed  by  the  Continental  Congress,  to 
any  soldier  enlisting  into  their  service. 

"It  is  further  voted  and  resolved,  that  every  slave,  so  enlisting,  shall,  upon 
his  passing  muster  before  Col.  Christopher  Greene,  be  immediately  discharged 
from  the  service  of  his  master  or  mistress,  and  be  absolutely  FREE,  as  though 
he  had  never  been  encumbered  with  any  kind  of  servitude  or  slavery. 

"  And  in  case  such  slave  shall,  by  sickness  or  otherwise,  be  rendered  unable 
to  maintain  himself,  he  shall  not  be  chargeable  to  his  master  or  mistress;  but 
shall  be  supported  at  the  expense  of  the  state. 

"  And  whereas,  slaves  have  been,  by  the  laws,  deemed  the  property  of  their 
owners,  and  therefore  compensation  ought  to  be  made  to  the  owners  for  the 
loss  of  their  service, — 

"It  is  further  voted  and  resolved,  that  there  be  allowed,  and  paid  by  this 
state,  to  the  owner,  for  every  such  slave  so  enlisting,  a  sum  according  to  his 
worth  ;  at  a  price  not  exceeding  ^120  for  the  most  valuable  slave;  and  in  pro 
portion  for  a  slave  of  less  value. 

"  Provided,  the  owner  of  said  slave  shall  deliver  up  to  the  officer,  who  shall 
enlist  him,  the  clothes  of  the  said  slave ;  or  otherwise  he  shall  not  be  entitled 
to  said  sum. 

"  And  for  settling  and  ascertaining  the  value  of  such  slaves,  — 

"It  is  further  voted  and  resolved,  that  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed,  to 
wit: 

"  One  from  each  county ;  any  three  of  whom,  to  be  a  quorum,  to  examine 
the  slaves  who  shall  be  so  enlisted,  after  they  shall  have  passed  muster,  and 
to  set  a  price  upon  each  slave  according  to  his  value,  as  aforesaid. 

"  It  is  further  voted  and  resolved,  that  upon  any  ablebodied  negro,  mulatto, 
or  Indian  slave,  enlisting  as  aforesaid,  the  officer  who  shall  so  enlist  him,  after 


348      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

he  shall  have  passed  muster,  as  aforesaid,  shall  deliver  a  certificate  thereof,  to 
the  master  or  mistress  of  said  negro,  mulatto,  or  Indian  slave;  which  shall 
discharge  him  from  the  service  of  his  said  master  or  mistress,  as  aforesaid. 

"It  is  further  voted  and  resolved,  that  the  committee  who  shall  estimate 
the  value  of  any  slave,  as  aforesaid,  shall  give  a  certificate  of  the  sum  at  whicin 
he  may  be  valued,  to  the  owner  of  said  slave ;  and  the  general  treasurer  of  this, 
state.is  hereby  empowered  and  directed  to  give  unto  the  said  owner  of  the  said! 
slave,  his  promissory  note,  as  treasurer,  as  aforesaid,  for  the  sum  of  money  at 
which  he  shall  be  valued,  as  aforesaid,  payable  on  demand,  with  interest  at  the 
rate  of  six  per  cent,  per  annum ;  and  that  said  notes,  which  shall  be  so  givenr 
shall  be  paid  with  the  money  which  is  due  to  this  state,  and  is  expected  from 
Congress ;  the  money  which  has  been  borrowed  out  of  the  general  treasury, 
by  this  Assembly,  being  first  re-placed."  l 

This  measure  met  with  some  opposition,  but  it  was  too  weak 
to  effect  any  thing.  The  best  thing  the  minority  could  do  was  to 
enter  a  written  protest. 

"PROTEST  AGAINST  ENLISTING  SLAVES  TO  SERVE   IN   THE 

ARMY. 

"We,  the  subscribers,  beg  leave  to  dissent  from  the  vote  of  the  lower 
house,  ordering  a  regiment  of  negroes  to  be  raised  for  the  Continental  service, 
for  the  following  reasons,  viz. : 

"  ist.  Because,  in  our  opinion,  there  is  not  a  sufficient  number  of  negroes 
in  the  state,  who  would  have  an  inclination  to  enlist,  and  would  pass  muster, 
to  constitute  a  regiment;  and  raising  several  companies  of  blacks,  would  not 
answer  the  purposes  intended;  and  therefore  the  attempt  to  constitute  said 
regiment  would  prove  abortive,  and  be  a  fruitless  expense  to  the  state. 

"2d.  The  raising  such  a  regiment,  upon  the  footing  proposed,  would  sug 
gest  an  idea  and  produce  an  opinion  in  the  world,  that  the  state  had  purchased 
a  band  of  slaves  to  be  employed  in  the  defence  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
our  country,  which  is  wholly  inconsistent  with  those  principles  of  liberty  and 
constitutional  government,  for  which  we  are  so  ardently  contending ;  and  would 
be  looked  upon  by  the  neighboring  states  in  a  contemptible  point  of  view,  and 
not  equal  to  their  troops  ;  and  they  would  therefore  be  unwilling  that  we  should 
have  credit  for  them,  as  for  an  equal  number  of  white  troops ;  and  would  also 
give  occasion  to  our  enemies  to  suspect  that  we  are  not  able  to  procure  our 
own  people  to  oppose  them  in  the  field;  and  to  retort  upon  us  the  same  kind 
of  ridicule  we  so  liberally  bestowed  upon  them,  on  account  of  Dunmore's  regi 
ment  of  blacks ;  or  possibly  might  suggest  to  them  the  idea  of  employing  black 
regiments  against  us. 

"  3d.  The  expense  of  purchasing  and  enlisting  said  regiment,  in  the  man 
ner  proposed,  will  vastly  exceed  the  expenses  of  raising  an  equal  number  of 
white  men;  and  at  the  same  time  will  not  have  the  like  good  effect. 

"4th.  Great  difficulties  and  uneasiness  will  arise  in  purchasing  the  negroes 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  viii.  pp.  358-360. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  349 

from  their  masters ;  and  many  of  the  masters  will  not  be  satisfied  with  any 

prices  allowed. 

"JOHN  NORTHUP,  GEORGE  PIERCE, 

"  JAMES  BABCOK,  JR.,  SYLVESTER  GARDNER, 

"  OTHNIEL  GORTON,  SAMUEL  BABCOCK."  i 


Upon  the  passage  of  the  Act,  Gov.  Cooke  hastened  to  notify 
Gen.  Washington  of  the  success  of  the  project. 

"  PROVIDENCE,  February  23d,  1778. 

"Sm:  —  I  have  been  favored  with  Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  [3d 
instant,]2  enclosing  a  proposal  made  to  you  by  General  Varnum,  for  recruiting 
the  two  Continental  battalions  raised  by  this  state. 

"  I  laid  the  letter  before  the  General  Assembly  at  their  session,  on  the 
second  Monday  in  this  month ;  who,  considering  the  pressing  necessity  of  fill 
ing  up  the  Continental  army,  and  the  peculiarly  difficult  circumstances  of  this 
state,  which  rendered  it  in  a  manner  impossible  to  recruit  our  battalions  in  any 
other  way,  adopted  the  measure. 

"  Liberty  is  given  to  every  effective  slave  to  enter  the  service  during  the 
war;  and  upon  his  passing  muster,  he  is  absolutely  made  free,  and  entitled  to 
all  the  wages,  bounties  and  encouragements  given  by  Congress  to  any  soldier 
enlisting  into  their  service.  The  masters  are  allowed  at  the  rate  of  .£120,  for 
the  most  valuable  slave ;  and  in  proportion  to  those  of  less  value. 

"  The  number  of  slaves  in  this  state  is  not  great ;  but  it  is  generally  thought, 
that  three  hundred,  and  upwards,  will  be  enlisted. 

"  I  am,  with  great  respect,  sir, 

"  Your  Excellency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"NICHOLAS  COOKED 
"To  GEN.  WASHINGTON." s 


Where  masters  had  slaves  in  the  army,  they  were  paid  an 
annual  interest  on  the  appraised  value  of  the  slaves,  out  of  the 
public  treasury,  until  the  end  of  the  military  service  of  such 
slaves.4  If  owners  presented  certificates  from  the  committee 
appointed  to  appraise  enlisted  Negroes,  they  were  paid  in  part 
or  in  full  in  "  Continental  loan-office  certificates."  5 

The  reader  will  remember,  that  it  has  been  already  shown 
that  Negroes,  both  bond  and  free,  were  excluded  from  the  militia, 
of  Massachusetts  ;  and,  furthermore,  that  both  the  Committee  of 
Safety  and  the  Provincial  Congress  had  opposed  the  enlistment 
of  Negroes.  The  first  move  in  the  colony  to  secure  legal  enlist- 

1  R.  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  viii.  p.  361. 

8  This  is  evidently  a  mistake,  as  Washington's  letter  was  dated  Jan.  2,  as  the  reader  will  see. 

8  R,  I.  Col.  Recs.,  vol.  viii.  p.  526.  *  Ibid.,  p.  376.  s  ibid.,  p.  465. 


350      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

ments  and  separate  organizations  of  Colored  troops  was  a  com 
munication  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Massachusetts,  3d  of 
April,  1778. 

"  To  the  Honorable  Council,  and  House  of  Representatives,  Boston,  or  at 
Roxbury. 

"HONORED  GENTLEMEN,  —  At  the  opening  of  this  campaign,  our  forces 
should  be  all  ready,  well  equipped  with  arms  and  ammunition,  with  clothing 
sufficient  to  stand  them  through  the  campaign,  their  wages  to  be  paid  monthly, 
so  as  not  to  give  the  soldiery  so  much  reason  of  complaint  as  it  is  the  general 
cry  from  the  soldiery  amongst  whom  I  am  connected. 

"We  have  accounts  of  large  re-enforcements  a-coming  over  this  spring 
against  us;  and  we  are  not  so  strong  this  spring,  I  think,  as  we  were  last. 
Great  numbers  have  deserted ;  numbers  have  tfied,  besides  what  is  sick,  and 
incapable  of  duty,  or  bearing  arms  in  the  field. 

"  I  think  it  is  highly  necessary  that  some  new  augmentation  should  be 
added  to  the  army  this  summer,  —  all  the  re-enforcements  that  can  possibly  be 
obtained.  For  now  is  the  time  to  exert  ourselves  or  never ;  for,  if  the  enemy 
can  get  no  further  hold  this  campaign  than  they  now  possess,  we  [have]  no 
need  to  fear  much  from  them  hereafter. 

"A  re-enforcement  can  quick  be  raised  of  two  or  three  hundred  men. 
Will  your  honors  grant  the  liberty,  and  give  me  the  command  of  the  party  ? 
And  what  I  refer  to  is  negroes.  We  have  divers  of  them  in  our  service,  mixed 
with  white  men.  But  I  think  it  would  be  more  proper  to  raise  a  body  by  them 
selves,  than  to  have  them  intermixed  with  the  white  men ;  and  their  ambition 
would  entirely  be  to  outdo  the  white  men  in  every  measure  that  the  fortune  of 
war  calls  a  soldier  to  endure.  And  I  could  rely  with  dependence  upon  them  in 
the  field  of  battle,  or  to"  any  post  that  I  was  sent  to  defend  with  them ;  and 
they  would  think  themselves  happy  could  they  gain  their  freedom  by  bearing  a 
part  of  subduing  the  enemy  that  is  invading  our  land,  and  clear  a  peaceful 
inheritance  for  their  masters,  and  posterity  yet  to  come,  that  they  are  now  slaves  to. 

"  The  method  that  I  would  point  out  to  your  Honors  in  raising  a  detach 
ment  of  negroes;  —  that  a  company  should  consist  of  a  hundred,  including 
-commissioned  officers  ;  and  that  the  commissioned  officers  should  be  white,  and 
consist  of  one  captain,  one  captain-lieutenant,  two  second  lieutenants;  the 
orderly  sergeant  white ;  and  that  there  should  be  three  sergeants  black,  four 
corporals  black,  two  drums  and  two  fifes  black,  and  eighty-four  rank  and  file. 
These  should  engage  to  serve  till  the  end  of  the  war,  and  then  be  free  men. 
And  I  doubt  not,  that  no  gentleman  that  is  a  friend  to  his  country  will  disap 
prove  of  this  plan,  or  be  against  his  negroes  enlisting  into  the  service  to 
maintain  the  cause  of  freedom,  and  suppress  the  worse  than  savage  enemies  of 
,our  land. 

"  I  beg  your  Honors  to  grant  me  the  liberty  of  raising  one  company,  if  no 
more.  It  will  be  far  better  than  to  fill  up  our  battalions  with  runaways  and 
deserters  from  Gen.  Burgoyne's  army,  who,  after  receiving  clothing  and  the 
bounty,  in  general  make  it  their  business  to  desert  from  us.  In  the  lieu  thereof, 
if  they  are  [of]  a  mind  to  serve  in  America,  let  them  supply  the  families  of  those 
gentlemen  where  those  negroes  belong  that  should  engage. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  351 

"  I  rest,  relying  on  your  Honor's  wisdom  in  this  matter,  as  it  will  be  a 
quick  way  of  having  a  re-enforcement  to  join  the  grand  army,  or  to  act  in  any 
other  place  that  occasion  shall  require ;  and  I  will  give  my  faith  and  assurance 
that  I  will  act  upon  honor  and  fidelity,  should  I  take  the  command  of  such  a 
party  as  I  have  been  describing. 

"  So  I  rest  till  your  Honors  shall  call  me ;  and  am  your  very  humble  and 

obedient  servant, 

"THOMAS  KENCH, 

"  In  Col.  Craft's  Regiment  of  Artillery,  now  on  Castle  Island. 
"CASTLE  ISLAND,  April  3,  1778." 

A  few  days  later  he  addressed  another  letter  to  the  same  body. 

"  To  the  Honorable  Council  in  Boston. 

"  The  letter  I  wrote  before  I  heard  of  the  disturbance  with  Col.  Scares, 
Mr.  Spear,  and  a  number  of  other  gentlemen,  concerning  the  freedom  of 
negroes,  in  Congress  Street.  It  is  a  pity  that  riots  should  be  committed  on 
the  occasion,  as  it  is  justifiable  that  negroes  should  have  their  freedom,  and 
none  amongst  us  be  held  as  slaves,  as  freedom  and  liberty  is  the  grand  contro 
versy  that  we  are  contending  for ;  and  I  trust,  under  the  smiles  of  Divine 
Providence,  we  shall  obtain  it,  if  all  our  minds  can  be  united ;  and  putting  the 
negroes  into  the  service  will  prevent  much  uneasiness,  and  give  more  satisfac 
tion  to  those  that  are  offended  at  the  thoughts  of  their  servants  being  free. 

"  I  will  not  enlarge,  for  fear  I  should  give  offence ;  but  subscribe  myself 

"  Your  faithful  servant, 

"THOMAS  KENCH. 
"CASTLE  ISLAND,  April  7,  1778."  x 

On  the  nth  of  April  the  first  letter  was  referred  to  a  joint 
committee,  with  instructions  "to  consider  the  same,  and  report." 
On  the  1 7th  of  April,  "a  resolution  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
Rhode  Island  for  enlisting  Negroes  in  the  public  service  "  was 
referred  to  the  same  committee.  In  the  Militia  Act  of  1775,  tne 
exceptions  were,  "Negroes,  Indians,  and  mulattoes."  By  the  act 
of  May,  1776,  providing  for  the  re-enforcement  of  the  American 
army,  it  was  declared  that,  "  Indians,  negroes,  and  mulattoes,  shall 
not  be  held  to  take  up  arms  or  procure  any  person  to  do  it  in  their 
room."  By  another  act,  passed  Nov.  14,  1776,  looking  toward  the 
improvement  of  the  army,  "  Negroes,  Indians,  and  mulattoes " 
were  excluded.  During  the  year  1776  an  order  was  issued  for 
taking  the  census  of  all  males  above  sixteen,  but  excepted 
"Negroes,  Indians,  and  mulattoes."  But  after  some  reverses  to 
the  American  army,  Massachusetts  passed  a  resolve  on  Jan.  6, 

1  MSS.  Archives  of  Mass.,  vol.  cxcix.  pp.  80,  84. 


352      HISTORY  OF  2HE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

1777,  "f°r  raising  every  seventh  man  to  complete  our  quota," 
"  without  any  exceptions,  save  the  people  called  Quakers."  This 
was  the  nearest  Massachusetts  ever  got  toward  recognizing 
Negroes  as  soldiers.  And  on  the  5th  of  March,  1778,  Benjamin 
Goddard,  for  the  selectmen,  Committee  of  Safety,  and  militia 
officers  of  the  town  of  Grafton,  protested  against  the  enlistment 
of  the  Negroes  in  his  town. 

It  is  not  remarkable,  in  view  of  such  a  history,  that  Massachu 
setts  should  have  hesitated  to  follow  the  advice  of  Thomas  Kench. 
On  the  28th  of  April,  1778,  a  law  was  draughted  following  closely 
the  Rhode-Island  Act.  But  no  separate  organization  was  ordered  ; 
and,  hence,  the  Negroes  served  in  white  organizations  till  the 
close  of  the  American  Revolution. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  records  of  Virginia  to  show  that  there 
was  ever  any  legal  employment  of  Negroes  as  soldiers ;  but,  from 
the  following,  it  is  evident  that  free  Negroes  did  serve,  and  that 
there  was  no  prohibition  against  them,  providing  they  showed 
their  certificates  of  freedom  :  — 

"And  whereas  several  negro  slaves  have  deserted  from  their  masters,  and 
under  pretence  of  being  free  men  have  enlisted  as  soldiers :  For  prevention 
whereof,  Be  it  enacted,  that  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  recruiting  officer 
within  this  commonwealth  to  enlist  any  negro  or  mulatto  into  the  service  of 
this  or  either  of  the  United  States,  until  such  negro  or  mulatto  shall  produce  a 
certificate  from  some  justice  of  the  peace  for  the  county  wherein  he  resides 
that  he  is  a  free  man."  * 

Maryland  employed  Negroes  as  soldiers,  and  sent  them  into 
regiments  with  white  soldiers.  John  Cadwalder  of  Annapolis, 
wrote  Gen.  Washington  on  the  5th  of  June,  1781,  in  reference  to 
Negro  soldiers,  as  follows  :  — 

"  We  have  resolved  to  raise,  immediately,  seven  hundred  and  fifty  negroes, 
to  be  incorporated  with  the  other  troops ;  and  a  bill  is  now  almost  completed."  2 

The  legislature  of  New  York,  on  the  2Oth  of  March,  1781, 
passed  the  following  Act,  providing  for  the  raising  of  two  regi 
ments  of  blacks :  — 

"  SECT.  6.  —  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  any 
person  who  shall  deliver  one  or  more  of  his  or  her  able-bodied  male  slaves  to 
any  warrant  officer,  as  afore  said,  to  serve  in  either  of  the  said  regiments  or 

1  Hening,  vol.  ix.  280. 

2  Sparks's  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  iii.  p.  331. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMEN7    OF  NEGROES.  353 

independent  corps,  and  produce  a  certificate  thereof,  signed  by  any  person 
authorized  to  muster  and  receive  the  men  to  be  raised  by  virtue  of  this  act, 
and  produce  such  certificate  to  the  Surveyor-General,  shall,  for  every  male  slave 
so  entered  and  mustered  as  aforesaid,  be  entitled  to  the  location  and  grant  of 
one  right,  in  manner  as  in  and  by  this  act  is  directed ;  and  shall  be,  and  hereby 
is,  discharged  from  any  future  maintenance  of  such  slave,  any  law  to  the  con 
trary  notwithstanding :  And  such  slave  so  entered  as  aforesaid,  who  shall  serve 
for  the  term  of  three  years  or  until  regularly  discharged,  shall,  immediately 
after  such  service  or  discharge,  be,  and  is  hereby  declared  to  be,  a  free  man  of 
this  State."  ' 

The  theatre  of  the  war  was  now  transferred  from  the  Eastern 
to  the  Middle  and  Southern  colonies.  Massachusetts  alone  had 
furnished,  and  placed  in  the  field,  67,907  men ;  while  all  the  colo 
nies  south  of  Pennsylvania,  put  together,  had  furnished  but 
50,493,  —  or  8,414  less  than  the  single  colony  of  Massachusetts.2 
It  was  a  difficult  task  to  get  the  whites  to  enlist  at  the  South. 
Up  to  1779,  nearly  all  the  Negro  soldiers  had  been  confined  to 
the  New-England  colonies.  The  enemy  soon  found  out  that  the 
Southern  colonies  were  poorly  protected,  and  thither  he  moved. 
The  Hon.  Henry  Laurens  of  South  Carolina,  an  intelligent  and 
observing  patriot,  wrote  Gen.  Washington  on  the  i6th  of  March, 
1779,  concerning  the  situation  at  the  South  :  — 

"Our  affairs  [he  wrote]  in  the  Southern  department  are  more  favorable 
than  we  had  considered  them  a  few  days  ago;  nevertheless,  the  country  is 
greatly  distressed,  and  will  be  more  so  unless  further  reinforcements  are  sent 
to  its  relief.  Had  we  arms  for  three  thousand  such  black  men  as  I  could  select 
in  Carolina,  I  should  have  no  doubt  of  success  in  driving  the  British  out  of 
•Georgia,  and  subduing  East  Florida,  before  the  end  of  July."  3 

Gen.  Washington  sent  the  following  conservative  reply:  — 

"The  policy  of  our  arming  slaves  is  in  my  opinion  a  moot  point,  unless  the 
enemy  set  the  example.  For,  should  we  begin  to  form  battalions  of  them,  I 
have  not  the  smallest  doubt,  if  the  war  is  to  be  prosecuted,  of  their  following 
us  in  it,  and  justifying  the  measure  upon  our  own  ground.  The  contest  then 
must  be,  who  can  arm  fastest.  And  where  are  our  arms  ?  Besides,  I  am  not 
clear  that  a  discrimination  will  not  render  slavery  more  irksome  to  those  who 
remain  in  it.  Most  of  the  good  and  evil  things  in  this  life  are  judged  of  by 
comparison ;  and  I  fear  a  comparison  in  this  case  will  be  productive  of  much 
discontent  in  those,  who  are  held  in  servitude.  But,  as  this  is  a  subject  that 
has  never  employed  much  of  my  thoughts,  these  are  no  more  than  the  first 
crude  ideas  that  have  struck  me  upon  the  occasion."  4 

1  Laws  of  the  State  of  New  York,  chap,  xxxii.  (March  20,  1781,  4th  Session). 

2  The  American  Loyalist,  p.  30,  second  edition. 

3  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  vi.  p.  204,  note.  •*  Ibid.,  vol.  vi.  p.  204. 


354      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  gifted  and  accomplished  Alexander  Hamilton,  a  member 
of  Washington's  military  family,  was  deeply  interested  in  the  plan 
suggested  by  the  Hon.  Henry  Laurens,  whose  son  was  on  Wash 
ington's  staff.  Col.  John  Laurens  was  the  bearer  of  the  following 
remarkable  letter  from  Hamilton  to  John  Jay,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"  HEADQUARTERS,  March  14,  1779. 
"  To  JOHN  JAY. 

"DEAR  SIR, —  Col.  Laurens,  who  will  have  the  honor  of  delivering  you 
this  letter,  is  on  his  way  to  South  Carolina,  on  a  project  which  I  think,  in  the 
present  situation  of  affairs  there,  is  a  very  good  one,  and  deserves  every  kind 
of  support  and  encouragement.  This  is,  to  raise  two,  three,  or  four  battalions 
of  negroes,  with  the  assistance  of  the  government  of  that  State,  by  contributions, 
from  the  owners,  in  proportion  to  the  number  they  possess.  If  you  should 
think  proper  to  enter  upon  the  subject  with  him,  he  will  give  you  a  detail  of  his, 
plan.  He  wishes  to  have  it  recommended  by  Congress  to  the  State ;  and,  as 
an  inducement,  that  they  should  engage  to  take  those  battalions  into  Conti 
nental  pay. 

"  It  appears  to  me,  that  an  expedient  of  this  kind,  in  the  present  state  of 
Southern  affairs,  is  the  most  rational  that  can  be  adopted,  and  promises  very 
important  advantages.  Indeed,  I  hardly  see  how  a  sufficient  force  can  be  col 
lected  in  that  quarter  without  it ;  and  the  enemy's  operations  there  are  growing 
infinitely  more  serious  and  formidable.  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  that  the 
negroes  will  make  very  excellent  soldiers  with  proper  management;  and  I 
will  venture  to  pronounce,  that  they  cannot  be  put  into  better  hands  than  those 
of  Mr.  Laurens.  He  has  all  the  zeal,  intelligence,  enterprise,  and  every  other 
qualification,  necessary  to  succeed  in  such  an  undertaking.  It  is  a  maxim  with 
some  great  military  judges,  that,  with  sensible  officers,  soldiers  can  hardly  be 
too  stupid ;  and,  on  this  principle,  it  is  thought  that  the  Russians  would  make 
the  best  troops  in  the  world,  if  they  were  under  other  officers  than  their  own. 
The  King  of  Prussia  is  among  the  number  who  maintain  this  doctrine ;  and 
has  a  very  emphatic  saying  on  the  occasion,  which  I  do  not  exactly  recollect. 
I  mention  this  because  I  hear  it  frequently  objected  to  the  scheme  of  embody 
ing  negroes,  that  they  are  too  stupid  to  make  soldiers.  This  is  so  far  from 
appearing  to  me  a  valid  objection,  that  I  think  their  want  of  cultivation  (for 
their  natural  faculties  are  probably  as  good  as  ours),  joined  to  that  habit  of 
subordination  which  they  acquire  from  a  life  of  servitude,  will  make  them 
sooner  become  soldiers  than  our  white  inhabitants.  Let  officers  be  men  of 
sense  and  sentiment ;  and  the  nearer  the  soldiers  approach  to  machines,  per 
haps  the  better. 

"  I  foresee  that  this  project  will  have  to  combat  much  opposition  from 
prejudice  and  self-interest.  The  contempt  we  have  been  taught  to  entertain 
for  the  blacks  makes  us  fancy  many  things  that  are  founded  neither  in  reason 
nor  experience ;  and  an  unwillingness  to  part  with  property  of  so  valuable  a 
kind  will  furnish  a  thousand  arguments  to  show  the  impracticability  or  perni 
cious  tendency  of  a  scheme  which  requires  such  a  sacrifice.  But  it  should  be 
considered,  that,  if  we  do  not  make  use  of  them  in  this  way,  the  enemy  proba- 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  355 

bly  will ;  and  that  the  best  way  to  counteract  the  temptations  they  will  hold  out 
will  be  to  offer  them  ourselves.  An  essential  part  of  the  plan  is  to  give  them 
their  freedom  with  their  muskets.  This  will  secure  their  fidelity,  animate  their 
courage,  and,  I  believe,  will  have  a  good  influence  upon  those  who  remain,  by 
opening  a  door  to  their  emancipation.  This  circumstance,  I  confess,  has  no 
small  weight  in  inducing  me  to  wish  the  success  of  the  project;  for  the  dictates 
of  humanity,  and  true  policy,  equally  interest  me  in  favor  of  this  unfortunate 

class  of  men. 

"  With  the  truest  respect  and  esteem, 

"  I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"ALEX.  HAMILTON."* 

The  condition  of  the  Southern  States  became  a  matter  of  Con 
gressional  solicitude.  The  letter  of  Col.  Hamilton  was  referred 
to  a  special  committee  on  the  2Qth  of  March,  1779.  ^  was  repre 
sented  that  South  Carolina  especially  was  in  great  danger.  The 
white  population  was  small ;  and,  while  there  were  some  in  the 
militia  service,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  keep  as  large  a  number 
of  whites  at  home  as  possible.  The  fear  of  insurrection,  the 
desertion  2  of  Negroes  to  the  enemy,  and  the  exposed  condition  of 
her  border,  intensified  the  anxiety  of  the  people.  The  only  remedy 
seemed  to  lie  in  the  employment  of  the  more  fiery  spirits  among 
the  Negroes  as  the  defenders  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
colonists.  Congress  rather  hesitated  to  act,  —  it  was  thought  that 
that  body  lacked  the  authority  to  order  the  enlistment  of  Negroes 
in  the  States,  —  and  therefore  recommended  to  "the  states  of 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  if  they  shall  think  the  same  expedi 
ent,  to  take  measures  immediately  for  raising  three  thousand  able- 
bodied  negroes."  After  some  consideration  the  following  plan  was 
recommended  by  the  special  committee,  and  adopted :  — 

"IN  CONGRESS,  March  29,  1779. 

"The  Committee,  consisting  of  Mr.  Burke,  Mr.  Laurens,  Mr.  Armstrong, 
Mr.  Wilson,  and  Mr.  Dyer,  appointed  to  take  into  consideration  the  circum 
stances  of  the  Southern  States,  and  the  ways  and  means  for  their  safety  and 
defence,  report,  — 

"  That  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  as  represented  by  the  delegates  of  the 
said  State  and  by  Mr.  Huger,  who  has  come  hither,  at  the  request  of  the  Gov 
ernor  of  the  said  State,  on  purpose  to  explain  the  particular  circumstances 
thereof,  is  unable  to  make  any  effectual  efforts  with  militia,  by  reason  of  the 
great  proportion  of  citizens  necessary  to  remain  at  home  to  prevent  insurrec 
tions  among  the  negroes,  and  to  prevent  the  desertion  of  them  to  the  enemy. 

1  Life  of  John  Jay,  by  William  Jay,  vol.  li,  pp.  31,  32. 

2  Ramsay,  the  historian  of  South  Carolina  says,   "  It  has  been  computed  by  good  judges, 
that,  between  1775  and  1783,  the  State  of  South  Carolina  lost  twenty-five  thousand  negroes." 


356      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"That  the  state  of  the  country,  and  the  great  numbers  of  those  people 
among  them,  expose  the  inhabitants  to  great  danger  from  the  endeavors  of  the 
•enemy  to  excite  them  either  to  revolt  or  desert. 

"  That  it  is  suggested  by  the  delegates  of  the  said  State  and  by  Mr.  Huger, 
{hat  a  force  might  be  raised  in  the  said  State  from  among  the  negroes,  which 
\vould  not  only  be  formidable  to  the  enemy  from  their  numbers,  and  the  disci 
pline  of  which  they  would  very  readily  admit,  but  would  also  lessen  the  danger 
from  revolts  and  desertions,  by  detaching  the  most  vigorous  and  enterprising 
from  among  the  negroes. 

"  That,  as  this  measure  may  involve  inconveniences  peculiarly  affecting  the 
States  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  the  Committee  are  of  the  opinion  that 
the  same  should  be  submitted  to  the  governing  powers  of  the  said  States ;  and 
if  the  said  powers  shall  judge  it  expedient  to  raise  such  a  force,  that  the  United 
States  ought  to  defray  the  expense  thereof:  whereupon, 

"  Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  States  of  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia,  if  they  shall  think  the  same  expedient,  to  take  measures  immediately 
for  raising  three  thousand  able-bodied  negroes. 

"  That  the  said  negroes  be  formed  into  separate  corps,  as  battalions,  accord 
ing  to  the  arrangements  adopted  for  the  mam  army,  to  be  commanded  by  white 
commissioned  and  non-commissioned  officers. 

"  That  the  commissioned  officers  be  appointed  by  the  said  States. 

"  That  the  non-commissioned  officers  may,  if  the  said  States  respectively 
shall  think  proper,  be  taken  from  among  the  non-commissioned  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  Continental  battalions  of  the  said  States  respectively. 

"  That  the  Governors  of  the  said  States,  together  with  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  Southern  army,  be  empowered  to  incorporate  the  several  Con 
tinental  battalions  of  their  States  with  each  other  respectively,  agreeably  to  the 
arrangement  of  the  army,  as  established  by  the  resolutions  of  May  27,  1778; 
and  to  appoint  such  of  the  supernumerary  officers  to  command  the  said  negroes 
as  shall  choose  to  go  into  that  service. 

"  Resolved,  That  Congress  will  make  provision  for  paying  the  proprietors 
of  such  negroes  as  shall  be  enlisted  for  the  service  of  the  United  States  during 
the  war  a  full  compensation  for  the  property,  at  a  rate  not  exceeding  one  thou 
sand  dollars  for  each  active,  able-bodied  negro  man  of  standard  size,  not  exceed 
ing  thirty-five  years  of  age,  who  shall  be  so  enlisted  and  pass  muster. 

"  That  no  pay  or  bounty  be  allowed  to  the  said  negroes ;  but  that  they  be 
clothed  and  subsisted  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States. 

"  That  every  negro  who  shall  well  and  faithfully  serve  as  a  soldier  to  the 
end  of  the  present  war,  and  shall  then  return  his  arms,  be  emancipated,  and 
receive  the  sum  of  fifty  dollars."  « 

Congress  supplemented  the  foregoing  measure  by  commission 
ing  young  Col.  Laurens  to  carry  forward  the  important  work 
suggested.  The  gallant  young  officer  was  indeed  worthy  of  the 
following  resolutions:  — 


1  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  i  pp.  107-110. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  357 

"Whereas  John  Laurens,  Esq.,  who  has  heretofore  acted  as  aide-de-camp 
to  the  Commander-in-chief,  is  desirous  of  repairing  to  South  Carolina,  with  a 
design  to  assist  in  defence  of  the  Southern  States;  — 

"  Resolved,  That  a  commission  of  lieutenant-colonel  be  granted  to  the  said 
John  Laurens,  Esq."  x 

He  repaired  to  South  Carolina,  and  threw  all  his  energies  into 
his  noble  mission.  That  the  people  did  not  co-operate  with  him, 
is  evidenced  in  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  he  subsequently 
wrote  to  Col.  Hamilton  :  — 

"  Ternant  will  relate  to  you  how  many  violent  struggles  I  have  had  between 
duty  and  inclination,  —  how  much  my  heart  was  with  you,  while  I  appeared  to 
be  most  actively  employed  here.  But  it  appears  to  me,  that  I  should  be  inex 
cusable  in  the  light  of  a  citizen,  if  I  did  not  continue  my  utmost  efforts  for 
carrying  the  plan  of  the  black  levies  into  execution,  while  there  remain  the 
smallest  hopes  of  success."  2 

The  enemy  was  not  slow  in  discovering  the  division  of  senti 
ment  among  the  colonists  as  to  the  policy  of  employing  Negroes 
as  soldiers.  And  the  suspicions  of  Gen.  Washington,  indicated 
to  Henry  Laurens,  in  a  letter  already  quoted,  were  not  groundless. 
On  the  3Oth  of  June,  1779,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  issued  a  proclama 
tion  to  the  Negroes.  It  first  appeared  in  "  The  Royal  Gazette  " 
of  New  York,  on  the  3d  of  July,  1779. 

"  By  his  Excellency  Sir  HENRY  CLINTON,  K.B.  General  and  Commander-in- 
chief  of  all  his  Majesty's  Forces  within  the  Colonies  laying  on  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  from  Nova  Scotia  to  West-Florida,  inclusive,  &c.,  &c.,  &. 

"PROCLAMATION. 

"  Whereas  the  enemy  have  adopted  a  practice  of  enrolling  NEGROES 
;among  their  Troops,  I  do  hereby  give  notice  That  all  NEGROES  taken  in  arms, 
or  upon  any  military  Duty,  shall  be  purchased  for  \the  public  service  af\  a  stated 
Price ;  the  money  to  be  paid  to  the  Captors. 

"  But  I  do  most  strictly  forbid  any  Person  to  sell  or  claim  Right  over  any 
NEGROE,  the  property  of  a  Rebel,  who  may  take  Refuge  with  any  part  of  this 
Army:  And  I  do  promise  to  every  NEGROE  who  shall  desert  the  Rebel  Stand 
ard,  full  security  to  follow  within  these  Lines,  any  Occupation  which  he  shall 
think  proper. 

"  Given  under  my  Hand,  at  Head-Quarters,  PHILLIPSBURGH,  the  3oth  day 
•of  June,  1779. 

"H.  CLINTON. 
"  By  his  Excellency's  command, 

" JOHN  SMITH,  Secretary" 

1  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  v.  p.  123.  s  Works  of  Hamilton,  vol.  i.  pp.  114,  115. 


358      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  proclamation  had  effect.  Many  Negroes,  weary  of  the 
hesitancy  of  the  colonists  respecting  acceptance  of  their  services, 
joined  the  ministerial  army.  On  the  I4th  of  February,  1780, 
Col.  Laurens  wrote  Gen.  Washington,  from  Charleston,  S.C.,  as 
follows :  — 

"  Private  accounts  say  that  General  Prevost  is  left  to  command  at  Savannah ; 
that  his  troops  consist  of  the  Hessians  and  Loyalists  that  were  there  before, 
re-enforced  by  a  corps  of  blacks  and  a  detachment  of  savages.  It  is  generally 
reported  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  commands  the  present  expedition."  * 

Lord  Cornwallis  also  issued  a  proclamation,  offering  protection 
to  all  Negroes  who  should  seek  his  command.  But  the  treatment 
he  gave  them,  as  narrated  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  a  letter  to  Dr. 
Gordon,  a  few  years  after  the  war,  was  extremely  cruel,  to  say  the 
least. 

"  Lord  Cornwallis  destroyed  all  my  growing  crops  of  corn  and  tobacco ;  he 
burned  all  my  barns,  containing  the  same  articles  of  the  last  year,  having  first 
taken  what  corn  he  wanted ;  he  used,  as  was  to  be  expected,  all  my  stock  of 
cattle,  sheep,  and  hogs,  for  the  sustenance  of  his  army,  and  carried  off  all  the 
horses  capable  of  service ;  of  those  too  young  for  service  he  cut  the  throats ; 
and  he  burned  all  the  fences  on  the  plantation,  so  as  to  leave  it  an  absolute 
waste.  He  carried  off"  also  about  thirty  slaves.  Had  this  been  to  give  them 
freedom,  he  would  have  done  right;  but  it  was  to  consign  them  to  inevitable 
death  from  the  small-pox  and  putrid  fever,  then  raging  in  his  camp.  This  I, 
knew  afterwards  to  be  the  fate  of  twenty-seven  of  them.  I  never  had  news  of 
the  remaining  three,  but  presume  they  shared  the  same  fate.  When  I  say  that 
Lord  Cornwallis  did  all  this,  I  do  not  mean  that  he  carried  about  the  torch  in 
his  own  hands,  but  that  it  was  all  done  under  his  eye ;  the  situation  of  the 
house,  in  which  he  was,  commanding  a  view  of  every  part  of  the  plantation,  so 
that  he  must  have  seen  every  fire.  I  relate  these  things  on  my  own  knowledge, 
in  a  great  degree,  as  I  was  on  the  ground  soon  after  he  left  it.  He  treated  the 
rest  of  the  neighborhood  somewhat  in  the  same  style,  but  not  with  that  spirit 
of  total  extermination  with  which  he  seemed  to  rage  over  my  possessions. 
Wherever  he  went,  the  dwelling-houses  were  plundered  of  every  thing  which 
could  be  carried  off.  Lord  Cornwallis's  character  in  England  would  forbid  the 
belief  that  he  shared  in  the  plunder;  but  that  his  table  was  served  with  the 
plate  thus  pillaged  from  private  houses,  can  be  proved  by  many  hundred  eye 
witnesses.  From  an  estimate  I  made  at  that  time,  on  the  best  information  I 
could  collect,  I  suppose  the  State  of  Virginia  lost,  under  Lord  Cornwallis '.? 
hand,  that  year,  about  thirty  thousand  slaves  /  and  that,  of  these,  twenty-seven 
thousand  died  of  the  small-pox  and  camp-fever  j  and  the  rest  were  partly  sent 
to  the  West  Indies,  and  exchanged  for  rum,  sugar,  coffee,  and  fruit ;  and  partly 
sent  to  New  York,  from  whence  they  went,  at  the  peace,  either  to  Nova  Scotia 

1  Sparks's  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  ii.  p.  402. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  359 

4>r  to  England.  From  this  last  place,  I  believe,  they  have  been  lately  sent  to 
Africa.  History  will  never  relate  the  horrors  committed  by  the  British  Army 
in  the  Southern  States  of  America."  ' 

Col.  Laurens  was  called  from  the  South,  and  despatched  to 
France  on  an  important  mission  in  1780.  But  the  effort  to  raise 
Negro  troops  in  the  South  was  not  abandoned. 

On  the  1 3th  of  March,  1780,  Gen.  Lincoln,  in  a  letter  to  Gov. 
Rutledge  of  South  Carolina,  dated  at  Charleston,  urged  the 
importance  of  raising  a  Negro  regiment  at  once.  He  wrote, — 

"  Give  me  leave  to  add  once  more,  that  I  think  the  measure  of  raising  a 
black  corps  a  necessary  one ;  that  I  have  great  reason  to  believe,  if  permission 
is  given  for  it,  that  many  men  would  soon  be  obtained.  I  have  repeatedly 
urged  this  matter,  not  only  because  Congress  have  recommended  it,  and 
because  it  thereby  becomes  my  duty  to  attempt  to  have  it  executed,  but  because 
my  own  mind  suggests  the  utility  and  importance  of  the  measure,  as  the  safety 
of  the  town  makes  it  necessary." 

James  Madison  saw  in  the  emancipation  and  arming  of  the 
Negroes  the  only  solution  of  the  vexatious  Southern  problem. 
On  the  2Oth  of  November,  1780,  he  wrote  Joseph  Jones  as 
follows: —  « 

"Yours  of  the  i8th  came  yesterday.  I  am  glad  to  find  the  Legislature 
persist  in  their  resolution  to  recruit  their  line  of  the  army  for  the  war;  though, 
without  deciding  on  the  expediency  of  the  mode  under  their  consideration, 
would  it  not  be  as  well  to  liberate  and  make  soldiers  at  once  of  the  blacks 
themselves,  as  to  make  them  instruments  for  enlisting  white  soldiers?  It 
would  certainly  be  more  consonant  with  the  principles  of  liberty,  which  ought 
never  to  be  lost  sight  of  in  a  contest  for  liberty :  and,  with  white  officers  and  a 
majority  of  white  soldiers,  no  imaginable  danger  could  be  feared  from  them 
selves,  as  there  certainly  could  be  none  from  the  effect  of  the  example  on  those 
who  should  remain  in  bondage ;  experience  having  shown  that  a  freedman 
immediately  loses  all  attachment  and  sympathy  with  his  former  fellow-slaves."2 

The  struggle  went  on  between  Tory  and  Whig,  between  traitor 
and  patriot,  between  selfishness  and  the  spirit  of  noble  consecra 
tion  to  the  righteous  cause  of  the  Americans.  Gen.  Greene  wrote 
from  North  Carolina  on  the  28th  of  February,  1781,  to  Gen. 
Washington  as  follows  :  — 

"The  enemy  have  ordered  two  regiments  of  negroes  to  be  immediately 
embodied,  and  are  drafting  a  great  proportion  of  the  young  men  of  that  State 
[South  Carolina],  to  serve  during  the  war."  3 

1  Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  426.  2  Madison  Papers,  p.  68. 

3  Sparks's  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  iii.  p.  246. 


360      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Upon  his  return  to  America,  Col.  Laurens  again  espoused  his 
favorite  and  cherished  plan  of  securing  black  levies  for  the  South. 
But  surrounded  and  hindered  by  the  enemies  of  the  country  he  so 
dearly  loved,  and  for  the  honor  and  preservation  of  which  he 
gladly  gave  his  young  life,  his  plans  were  unsuccessful.  In  two 
letters  to  Gen.  Washington,  a  few  months  before  he  fell  fighting 
for  his  country,  he  gave  an  account  of  the  trials  that  beset  his 
path,  which  he  felt  led  to  honorable  duty.  The  first  bore  date  of 
May  19,  1782. 

"  The  plan  which  brought  me  to  this  country  was  urged  with  all  the  zeal 
which  the  subject  inspired,  both  in  our  Privy  Council  and  Assembly;  but  the 
single  voice  of  reason  was  drowned  by  the  howlings  of  a  triple-headed  mon 
ster,  in  which  prejudice,  avarice,  and  pusillanimity  were  united.  It  was  some 
degree  of  consolation  to  me,  however,  to  perceive  that  truth  and  philosophy 
had  gained  some  ground  ;  the  suffrages  in  favor  of  the  measure  being  twice  as 
numerous  as  on  a  former  occasion.  Some  hopes  have  been  lately  given  me 
from  Georgia;  but  I  fear,  when  the  question  is  put,  we  shall  be  outvoted  there 
with  as  much  disparity  as  we  have  been  in  this  country. 

"  I  earnestly  desire  to  be  where  any  active  plans  are  likely  to  be  executed, 
and  to  be  near  your  Excellency  on  all  occasions  in  which  my  services  can  be 
acceptable.  The  pursuit  of  an  object  which,  I  confess,  is  a  favorite  one  with 
me,  because  I  always  regarded  the  interests  of  this  country  and  those  of  the 
Union  as  intimately  connected  with  it,  has  detached  me  more  than  once  from 
your  family;  but  those  sentiments  of  veneration  and  attachment  with  which 
your  Excellency  has  inspired  me,  keep  me  always  near  you,  with  the  sincerest 
and  most  zealous  wishes  for  a  continuance  of  your  happiness  and  glory."  « 

The  second  was  dated  June  12,  1782,  and  breathes  a  despond 
ent  air :  — 

"  The  approaching  session  of  the  Georgia  Legislature,  and  the  encourage 
ment  given  me  by  Governor  Howley,  who  has  a  decisive  influence  in  the  coun 
sels  of  that  country,  induce  me  to  repaain  in  this  quarter  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  new  measures  on  the  subject  of  our  black  levies.  The  arrival  o£ 
Colonel  Baylor,  whose  seniority  entitles  him  to  the  command  of  the  light 
troops,  affords  me  ample  leisure  for  pursuing  the  business  in  person ;  and  I 
shall  do  it  with  all  the  tenacity  of  a  man  making  a  last  effort  on  so  interesting 
an  occasion."  2 

Washington's  reply  showed  that  he,  too,  had  lost  faith  in  the 
patriotism  of  the  citizens  of  the  South  to  a  great  degree.  He 
wrote  his  faithful  friend  :  — 

"  I  must  confess  that  I  am  not  at  all  astonished  at  the  failure  of  your  plan. 
That  spirit  of  freedom,  which,  at  the  commencement  of  this  contest,  would 

1  Sparks's  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  iii.  p.  506.        2  Ibid.,  p.  515. 


MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES. 


361 


have  gladly  sacrificed  every  thing  to  the  attainment  of  its  object,  has  long 
since  subsided,  and  every  selfish  passion  has  taken  its  place.  It  is  not  the- 
public  but  private  interest  which  influences  the  generality  of  mankind ;  nor  can 
the  Americans  any  longer  boast  an  exception.  Under  these  circumstances,  it 
would  rather  have  been  surprising  if  you  had  succeeded ;  nor  will  you,  I  fear, 
have  better  success  in  Georgia."  » 

Although  the  effort  of  the  Legislature  of  Connecticut  to 
authorize  the  enlistment  of  Negroes  in  1777  had  failed,  many 
Negroes,  as  has  been  shown,  served  in  regiments  from  that  State ;, 
and  a  Negro  company  was  organized.  When  white  officers  refused 
to  serve  in  it,  the  gallant  David  Humphreys  volunteered  his. 
services,  and  became  the  captain. 

"In  November,  1782,  he  was,  by  resolution  of  Congress,  commissioned  as 
a  Lieutenant-Colonel,  with  order  that  his  commission  should  bear  date  from 
the  23d  of  June,  1780,  when  he  received  his  appointment  as  aide-de-camp  to  the 
Commander-in-chief.  He  had,  when  in  active  service,  given  the  sanction  of  his 
name  and  influence  in  the  establishment  of  a  company  of  colored  infantry,  attached 
to  Meigs',  afterwards  Butler's,  regiment,  in  the  Connecticut  line.  He  continued 
to  be  the  nominal  captain  of  that  company  until  the  establishment  of  peace."  2 

The  following  was  the  roster  of  his  company :  — 


"  Captain, 

DAVID  HUMPHREYS. 

Privates, 

Jack  Arabus, 

Brister  Baker, 

John  Ball, 

John  Cleveland, 

Caesar  Bagdon, 

John  McLean,, 

Phineas  Strong, 

Gamaliel  Terry, 

Jesse  Vose, 

Ned  Fields, 

Lent  Munson, 

Daniel  Bradley,. 

Isaac  Higgins, 

Heman  Rogers, 

Sharp  Camp, 

Lewis  Martin, 

Job  Caesar, 

Jo  Otis, 

Caesar  Chapman, 

John  Rogers, 

James  Dinah,. 

Peter  Mix, 

Ned  Freedom, 

Solomon  Sowtice^ 

Philo  Freeman, 

Ezekiel  Tupham, 

Peter  Freeman, 

Hector  Williams, 

Tom  Freeman, 

Cato  Wilbrow, 

Juba  Freeman, 

Congo  Zado, 

Cuff  Freeman, 

Cato  Robinson, 

Peter  Gibbs, 

Juba  Dyer, 

Prince  George, 

Prince  Johnson, 

Andrew  Jack, 

Prince  Crosbee, 

Alex.  Judd, 

Peter  Morando, 

Shubael  Johnson, 

Pomp  Liberty, 

Peter  Lion, 

Tim  Caesar, 

Cuff  Liberty, 

Sampson  Cuff, 

Jack  Little, 

Pomp  Cyrus, 

Dick  Freedom, 

Bill  Sowers, 

Harry  Williams, 

Pomp  McCuff."  3 

Dick  Violet, 

Sharp  Rogers, 

1  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  viii.  pp.  322,  323. 

2  Biographical  Sketch  in  "  The  National  Portrait  Gallery  of  Distinguished  Americans." 
•*  Colored  Patriots  of  the  Revolution,  p.  134. 


362      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

But  notwithstanding  the  persistent  and  bitter  opposition  to 
the  employment  of  slaves,  from  the  earliest  hours  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  War  till  its  close,  Negroes,  bond  and  free,  were  in  all 
branches  of  the  service.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  exact 
number  cannot  be  known.  Adjutant-Gen.  Scammell  made  the 
following  official  return  of  Negro  soldiers  in  the  main  army, 
>under  Washington's  immediate  command,  two  months  after  the 
battle  of  Monmouth  ;  but  the  Rhode-Island  regiment,  the  Connect 
icut,  New  York,  and  New-Hampshire  troops  are  not  mentioned. 
Incomplete  as  it  is,  it  is  nevertheless  official,  and  therefore  cor 
rect  as  far  as  it  goes. 

RETURN   OF   NEGROES   IN   THE   ARMY,  24TH  AUG.,  1778. 


BRIGADES. 

PRESENT. 

SICK  ABSENT. 

ON  COMMAND. 

TOTAL. 

North  Carolina  .    . 

42 

10 

6 

58 

Woodford      .    .    . 

36 

3 

i 

40 

Muhlenburg  .    .    . 

64 

26 

8 

98 

Smallwood    .    .    . 

20 

3 

i 

24 

2d  Maryland  .    .    . 

43 

15 

2 

60 

Wayne  

2 



2 

2d  Pennsylvania 

[33] 

i«i 

[I] 

[35] 

Clinton      .... 

33 

2 

4 

39 

Parsons     .... 

117 

12 

19 

148 

Huntington    .    .    . 

56 

2 

4 

62 

Nixon   

26 

— 

i 

27 

Patterson  .... 

64 

13 

12 

89 

Late  Learned     .    . 

34 

4 

8 

46 

Poor      

16 

7 

4 

27 

Total.    .    .    . 

586 

98 

.7I 

755 

ALEX.   SCAMMELL,  Adj.-Gen.* 

It  is  gratifying  to  record  the  fact,  that  the  Negro  was  enrolled 
as  a  soldier  in  the  war  of  the  American  Revolution.  What  he 
did  will  be  recorded  in  the  following  chapter. 


1  This  return  was  discovered  by  the  indefatigable  Dr.  George  H.  Moore.    It  is  the  only  docu 
ment  of  the  kind  in  existence. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  363 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 

NEGROES  AS   SOLDIERS. 

1775-1783. 

THE  NEGRO  AS  A  SOLDIER.  —  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL.  —  GALLANTRY  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  —  PETER 
SALEM,  THE  INTREPID  BLACK  SOLDIER.  —  BUNKER-HILL  MONUMENT.  — THE  NEGRO  SALEM  POOR 

DISTINGUISHES   HIMSELF   BY   DEEDS   OF    DESPERATE  VALOR.  —  CAPTURE  OF   GEN.    LEE.  —  CAPTURE 

OF  GEN.  PRESCOTT.  —  BATTLE  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.  —  COL.  GREENE  COMMANDS  A  NEGRO  REGI 
MENT. —  MURDER  OF  COL.  GREENE  IN  1781. — THE  VALOR  OF  THE  NEGRO  SOLDIERS. 

AS  soldiers  the  Negroes  went  far  beyond  the  most  liberal 
expectations  of  their  stanchest  friends.  Associated  with 
white  men,  many  of  whom  were  superior  gentlemen,  and 
nearly  all  of  whom  were  brave  and  enthusiastic,  the  Negro  soldiers 
of  the  American  army  became  worthy  of  the  cause  they  fought  to 
sustain.  Col.  Alexander  Hamilton  had  said,  u  their  natural  fac 
ulties  are  as  good  as  ours;"  and  the  assertion  was  supported  by 
their  splendid  behavior  on  all  the  battle-fields  of  the  Revolution. 
Endowed  by  nature  with  a  poetic  element,  faithful  to  trusts,  abid 
ing  in  friendships,  bound  by  the  golden  threads  of  attachment  to 
places  and  persons,  enthusiastic  in  personal  endeavor,  sentimental 
and  chivalric,  they  made  hardy  and  intrepid  soldiers.  The  daring, 
boisterous  enthusiasm  with  which  they  sprang  to  arms  disarmed 
racial  prejudice  of  its  sting,  and  made  friends  of  foes. 

Their  cheerfulness  in  camp,  their  celerity  in  the  performance 
of  fatigue-duty,  their  patient  endurance  of  heat  and  cold,  hunger 
and  thirst,  and  their  bold  efficiency  in  battle,  made  them  welcome 
•companions  everywhere  they  went.  The  officers  who  frowned  at 
their  presence  in  the  army  at  first,  early  learned,  from  experience, 
that  they  were  the  equals  of  any  troops  in  the  army  for  severe 
service  in  camp,  and  excellent  fighting  in  the  field. 

The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  was  one  of  the  earliest  and  most 
important  of  the  Revolution.  Negro  soldiers  were  in  the  action 
of  the  i /th  of  June,  1775,  and  nobly  did  their  duty.  Speaking  of 
this  engagement,  Bancroft  says,  — 


364      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Nor  should  history  forget  to  record  that,  as  in  the  army  at  Cambridge,  so 
also  in  this  gallant  band,  the  free  negroes  of  the  colony  had  their  representa 
tives."  * 

Two  Negro  soldiers  especially  distinguished  themselves,  and 
rendered  the  cause  of  the  colonists  great  service.  Major  Pitcairn 
was  a  gallant  officer  of  the  British  marines.  He  led  the  charge 
against  the  redoubt,  crying  exultingly,  "The  day  is  ours!"  His 
sudden  appearance  and  his  commanding  air  at  first  startled  the 
men  immediately  before  him.  They  neither  answered  nor  fired, 
probably  not  being  exactly  certain  what  was  next  to  be  done.  At 
this  critical  moment,  a  Negro  soldier  stepped  forward,  and,  aiming 
his  musket  directly  at  the  major's  bosom,  blew  him  through.2 
Who  was  this  intrepid  black  soldier,  who  at  a  critical  moment 
stepped  to  the  front,  and  with  certain  aim  brought  down  the 
incarnate  enemy  of  the  colonists  ?  What  was  his  name,  and 
whence  came  he  to  battle  ?  His  name  was  Peter  Salem,  a  private 
in  Col.  Nixon's  regiment  of  the  Continental  Army. 

"  He  was  born  in  Framingham  [Massachusetts],  and  was  held  as  a  slave, 
probably  until  he  joined  the  army;  whereby,  if  not  before,  he  became  free. 
.  .  .  Peter  served  faithfully  as  a  soldier,  during  the  war."  3 

Perhaps  Salem  was  then  a  slave :  probably  he  thought  of  the 
chains  and  stripes  from  whence  he  had  come,  of  the  liberty  to  be 
purchased  in  the  ordeals  of  war,  and  felt  it  his  duty  to  show  him 
self  worthy  of  his  position  as  an  American  soldier.  He  proved 
that  his  shots  were  as  effective  as  those  of  a  white  soldier,  and 
that  he  was  not  wanting  in  any  of  the  elements  that  go  to  make 
up  the  valiant  soldier.  Significant  indeed  that  a  Negro  was  the 
first  to  open  the  hostilities  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colo 
nies, —  the  first  to  pour  out  his  blood  as  a  precious  libation  on  the 
altar  of  a  people's  rights ;  and  that  here,  at  Bunker  Hill,  when 
the  crimson  and  fiery  tide  of  battle  seemed  to  be  running  hard 
against  the  small  band  of  colonists,  a  Negro  soldier's  steady  mus 
ket  brought  down  the  haughty  form  of  the  arch-rebel,  and  turned 
victory  to  the  weak  !  England  had  loaded  the  African  with  chains, 
and  doomed  him  to  perpetual  bondage  in  the  North-American 
colonies ;  and  when  she  came  to  forge  political  chains,  in  the 
flames  of  fratricidal  war,  for  an  English-speaking  people,  the 
Negro,  whom  she  had  grievously  wronged,  was  first  to  meet  her 
soldiers,  and  welcome  them  to  a  hospitable  grave. 

1  Bancroft,  vol.  vii.,  6th  ed. ,  p.  421.    2  An  Historical  Research,  p.  93.     3  History  of  Leicester,  p.  267. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  365 

Bunker-hill  Monument  has  a  charm  for  loyal  Americans  ;  and 
the  Negro,  too,  may  gaze  upon  its  enjduring  magnificence.  It  com 
memorates  the  deeds,  not  of  any  particular  soldier,  but  all  who 
stood  true  to  the  principles  of  equal  rights  and  free  government 
on  that  memorable  "  i/th  of  June." 

"No  name  adorns  the  shaft;  but  ages  hence,  though  our  alphabets  may 
become  as  obscure  as  those  which  cover  the  monuments  of  Nineveh  and  Baby 
lon,  its  uninscribed  surface  (on  which  monarch s  might  be  proud  to  engrave 
their  titles)  will  perpetuate  the  memory  of  the  I7th  of  June.  It  is  the  monu 
ment  of  the  day,  of  the  event,  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill;  of  all  the  brave 
men  who  shared  its  perils,  —  alike  of  Prescott  and  Putnam  and  Warren,  the 
chiefs  of  the  day,  and  the  colored  man,  Salem,  who  is  reported  to  have  shot 
the  gallant  Pitcairn,  as  he  mounted  the  parapet.  Cold  as  the  clods  on  which 
it  rests,  still  as  the  silent  heavens  to  which  it  soars,  it  is  yet  vocal,  eloquent,  in 
their  undivided  praise."  » 

The  other  Negro  soldier  who  won  for  himself  rare  fame  and 
distinguished  consideration  in  the  action  at  Bunker  Hill  was 
Salem  Poor.  Delighted  with  his  noble  bearing,  his  superior  offi 
cers  could  not  refrain  from  calling  the  attention  of  the  civil  au 
thorities  to  the  facts  that  came  under  their  personal  observation. 
The  petition  that  set  forth  his  worth  as  a  brave  soldier  is  still 
preserved  in  the  manuscript  archives  of  Massachusetts :  — 

"  To  the  Honorable  General  Court  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay. 

"The  subscribers  beg  leave  to  report  to  your  Honorable  House  (which 
we  do  in  justice  to  the  character  of  so  brave  a  man),  that,  under  our  own 
observation,  we  declare  that  a  negro  man  called  Salem  Poor,  of  Col.  Frye's 
regiment,  Capt.  Ames'  company,  in  the  late  battle  at  Charlestown,  behaved  like 
an  experienced  officer,  as  well  as  an  excellent  soldier.  To  set  forth  particulars 
of  his  conduct  would  be  tedious.  We  would  only  beg  leave  to  say,  in  the  person 
of  this  said  negro  centres  a  brave  and  gallant  soldier.  The  reward  due  to  so 
great  and  distinguished  a  character,  we  submit  to  the  Congress. 


"JONA.  BREWER,  Col. 
THOMAS  NIXON,  Lt.-Col. 
WM.  PRESCOTT,  Colo. 
EPHM.  COREY,  Lieut. 
JOSEPH  BAKER,  Lieut. 
JOSHUA  Row,  Lieut. 
JONAS  RICHARDSON,  Capt. 


ELIPHALET  BODWELL,  Sgt. 
JOSIAH  FOSTER,  Lieut. 
EBENR.  VARNUM,  2d  Lieut. 
WM.  HUDSON   BALLARD,  Cpt. 
WILLIAM  SMITH,  Cap. 
JOHN  MORTON,  Sergt.  [?] 
Lieut.  RICHARD  WELSH. 


"CAMBRIDGE,  Dec.  5,  1775. 

"In  Council,  Dec.  21,  1775.  —  Read,  and  sent  down. 

"  PEREZ  MORTON,  Depy  Sefy?  * 

1  Orations  and  Speeches  of  Everett,  vol.  iii.  p.  529. 

2  MS.  Archives  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  clxxx.  p.  241. 


366      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

How  many  other  Negro  soldiers  behaved  with  cool  and  deter 
mined  valor  at  Bunker  Hill,  it  is  not  possible  to  know.  But  many 
were  there  :  they  did  their  duty  as  faithful  men,  and  their  achieve 
ments  are  the  heritage  of  the  free  of  all  colors  under  our  one  flag. 
Col.  Trumbull,  an  artist  as  well  as  a  soldier,  who  was  stationed  at 
Roxbury,  witnessed  the  engagement  from  that  elevation.  Inspired 
by  the  scene,  when  it  was  yet  fresh  in  his  mind,  he  painted  the 
historic  picture  of  the  battle  in  1786.  He  represents  several 
Negroes  in  good  view,  while  conspicuous  in  the  foreground  is 
the  redoubtable  Peter  Salem.  Some  subsequent  artists  —  mere 
copyists  —  have  sought  to  consign  this  black  hero  to  oblivion,  but 
'tis  vain.  Although  the  monument  at  Bunker  Hill  "does  not 
bear  his  name,  the  pencil  of  the  artist  has  portrayed  the  scene, 
the  pen  of  the  impartial  historian  has  recorded  his  achievement, 
and  the  voice  of  the  eloquent  orator  has  resounded  his  valor." 

Major  Samuel  Lawrence  "at  one  time  commanded  a  company 
whose  rank  and  file  were  all  Negroes,  of  whose  courage,  military 
discipline,  and  fidelity  he  always  spoke  with  respect.  On  one 
occasion,  being  out  reconnoitring  with  this  company,  he  got  so 
far  in  advance  of  his  command,  that  he  was  surrounded,  and  on 
the  point  of  being  made  prisoner  by  the  enemy.  The  men,  soon 
discovering  his  peril,  rushed  to  his  rescue,  and  fought  with  the 
most  determined  bravery  till  that  rescue  was  effectually  secured. 
He  never  forgot  this  circumstance,  and  ever  after  took  especial 
pains  to  show  kindness  and  hospitality  to  any  individual  of  the 
colored  race  who  came  near  his  dwelling."  l 

Gen.  Lee,  of  the  American  army,  was  captured  by  Col.  Har- 
court  of  the  British  army.  It  was  regarded  as  a  very  distressing 
event ;  and  preparations  were  made  to  capture  a  British  officer  of 
the  same  rank,  so  an  exchange  could  be  effected.  Col.  Barton  of 
the  Rhode-Island  militia,  a  brave  and  cautious  officer,  was  charged 
with  the  capture  of  Major-Gen.  Prescott,  commanding  the  royal 
army  at  Newport.  On  the  night  of  the  Qth  of  July,  1777,  Col. 
Barton,  with  forty  men,  in  two  boats  with  muffled  oars,  evaded  the 
enemy's  boats,  and,  being  taken  for  the  sentries  at  Prescott's  head 
quarters,  effected  that  officer's  capture  —  a  Negro  taking  him. 
The  exploit  was  bold  and  successful. 

•"  They  landed  about  five  miles  from  Newport,  and  three-quarters  of  a  mile 
from  the  house,  which  they  approached  cautiously,  avoiding  the  main  guard, 

1  Memoir  of  Samuel  Lawrence,  by  Rev.  S.  K.  Lothrop,  D.D.,  pp.  8,  g, 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  367 

which  was  at  some  distance.  The  Colonel  went  foremost,  with  a  stout,  active 
negro  close  behind  him,  and  another  at  a  small  distance  ;  the  rest  followed  so  as 
to  be  near,  bitt  not  seen. 

"A  single  sentinel  at  the  door  saw  and  hailed  the  Colonel;  he  answered  by 
exclaiming  against,  and  inquiring  for,  rebel  prisoners,  but  kept  slowly  advancing. 
The  sentinel  again  challenged  him,  and  required  the  countersign.  He  said  he 
had  not  the  countersign,  but  amused  the  sentry  by  talking  about  rebel  prison 
ers,  and  still  advancing  till  he  came  within  reach  of  the  bayonet,  which,  he 
presenting,  the  Colonel  suddenly  struck  aside  and  seized  him.  He  was  imme 
diately  secured,  and  ordered  to  be  silent,  on  pain  of  instant  death.  Meanwhiley 
the  rest  of  the  men  surrounding  the  house,  the  negro,  with  his  head,  at  the  second 
stroke  forced  a  passage  into  it,  and  then  into  the  landlord's  apartment.  The 
landlord  at  first  refused  to  give  the  necessary  intelligence;  but,  on  the  prospect 
of  present  death  he  pointed  to  the  GeneraVs  chamber,  which  being  instantly 
opened  by  the  negro's  head,  the  Colonel  calling  the  General  by  name,  told  him 
he  was  a  prisoner"  x 

Another  account  was  published  by  a  surgeon  of  the  army,  and 
is  given  here  :  — 

"Albany,  Aug.  3,  1777.  —  The  pleasing  information  is  received  here  that 
Lieut.-Col.  Barton,  of  the  Rhode-Island  militia,  planned  a  bold  exploit  for  the 
purpose  of  surprising  and  taking  Major-Gen.  Prescott,  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  royal  army  at  Newport.  Taking  with  him,  in  the  night,  about  forty 
men,  in  two  boats,  with  oars  muffled,  he  had  the  address  to  elude  the  vigilance 
of  the  ships-of-war  and  guard-boats :  and,  having  arrived  undiscovered  at  the 
quarters  of  Gen.  Prescott,  they  were  taken  for  the  sentinels ;  and  the  general 
was  not  alarmed  till  his  captors  were  at  the  door  of  his  lodging-chamber,  which 
was  fast  closed.  A  negro  man,  named  Prince,  instantly  thrust  his  beetle  head 
through  the  panel  door,  and  seized  his  victim  while  in  bed.  .  .  .  This  event  is 
extremely  honorable  to  the  enterprising  spirit  of  Col.  Barton,  and  is  considered 
as  ample  retaliation  for  the  capture  of  Gen.  Lee  by  Col.  Harcourt.  The  event 
occasions  great  joy  and  exultation,  as  it  puts  in  our  possession  an  officer  of  equal 
rank  with  Gen.  Lee,  by  which  means  an  exchange  may  be  obtained.  Congress 
resolved  that  an  elegant  sword  should  be  presented  to  Col.  Barton  for  his  brave 
exploit.'' 2 

Col.  Barton  evidently  entertained  great  respect  for  the  valor 
and  trustworthiness  of  the  Negro  soldier  whom  he  made  the  chief 
actor  in  a  most  hazardous  undertaking.  It  was  the  post  of  honor  ; 
and  the  Negro  soldier  Prince  discharged  the  duty  assigned  him  in 
a  manner  that  was  entirely  satisfactory  to  his  superior  officer, 
and  crowned  as  one  of  the  most  daring  and  brilliant  coups  d'etat 
of  the  American  Revolution. 

1  Frank  Moore's  Diary  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  i.  p.  468. 

2  Thatcher's  Military  Journal,  p.  87. 


368      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  battle  of  Rhode  Island,  fought  on  the  2Qth  of  August, 
1 778,  was  one  of  the  severest  of  the  Revolution.  Newport  was 
laid  under  siege  by  the  British.  Their  ships-of-war  moved  up  the 
bay  on  the  morning  of  the  action,  and  opened  a  galling  fire  upon 
the  exposed  right  flank  of  the  American  army ;  while  the  Hessian 
columns,  stretching  across  a  chain  of  the  "highland,"  attempted 
to  turn  Gen.  Greene's  flank,  and  storm  the  advanced  redoubt. 
The  heavy  cannonading  that  had  continued  since  nine  in  the 
morning  was  now  accompanied  by  heavy  skirmishing ;  and  the 
action  began  to  be  general  all  along  the  lines.  The  American 
army  was  disposed  in  three  lines  of  battle ;  the  first  extended  in 
front  of  their  earthworks  on  Butt's  Hill,  the  second  in  rear  of 
the  hill,  and  the  third  as  reserve  a  half-mile  in  the  rear  of  the 
advance  line.  At  ten  o'clock  the  battle  was  at  white  heat.  The 
British  vessels  kept  up  a  fire  that  greatly  annoyed  the  Americans, 
but  imparted  courage  to  the  Hessians  and  British  infantry.  At 
length  the  foot  columns  massed,  and  swept  down  the  slopes  of 
Anthony's  Hill  with  the  impetuosity  of  a  whirlwind.  But  the 
American  columns  received  them  with  the  intrepidity  and  cool 
ness  of  veterans.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  fearful. 

"  Sixty  were  found  dead  in  one  spot.  At  another,  thirty  Hessians  were 
buried  in  one  grave.  Major-Gen.  Greene  commanded  on  the  right.  Of  the 
four  brigades  under  his  immediate  command,  Varnum's,  Glover's,  Cornell's 
and  Greene's,  all  suffered  severely,  but  Gen.  Varnum's  perhaps  th£  most.  A 
third  time  the  enemy,  with  desperate  courage  and  increased  strength,  attempted 
to  assail  the  redoubt,  and  would  have  carried  it  but  for  the  timely  aid  of  two 
continental  battalions  despatched  by  Sullivan  to  support  his  almost  exhausted 
troops.  It  was  in  repelling  these  furious  onsets,  that  the  newly  raised  black 
regiment,  under  Col.  Greene,  distinguished  itself  by  deeds  of  desperate  valor. 
Posted  behind  a  thicket  in  the  valley,  they  three  times  drove  back  the  Hessians 
who  charged  repeatedly  down  the  hill  to  dislodge  them;  and  so  determined 
were  the  enemy  in  these  successive  charges,  that  the  day  after  the  battle  the 
Hessian  colonel,  upon  whom  this  duty  had  devolved,  applied  to  exchange  his 
command  and  go  to  New  York,  because  he  dared  not  lead  his  regiment  again 
ro  battle,  lest  his  men  should  shoot  him  for  having  caused  them  so  much  loss."  « 

A  few  years  later  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  writing  of  this 
regiment,  said,  — 

"The  5th  [of  January,  1781]  I  did  not  set  out  till  eleven,  although  I  had 
thirty  miles'  journey  to  Lebanon.  At  the  passage  to  the  ferry,  I  met  with  a 
detachment  of  'the  Rhode-Island  regiment,  the  same  corps  we  had  with  us 

1  Arnold's  History  of  Rhode  Island,  vol.  ii.  pp.  427,  428. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  369 

all  the  last  summer,  but  they  have  since  been  recruited  and  clothed.  The 
greatest  part  of  them  are  negroes  or  mulattoes ;  but  they  are  strong,  robust 
men,  and  those  I  have  seen  had  a  very  good  appearance."  * 

On  the  I4th  of  May,  1781,  the  gallant  Col.  Greene  was  sur 
prised  and  murdered  at  Point's  Bridge,  New  York ;  but  it  was  not 
effected  until  his  brave  black  soldiers  had  been  cut  to  pieces  in 
defending  their  leader.  It  was  one  of  the  most  touching  and 
beautiful  incidents  of  the  war,  and  illustrates  the  self-sacrificing 
devotion  of  Negro  soldiers  to  the  cause  of  American  liberty. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Congregational  and  Presbyterian  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  at  Francestown,  N.H.,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Harris,  him 
self  a  Revolutionary  soldier,  spoke  thus  complimentarily  of  the 
Rhode-Island  Negro  regiment :  — 

"  Yes,  a  regiment  of  negroes,  fighting  for  our  liberty  and  independence,  — 
not  a  white  man  among  them  but  the  officers,  —  stationed  in  this  same  danger 
ous  and  responsible  position.  Had  they  been  unfaithful,  or  given  away  before 
the  enemy,  all  would  have  been  lost.  Three  times  in  succession  were  they 
attacked,  with  most  desperate  valor  and  fury,  by  well  disciplined  and  veteran 
troops,  and  three  times  did  they  successfully  repel  the  assault,  and  thus  preserve 
our  army  from  capture.  They  fought  through  the  war.  They  were  brave, 
hardy  troops.  They  helped  to  gain  our  liberty  and  independence." 

From  the  opening  to  the  closing  scene  of  the  Revolutionary 
War ;  from  the  death  of  Pitcairn  to  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis ; 
on  many  fields  of  strife  and  triumph,  of  splendid  valor  and 
republican  glory ;  from  the  hazy  dawn  of  unequal  and  uncer 
tain  conflict,  to  the  bright  morn  of  profound  peace ;  through  and 
out  of  the  fires  of  a  great  war  that  gave  birth  to  a  new,  a  grand 
republic, — the  Negro  soldier  fought  his  way  to  undimmed  glory, 
.and  made  for  himself  a  magnificent  record  in  the  annals  of  Amer 
ican  history.  Those  annals  have  long  since  been  committed  to 
the  jealous  care  of  the  loyal  citizens  of  the  Republic  black  men 
fought  so  heroically  to  snatch  from  the  iron  clutches  of  Britain. 

1  Chastellux'  Travels,  vol.  i.  p.  454;  London,  1789. 


370      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

LEGAL  STATUS   OF  THE  NEGRO  DURING  THE  REVOLUTION. 

1775-1783. 

THE  NEGRO  WAS  CHATTEL  OR  REAL  PROPERTY.  —  His  LEGAL  STATUS  DURING  HIS  NEW  RELATION  AS- 
A  SOLDIER.  —  RESOLUTION  INTRODUCED  IN  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  TO 
PREVENT  THE  SELLING  OF  Two  NEGROES  CAPTURED  UPON  THE  HlGH  SEAS.  —  THE  CONTINENT 
AL  CONGRESS  APPOINTS  A  COMMITTEE  TO  CONSIDER  WHAT  SHOULD  BE  DONE  WITH  NEGROES 

TAKEN   BY   VESSELS   OF   WAR    IN    THE   SERVICE    OF   THE    UNITED   COLONIES.  —  CONFEDERATION    OF 

THE  NEW  STATES.  —  SPIRITED  DEBATE  IN  CONGRESS  RESPECTING  THE  DISPOSAL  OF  RECAPTURES. 
—  THE  SPANISH  SHIP  "  VICTORIA"  CAPTURES  AN  ENGLISH  VESSEL  HAVING  ON  BOARD  THIRTY-FOUR 
NEGROES  TAKEN  FROM  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  — THE  NEGROES  RECAPTURED  BY  VESSELS  BELONGING 
TO  THE  STATE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  —  THEY  ARE  DELIVERED  TO  THOMAS  KNOX,  AND  CONVEYED 
TO  CASTLE  ISLAND. — COL.  PAUL  REVERE  HAS  CHARGE  OF  THE  SLAVES  ON  CASTLE  ISLAND. — 
MASSACHUSETTS  PASSES  A  LAW  PROVIDING  FOR  THE  SECURITY,  SUPPORT,  AND  EXCHANGE  OF 
PRISONERS  BROUGHT  INTO  THE  STATE.  —  GEN.  HANCOCK  RECEIVES  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  GOV 
ERNOR  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA  RESPECTING  THE  DETENTION  OF  NEGROES.  —  IN  THE  PROVINCIAL 
ARTICLES  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA  AND  His  BRITANNIC  MAJESTY,  NEGROES 

WERE    RATED    AS    PROPERTY. — AND    ALSO    IN    THE    DEFINITE    TREATY   OF    PEACE    BETWEEN    THE 

UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA  AND  His  BRITANNIC  MAJESTY.  —  AND  ALSO  IN  THE  TREATY  OF- 
PEACE  OF  1814,  BETWEEN  His  BRITANNIC  MAJESTY  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES,  NEGROES  WERE; 

DESIGNATED  AS  PRO'PERTY  — GEN.  WASHINGTON'S  LETTER  TO  BRIG. -GEN.  RuFUS  PUTNAM  INI 
REGARD  TO  A  NEGRO  IN  HIS  REGIMENT  CLAIMED  BY  MR.  HOBBY.  —  ENLISTMENT  IN  THE  ARMY 
DID  NOT  ALWAYS  WORK  A  PRACTICAL  EMANCIPATION. 

WHEN  the  Revolutionary  War  began,  the  legal  status  of 
the  Negro  slave  was  clearly  defined  in  the  courts  of  all  the 
colonies.     He  was  either  chattel  or  real  property.     The 
question  naturally  arose  as  to  his  legal  status  during  his  new  rela 
tion  as  a  soldier.     Could  he  be  taken  as  property,  or  as  a  prisoner 
of  war?     Was  he  booty,  or  was  he  entitled  to  the  usage  of  civil 
ized  warfare,  —  a  freeman,  and  therefore  to  be  treated  as  such? 

The  Continental  Congress,  Nov.  25,  1775,  passed  a  resolution 
recommending  the  several  colonial  legislatures  to  establish  courts 
that  should  give  jurisdiction  to  courts,  already  in  existence,  to 
dispose  of  "cases  of  capture."  In  fact,  and  probably  in  law, 
Congress  exercised  power  in  cases  of  appeal.  Moreover,  Congress 
had  prescribed  a  rule  for  the  distribution  of  prizes.  But,  curiously 
enough,  Massachusetts,  in  1776,  passed  an  Act  declaring,  that,  in 
case  captures  were  made  by  the  forces  of  the  colony,  the  local 


LEGAL  STATUS   OF  THE  NEGRO.  371 

authorities  should  have  complete  jurisdiction  in  their  distribution  ,-; 
but,  when  prizes  or  captives  were  taken  upon  colonial  territory  by 
the  forces  of  the  United  Colonies,  the  distributions  should  be  made 
in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  Congress.  This  was  but  a  single 
illustration  of  the  divided  sovereignty  of  a  crude  government. 
That  there  was  need  of  a  uniform  law  upon  this  question,  there 
could  be  no  doubt,  especially  in  a  war  of  the  magnitude  of  the  one 
that  was  then  being  waged. 

On  the  1  3th  of  September,  1776,  a  resolution  was  introduced 
into  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives,  "to  prevent 
the  sale  of  two  negro  men  lately  brought  into  this  state,  as  pris 
oners  taken  on  the  high  seas,  and  advertised  to  be  sold  at  Salem, 
the  1  7th  inst.,  by  public  auction."1  The  resolve  in  full  is  here 
given  :  — 

"!N  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  SEPT.  13,  1776: 

"WHEREAS  this  House  is  credibly  informed  that  two  negro  men  lately 
brought  into  this  State  as  prisoners  taken  on  the  High  Seas  are  advertised  to 
be  sold  at  Salem,  the  I7th  instant,  by  public  auction, 

"  Resolved,  That  the  selling  and  enslaving  the  human  species  is  a  direct 
violation  of  the  natural  rights  alike  vested  in  all  men  by  their  Creator,  and 
utterly  inconsistent  with  the  avowed  principles  on  which  this  and  the  other 
United  States  have  carried  their  struggle  for  liberty  even  to  the  last  appeal, 
and  therefore,  that  all  persons  connected  with  the  said  negroes  be  and  they 
hereby  are  forbidden  to  sell  them  or  in  any  manner  to  treat  them  otherways 
than  is  already  ordered  for  the  treatment  of  prisoners  of  war  taken  in  the  same 
vessell  or  others  in  the  like  employ  and  if  any  sale  of  the  said  negroes  shall  be 
made,  it  is  hereby  declared  null  and  void. 

"  Sent  up  for  concurrence. 

.  FREEMAN,  Speaker,  P.  T. 


"IN   COUNCIL,  Sept.   14,   1776.     Read  and   concurred  as  taken  into  a  new 
draught.     Sent  down  for  concurrence. 

"  JOHN  AVERY,  Dpy.  Secy. 

"IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  Sept.  14,  1776.     Read  and  non-con 
curred,  and  the  House  adhere  to  their  own  vote.     Sent  up  for  concurrence. 

"J.  WARREN,  Speaker. 

"  IN  COUNCIL,  Sept.  16,  1776.     Read  and  concurred  as  now  taken  into  a  new 
draft.     Sent  down  for  concurrence. 

"  JOHN  AVERY,  Dpy.  Secy. 

1  Felt  says,  in  History  of  Salem,  vol.  ii.  p.  278  :  "  Sept.  17  [1776].  At  this  date  two  slaves, 
taken  on  board  of  a  prize,  were  to  have  been  sold  here  ;  but  the  General  Court  forbid  the  sale,  and 
ordered  such  prisoners  to  be  treated  like  all  others." 


372      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"IN    THE     HOUSE    OF    REPRESENTATIVES,     Sept.     l6,    1779.      Read    and    COH- 

curred. 

"  J.  WARREN,  Speaker. 
"  Consented  to. 

"JER.  POWELL,  JABEZ  -FISHER, 

W.  SEVER,  B.  WHITE, 

B.  GREENLEAF,  MOSES  GILL, 

CALEB  GUSHING,  DAN'L  HOPKINS, 

B.  CHADBOURN,  BENJ.  AUSTIN, 

JOHN  WHETCOMB,  WM.  PHILLIPS, 

ELDAD  TAYLOR,  D.  SEWALL, 

S.  HOLTEN,  DAN'L  HOPKINS." 

On  the  Journal  of  the  House,  p.  106,  appears  the  following 
record  :  — 

"David  Sewall,  Esq.,  brought  down  the  resolve  which  passed  the  House 
yesterday,  forbidding  the  sale  of  two  negroes,  with  the  following  vote  of  Coun 
cil  thereon,  viz.:  In  Council,  Sept.  14,  1776.  Read  and  concurred,  as  taken 
into  a  new  draught.  Sent  down  for  concurrence.  Read  and  non-concurred, 
and  the  House  adhere  to  their  own  vote.  Sent  up  for  concurrence." 

The  resolve,  as  it  originally  appeared,  was  dragged  through  a 
tedious  debate,  non-concurred  in  by  the  House,  recommitted, 
remodelled,  and  sent  back,  when  it  finally  passed. 

"LXXXIII.  Resolve  forbidding  the  sale  of  two  Negroes  brought  in  as 
Prisoners;  Passed  September  14,  [i6th,]  1776. 

"Whereas  this  Court  is  credibly  informed  that  two  Negro  Men  lately  taken 
on  the  High  Seas,  on  board  the  sloop  Hannibal,  and  brought  into  this  State 
as  Prisoners,  are  advertized  to  be  sold  at  Salem,  the  I7th  instant,  by  public 
Auction : 

"  Resolved,  That  all  Persons  concerned  with  the  said  Negroes  be,  and  they 
are  hereby  forbidden  to  sell  them,  or  in  any  manner  to  treat  them  otherwise 
than  is  already  ordered  for  the  Treatment  of  Prisoners  taken  in  like  manner ; 
and  if  any  Sale  of  the  said  Negroes  shall  be  made  it  is  hereby  declared  null 
and  void ;  and  that  whenever  it  shall  appear  that  any  Negroes  are  taken  on  the 
High  Seas  and  brought  as  Prisoners  into  this  State,  they  shall  not  be  allowed 
to  be  Sold,  nor  treated  any  otherwise  than  as  Prisoners  are  ordered  to  be 
treated  who  are  taken  in  like  Manner."  * 

It  looked  like  a  new  resolve.  The  pronounced  and  advanced 
sentiment  in  favor  of  the  equal  rights  of  all  created  beings  had 
been  taken  out ;  and  it  appeared  now  as  a  war  measure,  warranted 
upon  military  policy.  This  is  the  only  chaplet  that  the  most 

1  Resolves,  p.  14.     Quoted  by  Dr.  Moore  from  the  original  documents. 


LEGAL  STATUS   OF  THE  NEGRO.  373 

devout  friends  of  Massachusetts  can  weave  out  of  her  acts  on 
the  Negro  problem  during  the  colonial  period,  to  place  upon  her 
brow.  It  attracted  wide-spread  and  deserved  attention. 

During  the  following  month,  on  the  I4th  of  October,  1776, 
the  Continental  Congress  appointed  a  special  committee,  Messrs. 
Lee,  Wilson,  and  Hall,  "to  consider  what  is  to  be  done  with 
Negroes  taken  by  vessels  of  war,  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States."  Here  was  a  profound  legal  problem  presented  for  solu 
tion.  According  to  ancient  .custom  and  law,  slaves  came  as  the 
bloody  logic  of  war.  War  between  nations  was  of  necessity 
international ;  but  while  this  truth  had  stood  through  many  cen 
turies,  the  conversion  of  the  Northern  nations  of  Europe  into 
organized  society  greatly  modified  the  old  doctrine  of  slavery. 
Coming  under  the  enlightening  influences  of  modern  international 
law,  war  captives  could  not  be  reduced  to  slavery.1  This  doctrine 
was  thoroughly  understood,  doubtless,  in  the  North-American 
colonies  as  in  Europe.  But  the  almost  universal  doctrine  of 
property  in  the  Negro,  and  his  status  in  the  courts  of  the  colo 
nies,  gave  the  royal  army  great  advantage  in  the  appropriation  of 
Negro  captives,  under  the  plea  that  they  were  "  property,"  and 
hence  legitimate  "  spoils  of  war  ;  "  while,  on  the  part  of  the  colo 
nists,  to  declare  that  captured  Negroes  were  entitled  to  the 
treatment  of  "  prisoners  of  war,"  was  to  reverse  a  principle  of 
law  as  old  as  their  government.  It  was,  in  fact,  an  abandonment 
of  the  claim  of  property  in  the  Negro.  It  was  a  recognition  of 
his  rights  as  a  soldier,  a  bestowal  of  the  highest  favors  known  in 
the  treatment  of  captives  of  war.2  But  there  was  another  diffi 
culty  in  the  way.  Slavery  had  been  recognized  in  the  venerable 
memorials  of  the  most  remote  nations.  This  condition  was 
coeval  with  the  history  of  all  nations,  but  nowhere  regarded  as  a 
relation  of  a  local  character.  It  grew  up  in  social  compacts,  in 
organized  communities  of  men,  and  in  great  and  powerful  states. 
It  was  recognized  in  private  international  law ;  and  the  relation  of 
master  and  slave  was  guarded  in  their  local  habitat,  and  respected 
wherever  found.3  And  this  relation,  this  property  in  man,  did 


1  Mr.  Motley,  "  Rise  of  Dutch  Republic,"  vol.  i.  p.  151,  says  that  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
in  wars  between  European  states,  the  captor  had  a  property  in  his  prisoner,  .which  was  assignable. 

2  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,  vol.  i.  p.  158. 

3  Mr.  Hurd  says,   "  In  ascribing  slavery  to  the  law  of  nations  it  is  a  very  common  error  to  use 
that  term  not  in  the  sense  of  universal  jurisprudence  —  the  Roman  jus  gentium  —  but  in  the 
modern  sense  of  public  international  law,  and  to  give  the  custom  of  enslaving  prisoners  of  war,  in 


374      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA, 

not  cease  because  the  slave  sought  another  nation,  for  it  was; 
recognized  in  all  the  commercial  transactions  of  'nations.  Now, 
upon  this  principle,  the  colonists  were  likely  to  claim  their  right  to 
property  in  slaves  captured. 

The  confederation  of  the  new  States  was  effected  on  the  1st 
of  March,  1781.  Art.  IX.  gave  the  "United  States  in  Congress 
assembled "  the  exclusive  authority  of  making  laws  to  govern 
the  disposal  of  all  captures  made  by  land  or  water ;  to  decide 
which  were  legal ;  how  prizes  taken  by  the  land  or  naval  force 
of  the  government  should  be  appropriated,  and  the  right  to 
establish  courts  of  competent  jurisdiction  in  such  case,  etc.  The 
first  legislation  under  this  article  was  an  Act  establishing  a  court 
of  appeals  on  the  4th  of  June,  1781.  It  was  discussed  on  the 
25th  of  June,  and  again,  on  the  i/th  of  July,  took  up  a  great  deal 
of  time ;  but  was  recommitted.  The  committee  were  instructed 
to  prepare  an  ordinance  regulating  the  proceedings  of  the  admi 
ralty  cases,  in  the  several  States,  in  instances  of  capture ;  to 
codify  all  resolutions  and  laws  upon  the  subject;  and  to  request 
the  States  to  enact  such  provisions  as  would  be  in  harmony  with 
the  reserved  rights  of  the  Congress  in  such  cases  as  were  speci 
fied  in  the  Ninth  Article.  Accordingly,  on  the  2ist  of  September, 
1781,  the  committee  reported  to  Congress  the  results  of  their 
labor,  in  a  bill  on  the  subject  of  captures.  Upon  the  question  of 
agreeing  to  the  following  section,  the  yeas  and  nays  were  demanded 
by  Mr.  Mathews  of  South  Carolina:  — 

"  On  the  recapture  by  a  citizen  of  any  negro,  mulatto,  Indian,  or  other 
person  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  by  another  citizen, 
specific  restitution  shall  be  adjudged  to  the  claimant,  whether  the  original 
capture  shall  have  been  made  on  land  or  water,  a  reasonable  salvage  being  paid 
by  the  claimant  to  the  recaptor,  not  exceeding  one-fourth  part  of  the  value  of 
such  labor  or  service,  to  be  estimated  according  to  the  laws  of  the  State  of 
•which  the  claimant  shall  be  a  citizen :  but  if  the  service  of  such  negro, 
mulatto,  Indian  or  other  person,  captured  below  high-water  mark,  shall  not  be. 
legally  claimed  by  a  citizen  of  these  United  States,  he  shall  be  set  at  liberty." 

The  delegates  from  North  Carolina,  Delaware,  New  Jersey, 
and  Connecticut,  refrained  from  voting  ;  South  Carolina  voted  in 
the  negative  :  but  it  was  carried  by  twenty-eight  yeas,  against  two 
nays.  After  a  spirited  debate,  continuing  through  several  days, 

illustration :  as  if  the  legal  condition  of  other  slaves  who  had  never  been  taken  in  war  were  not 
equally  jure  gentium  according  to  the  Roman  jurisprudence."  See  Mr.  Webster's  speech,  ?th 
March,  1850;  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  329. 


LEGAL   STATUS   OF  THE  NEGRO.  375 

and   having  received  several  amendments,  it   finally  passed   on 
Dec.  4,  1781,  as  follows  :  — 

"  On  the  recapture  by  a  citizen  of  any  negro,  mulatto,  Indian,  or  other 
person,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  by  a  State  or  a  citizen 
of  a  State,  specific  restitution  shall  be  adjudged  to  the  claimant,  whether  the 
original  capture  shall  have  been  made  on  land  or  water,  and  'without  regard  to 
the  time  of  possession  by  the  enemy,  a  reasonable  salvage  being  paid  by  the 
claimant  to  the  recaptor,  not  exceeding  i-4th  of  the  value  of  such  labor  or 
service,  to  be  estimated  according  to  the  laws  of  the  State  under  which  the 
•claim  shall  be  made. 

"  But  if  the  service  of  such  negro,  mulatto,  Indian,  or  other  person,  cap 
tured  below  high  water  mark,  shall  not  be  legally  claimed  'within  a  year  and  a 
day  from  the  sentence  of  the  Court,  he  shall  be  set  at  liberty." 

It  should  be  carefully  observed  that  the  above  law  refers  only 
to  recaptures.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  the  views  the 
committee  entertained  in  reference  to  slaves  captured  by  the 
ministerial  army.  Nothing  was  said  about  this  interesting  feature 
of  the  case.  Why  Congress  did  not  claim  proper  treatment  of 
the  slaves  captured  by  the  enemy  while  in  the  service  of  the 
United  Colonies,  is  not  known.  Doubtless  its  leaders  saw  where 
the  logic  of  such  a  position  would  lead  them.  The  word  "  another  " 
was  left  out  of  the  original  measure,  and  was  made  to  read,  in 
the  one  that  passed,  "a  State  or  citizen  ;  "  as  if  it  were  feared  that, 
by  implication,  a  Negro  would  be  recognized,  as  a  citizen. 

By  the  proclamation  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  already  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  chapter,  Negroes  were  threatened  with  sale  for 
•"the  public  service;"  and  Mr.  Jefferson  in  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Gordon  (see  preceding  chapter),  says  the  enemy  sold  the  Negroes 
captured  in  Virginia  into  the  West  Indies.  After  the  capture  of 
Stony  Point  by  Gen.  Wayne,  concerning  two  Negroes  who  fell 
into  his  hands,  he  wrote  to  Lieut.-Col.  Meigs,  from  New  Windsor 
on  the  25th  of  July,  1779,  as  follows  :  — 

"  The  wish  of  the  officers  to  free  the  three  Negroes  after  a  few  Years 
Service  meets  my  most  hearty  approbation  but  as  the  Chance  of  War  or  other 
Incidents  may  prevent  the  officer  [owner]  from  Compling  with  the  Intention 
of  the  Officers  it  will  be  proper  for  the  purchaser  or  purchasers  to  sign  a 
Condition  in  the  Orderly  Book. 

"...  I  wou'd  cheerfully  join  them  in  their  Immediate  Manumission  — 
if  a  few  days  makes  no  material  difference  I  could  wish  the  sale  put  off  until 
a  Consultation  may  be  had,  &  the  opinion  of  the  Officers  taken  on  this 
Business."  « 

1  Dawson's  Stony  Point,  pp.  in,  118. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO    RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

In  June,  1779,  a  Spanish  ship  called  "Victoria"  sailed  from 
Charleston,  S.C.,  for  Cadiz.  During  the  first  part  of  her  voyage 
she  was  run  down  by  a  British  privateer ;  but,  instead  of  being- 
captured,  she  seized  her  assailant,  and  found  on  board  thirty-four 
Negroes,  whom  the  English  vessel  had  taken  from  plantations 
in  South  Carolina.  The  Spaniards  got  the  Negroes  on  board 
their  ship,  disabled  the  English  vessel,  and  then  dismissed  her. 
Within  a  few  days  she  was  taken  by  two  British  letters-of-marque, 
and  headed  for  New  York.  During  her  passage  thither  she  was 
re-captured  by  the  "  Hazard  "  and  "  Tyrannicide,"  armed  vessels 
in  the  service  of  Massachusetts,  and  taken  into  the  port  of  Bos 
ton.  By  direction  of  the  Board  of  War  she  was  ordered  into  the 
charge  of  Capt.  Johnson,  and  was  unloaded  on  the  2ist  of  June. 
The  Board  of  War  reported  to  the  Legislature  that  there  were 
thirty-four  Negroes  "  taken  on  the  high  seas  and  brought  into  the 
state."  On  the  23d  of  June  [1779]  the  Legislature  ordered  "that 
Gen.  Lovell,  Capt.  Adams,  and  Mr.  Cranch,  be  a  committee  to 
consider  what  is  proper  to  be  done  with  a  number  of  negroes 
brought  into  port  in  the  prize  ship  called  the  T  Lady  Gage."  2  On 
the  24th  of  June,  "the  committee  appointed  to  take  into  con 
sideration  the  state  and  circumstances  of  a  number  of  negroes 
lately  brought  into  the  port  of  Boston,  reported  a  resolve  direct 
ing  the  Board  of  War  to  inform  our  delegates  in  Congress  of  the 
state  of  facts  relative  to  them,  to  put  them  into  the  barracks  on 
Castle  Island,  and  cause  them  to  be  supplied  and  employed."  3 
The  resolve  passed  without  opposition. 

"  CLXXX.    Resolve  on  the  Representation  of  the  Board  of  War  respecting 

a  number  of  negroes  captured  and  brought  into  this  State.     Passed  June 

24,  1779. 

"On  the  representation  made  to  this  Court  by  the  Board  of  War,  respect 
ing  a  number  of  negroes  brought  into  the  Port  of  Boston,  on  board  the  Prize 
Ship  Victoria: 

"  Resolved,  that  the  Board  of  War  be  and  they  are  hereby  directed  forth 
with  to  write  to  our  Delegates  in  Congress,  informing  them  of  the  State  of 
Facts  relating  to  said  Negroes,  requesting  them  to  give  information  thereof  ta 
the  Delegates  from  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  that  so  proper  measures  may 
be  taken  for  the  return  of  said  Negroes,  agreeable  to  their  desire. 

"  And  it  is  further  Resolved,  that  the  Board  of  War  be  and  they  hereby  are 
directed  to  put  the  said  Negroes,  in  the  mean  time,  into  the  barracks  on  Castle 
Island  in  the  Harbor  of  Boston,  and  cause  them  to  be  supplied  with  such 

1  Dr.  Moore  thinks  this  the  wrong  name.    The  resolve  proves  it 
*  House  Journal,  p.  60.  3  Ibid.,  pp.  63,  64. 


LEGAL  STATUS   OF  THE  NEGRO.  377 

Provision  and  Clothing  as  shall  be  necessary  for  their  comfortable  support, 
putting  them  under  the  care  and  direction  of  some  Prudent  person  or  Persons, 
whose  business  it  shall  be  to  see  that  the  able-bodied  men  may  be  usefully 
employed  during  their  stay  in  carrying  on  the  Fortifications  on  said  Island,  or 
elsewhere  within  the  said  Harbor;  and  that  the  Women  be  employed  according 
to  their  ability  in  Cooking,  Washing,  etc.  And  that  the  said  Board  of  War 
keep  an  exact  Account  of  their  Expenditures  in  supporting  said  Negroes." » 

The  Negroes  were  delivered  to  Thomas  Knox  on  the  28th  of 
June,  and  were  conveyed  "  to  Castle  Island  pr.  Order  of  Court." 
The  Board  of  War  voted  the  "  34  Negroes  delivered  "  rations. 
Lieut.-Col.  Paul  Revere  was  instructed  to  "  issue  to  the  Negroes 
at  Castle  Island— i  Ib.  of  Beef,  i  Ib.  of  Rice  pr.  day."  The 
following  letter  is  not  without  interest :  — 

"WAR  OFFICE,  28  June,  1779. 
"  Lx.-CoL.  REVERE, 

"Agreeable  to  a  Resolve  of  Court  we  send  to  Castle  Island  and  place 
under  your  care  the  following  Negroes,  viz. : 

[19]  Men, 

[10]  Women, 

[5]  Children, 

lately  brought  into  this  Port  in  the  Spanish  retaken  Ship  Victoria.  The  Men 
are  to  be  employed  on  the  Fortifications  there  or  elsewhere  in  the  Harbor,  in 
the  most  useful  manner,  and  the  Women  and  Children,  according  to  their 
ability,  in  Cooking,  Washing,  etc.  They  are  to  be  allowed  for  their  subsistence 
One  Ib.  of  Beef,  and  one  Ib.  of  Rice  per  day  each,  which  Commissary  Salis 
bury  will  furnish  upon  your  order,  and  this  to  continue  until  our  further  orders. 

"By  Order  of  the  Board." 

In  accordance  with  the  order  of  the  Legislature,  made  on  the 
24th  of  June,  the  president  of  the  Board  of  War,  Samuel  P. 
Savage,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Massachusetts  delegates  in  Con 
gress,  dated  "War  Office  June  2Qth  1779,"  calling  attention  to- 
the  re-captured  Negroes.  The  letter  closed  with  the  following  :  — 

"  Every  necessary  for  the  speedy  discharge  of  these  people,  we  have  no 
doubt  you  will  take,  that  as  much  expense  as  possible  may  be  saved  to  those 
who  call  themselves  their  owners." 

The  writer  was  at  pains  to  enumerate,  in  his  letter,  such  slaves 
as  he  was  enabled  to  locate. 

"  5  Men  4  Women  4  Boys  i  Girl  belonging  to  Mr.  Wm.  Vryne. 
"9  Men  i  Woman  belonging  to  Mr.  Anthony  Pawley. 

1  Resolves,  p.  51. 


37$      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  I  Man  belonging  to  Mr.  Thomas  Todd. 

"  2  Men  3  Women  belonging  to  Mr.  Henry  Lewis. 

"2  Men  2  Women  belonging  to  Mr.  William  Pawley. 

"  One  of  the  negroes  is  an  elderly  sensible  man,  calls  himself  James,  and 
says  he  is  free,  which  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the,  truth  of.  He  also  says 
that  he  with  the  rest  of  the  Negroes  were  taken  from  a  place  called  George 
town."  * 

Pending  the  action  of  the  lawful  owners  of  these  captives,  the 
council  instructed  the  commandant  of  Castle  Island,  Col.  Paul 
Revere,  to  place  out  to  service,  in  different  towns,  some  of  the 
Negroes,  with  the  understanding  that  they  should  be  delivered  up 
to  the  authorities  on  their  order.  Some  were  delivered  to  gentle 
men  who  desired  them  as  servants.  But  in  the  fall  of  1779  quite 
a  number  were  still  on  the  island,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  following 
touching  letter :  — 

"BOSTON,  Get*.  12,  1779.     A  Return  of  ye  Negroes  at  Castle  Island,  Viz.: 

"NEGRO  MEN. 

"i.  ANTHONY.  6.  BOBB.  n.  JUNE. 

2.  PARTRICK.  7.  ANTHONEY.  12.  RHODICK. 

3.  PADDE.  8.  ADAM.  13.  JACK. 

4.  ISAAC.  9.  JACK.  14.  FULLER. 

5.  QUASH.  10.  GYE.  15.  LEWIS. 

"  The  above  men  are  stout  fellows. 

.  "NEGRO  BOYS. 
"No.  i.  SMART. 

2.  RICHARD. 
"  Boys  very  small. 

"NEGRO   WOOMEN.  NEGRO   GlRLS. 

"No.  i.  KITTEY.  No.  i.  LYSETT. 

2.  LUCY.  2.  SALLY. 

3.  MILLEY.  3.  MERCY. 

4.  LANDER. 

"  Pretty  large.  Rather  stout. 

• 
"  Gentlemen, 

"  The  Scituation  of  these  Negroes  is  pitiable  with  respect  to  Cloathing. 

"  I  am.)  Gen*- 

"  Your  very  hum.  Serv*. 

"  John  Hancock."  * 
"OCT.  12,  1779." 

1  Mass.  Archives,  vol.  cli.,  pp.  292-294. 

2  The  indefatigable  Dr.  George  H.  Moore  copied  the  letter  from  the  original  manuscript. 
The  portions  in  Italics  are  in  the  handwriting  of  Hancock.     I  have  been  placed  under  many 
obligations  to  my  friend  Dr.  Moore. 


LEGAL   STATUS   OF  THE  NEGRO.  379 

In  the  mean  time  some  of  the  reputed  owners  of  the  Negroes 
at  Castle  Island  had  come  from  Charleston,  S.C.,  to  secure  their 
property.  When  they  arrived  in  Boston  they  secured  the  services 
of  John  Codman,  Isaac  Smith,  and  William  Smith,  who  on  the 
1 5th  of  November,  1779,  petitioned  the  Council  for  the  "restitu 
tion  "  of  slaves  taken  by  a  British  privateer,  and  retaken  by  two 
armed  vessels  of  Massachusetts.  A  committee  was  appointed  to 
consider  the  petitions,  and  report  what  action  should  be  taken  in 
the  matter.  Two  days  later  another  petition  was  presented  to  the 
Council  by  one  John  Winthrop,  "  praying  that  certain  negroes, 
who  were  brought  into  this  state  by  the  Hazard  and  Tyrannicide, 
may  be  delivered  to  him."  It  was  referred  to  the  committee 
appointed  on  the  I5th  of  November.  On  the  i8th  of  November, 
"Jabez  Fisher,  Esq.,  brought  down  a  report  of  the  Committee 
of  both  Houses  on  the  petition  of  Isaac  Smith,  being  by  way  of 
resolve,  directing  the  Board  of  War  to  deliver  so  many  of  the 
negroes  therein  mentioned,  as  are  now  alive.  Passed  in  Council, 
and  sent  down  for  concurrence."  The  order  of  the  House  is, 
"  Read  and  concurred,  as  taken  into  a  new  draught.  Sent  up 
for  concurrence." 

It  is  printed  among  the  resolves  of  November,  1779. 

"XXXI.  Resolve  relinquishing  this   state's  claim  to  a  number  of   Negroes, 

passed  November  18,  1779. 

"Whereas  a  number  of  negroes  were  re-captured  and  brought  into  this 
State  by  the  armed  vessels  Hazard  and  Tyrannicide,  and  have  since  been 
supported  at  the  expense  of  this  State,  and  as  the  original  owners  of  said 
Negroes  now  apply  for  them : 

"  Therefore  Resolved,  That  this  Court  hereby  relinquish  and  give  up  any 
claim  they  may  have  upon  the  said  owners  for  re-capturing  said  negroes  : 
Provided  they  pay  to  the  Board  of  War  of  this  State  the  expence  that  has 
arisen  for  the  support  and  clothing  of  the  Negroes  aforesaid."  « 

On  the  1 2th  of  April,  1780,  Massachusetts  passed  an  Act  pro 
viding  more  effectually  "for  the  security,  support,  and  exchange 
of  prisoners  of  war  brought  into  the  State."  It  declares  that 

"  All  Prisoners  of  War,  whether  captured  by  the  Army  or  Navy  of  the 
United  States,  or  armed  Ships  or  Vessels  of  any  of  the  United  States,  or  by 
the  Subjects,  Troops,  Ships,  or  Vessels  of  War  of  this  State,  and  brought  into 
the  same,  or  cast  on  shore  by  shipwreck  on  the  coast  thereof  ....  all  such 
prisoners,  so  brought  in  or  cast  on  shore  (including  Indians,  Negroes,  and 

1  Resolves,  p.  131. 


380      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Molatoes)  be  treated  in  all  respects  as  prisoners  of  war  to  the  United  Statesr 
any  law  or  resolve  of  this  Court  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding."  r 

The  above  Act  was  passed  in  compliance  with  a  resolution  of 
Congress,  Jan.  13,  1780;  and  it  repealed  an  Act  of  1777,  that 
made  no  provisions  for  the  capture  of  Negroes. 

On  the  23d  of  January,  1784,  Gov.  Hancock  sent  a  message 
to  the  Legislature,  transmitting  correspondence  received  during 
the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature  from  Oct.  28,  1783,  to  Jan. 
21,  1784.  Calling  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  to  this  cor 
respondence,  he  referred  to  a  letter  from  "  His  Excellency  the 
Governor  of  South  Carolina,  respecting  the  detention  of  some 
Negroes  here,  belonging  to  the  subjects  of  that  state.  I  have 
communicated  it  to  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  — 
their  observations  upon  it  are  with  the  Papers.  I  have  made  no 
reply  to  the  letter,  judging  it  best  to  have  your  decision  upon 
it."  2  The  same  papers  on  the  same  day  were  read  in  the  Senate, 
and  a  joint  committee  of  both  houses  was  appointed.  The  com 
mittee  reported  to  both  branches  of  the  Legislature  on  the  23d 
of  March,  1784,  and  the  report  was  adopted.  A  request  was 
made  of  the  governor  to  furnish  copies  of  the  opinions  of  the 
judges,  etc. 

"  CLXXI.  Order  requesting  the  Governor  to  write  to  Governor  Gtierard 
of  South  Carolina,  inclosing  the  letter  of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Judi 
cial  Court,  March,  23d,  1784. 

"  Ordered,  that  his  Excellency  the  Governor  be  requested  to  write  to  His 
Excellency  Benjamin  Guerard,  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  inclosing  for  the 
information  of  Governor  Guerard,  the  letter  of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Judicial  Court  of  this  Commonwealth,  with  the  copy  in  the  said  letter  referred 
to,  upon  the  subject  of  Governor  Guerard 's  letter,  dated  the  sixth  October, 
1783." 

The  papers  referred  to  seem  to  have  been  lost,  but  extracts 
are  here  produced  :  — 

"GOVERNOR  GUERARD  TO  GOVERNOR  HANCOCK,  6th  October,  1783. 

EXTRACT.  "That  such  adoption  is  favoring  rather  of  the  Tyranny  of 
Great  Britain  which  occasioned  her  the  loss  of  these  States  —  that  no  act  of 
British  Tyranny  could  exceed  the  encouraging  the  negroes  from  the  State 
owning  them  to  desert  their  owners  to  be  emancipated  —  that  it  seems  arbitrary 
and  domination  —  assuming  for  the  Judicial  Department  of  any  one  State,  to 
prevent  a  restoration  voted  by  the  Legislature  and  ordained  by  Congress. 

1  Laws,  1780,  chap.  v.  pp.  283,  284.  2  Journal,  vol.  iv.  pp.  308,  309. 


LEGAL  STATUS   OF  THE  NEGRO.  381 

That  the  liberation  of  our  negroes  disclosed  a  specimen  of  Puritanism  I  should 
not  have  expected  from  gentlemen  of  my  Profession." 

MEMORANDUM.  "  He  had  demanded  fugitives,  carried  off  by  the  British, 
captured  by  the  North,  and  not  given  up  by  the  interference  of  the  Judiciary.' 
'  Governor  Hancock  referred  the  subject  to  the  Judges." 

"JUDGES    GUSHING    AND    SARGENT    TO    GOVERNOR    HANCOCK,    Boston, 

Dec.  20,  1783. 

EXTRACT.  "  How  this  determination  is  an  attack  upon  the  spirit,  freedom, 
dignity,  independence,  and  sovereignty  of  South  Carolina,  we  are  unable  to 
conceive.  That  this  has  any  connection  with,  or  relation  to  Puritanism,  we 
believe  is  above  yr  Excellency's  comprehension  as  it  is  above  ours.  We  should 
be  sincerely  sorry  to  do  any  thing  inconsistent  with  the  Union  of  the  States, 
which  is  and  must  continue  to  be  the  basis  of  our  Liberties  and  Independence; 
on  the  contrary  we  wish  it  may  be  strengthened,  confirmed,  and  endure  for 
ever."  * 

By  the  Treaty  of  Peace  in  1783,  Negroes  were  put  in  the 
same  category  with  horses  and  other  articles  of  property.2 

"  Negroes  [says  Mr.  Hamilton],  by  the  laws  of  the  States,  in  which  slave 
ry  is  allowed,  are  personal  property.  They,  therefore,  on  the  principle  of 
those  laws,  like  horses,  cattle  and  other  movables,  were  liable  to  become 
booty  —  and  belonged  to  the  enemy,  [captor]  as  soon  as  they  came  into  his 
hands.  Belonging  to  him,  he  was  free  either  to  apply  them  to  his  own  use,  or 
set  them  at  liberty.  If  he  did  the  latter,  the  grant  was  irrevocable,  restitution 
was  impossible.  Nothing  in  the  laws  of  nations  or  in  those  of  Great  Britain, 
will  authorize  the  resumption  of  liberty,  once  granted  to  a  human  being."  3 

On  the  6th  of  May,  1783,  Gen.  Washington  wrote  Sir  Guy 
Carleton  :  — 

"  In  the  course  of  our  conversation  on  this  point,  I  was  surprised  to  hear 
you  mention,  that  an  embarkation  'had  already  taken  place,  in  which  a  large 
number  of  negroes  had  been  carried  away.  Whether  this  conduct  is  conso 
nant  to,  or  how  far  it  may  be  deemed  an  infraction  of  the  treaty,  is  not  for  me 
to  decide.  I  cannot,  however,  conceal  from  you,  that  my  private  opinion  is, 
that  the  measure  is  totally  different  from  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  treaty. 
But  waiving  the  discussion  of  the  point,  and  leaving  its  decision  to  our  respec 
tive  sovereigns,  I  find  it  my  duty  to  signify  my  readiness,  in  conjunction  with 
your  Excellency,  to  enter  into  any  agreement,  or  take  any  measures,  which 
may  be  deemed  expedient,  to  prevent  the  future  carrying  away  of  any  negroes, 
or  other  property  of  the  American  inhabitants."  4 


1  From  Mr.  Bancroft's  MSS.,  America,  1783,  vol.  ii.    Quoted  by  Dr.  Moore. 

8  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  viii.  p.  428,  note.  3  Works  of  Hamilton,  vol.  vii.  p.  191. 

*  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  viii.  pp.  431,  432. 


382      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

In  his  reply,  dated  New  York,  May  12,  1783,  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton  says,  — 

"  I  enclose  a  copy  of  an  order,  which  I  have  given  out  to  prevent  the  carry 
ing  away  any  negroes  or  other  property  of  the  American  inhabitants."  r 

It  is  clear,  that  notwithstanding  the  Act  of  the  Massachusetts 
Legislature,  and  in  the  face  of  the  law  of  Congress  on  the  ques 
tion  of  recaptures,  Gen.  Washington,  the  Congress  of  the  United 
Colonies,  and  subsequently  of  the  United  States,  regarded  Negroes 
as  property  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  war.  The  fol 
lowing  treaties  furnish  abundant  proof  that  Negroes  were  regarded 
as  property  during  the  war,  by  the  American  government :  — 

"PROVISIONAL   ARTICLES    BETWEEN   THE   UNITED   STATES  OF  AMERICA 
AND  His  BRITANNIC  MAJESTY. 

"  Agreed  upon  by  and  between  Richard  Oswald,  Esquire  the  Commissioner 
of  His  Britannic  Majesty,  for  treating  of  Peace  with  the  Commissioners  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  in  behalf  of  his  said  Majesty,  on  one  part,  and  John 
Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Jay  and  Henry  Laurens,  four  of  the  Commis 
sioners  of  the  said  States,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

"Article  VII.  *  *  *  All  prisoners  on  both  sides  shall  be  set  at  liberty, 
and  His  Britannic  Majesty  shall  with  all  convenient  speed,  and  without  caus 
ing  any  destruction,  or  carrying  away  any  '•negroes  or  other  property'  of  the 
American  inhabitants,  withdraw  all  his  armies,  garrisons  and  fleets  from  the 
said  United  States,  and  from  every  port,  place  and  harbour  within  the  same.  *  *  * 

"  Done  at  Paris,  Nov.  30,  1 782. 

"RICHARD  OSWALD,  [L.S.] 
"JOHN  ADAMS,  [L.S.] 

"  B.  FRANKLIN,  [L.S.] 

"JOHN  JAY,  [L.S.] 

"  HENRY  LAURENS,    [L.S.]  "  * 

"DEFINITE  TREATY   OF    PEACE,   BETWEEN   THE    UNITED    STATES   OF   AMERI 
CA   AND   HIS   BRITANNIC   MAJESTY. 

"Article  VII.  *  *  *  And  His  Britannic  Majesty  shall,  with  all  convenient 
speed,  and  without  causing  any  destruction,  or  carrying  away  any  '  negroes  or 
other  property"  of  the  American  inhabitants,  withdraw  all  his  armies,  etc.,  etc., 
etc.  *  *  * 

"  Done  at  Paris,  Sept.  3,  1783. 

"D.  HARTLEY.  [L.S.] 
"JOHN  ADAMS,  [L.S.] 
"  B.  FRANKLIN,  [L.S.] 

"JOHN  JAY,  [L.S.]"3 

1  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  viii.,  Appendix,  p.  544. 

8  U.  S.  Statutes  at  large,  vol.  viii.  pp.  54,  57.  3  Ibid.,  pp.  80,  83. 


LEGAL  STATUS   OF  THE  NEGRO.  383 

"TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  AMITY,  BETWEEN  HIS  BRITANNIC  MAJESTY  AND 
THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA, 

"[Ratified  and  confirmed  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
Feb.  n,  1815.] 

"Article  I.  *  *  *  Shall  be  restored  without  delay,  and  without  causing 
any  destruction,  or  carrying  away  any  of  the  artillery  or  other  public  property 
originally  captured  in  the  said  forts  or  places,  and  which  shall  remain  therein 
upon  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty,  or  any  *  slaves  or  other 
private  property?  *  *  *  * 

"Done,  in  triplicate,  at  Ghent,  Dec.  24,  1814. 

"  GAMBIER,  [L.S.] 

"HENRY  GOULBURN,  [L.S.] 

"WILLIAM  ADAMS,  [L.S.] 

"JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  [L.S.] 

"J.  A.  BAYARD,  [L.S.] 

"H.  CLAY,  [L.S.] 

"JONA.  RUSSELL,  [L.S.] 

"  ALBERT  GALLATIN.  [L.S.]  "  l 

It  was  not  a  difficult  matter  to  retake  Negroes  captured  by  the 
enemy,  and  then  treat  them  as  prisoners  of  war.  But  no  officer 
in  the  American  army,  no  member  of  Congress,  had  the  moral 
courage  to  proclaim  that  property  ceased  in  a  man  the  moment  he 
donned  the  uniform  of  a  Revolutionary  soldier,  and  that  all  Negro 
soldiers  captured  by  the  enemy  should  be  treated  as  prisoners  of 
war.  So,  all  through  the  war  with  Britain,  the  Negro  soldier  was 
liable  to  be  claimed  as  property ;  and  every  bayonet  in  the  army 
was  at  the  command  of  the  master  to  secure  his  property,  even 
though  it  had  been  temporarily  converted  into  an  heroic  soldier 
who  had  defended  the  country  against  its  foes.  The  unprece 
dented  spectacle  was  to  be  witnessed,  of  a  master  hunting  his 
slaves  under  the  flag  of  the  nation.  And  at  the  close  of  hostilities 
many  Negro  soldiers  were  called  upon  to  go  back  into  the  service 
of  their  masters  ;  while  few  secured  their  freedom  as  a  reward  for 
their  valor.  The  following  letter  of  Gen.  Washington,  addressed 
to  Brig.-Gen.  Rufus  Putnam,  afterwards  printed  at  Marietta,  O., 
from  his  papers,  indicates  the  regard  the  Father  of  his  Country 
had  for  the  rights  of  the  master,  though  those  rights  were  pushed 
into  the  camp  of  the  army  where  many  brave  Negroes  were  found  ; 
and  it  also  illustrates  the  legal  strength  of  such  a  claim  :  — 

1  U.  S.  Statutes  at  large,  vol.  viii.  p.  218. 


384      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  Feb.  2,  1783. 

"SiR,  —  Mr.  Hobby  having  claimed  as  his  property  a  negro  man  now 
serving  in  the  Massachusetts  Regiment,  you  will  please  to  order  a  court  of 
inquiry,  consisting  of  five  as  respectable  officers  as  can  be  found  in  your  bri 
gade,  to  examine  the  validity  of  the  claim,  the  manner  in  which  the  person  in 
question  came  into  service,  and  the  propriety  of  his  being  discharged  or 
retained  in  service.  Having  inquired  into  the  matter,  with  all  the  attending 
circumstances,  they  will  report  to  you  their  opinion  thereon ;  which  you  will 
report  to  me  as  soon  as  conveniently  may  be. 

"  I  am,  Sir,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"G.  WASHINGTON. 

"  P.S.  —  All  concerned  should  be  notified  to  attend. 
"  Brig.-Gen.  PUTNAM." 

Enlistment  in  the  army  did  not  work  a  practical  emancipation 
of  the  slave,  as  some  have  thought.  Negroes  were  rated  as  chat 
tel  property  by  both  armies  and  both  governments  during  the 
entire  war.  This  is  the  cold  fact  of  history,  and  it  is  not  pleasing 
to  contemplate.  The  Negro  occupied  the  anomalous  position  of 
an  American  slave  and  an  American  soldier.  He  was  a  soldier  in 
the  hour  of  danger,  but  a  chattel  in  time  of  peace. 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  —  BANNEKER  THE  ASTRONOMER.1  — 
FULLER  THE  MATHEMATICIAN.  — DERHAM  THE  PHYSICIAN. 

STATUTORY  PROHIBITION  AGAINST  THE  EDUCATION  OF  NEGROES.  —  BENJAMIN  BANNEKER,  THE  NEGRO 
ASTRONOMER  AND  PHILOSOPHER.  —  His  ANTECEDENTS. — YOUNG  BANNEKER  AS  A  FARMER  AND 
INVENTOR.  — THE  MILLS  OF  ELLICOTT  &  Co.  —  BANNEKER  CULTIVATES  HTS  MECHANICAL  GENIUS 
AND  MATHEMATICAL  TASTES.  — BANNEKER'S  FIRST  CALCULATION  OF  AN  ECLIPSE  SUBMITTED  FOR 
INSPECTION  IN  1789.  —His  LETTER  TO  MR.  ELLICOTT.  —THE  TESTIMONY  OF  A  PERSONAL  ACQUAINT 
ANCE  OF  BANNEKER  AS  TO  HIS  UPRIGHT  CHARACTER.  —  His  HOME  BECOMES  A  PLACE  OF  INTER 
EST  TO  VISITORS.  —  RECORD  OF  HIS  BUSINESS  TRANSACTIONS. —  MRS.  MASON'S  VISIT  TO  HIM. — 
SHE  ADDRESSES  HIM  INVERSE.  —  BANNEKER  REPLIES  BY  LETTER  TO  HER. — PREPARES  HIS  FlRST 
ALMANAC  FOR  PUBLICATION  IN  1792.  —  TITLE  OF  HIS  ALMANAC.  —  BANNEKER'S  LETTER  TO  THOMAS 
JEFFERSON.  —  THOMAS  JEFFERSON'S  REPLY.  —  BANNEKER  INVITED  TO  ACCOMPANY  THE  COMMIS 
SIONERS  TO  RUN  THE  LlNES  OF  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. —  BANNEKER'S  HABITS  OF  STUDYING 

THE  HEAVENLY  BODIES.  —  MINUTE  DESCRIPTION  GIVEN  TO  HIS  SISTERS  IN  REFERENCE  TO  THE 
DISPOSITION  OF  HIS  PERSONAL  PROPERTY  AFTER  DEATH.  —  His  DEATH.  —  REGARDED  AS  THE 
MOST  DISTINGUISHED  NEGRO  OF  HIS  T'ME. —  FULLER  THE  MATHEMATICIAN,  OR  "THE  VIRGINIA 
CALCULATOR."  —  FULLER  OF  AFRICAN  BIRTH,  BUT  STOLEN  AND  SOLD  AS  A  SLAVE  INTO  VIRGINIA. 

—  VISITED  BY  MEN  OF  LEARNING.  —  HE  WAS  PRONOUNCED  TO  BE  A  PRODIGY  IN  THE  MANIPULA 
TION  OF  FIGURES.  — His  DEATH.  — DERHAM  THE  PHYSICIAN.  — SCIENCE  OF  MEDICINE  REGARDED 

AS  THE  MOST  INTRICATE  PURSUIT  OF  MAN.  —  EARLY  LlFE  OF  JAMES  DERHAM.  —  HlS  KNOWL 
EDGE  OF  MEDICINES,  HOW  ACQUIRED.  — HE  BECOMES  A  PROMINENT  PHYSICIAN  IN  NEW  ORLEANS. 

—  DR.  RUSH  GIVES  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  AN  INTERVIEW  WITH  HIM. —WHAT  THE  NEGRO  RACE  PRO 
DUCED  BY  THEIR  GENIUS  IN  AMERICA. 

FROM  the  moment  slavery  gained  a  foothold  in  North  America 
until  the  direful  hour  that  witnessed  its  dissolution  amid  the 
shock  of  embattled  arms,  learning  was  the  forbidden  fruit 
that  no  Negro  dared  taste.     Positive  and  explicit  statutes  every 
where,  as  fiery  swords,  drove  him    away  hungry  from  the   tree 
of  intellectual  life ;   and  all  persons  were  forbidden  to  pluck  the 
fruit  for  him,  upon  pain  of  severe  penalties.     Every  yearning  for 
intellectual  food  was  answered  by  whips  and  thumb-screws. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  state  of  almost  instinctive  ignorance 
in  which  slavery  held  the  Negro,  there  were  those  who  occasionally 

1  William  Wells  Brown,  William  C.  Nell,  and  all  the  Colored  men  whose  efforts  I  have  seen, 
have  made  a  number  of  very  serious  mistakes  respecting  Banneker's  parentage,  age,  accomplish 
ments,  etc.  He  ivas  of  mixed  blood.  His  mother's  name  was  not  Molly  Morton,  but  one  of  his 
sisters  bore  that  name. 

I  have  used  the  Memoirs  of  Banneker,  prepared  by  J.  H.  B.  Latrobe  and  J.  Saurin  Norris, 
and  other  valuable  material  from  the  Maryland  Historical  Society. 


386      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

astounded  the  world  with  the  brightness  of  their  intellectual 
genius.  There  were  some  Negroes  whose  minds  ran  the  gauntlet 
of  public  proscription  on  one  side  and  repressive  laws  on  the 
other,  and  safely  gained  eminence  in  astronomy,  mathematics,  and 
medicine. 

BANNEKER   THE    ASTRONOMER. 

BENJAMIN  BANNEKER,  the  Negro  astronomer  and  philosopher, 
was  born  in  Maryland,  on  the  gth  of  November,  1731.  His 
maternal  grandmother  was  a  white  woman,  a  native  of  England, 
named  Molly  Welsh.  She  came  to  Maryland  in  a  shipload  of 
white  emigrants,  who,  according  to  the  custom  of  those  days, 
were  sold  to  pay  their  passage.  She  served  her  master  faithfully 
for  seven  years,  when,  being  free,  she  purchased  a  small  farm,  at 
a  nominal  price.  Soon  after  she  bought  two  Negro  slaves  from  a 
ship  that  had  come  into  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  began  life  anew. 
Both  of  these  Negroes  proved  to  be  men  of  more  than  ordinary 
fidelity,  industry,  and  intelligence.  One  of  them,  it  was  said,  was 
the  son  of  an  African  king.  She  gave  him  his  freedom,  and  then 
married  him.  His  name  was  Banneker.1  Four  children  were 
the  fruit  of  this  union  ;  but  the  chief  interest  centres  in  only  one, 
—  a  girl,  named  Mary.  Following  the  example  of  her  mother,  she 
also  married  a  native  of  Africa  :  but  both  tradition  and  history 
preserve  an  unbroken  silence  respecting  his  life,  with  the  single 
exception  that,  embracing  the  Christian  religion,  he  was  baptized 
"Robert  Banneker;"  and  the  record  of  his  death  is  thus  pre 
served,  in  the  family  Bible :  "  Robert  Banneker  departed  this  life, 
Julyy  loth  1759."  Thus  it  is  evident  that  he  took  his  wife's 
surname.  Benjamin  Banneker  was  the  only  child  of  Robert  and 
Mary  Banneker. 

Young  Benjamin  was  a  great  favorite  with  his  grandmother, 
who  taught  him  to  read.  She  had  a  sincere  love  of  the  Sacred 
Scriptures,  which  she  did  not  neglect  to  inculcate  into  the  youth 
ful  heart  of  her  grandson.  In  the  neighborhood, — at  that  time 
an  almost  desolate  spot,  —  a  school  was  conducted  where  the 
master  admitted  several  Colored  children,  with  the  whites,  to  the 
benefits  of  his  instructions.  It  was  a  "pay  school,"  and  thither 
young  Banneker  was  sent  at  a  very  tender  age.  His  application 
to  his  studies  was  equalled  by  none.  When  the  other  pupils  were 

1  In  the  most  remote  records  the  name  vras  written  Banneky. 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  387 

playing,  he  found  great  pleasure  in  his  books.  How  long  he 
remained  in  school,  is  not  known. 

His  father  purchased  a  farm  of  one  Richard  Gist,  and  here  he 
spent  the  remnant  of  his  days. 

When  young  Banneker  had  obtained  his  majority,  he  gave 
attention  to  the  various  interests  of  farm-life.  He  was  indus 
trious,  intelligent  in  his  labors,  scrupulously  neat  in  the  manage 
ment  of  his  grounds,  cultivated  a  valuable  garden,  was  gentle  in 
his  treatment  of  stock,  —  horses,  cows,  etc.,  —  and  was  indeed 
comfortably  situated.  During  those  seasons  of  leisure  which 
come  to  agriculturists,  he  stored  his  mind  with  useful  knowledge. 
Starting  with  the  Bible,  he  read  history,  biography,  travels, 
romance,  and  such  works  on  general  literature  as  he  was  able  to 
borrow.  His  mind  seemed  to  turn  with  especial  satisfaction  to 
mathematics,  and  he  acquainted  himself  with  the  most  difficult 
problems. 

He  had  a  taste  also  for  mechanics.  He  conceived  the  idea  of 
making  a  timepiece,  a  clock,  and  about  the  year  1770  constructed 
one.  With  his  imperfect  tools,  and  with  no  other  model  than  a 
borrowed  watch,  it  had  cost  him  long  and  patient  labor  to  perfect 
it,  to  make  the  variation  necessary  to  cause  it  to  strike  the  hours, 
and  produce  a  concert  of  correct  action  between  the  hour,  the 
minute,  and  the  second  machinery.  He  confessed  that  its  regu 
larity  in  pointing  out  the  progress  of  time  had  amply  rewarded 
all  his  pains  in  its  construction.1 

In  1773  Ellicott  &  Co.  built  flour-mills  in  a  valley  near  the 
banks  of  the  Patapsco  River.  Banneker  watched  the  mills  go 
up  ;  and,  when  the  machinery  was  set  in  motion,  looked  on  with 
interest,  as  he  had  a  splendid  opportunity  of  observing  new  prin 
ciples  of  mechanism.  He  made  many  visits  to  the  mills,  and 
became  acquainted  with  their  proprietors  ;  and,  till  the  day  of 
his  death,  he  found  in  the  Ellicotts  kind  and  helpful  friends. 

After  a  short  time  the  Ellicotts  erected  a  store,  where,  a  little 
later,  a  post-office,  was  opened.  To  this  point  the  farmers  and 
gentlemen,  for  miles  around,  used  to  congregate.  Banneker  often 
called  at  the  post-office,  where,  after  overcoming  his  natural  mod 
esty  and  diffidence,  he  was  frequently  called  out  in  conversations 
covering  a  variety  of  topics.  His  conversational  powers,  his 
inexhaustible  fund  of  information,  and  his  broad  learning  (for 

1  J.  Saurin  Norris's  sketch. 


388      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

those  times  and  considering  his  circumstances),  made  him  the 
connoisseur  of  that  section.  At  times  he  related,  in  modest  terms, 
the  difficulties  he  was  constrained  to  encounter  in  order  to  acquire 
the  knowledge  of  books  he  had,  and  the  unsatisfied  longings  he 
still  had  for  further  knowledge.  His  fame  as  a  mathematician 
was  already  established,  and  with  the  increasing  facilities  of 
communication  his  accomplishments  and  achievements  were  occu 
pying  the  thought  of  many  intelligent  people. 

"  By  this  time  he  had  become  very  expert  in  the  solution  of  difficult 
mathematical  problems,  which  were  then,  more  than  in  this  century,  the  amuse 
ment  of  persons  of  leisure ;  and  they  were  frequently  sent  to  him  from  scholars 
residing  in  different  parts  of  our  country  who  wished  to  test  his  capacity.  He 
is  reported  to  have  been  successful  in  every  case,  and,  sometimes,  he  returned 
with  his  answers,  questions  of  his  own  composition  conveyed  in  rhyme." 

The  following  question  was  propounded  to  Mr.  George  Elli- 
cott,  and  was  solved  by  Benjamin  Hallo  well  of  Alexandria. 

"  A  Cooper  and  Vintner  sat  down  for  a  talk, 
Both  being  so  groggy,  that  neither  could  walk, 
Says  Cooper  to  Vintner,  '  I'm  the  first  of  my  trade, 
There's  no  kind  of  vessel,  but  what  I  have  made, 
And  of  any  shape,  Sir,  —  just  what  you  will, — 
And  of  any  size,  Sir,  —  from  a  ton  to  a  gill ! ' 

*  Then,'  says  the  Vintner,  'you're  the  man  for  me,— 
Make  me  a  vessel,  if  we  can  agree. 

The  top  and  the  bottom  diameter  define, 

To  bear  that  proportion  as  fifteen  to  nine ; 

Thirty-five  inches  are  just  what  I  crave, 

No  more  and  no  less,  in  the  depth,  will  I  have ; 

Just  thirty-nine  gallons  this  vessel  must  hold, — 

Then  I  will  reward  you  with  silver  or  gold,  — 

Give  me  your  promise,  my  honest  old  friend  ? ' 

*  I'll  make  it  to-morrow,  that  you  may  depend ! ' 
So  the  next  day  the  Cooper  his  work  to  discharge, 
Soon  made  the  new  vessel,  but  made  it  too  large ;  — 
He  took  out  some  staves,  which  made  it  too  small, 
And  then  cursed  the  vessel,  the  Vintner  and  all. 

He  beat  on  his  breast,  '  By  the  Powers  ! '  —  he  swore, 
He  never  would  work  at  his  trade  any  more ! 
Now  my  worthy  friend,  find  out,  if  you  can, 
The  vessel's  dimensions  and  comfort  the  man ! 

"BENJAMIN  BANNEKER." 

The  greater  diameter  of  Banneker's  tub  must  be  24.746 
inches;  the  less  diameter,  14.8476  inches. 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  389 

He  was  described  by  a  gentleman  who  had  often  met  him  at 
"Ellicott's  Mills  as  "of  black  complexion,  medium  stature,  of 
uncommonly  soft  and  gentlemanly  manners  and  of  pleasing 
colloquial  powers." 

Fortunately  Mr.  George  Ellicott  was  a  gentleman  of  exquisite 
literary  taste  and  critical  judgment.  He  discovered  in  Banneker 
the  elements  of  a  cultivated  gentleman  and  profound  scholar. 
He  threw  open  his  library  to  this  remarkable  Negro,  loaded  him 
with  books  and  astronomical  instruments,  and  gave  him  the 
emphatic  assurance  of  sympathy  and  encouragement.  He  occa 
sionally  made  Banneker  a  visit,  when  he  would  urge  upon  him 
the  importance  of  making  astronomical  calculations  for  almanacs. 
Finally,  in  the  spring  of  1789,  Banneker  submitted  to  Mr.  Elli 
cott  his  first  projection  of  an  eclipse.  It  was  found  to  contain 
a  slight  error;  and,  having  kindly  pointed  it  out,  Mr.  Ellicott 
received  the  following  reply  from  Banneker  :  — 

LETTER  OF  BENJAMIN  BANNEKER  TO   GEORGE   ELLICOTT. 

"SiR,  —  I  received  your  letter  at  the  hand  of  Bell  but  found  nothing 
strange  to  me  In  the  Letter  Concerning  the  number  of  Eclipses,  tho  according 
to  authors  the  Edge  of  the  penumber  only  touches  the  Suns  Limb  in  that 
Eclips,  that  I  left  out  of  the  Number  —  which  happens  April  I4th  day,  at  37 
minutes  past  7  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  is  the  first  we  shall  have ;  but  since 
you  wrote  to  me,  I  drew  in  the  Equations  of  the  Node  which  will  cause  a  small 
Solar  Defet,  but  as  I  did  not  intend  to  publish,  I  was  not  so  very  peticular  as 
I  should  have  been,  but  was  more  intent  upon  the  true  method  of  projecting  a 
Solar  Eclips  —  It  is  an  easy  matter  for  us  when  a  Diagram  is  laid  down  before 
us,  to  draw  one  in  resemblance  of  it,  but  it  is  a  hard  matter  for  young  Tyroes 
in  Astronomy,  when  only  the  Elements  for  the  projection  is  laid  down  before 
him  to  draw  his  diagram  with  any  degree  of  Certainty. 

"  Says  the  Learned  LEADBETTER,  the  projection,  I  shall  here  describe,  is 
that  mentioned  by  Mr.  Flamsted.  When  the  sun  is  in  Cancer,  Leo,  Virgo, 
Libra,  Scorpio  or,  Sagitary,  the  Axes  of  the  Globe  must  lie  to  the  right  hand 
of  the  Axes  of  the  Ecliptic,  but  when  the  sun  is  in  Capricorn,  Aquarius,  Pisces, 
Aries,  Taurus,  or  Gemini,  then  to  the  left. 

"  Says  the  wise  author  FERGUSON,  when  the  sun  is  in  Capercorn,  Aquarius, 
Pisces,  Aries,  Taurus,  and  Gemeni,  the  Northern  half  of  the  Earths  Axes  lies 
to  the  right  hand  of  the  Axes  of  the  Ecliptic  and  to  the  left  hand,  whilst  the 
Sun  is  on  the  other  six  signs. 

"  Now  Mr.  Ellicott,  two  such  learned  gentlemen  as  the  above  mentioned, 
•one  in  direct  opposition  to  the  other,  stagnates  young  beginners,  but  I  hope  the 
stagnation  will  not  be  of  long  duration,  for  this  I  observe  that  Leadbetter 
•counts  the  time  on  the  path  of  Vertex  r.  2.  3  &c.  from  the  right  to  the  left 
hand  or  from  the  consequent  to  the  antecedent,  —  But  Ferguson  on  the  path 
of  Vertex  counts  the  time  I.  2.  3  &c.  from  the  left  to  the  right  hand,  according 


390      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

to  the  order  of  numbers,  so  that  that  is  regular,  shall  compensate  for  irregu 
larity.  Now  sir  if  I  can  overcome  this  difficulty  I  doubt  not  being  able  to 
calculate  a  Common  Almanac.  —  Sir  no  more 

"  But  remain  your  faithful  friend, 

"  B.  BANNEKER. 
"MR.  GEORGE  ELLICOTT,  Oct.  itfh,  1789." 

His  mother,  an  active,  intelligent,  slight-built  Mulatto,  with 
long  black  hair,  had  exercised  a  tender  but  positive  influence  over 
him.  His  character,  so  far  as  is  known,  was  without  blemish, 
with  the  single  exception  of  an  occasional  use  of  ardent  spirits. 
He  found  himself  conforming  too  frequently  to  the  universal 
habit  of  the  times,  social  drinking.  Liquors  and  wines  were  upon 
the  tables  and  sideboards  of  the  best  families,  and  wherever 
Banneker  went  it  confronted  him.  He  felt  his  weakness  in  this 
regard,  and  resolved  to  abstain  from  the  use  of  strong  drink. 
Some  time  after  returning  from  a  visit  to  Washington,  in  com 
pany  with  the  commissioners  who  laid  out  the  District  of  Colum 
bia,  he  related  to  his  friends  that  during  the  entire  absence  from 
home  he  had  abstained  from  the  use  of  liquors ;  adding,  "I  feared 
to  trust  myself  even  with  wine,  lest  it  should  steal  away  the  little 
sense  I  have."  On  a  leaf  of  one  of  his  almanacs,  appears  the 
following  in  his  own  handwriting  :  — 

"  Evil  communications  corrupt  good  manners,  I  hope  to  live  to  hear,  that 
good  communication  corrects  *  bad  manners.' " 

He  had  a  just  appreciation  of  his  own  strength.  He  hated 
vice  of  every  kind ;  and,  while  he  did  not  connect  himself  to  any 
church,  he  was  deeply  attached  to  the  Society  of  Friends.  He 
was  frequently  seen  in  their  meeting-house.  He  usually  occupied 
the  rear  bench,  where  he  would  sit  with  uncovered  head,  leaning 
upon  his  staff,  wrapt  in  profound  meditation.  The  following  letter 
addressed  to  Mr.  J.  Saurin  Norris  shows  that  his  character  was 
upright :  — 

"  In  the  year  1800,  I  commenced  my  engagements  in  the  store  of  Ellicott's 
Mills,  where  my  first  acquaintance  with  Benjamin  Banneker  began.  He  often 
came  to  the  store  to  purchase  articles  for  his  own  use ;  and,  after  hearing  him 
converse,  I  was  always  anxious  to  wait  upon  him.  After  making  his  purchases, 
he  usually  went  to  the  part  of  the  store  where  George  Ellicott  was  in  the  habit 
of  sitting,  to  converse  with  him  about  the  affairs  of  our  Government  and  other 
matters.  He  was  very  precise  in  conversation  and  exhibited  deep  reflection. 
His  deportment  whenever  I  saw  him,  appeared  to  be  perfectly  upright  and 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  391 

correct,  and  he  seemed  to  be  acquainted  with  every  thing  of  importance  that 
was  passing  in  the  country. 

"  I  recollect  to  have  seen  his  Almanacs  in  my  father's  house,  and  believe 
they  were  the  only  ones  used  in  the  neighborhood  at  the  time.  He  was  a  large 
man  inclined  to  be  fleshy,  and  was  far  advanced  in  years,  when  I  first  saw  him, 
I  remember  being  once  at  his  house,  but  do  not  recollect  any  thing  about  the 
comforts  of  his  establishment,  nor  of  the  old  clock,  about  which  you  enquired. 
He  was  fond  of,  and  well  qualified,  to  work  out  abstruse  questions  in  arithme 
tic.  I  remember,  he  brought  to  the  store,  one  which  he  had  composed  himself, 
and  presented  to  George  Ellicott  for  solution.  I  had  a  copy  which  I  have  since 
lost ;  but  the  character  and  deportment  of  the  man  being  so  wholly  different 
from  any  thing  I  had  ever  seen  from  one  of  his  color,  his  question  made  so 
deep  an  impression  on  my  mind  I  have  ever  since  retained  a  perfect  recollec 
tion  of  it,  except  two  lines,  which  do  not  alter  the  sense.  I  remember  that 
George  Ellicott,  was  engaged  in  making  out  the  answer,  and  cannot  now  say 
that  he  succeeded,  but  have  no  doubt  he  did.  I  have  thus,  briefly  given  you 
my  recollections  of  Benjamin  Banneker.  I  was  young  when  he  died,  and 
doubtless  many  incidents  respecting  him,  have,  from  the  time  which  has  since 
•elapsed,  passed  from  my  recollection : 

"CHARLES  W.  DORSEY,  of '  Elkridge." 

After  the  death  of  his  mother,  Banneker  dwelt  alone  until  the 
day  of  his  death,  having  never  married.  His  manners  were  gen 
tle  and  engaging,  his  benevolence  proverbial.  His  home  became 
a  place  of  great  interest  to  visitors,  whom  he  always  received  cor 
dially,  and  treated  hospitably  all  who  called. 

"  We  found  the  venerable  star-gazer,"  says  the  author  of  the  Memoir  of 
Susanna  Mason,  "  under  a  wide  spreading  pear  tree,  leaden  with  delicious  fruit; 
he  came  forward  to  meet  us,  and  bade  us  welcome  to  his  lowly  dwelling.  It 
was  built  of  logs,  one  story  in  height,  and  was  surrounded  by  an  orchard.  In 
one  corner  of  the  room,  was  suspended  a  clock  of  his  own  construction,  which 
was  a  true  hearald  of  departing  hours.  He  was  careful  in  the  little  affairs  of 
life  as  well  as  in  the  great  matters.  He  kept  record  of  all  his  business  tran 
sactions,  literary  and  domestic.  The  following  extracts  from  his  Account  Book 
exhibit  his  love  for  detail. 

"'Sold  on  the  2nd  of  April,  1795,  to  Buttler,  Edwards  &  Kiddy,  the  right 
-of  an  Almanac,  for  the  year  1796,  for  the  sum  of  80  dollars,  equal  to  ^30. 

-"'On  the  3oth  of  April,  1795,  lent  John  Ford  five  dollars,    £i  175.  6d. 

"*  1 2th  of  December,  1797,  bought  a  pound  of  candles  at  is.  8d. 

"  *  Sold  to  John  Collins  2  qts.  of  dried  peaches  6d.     "  I  qt.  mead  4d. 

" '  On  the  26th  of  March,  came  Joshua  Sanks  with  3  or  4  bushels  of  turnips 
to  feed  the  cows. 

"*  1 3th  of  April,  1803,  planted  beans  and  sowed  cabbage  seed.' 

"  He  took  down  from  a  shelf  a  little  book,  wherein  he -registered  the  names 
of  those,  by  whose  visits  he  felt  particularly  honored,  and  recorded  my  mother's 
name  upon  the  list ;  he  then,  diffidently,  but  very  respectfully,  requested  her 
acceptance  of  one  of  his  Almanacs  in  manuscript." 


392      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Within  a  few  days  after  this  visit  Mrs.  Mason  addressed  hint 
in  a  poetical  letter,  which  found  its  way  into  the  papers  of  the 
section,  and  was  generally  read.  The  subjoined  portions  are  suffi 
cient  to  exhibit  the  character  of  the  effusion.  The  admonitory  lines 
at  the  end  doubtless  refer  to  his  early  addiction  to  strong  drink. 

"An  Address  to  BENJAMIN  BANNEKER,  an  African  Astronomer,  who  pre 
sented  the  Author  with  a  Manuscript  Almanac  in  1796." 

"  Transmitted  on  the  wings  of  Fame, 
Thine  eclat  sounding  with  thy  name, 
Well  pleased,  I  heard,  ere  'twas  my  lot 
To  see  thee  in  thy  humble  cot. 
That  genius  smiled  upon  thy  birth, 
And  application  called  it  forth  ; 
That  times  and  tides  thou  could'st  presage, 
And  traverse  the  Celestial  stage, 
Where  shining  globes  their  circles  run, 
In  swift  rotation  round  the  sun ; 
Could'st  tell  how  planets  in  their  way, 
From  order  ne'er  were  known  to  stray. 
Sun,  moon  and  stars,  when  they  will  rise, 
When  sink  below  the  upper  skies ; 
When  an  eclipse  shall  veil  their  light, 
And,  hide  their  splendor  from  our  sight. 

Some  men  whom  private  walks  pursue, 
Whom  fame  ne'er  ushered  into  view, 
May  run  their  race,  and  few  observe 
To  right  or  left,  if  they  should  swerve, 
Their  blemishes  would  not  appear, 
Beyond  their  lives  a  single  year.  — 
But  thou,  a  man  exalted  high, 
Conspicuous  in  the  world's  keen  eye, 
On  record  now,  thy  name's  enrolled, 
And  future  ages  will  be  told,  — 
There  lived  a«man  named  BANNEKER, 
An  African  Astronomer !  — 
Thou  need'st  to  have  a  special  care, 
Thy  conduct  with  thy  talent  square,      » 
That  no  contaminating  vice, 
Obscure  thy  lustre  in  our  eyes." 

During  the  following  year  Banneker  sent  the  following  letter 
to  his  good  friend  Mrs.  Mason  :  — 

"  August  26th,  1797. 
"DEAR  FEMALE  FRIEND:  — 

"  I  have  thought  of  you  every  day  since  I  saw  you  last,  and  of  my  promise 
in  respect  of  composing  some  verses  for  your  amusement,  but  I  am  very  much. 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  393. 

indisposed,  and  have  been  ever  since  that  time.  I  have  a  constant  pain  in  my 
head,  a  palpitation  in  my  flesh,  and  I  may  say  I  am  attended  with  a  complica 
tion  of  disorders,  at  this  present  writing,  so  that  I  cannot  with  any  pleasure  or 
delight,  gratify  your  curiosity  in  that  particular,  at  this  present  time,  yet  I  say 
my  will  is  good  to  oblige  you,  if  I  had  it  in  my  power,  because  you  gave  me 
good  advice,  and  edifying  language,  in  that  piece  of  poetry  which  you  was. 
pleased  to  present  unto  me,  and  I  can  but  love  and  thank  you  for  the  same ; 
and  if  ever  it  should  be  in  my  power  to  be  serviceable  to  you,  in  any  measure,, 
your  reasonable  requests,  shall  be  armed  with  the  obedience  of, 
"  Your  sincere  friend  and  well-wisher, 

"BENJAMIN  BANNEKER.. 
"MRS.  SUSANNA  MASON._ 

"  N.B.    The  above  is  mean  writing,  done  with  trembling  hands.         B.  B." 

With  the  use  of  Mayer's  Tables,  Ferguson's  Astronomy,  and 
Leadbeater's  Lunar  Tables,  Banneker  had  made  wonderful  prog 
ress  in  his  astronomical  investigations.  He  prepared  his  first 
almanac  for  publication  in  1792.  Mr.  James  McHenry  became 
deeply  interested  in  him,  and,  convinced  of  his  talent  in  this, 
direction,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  firm  of  Goddard  &  Angell,  pub 
lishers  of  almanacs,  in  Baltimore.  They  became  the  sole  publish 
ers  of  Banneker's  almanacs  till  the  time  of  his  death.  In  an 
editorial  note  in  the  first  almanac,  they  say,  — 

"  They  feel  gratified  in  the  opportunity  of  presenting  to  the  public,  through 
their  press,  what  must  be  considered  as  an  extraordinary  effort  of  genius ;  a 
complete  and  accurate  Ephemeris  for  the  year  1792,  calculated  by  a  sable 
descendant  of  Africa,"  etc. 

And  they  further  say,  — 

"  That  they  flatter  themselves  that  a  philanthropic  public,  in  this  enlight 
ened  era,  will  be  induced  to  give  their  patronage  and  support  to  this  work,  not 
only  on  account  of  its  intrinsic  merits,  (it  having  met  the  approbation  of 
several  of  the  most  distinguished  astronomers  of  America,  particularly  the 
celebrated  Mr.  Rittenhouse,)  but  from  similar  motives  to  those  which  induced 
the  editors  to  give  this  calculation  the  preference,  —  the  ardent  desire  of  draw 
ing  modest  merit  from  obscurity,  and  controverting  the  long-established  illiberal 
prejudice  against  the  blacks." 

The  title  of  his  almanac  is  given  below  as  a  matter  of  historic 
interest. 

"  Benjamin  Banneker's  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Virginia,  and  Maryland 
Almanac  and  Ephemeris,  for  the  year  of  our  Lord  1792,  being  Bissextile  or 
leap  year,  and  the  sixteenth  year  of  American  Independence,  which  commenced 
July  4,  1776:  containing  the  motions  of  the  Sun  and  Moon,  the  true  places  and 


394      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

aspects  of  the  Planets,  the  rising  and  setting  of  the  Sun,  and  the  rising,  setting, 
and  southing,  place  and  age  of  the  Moon,  &c.  The  Lunations,  Conjunctions, 
Eclipses,  Judgment  of  the  Weather,  Festivals,  and  remarkable  days." 

He  had  evidently  read  Mr.  Jefferson's  Notes  on  Virginia ;  and 
touched  by  the  humane  sentiment  there  exhibited,  as  well  as 
saddened  by  the  doubt  expressed  respecting  the  intellect  of  the 
Negro,  Banneker  sent  him  a  copy  of  his  first  almanac,  accom 
panied  by  a  letter  which  pleaded  the  cause  of  his  race,  and  in 
itself,  was  a  refutation  of  the  charge  that  the  Negro  had  no  intel 
lectual  outcome. 

"MARYLAND,  BALTIMORE  COUNTY,  August  19,  1791. 
«  SIR, 

"  I  am  fully  sensible  of  the  greatness  of  the  freedom  I  take  with  you  on 
the  present  occasion;  a  liberty  which  seemed  scarcely  allowable,  when  I 
reflected  on  that  distinguished  and  dignified  station  in  which  you  stand,  and  the 
almost  general  prejudice  which  is  so  prevalent  in  the  world  against  those  of  my 
complexion. 

" It  is  a  truth  too  well  attested,  to  need  a  proof  here,  that  we  are  a  race  of 
beings,  who  have  long  laboured  under  the  abuse  and  censure  of  the  world; 
that  we  have  long  been  looked  upon  with  an  eye  of  contempt;  and  considered 
rather  as  brutish  than  human,  and  scarcely  capable  of  mental  endowments. 

"  I  hope  I  may  safely  admit,  in  consequence  of  the  report  which  has 
reached  me,  that  you  are  a  man  far  less  inflexible  in  sentiments  of  this  nature, 
than  many  others  ;  that  you  are  measurably  friendly,  and  well  disposed  towards 
us ;  and  that  you  are  willing  to  lend  your  aid  and  assistance  for  our  relief  from 
those  many  distresses,  and  numerous  calamities,  to  which  we  are  reduced. 

"  If  this  is  founded  in  truth,  I  apprehend  you  will  embrace  every  opportu 
nity  to  eradicate  that  train  of  absurd  and  false  ideas  and  opinions,  which  so 
generally  prevail  with  respect  to  us :  and  that  your  sentiments  are  concurrent 
with  mine,  which  are,  that  one  universal  Father  hath  given  being  to  us  all;  that 
He  hath  not  only  made  us  all  of  one  flesh,  but  that  He  hath  also,  without  par 
tiality,  afforded  us  all  the  same  sensations,  and  endowed  us  all  with  the  same 
faculties ;  and  that  however  variable  we  may  be  in  society  or  religion,  however 
diversified  in  situation  or  in  colour,  we  are  all  of  the  same  family,  and  stand  in 
the  same  relation  to  Him. 

"  If  these  are  sentiments  of  which  you  are  fully  persuaded,  you  cannot  but 
acknowledge,  that  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  those,  who  maintain  for  them 
selves  the  rights  of  human  nature,  and  who  profess  the  obligations  of  Chris 
tianity,  to  extend  their  powers  and  influence  to  the  relief  of  every  part  of  the 
human  race,  from  whatever  burden  or  oppression  they  may  unjustly  labour 
under;  and  this,  I  apprehend,  a  full  conviction  of  the  truth  and  obligation  of 
these  principles  should  lead  all  to. 

"  I  have  long  been  convinced,  that  if  your  love  for  yourselves,  and  for 
those  inestimable  laws  which  preserved  to  you  the  rights  of  human  nature,  was 
founded  on  sincerity  you  could  not  but  be  solicitous,  that  every  individual,  of 
whatever  rank  or  distinction,  might  with  you  equally  enjoy  the  blessings 
thereof;  neither  could  you  rest  satisfied  short  of  the  most  active  effusion  of 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  395 

your  exertions,  in  order  to  their  promotion  from  any  state  of  degradation,  to 
which  the  unjustifiable  cruelty  and  barbarism  of  men  may  have  reduced  them. 

"  I  freely  and  cheerfully  acknowledge,  that  I  am  of  the  African  race,  and 
in  that  colour  which  is  natural  to  them,  of  the  deepest  dye ;  and  it  is  under  a 
sense  of  the  most  profound  gratitude  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe, 
that  I  now  confess  to  you,  that  I  am  not  under  that  state  of  tyrannical  thral 
dom,  and  inhuman  captivity,  to  which  too  many  of  my  brethren  are  doomed, 
but  that  I  have  abundantly  tasted  of  the  fruition  of  those  blessings,  which 
proceed  from  that  free  and  unequalled  liberty  with  which  you  are  favoured ; 
and  which  I  hope  you  will  willingly  allow  you  have  mercifully  received,  from 
the  immediate  hand  of  that  Being  from  whom  proceedeth  every  good  and 
perfect  gift. 

"  Suffer  me  to  recall  to  your  mind  that  time,  in  which  the  arms  of  the 
British  crown  were  exerted,  with  every  powerful  effort,  in  order  to  reduce  you 
to  a  state  of  servitude :  look  back,  I  entreat  you,  on  the  variety  of  dangers  to 
which  you  were  exposed;  reflect  on  that  period  in  which  every  human  aid 
appeared  unavailable,  and  in  which  even  hope  and  fortitude  wore  the  aspect  of 
inability  to  the  conflict,  and  you  cannot  but  be  led  to  a  serious  and  grateful 
sense  of  your  miraculous  and  providential  preservation;  you  cannot  but 
acknowledge,  that  the  present  freedom  and  tranquillity  which  you  enjoy,  you 
have  mercifully  received,  and  that  it  is  the  peculiar  blessing  of  heaven. 

"  This,  Sir,  was  a  time  when  you  clearly  saw  into  the  injustice  of  a  state  of 
Slavery,  and  in  which  you  had  just  apprehensions  of  the  horrors  of  its  condi 
tion.  It  was  then  that  your  abhorrence  thereof  was  so  excited,  that  you 
publicly  held  forth  this  true  and  invaluable  doctrine,  which  is  worthy  to  be 
recorded  and  remembered  in  all  succeeding  ages :  '  We  hold  these  truths  to  be 
self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  and  that  among  these  are,  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.' 

"  Here,  was  a  time  in  which  your  tender  feelings  for  yourselves  had 
engaged  you  thus  to  declare;  you  were  then  impressed. with  proper  ideas  of 
the  great  violation  of  liberty,  and  the  free  possession  of  those  blessings,  to 
which  you  were  entitled  by  nature ;  but,  sir,  how  pitiable  is  it  to  reflect,  that 
although  you  were  so  fully  convinced  of  the  benevolence  of  the  Father  of 
Mankind,  and  of  his  equal  and  impartial  distribution  of  these  rights  and  privi 
leges  which  he  hath  conferred  upon  them,  that  you  should  at  the  same  time 
counteract  his  mercies,  in  detaining  by  fraud  and  violence,  so  numerous  a  part 
of  my  brethren  under  groaning  captivity  and  cruel  oppression,  that  you  should 
at  the  same  time  be  found  guilty  of  that  most  criminal  act,  which  you  profess 
edly  detested  in  others,  with  respect  to  yourselves. 

"  Your  knowledge  of  the  situation  of  my  brethren  is  too  extensive  to  need 
a  recital  here ;  neither  shall  I  presume  to  prescribe  methods  by  which  they 
may  be  relieved,  otherwise  than  by  recommending  to  you  and  all  others,  to 
wean  yourselves  from  those  narrow  prejudices  which  you  have  imbibed  with 
respect  to  them,  and  as  Job  proposed  to  his  friends,  'put  your  soul  in  their 
soul's  stead ; '  thus  shall  your  hearts  be  enlarged  with  kindness  and  benevo 
lence  towards  them;  and  thus  shall  you  need  neither  the  direction  of  myself  or 
others,  in  what  manner  to  proceed  herein. 

"  And  now,  sir,  although  my  sympathy  and  affection  for  my  brethren  hath 


396      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

caused  my  enlargement  thus  far,  I  ardently  hope,  that  your  candour  and  gen 
erosity  will  plead  with  you  in  my  behalf,  when  I  state  that  it  was  not  originally 
my  design;  but  having  taken  up  my  pen  in  order  to  present  a  copy  of  an 
almanac  which  I  have  calculated  for  the  succeeding  year,  I  was  unexpectedly 
led  thereto. 

"This  calculation  is  the  production  of  my  arduous  study,  in  my  advanced 
stage  of  life ;  for  having  long  had  unbounded  desires  to  become  acquainted 
with  the  secrets  of  nature,  I  have  had  to  gratify  my  curiosity  herein  through 
my  own  assiduous  application  to  astronomical  study,  in  which  I  need  not 
recount  to  you  the  many  difficulties  and  disadvantages  which  I  have  had  to 
encounter. 

"And  although  I  had  almost  declined  to  make  my  calculation  for  the 
ensuing  year,  in  consequence  of  the  time  which  I  had  allotted  for  it  being 
taken  up  at  the  federal  territory,  by  the  request  of  Mr.  Andrew  Ellicott,  yet  I 
industriously  applied  myself  thereto,  and  hope  I  have  accomplished  it  with 
correctness  and  accuracy.  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  direct  a  copy  to  you, 
which  I  humbly  request  you  will  favourably  receive ;  and  although  you  may 
have  the  opportunity  of  perusing  it  after  its  publication,  yet  I  desire  to  send  it 
to  you  in  manuscript  previous  thereto,  that  thereby  you  might  not  only  have  an 
earlier  inspection,  but  that  you  might  also  view  it  in  my  own  handwriting. 

"  And  now,  sir,  I  shall  conclude,  and  subscribe  myself,  with  the  most  pro 
found  respect, 

"  Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"BENJAMIN  BANNEKER" 

Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  Secretary  of  State  under  President 
Washington,  sent  the  great  Negro  the  following  courteous 
reply:  — 

"PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  30,  1791. 

"  SIR,  —  I  thank  you  sincerely  for  your  letter  of  the  igth  instant,  and  for 
the  almanac  it  contained,.  Nobody  wishes  more  than  I  do  to  see  such  proofs 
as  you  exhibit,  that  Nature  has  given  to  our  black  brethren  talents  equal  to 
those  of  the  other  colors  of  men,  and  that  the  appearance  of  a  want  of  them 
is  owing  only  to  the  degraded  condition  of  their  existence,  both  in  Africa  and 
America.  I  can  add,  with  truth,  that  no  one  wishes  more  ardently  to  see  a 
good  system  commenced  for  raising  the  condition,  both  of  their  body  and  mind, 
to  what  it  ought  to  be,  as  fast  as  the  imbecility  of  their  present  existence,  and 
other  circumstances  which  cannot  be  neglected,  will  admit.  I  have  taken  the 
liberty  of  sending  your  almanac  to  Monsieur  de  Condorcet,  Secretary  of  the 
Academy  of  Sciences,  at  Paris,  and  members  of  the  Philanthropic  Society, 
because  I  considered  it  a  document  to  which  your  whole  color  had  a  right,  for 
their  justification  against  the  doubts  which  have  been  entertained  of  them. 
"  I  am,  with  great  esteem,  sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"THO.  JEFFERSON. 

"  MR.  BENJAMIN  BANNEKER,  near  Ellicott's  | 
Lower  Mills,  Baltimore  county."  l 

1  Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  291. 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  397 

The  only  time  Banneker  was  ever  absent  from  his  home  any 
distance  was  when  "the  Commissioners  to  run  the  lines  of  the 
District  of  Columbia  "  —  then  known  as  the  "  Federal  Territory  " 
—  invited  him  to  accompany  them  upon  their  mission.  Mr. 
Norris  says  :  — 

"  Banneker's  deportment  throughout  the  whole  of  this  engagement,  secured 
their  respect,  and  there  is  good  authority  for  believing,  that  his  endowments 
led  the  commissioners  to  overlook  the  color  of  his  skin,  to  converse  with  him 
freely,  and  enjoy  the  clearness  and  originality  of  his  remarks  on  various 
subjects.  It  is  a  fact,  that  they  honored  him  with  an  invitation  to  a  daily  seat 
at  their  table;  but  this,  with  his  usual  modesty,  he  declined.  They  then 
ordered  a  side  table  laid  for  him,  in  the  same  apartment  with  themselves.  On 
his  return,  he  called  to  give  an  account  of  his  engagements,  at  the  house  of 
one  of  his  friends.  He  arrived  on  horseback,  dressed  in  his  usual  costume  ;  — 
a  full  suit  of  drab  cloth,  surmounted  by  a  broad  brimmed  beaver  hat.  He 
seemed  to  have  been  .re-animated  by  the  presence  of  the  eminent  men  with 
whom  he  had  mingled  in  the  District,  and  gave  a  full  account  of  their 
proceedings." 

His  habits  of  study  were  rather  peculiar.  At  nightfall, 
wrapped  in  a  great  cloak,  he  would  lie  prostrate  upon  the  ground, 
where  he  spent  the  night  in  contemplation  of  the  heavenly 
bodies.  At  sunrise  he  would  retire  to  his  dwelling,  where  he 
spent  a  portion  of  the  day  in  repose.  But  as  he  seemed  to 
require  less  sleep  than  most  people,  he  employed  the  hours  of  the 
afternoons  in  the  cultivation  of  his  garden,  trimming  of  fruit- 
trees,  or  in  observing  the  habits  and  flight  of  his  bees.  When 
his  service  and  attention  were  not  required  out-doors,  he  busied 
himself  with  his  books,  papers,  and  mathematical  instruments,  at 
a  large  oval  table  in  his  house.  The  situation  of  Banneker's 
dwelling  was  one  which  would  be  admired  by  every  lover  of 
nature,  and  furnished  a  fine  field  for  the  observation  of  celestial 
phenomena.  It  was  about  half  a  mile  from  the  Patapsco  River, 
and  commanded  a  prospect  of  the  near  and  distant  hills  upon  its 
banks,  which  have  been  so  justly  celebrated  for  their  picturesque 
beauty.  A  never-failing  spring  issued  from  beneath  a  large 
golden-willow  tree  in  the  midst  of  his  orchard.1  The  whole  sit 
uation  was  charming,  inspiring,  and  no  doubt  helped  him  in  the: 
solution  of  difficult  problems. 

There  is  no  reliable  data  to  enlighten  us  as  to  the  day  of  his 
death  ;  but  it  is  the  opinion  of  those  who  lived  near  him,  and  their 

1  See  Norris,  paper  on  Banneker. 


398      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

descendants,  that  he  died  in  the  fall  of  1804.  It  was  a  bright, 
beautiful  day,  and  feeling  unwell  he  walked  out  on  the  hills  to 
enjoy  the  sunlight  and  air.  During  his  walk  he  came  across  a 
neighbor,  to  whom  he  complained  of  being  sick.  They  both 
returned  to  his  house,  where,  after  lying  down  upon  his  couch, 
he  became  speechless,  and  died  peacefully.  During  a  previous 
sickness  he  had  charged  his  sisters,  Minta  Black  and  Molly 
Morten,  that,  so  soon  as  he  was  dead,  all  the  books,  instruments, 
etc.,  which  Mr.  Ellicott  had  loaned  him,  should  be  taken  back  to 
the  benevolent  lender ;  and,  as  a  token  of  his  gratitude,  all  his 
manuscripts  containing  all  his  almanacs,  his  observations  and 
writings  on  various  subjects,  his  letter  to  Thomas  Jefferson,  and 
that  gentleman's  reply,  etc.,  were  given  to  Mr.  Ellicott.1  On  the 
day  of  his  death,  faithful  to  the  instructions  of  their  brother, 
Banneker's  sisters  had  all  the  articles  moved  to  Mr.  Ellicott's 
house ;  and  their  arrival  was  the  first  sad  news  of  the  astrono 
mer's  death.  To  the  promptness  of  these  girls  in  carrying  out 
his  orders  is  the  gratitude  of  the  friends  of  science  due  for  the 
preservation  of  the  results  of  Banneker's  labors.  During  the 
performance  of  the  last  sad  rites  at  the  grave,  two  days  after 
his  death,  his  house  was  discovered  to  be  on  fire.  It  burnt  so 
rapidly  that  it  was  impossible  to  save  any  thing :  so  his  clock 
and  other  personal  property  perished  in  the  flames.  He  had 
given  to  one  of  his  sisters  a  feather-bed,  upon  which  he  had  slept 
for  many  years ;  and  she,  fortunately  and  thoughtfully,  removed 
it  when  he  died,  and  prized  it  as  the  only  memorial  of  her  dis 
tinguished  brother.  Some  years  after,  she  had  occasion  to  open 
the  bed,  when  she  discovered  a  purse  of  money  —  another  illus 
tration  of  his  careful  habits  and  frugality. 

Benjamin  Banneker  was  known  favorably  on  two  continents, 
and  at  the  time  of  his  death  was  the  most  intelligent  and  dis 
tinguished  Negro  in  the  United  States. 


FULLER   THE    MATHEMATICIAN. 

One  of  the  standing  arguments  against  the  Negro  was,  that  he 
lacked  the  faculty  of  solving  mathematical  problems.  This  charge 

1  All  of  Banneker's  literary  remains  were  published  by  J.  H.  B.  Latrobe  in  the  Maryland 
Historical  Society,  and  in  the  Maryland  Colonization  Journal  in  1845.  The  Memoir  of  Banneker 
was  somewhat  marred  by  a  too  precipitous  and  zealous  attempt  to  preach  the  doctrine  of  colo 
nization. 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  399 

was  made  without  a  disposition  to  allow  him  an  opportunity  to 
submit  himself  to  a  proper  test.  It  was  equivalent  to  putting  out 
a  man's  eyes,  and  then  asserting  boldly  that  he  cannot  see ;  of 
manacling  his  ankles,  and  charging  him  with  the  inability  to  run. 
But  notwithstanding  all  the  prohibitions  against  instructing  the 
Negro,  and  his  far  remove  from  intellectual  stimulants,  the  sub 
ject  to  whom  attention  is  now  called  had  within  his  own  untutored 
intellect  the  elements  of  a  great  mathematician. 

Thomas  Fuller,  familiarly  known  as  the  Virginia  Calculator, 
was  a  native  of  Africa.  At  the  age  of  fourteen  he  was  stolen,  and 
sold  into  slavery  in  Virginia,  where  he  found  himself  the  property 
of  a  planter  residing  about  four  miles  from  Alexandria.  He  did 
not  understand  the  art  of  reading  or  writing,  but  by  a  marvellous 
faculty  was  able  to  perform  the  most  difficult  calculations.  Dr. 
Benjamin  Rush  of  Philadelphia,  Penn.,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  a 
gentleman  residing  in  Manchester,  Eng.,  says  that  hearing  of  the 
phenomenal  mathematical  powers  of  "  Negro  Tom,"  he,  in  com* 
pany  with  other  gentlemen  passing  through  Virginia,  sent  for 
him.  One  of  the  gentlemen  asked  him  how  many  seconds  a  man 
of  seventy  years,  some  odd  months,  weeks,  and  days,  had  lived. 
He  gave  the  exact  number  in  a  minute  and  a  half.  The  gentle 
man  took  a  pen,  and  after  some  figuring  told  Tom  he  must 
be  mistaken,  as  the  number  was  too  great.  "'Top,  massa ! " 
exclaimed  Tom,  "you  hab  left  out  de  leap-years!"  And  sure 
enough,  on  including  the  leap-years  in  the  calculation,  the  number 
given  by  Tom  was  correct. 

"He  was  visited  by  William  Hartshorn  and  Samuel  Coates,"  says  Mr. 
Needles,  "of  this  city  (Philadelphia),  and  gave  correct  answers  to  all  their 
questions  :  such  as,  How  many  seconds  there  are  in  a  year  and  a  half?  In  two 
minutes  he  answered  47,304,000.  How  many  seconds  in  seventy  years,  seven 
teen  days,  twelve  hours  ?  In  one  minute  and  a  half,  2,110,500,800.1 

That  he  was  a  prodigy,  no  one  will  question.2  He  was  the 
wonder  of  the  age.  The  following  appeared  in  several  news 
papers  at  the  time  of  his  death:  — 

"  DIED  —  Negro  Tom,  the  famous  African  calculator,  aged  80  years.  He 
was  the  property  of  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Cox,  of  Alexandria.  Tom  was  a  very 
black  man.  He  was  brought  to  this  country  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  and  was 
sold  as  a  slave  with  many  of  his  unfortunate  countrymen.  This  man  was  a 

1  Needles's  Hist.  Memoir  of  the  Penn.  Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  p.  32. 

2  J.  P.  Brissot  de  Warville's  Travels  in  the  U.  S.,  vol.  i.  p.  243. 


400      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

prodigy.  Though  he  could  neither  read  nor  write,  he  had  perfectly  acquired 
the  use  of  enumeration.  He  could  give  the  number  of  months,  days,  weeks, 
hours,  minutes,  and  seconds,  for  any  period  of  time  that  a  person  chose  to 
mention,  allowing  in  his  calculations  for  all  the  leap  years  that  happened  in  the 
time.  He  would  give  the  number  of  poles,  yards,  feet,  inches,  and  barley-corns 
in  a  given  distance  —  say,  the  diameter  of  the  earth's  orbit  —  and  in  every 
calculation  he  would  produce  the  true  answer  in  less  time  than  ninety-nine  out 
of  a  hundred  men  would  take  with  their  pens.  And  what  was,  perhaps,  more 
extraordinary,  though  interrupted  in  the  progress  of  his  calculations,  and 
engaged  in  discourse  upon  any  other  subject,  his  operations  were  not  thereby 
in  the  least  deranged ;  he  would  go  on  where  he  left  off,  and  could  give  any  and 
all  of  the  stages  through  which  the  calculation  had  passed. 

"  Thus  died  Negro  Tom,  this  untaught  arithmetician,  this  untutored 
scholar.  Had  his  opportunities  of  improvement  been  equal  to  those  of  thou 
sands  of  his  fellow-men,  neither  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  the  Academy  of 
Science  at  Paris,  nor  even  a  Newton  himself  need  have  been  ashamed  to 
acknowledge  him  a  brother  in  science."  £ 


DERHAM   THE   PHYSICIAN. 

Through  all  time  the  science  of  medicine  has  been  regarded 
as  ranking  among  the  most  intricate  and  delicate  pursuits  man 
could  follow.  Our  Saviour  was  called  "the  Great  Physician,"  and 
St.  Luke  "the  beloved  physician."  No  profession  brings  a  man 
so  near  to  humanity,  and  no  other  class  of  men  have  a  higher 
social  standing  than  those  who  are  consecrated  to  the  "art  of 
healing."  Such  a  position  demands  of  a  man  not  only  profound 
research  in  the  field  of  medicine,  but  the  rarest  intellectual  and 
social  gifts  and  accomplishments.  For  a  Negro  to  gain  such  a 
position  in  the  nineteenth  century  would  require  merit  of  unusual 
order.  But  in  the  eighteenth  century,  when  slavery  had  cast  its 
long,  dark  shadows  over  the  entire  life  of  the  nation,  for  a  Negro, 
born  and  reared  a  slave,  to  obtain  fame  in  medicine  second  to 
none  on  the  continent,  was  an  achievement  that  justly  challenged 
the  admiration  of  the  civilized  world. 

Dr.  James  Derham  was  born  a  slave  in  Philadelphia  in  1762. 
His  master  was  a  physician.  James  was  taught  to  read  and  write, 
and  early  rendered  valuable  assistance  to  his  master  in  compound 
ing  medicines.  Endowed  with  more  than  average  intelligence,  he 
took  a  great  liking  to  the  science  of  medicine,  and  absorbed  all  the 
information  that  came  within  his  observation.  On  the  death  of  his 
master  he  was  sold  to  the  surgeon  of  the  Sixteenth  British  Regi- 

1  Columbian  Centinal  of  Boston,  Dec.  29,  1790. 


THE  NEGRO  INTELLECT.  4OI 

rnent,  at  that  time  stationed  in  Philadelphia.  At  the  close  of  the 
war  he  was  sold  to  Dr.  Robert  Dove  of  New  Orleans,  a  humane 
and  intelligent  man,  who  employed  him  as  his  assistant  in  a  large 
business.  He  grew  in  a  knowledge  of  his  profession  every  day, 
was  prompt  and  faithful  in  the  discharge  of  the  trusts  reposed  in 
him,  and  thereby  gained  the  confidence  of  his  master.  Dr.  Dove 
was  so  much  pleased  with  him,  that  he  offered  him  his  freedom 
upon  very  easy  terms,  requiring  only  two  or  three  years'  service. 
At  the  end  of  the  time  designated,  Dr.  Derham  entered  into 
the  practice  of  medicine  upon  his  own  account.  He  acquired  the 
English,  French,  and  Spanish  languages  so  as  to  speak  them 
fluently,  and  built  up  a  practice  in  a  short  time  worth  three  thou 
sand  dollars  a  year.1  He  married,  and  attached  himself  to  the 
Episcopal  Church,  in  1788,  and  at  twenty-six  years  of  age  was 
regarded  as  one  of  the  most  eminent  physicians  in  New 
Orleans. 

Dr.  Rush  of  Philadelphia,  in  "  The  American  Museum  "  for 
January,  1789,  gave  an  interesting  account  of  this  distinguished 
"Negro  physician."  Says  Dr.  Rush, — 

"  I  have  conversed  with  him  upon  most  of  the  acute  and  epidemic  diseases 
of  the  country  where  he  lives.  I  expected  to  have  suggested  some  new  medi 
cines  to  him,  but  he  suggested  many  more  to  me.  He  is  very  modest  and 
engaging  in  his  manners.  He  speaks  French  fluently,  and  has  some  knowl 
edge  of  the  Spanish,"  2 

Phillis  Wheatley  has  been  mentioned  already.  So,  in  the  midst 
of  darkness  and  oppression,  the  Negro  race  in  America,  without 
the  use  of  the  Christian  church,  schoolhouse,  or  printing-press, 
produced  a  poetess,  an  astronomer,  a  mathematician,  and  a  physician, 
who,  had  they  been  white,  would  have  received  monuments  and 
grateful  memorials  at  the  hands  of  their  countrymen.  But  even 
their  color  cannot  rob  them  of  the  immortality  their  genius 
earned. 

1  Brissot  de  Warville's  New  Travels  in  the  U.  S.,  ed.  1794,  vol.  i.  p.  242. 

2  For  an  account  of  Fuller  and  Derham,  see  De  la  LitteVature  des  Negres,  ou  Recherches 
sur  leurs  Facultes  intellectuelles,  leurs  Qualites  morales  et  leur  Litterature;  suivies  de  Notices  sur 
la  Vie  et  les  Ouvrages  des  Negres  qui  se  sont  distingues  dans  les  Sciences,  les  Lettres  et  les  Arts. 
Par  H.  GREGOIRE,  ancien  Eveque  de  Blois,  membre  du  Senat  conservateur,  de  1'Institut  national, 
de  la  Socie"te  royale  des  Sciences  de  Gottingue,  etc.     Paris  :  MDCCCVIII. 


402      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

SLAVERY   DURING  THE  REVOLUTION. 

1775-1783. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  SLAVE-TRADE.  —  A  GREAT  WAR  FOR  THE  EMANCIPATION  OF  THE  COLONIES  FROM' 
POLITICAL  BONDAGE.  —  CONDITION  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES  DURING  THE  WAR.  —  THE  VIRGINIA 
DECLARATION  OF  RIGHTS.  —  IMMEDIATE  LEGISLATION  AGAINST  SLAVERY  DEMANDED.  —  ADVERTISE 
MENT  FROM  "THE  INDEPENDENT  CHRONICLE."  —  PETITION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  SLAVES.  —  AN 
ACT  PREVENTING  THE  PRACTICE  OF  HOLDING  PERSONS  IN  SLAVERY  — ADVERTISEMENTS  FROM 
"THE  CONTINENTAL  JOURNAL.  " — A  LAW  PASSED  IN  VIRGINIA  LIMITING  THE  RIGHTS  OF  SLAVES. 

—  LAW     EMANCIPATING    ALL    SLAVES    WHO    SERVED    IN    THE    ARMY.  —  NEW    YORK     PROMISES     HER 

NEGRO  SOLDIERS  FREEDOM. — A  CONSCIENTIOUS  MINORITY  IN  FAVOR  OF  THE  ABOLITION  OF  THE 
SLAVE-TRADE.  —  SLAVERY  FLOURISHES  DURING  THE  ENTIRE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD. 

THE  thunder  of  the  guns  of  the  Revolution  did  not  drown 
the  voice  of  the  auctioneer.  The  slave-trade  went  on.  A 
great  war  for  the  emancipation  of  the  colonies  from  the 
political  bondage  into  which  the  British  Parliament  fain  would 
precipitate  them  did  not  depreciate  the  market  value  of  human 
flesh.  Those  whose  hearts  were  not  enlisted  in  the  war  skulked 
in  the  rear,  and  gloated  over  the  blood-stained  shekels  they  wrung 
from  the  domestic  slave-trade.  While  the  precarious  condition  of 
the  Southern  States  during  the  war  made  legislation  in  support 
of  the  institution  of  slavery  impolitic,  there  were,  nevertheless, 
many  severe  laws  in  force  during  this  entire  period.  In  the  New 
England  and  Middle  States  there  was  heard  an  occasional  voice 
for  the  oppressed ;  but  it  was  generally  strangled  at  the  earliest 
moment  of  its  being  by  that  hell-born  child,  avarice.  On  the  2ist 
of  September,  1776,  William  Gordon  of  Roxbury,  Mass.,  wrote, — 

"The  Virginians  begin  their  Declaration  of  Rights  with  saying,  'that  all 
men  are  born  equally  free  and  independent,  and  have  certain  inherent  natural 
rights,  of  which  they  cannot,  by  any  compact,  deprive  themselves  or  their  pos 
terity;  among  which  are  the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty.'1  The  Congress 
declare  that  they  'hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created 
equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights, 
that  among  these  are  life,  liberty  and  pursuit  of  happiness.'  The  Continent 
has  rung  with  affirmations  of  the  like  import.  If  these,  Gentlemen,  are  our 


SLAVERY  DURING   THE  REVOLUTION.  403, 

genuine  sentiments,  and  we  are  not  provoking  the  Deity,  by  acting  hypocriti 
cally  to  serve  a  turn,  let  us  apply  earnestly  and  heartily  to  the  extirpation  of 
slavery  from  among  ourselves.  Let  the  State  allow  of  nothing  beyond  servi 
tude  for  a  stipulated  number  of  years,  and  that  only  for  seven  or  eight,  when 
persons  are  of  age,  or  till  they  are  of  age :  and  let  the  descendants  of  the 
Africans  born  among  us,  be  viewed  as  free-born ;  and  be  wholly  at  their  own 
disposal  when  one-and-twenty,  the  latter  part  of  which  age  will  compensate  for 
the  expense  of  infancy,  education,  and  so  on." 

No  one  gave  heed.  Two  months  later,  Nov.  14,  there  appeared 
in  "The  Independent  Chronicle"  of  Boston  a  plan  for  gradual 
emancipation ;  and  on  the  28th  of  the  same  month,  in  the  same 
paper  there  appeared  a  communication  demanding  specific  and 
immediate  legislation  against  slavery.  But  all  seemed  vain : 
there  were  few  moral  giants  among  the  friends  of  "liberty  for 
all ; "  and  the  comparative  silence  of  the  press  and  pulpit  gave  the 
advocates  of  human  slavery  an  easy  victory. 

Boston,  the  home  of  Warren,  and  the  city  that  witnessed  the 
first  holy  offering  to  liberty,  busied  herself  through  all  the  peril 
ous  years  of  the  war  in  buying  and  selling  human  beings.  The 
following  are  but  a  few  of  the  many  advertisements  that  appeared 
in  the  papers  of  the  city  of  Boston  during  the  war : J  — 

From  "The  Independent  Chronicle,"  Oct.  3,  1776:  — 

"  To  be  SOLD  A  stout,  hearty,  likely  NEGRO  GIRL,  fit  for  either  Town  or 
Country.  Inquire  of  Mr.  Andrew  Gillespie,  Dorchester,  Octo.  I.,  1776." 

From  the  same,  Oct.  10:  — 

"A  hearty  NEGRO  MAN,  with  a  small  sum  of  Money  to  be  given  away." 

From  the  same,  Nov.  28  :  — 

"To  SELL  —  A  Hearty  likely  NEGRO  WENCH  about  12  or  13  Years  of 
Age,  has  had  the  Small  Pox,  can  wash,  iron,  card,  and  spin,  etc.,  for  no  other 
Fault  but  for  want  of  Employ." 

From  the  same,  Feb.  27,  1777:  — 

"  WANTED  a  NEGRO  GIRL  between  12  and  20  Years  of  Age,  for  which 
a  good  Price  will  be  given,  if  she  can  be  recommended." 

From  "The  Continental  Journal,"  April  3,  1777:  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  a  likely  Negro  Man,  twenty-two  years  old,  has  had  the 
small-pox,  can  do  any  sort  of  business ;  sold  for  want  of  employment." 

1  See  Slavery  in  Mass.,  p.  178. 


404      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  To  be  SOLD,  a  large,  commodious  Dwelling  House,  Barn,  and  Out 
houses,  with  any  quantity  of  land  from  I  to  50  acres,  as  the  Purchaser  shall 
choose  within  5  miles  of  Boston.  Also  a  smart  well-tempered  NEGRO  BOY 
of  14  years  old,  not  to  go  out  of  this  State  and  sold  for  15  years  only,  if  he  con 
tinues  to  behave  -well." 

From  "The  Independent  Chronicle,"  May  8,  1777:  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  for  want  of  employ,  a  likely  strong  NEGRO  GIRL,  about  18 
years  old,  understands  all  sorts  of  household  business,  and  can  be  well  recom 
mended." 

The  strange  and  trying  vicissitudes  through  which  the  colonies 
had  passed  exposed  their  hypocrisy,  revealed  the  weakness  of 
their  government,  and  forced  them  to  another  attempt  at  the  extir 
pation  of  slavery.  The  valorous  conduct  of  the  Negro  soldiers  in 
the  army  had  greatly  encouraged  their  friends  and  emboldened 
their  brethren,  who  still  suffered  from  the  curse  of  slavery.  The 
latter  were  not  silent  when  an  opportunity  presented  to  claim  the 
rights  they  felt  their  due.  On  the  1 8th  of  March,  1777,  the  fol 
lowing  petition  was  addressed,  by  the  slaves  in  Boston,  to  the 
Legislature :  — 

"PETITION   OF   MASSACHUSETTS  SLAVES. 

"  The  petition  of  a  great  number  of  negroes,  who  are  detained  in  a  state  of 
slavery  in  the  very  bowels  of  a  free  and  Christian  country,  humbly  show 
ing,— 

"  That  your  petitioners  apprehend  that  they  have,  in  common  with  all  other 
men,  a  natural  and  inalienable  right  to  that  freedom,  which  the  great  Parent  of 
the  universe  hath  bestowed  equally  on  all  mankind,  and  which  they  have  never 
forfeited  by  any  compact  or  agreement  whatever.  But  they  were  unjustly 
dragged  by  the  cruel  hand  of  power  from  their  dearest  friends,  and  some  of 
them  even  torn  from  the  embraces  of  their  tender  parents,  —  from  a  populous, 
pleasant  and  plentiful  country,  and  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature  and  of 
nations,  and  in  defiance  of  all  the  tender  feelings  of  humanity,  brought  hither 
to  be  sold  like  beasts  of  burthen,  and,  like  them,  condemned  to  slavery  for  life 
—  among  a  people  possessing  the  mild  religion  of  Jesus  —  a  people  not  insen 
sible  of  the  sweets  of  national  freedom,  nor  without  a  spirit  to  resent  the  unjust 
endeavors  of  others  to  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  bondage  and  subjection. 

"  Your  Honors  need  not  to  be  informed  that  a  life  of  slavery  like  that  of 
your  petitioners,  deprived  of  every  social  privilege,  of  every  thing  requisite  to 
render  life  even  tolerable,  is  far  worse  than  non-existence. 

"  In  imitation  of  the  laudable  example  of  the  good  people  of  these  States, 
your  petitioners  have  long  and  patiently  waited  the  event  of  petition  after 
petition,  by  them  presented  to  the  legislative  body  of  this  State,  and  cannot  but 
with  grief  reflect  that  their  success  has  been  but  too  similar. 


SLAVERY  DURING    THE  REVOLUTION.  405 

"  They  cannot  but  express  their  astonishment  that  it  has  never  been  con 
sidered,  that  every  principle  from  which  America  has  acted,  in  the  course  of  her 
unhappy  difficulties  with  Great  Britain,  bears  stronger  than  a  thousand  argu 
ments  in  favor  of  your  humble  petitioners.  They  therefore  humbly  beseech 
Your  Honors  to  give  their  petition  its  due  weight  and  consideration,  and  cause 
an  act  of  the  legislature  to  be  passed,  whereby  they  may  be  restored  to  the 
enjoyment  of  that  freedom,  which  is  the  natural  right  of  all  men,  and  their 
•children  (who  were  born  in  this  land  of  liberty)  may  not  be  held  as  slaves  after 
they  arrive  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years.  So  may  the  inhabitants  of  this 
State  (no  longer  chargeable  with  the  inconsistency  of  acting  themselves  the 
part  which  they  condemn  and  oppose  in  others)  be  prospered  in  their  glorious 
struggles  for  liberty,  and  have  those  blessings  secured  to  them  by  Heaven,  of 
which  benevolent  minds  cannot  wish  to  deprive  their  fellow-men. 
"  And  your  petitioners,  as  in  duty  bound,  shall  ever  pray :  — 

LANCASTER  HILL, 
PETER  BESS, 
BRISTER  SLENFEN, 
PRINCE  HALL, 

JACK  PIERPONT,  [his  X  mark.] 
NERO  FUNELO,  [his  X  mark.] 
NEWPORT  SUMNER,  [his  x  mark.]  " 

The  following  entry,  bearing  the  same  date,  was  made :  — 

"  A  petition  of  Lancaster  Hill,  and  a  number  of  other  Negroes,  praying  the 
Court  to  take  into  consideration  their  state  of  bondage,  and  pass  an  act  whereby 
they  may  be  restored  to  the  enjoyment  of  that  freedom  which  is  the  natural 
right  of  all  men.  Read  and  committed  to  Judge  Sargent,  Mr.  Dal  ton,  Mr. 
Appleton,  Col.  Brooks,  and  Mr.  Story." 

There  is  no  record  of  the  action  of  the  committee,  if  any  were 
ever  had  ;  but  at  the  afternoon  session  of  the  Legislature,  Monday, 
June  9,  1777,  a  bill  was  introduced  to  prevent  "the  Practice  of 
holding  persons  in  Slavery."  It  was  "read  a  first  time,  and 
ordered  to  be  read  again  on  Friday  next,  at  10  o'clock  A.M." 
Accordingly,  on  the  I3th  of  June,  the  bill  was  "read  a  second 
time,  and  after  Debate  thereon,  it  was  moved  and  seconded,  That 
the  same  lie  upon  the  Table,  and  that  Application  be  made  to 
Congress  on  the  subject  thereof;  and  the  Question  being  put,  it 
passed  in  the  affirmative,  and  Mr.  Speaker,  Mr.  Wendell,  and  Col. 
Orne,  were  appointed  a  Committee  to  prepare  a  letter  to  Congress 
accordingly,  and  report."  The  last  action,  as  far  as  indicated  by 
the  journal,  was  had  on  Saturday,  June  14,  when  "the  Com 
mittee  appointed  to  prepare  a  Letter  to  Congress,  on  the  subject 
of  the  Bill  for  preventing  the  Practice  of  holding  Persons  in 


406      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Slavery,  reported."     It  was  "Read  and  ordered  to  lie."  l     And 
so  it  did  "lie,"  for  that  was  the  end  of  the  matter. 

Judge  Sargent,  who  was  chairman  of  the  committee  appointed 
on  the  1 8th  of  March,  1777,  was  doubtless  the  author  of  the  fol 
lowing  bill :  — 

"STATE  OF   MASSACHUSETTS   BAY.      IN  THE  YEAR  OF  OUR  LORD,  1777. 

"  AN  ACT  for  preventing  the  practice  of  holding  persons  in  Slavery. 

"WHEREAS,  the  practice  of  holding  Africans  and  the  children  born  of 
them,  or  any  other  persons,  in  Slavery,  is  unjustifiable  in  a  civil  government, 
at  a  time  when  they  are  asserting  their  natural  freedom ;  wherefore,  for  pre 
venting  such  a  practice  for  the  future,  and  establishing  to  every  person  residing 
within  the  State  the  invaluable  blessing  of  liberty. 

" Beit  Enacted,  by  the  Council  and  House  of  Representatives,  in  General 
Court  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  —  That  all  persons,  whether 
black  or  of  other  complexion,  above  21  years  of  age,  now  held  in  Slavery,  shall, 
from  and  after  the  day  of  next,  be  free  from  any  subjection  to  any  master 
or  mistress,  who  have  claimed  their  servitude  by  right  of  purchase,  heirship, 
free  gift,  or  otherwise,  and  they  are  hereby  entitled  to  all  the  freedom,  rights, 
privileges  and  immunities  that  do,  or  ought  of  right  to  belong  to  any  of  the 
subjects  of  this  State,  any  usage  or  custom  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

'•'•And  be  it  Enacted,  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  all  written  deeds,  bar 
gains,  sales  or  conveyances,  or  contracts  without  writing,  whatsoever,  for  con 
veying  or  transferring  any  property  in  any  person,  or  to  the  service  and  labor 
of  any  person  whatsoever,  of  more  than  twenty-one  years  of  age,  to  a  third 
person,  except  by  order  of  some  court  of  record  for  some  crime,  that  has  been, 
or  hereafter  shall  be  made,  or  by  their  own  voluntary  contract  for  a  term  not 
exceeding  seven  years,  shall  be  and  hereby  are  declared  null  and  void. 

"  And  WHEREAS,  divers  persons  now  have  in  their  service  negroes,  mulat- 
toes  or  others  who  have  been  deemed  their  slaves  or  property,  and  who  are  now 
incapable  of  earning  their  living  by  reason  of  age  or  infirmities,  and  may  be 
desirous  of  continuing  in  the  service  of  their  masters  or  mistresses,  —  be  it 
therefore  Enacted,  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  whatever  negro  or  mulatto, 
who  shall  be  desirous  of  continuing  in  the  service  of  his  master  or  mistress, 
and  shall  voluntarily  declare  the  same  before  two  justices  of  the  County  in 
which  said  master  or  mistress  resides,  shall  have  a  right  to  continue  in  the 
service,  and  to  a  maintenance  from  their  master  or  mistress,  and  if  they  are 
incapable  of  earning  their  living,  shall  be  supported  by  the  said  master  or 
mistress,  or  their  heirs,  during  the  lives  of  said  servants,  any  thing  in  this  act 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

'•'•Provided,  nevertheless,  that  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  understood  to 
prevent  any  master  of  a  vessel  or  other  person  from  bringing  into  this  State  any 
persons,  not  Africans,  from  any  other  part  of  the  world,  except  the  United  States 
of  America,  and  selling  their  service  for  a  term  of  time  not  exceeding  five  years, 
if  twenty-one  years  of  age,  or,  if  under  twenty-one,  not  exceeding  the  time 

1  House  Journal,  pp.  19,  25. 


SLAVERY  DURING   THE  REVOLUTION.  407 

when  he  or  she  so  brought  into  the  State  shall  be  twenty-six  years  of  age,  to 
pay  for  and  in  consideration  of  the  transportation  and  other  charges  said  master 
of  vessel  or  other  person  may  have  been  at,  agreeable  to  contracts  made  with 
the  persons  so  transported,  or  their  parents  or  guardians  in  their  behalf,  before 
they  are  brought  from  their  own  country."  * 

On  the  back  of  the  bill  the  following  indorsement  was  written 
by  some  officer  of  the  Legislature :  "  Ordered  to  lie  till  the  second 
Wednesday  of  the  next  Session  of  the  General  Court."  This 
might  have  ended  the  struggle  for  the  extinction  of  slavery  in 
Massachusetts,  had  not  the  people  at  this  time  made  an  earnest 
demand  for  a  State  constitution.  As  the  character  of  the  consti 
tution  was  discussed,  the  question  of  slavery  divided  public  senti 
ment.  If  it  were  left  out  of  the  constitution,  then  the  claims  of 
the  master  would  forever  lack  the  force  of  law  ;  if  it  were  inserted 
as  part  of  the  constitution,  it  would  evidence  the  insincerity  of  the 
people  in  their  talk  about  the  equality  of  the  rights  of  man,  etc. 
The  Legislature  —  Convention  of  1777-78  —  prepared,  debated, 
and  finally  approved  and  submitted  to  the  people,  a  draught  of  a 
constitution  for  the  State,  on  the  28th  of  February,  1778.  The 
framers  of  the  constitution  seemed  to  lack  the  courage  necessary 
to  declare  in  favor  of  the  freedom  of  the  faithful  blacks  who  had 
rendered  such  efficient  aid  to  the  cause  of  the  colonists.  The 
prevailing  sentiment  of  the  people  demanded  an  article  in  the 
constitution  denying  Negroes  the  right  of  citizens.  It  may  be 
fortunate  for  the  fame  of  the  Commonwealth  that  the  record  of 
the  debates  on  the  article  denying  Negroes  the  right  of  suffrage 
has  not  been  preserved.  The  article  is  here  given  :  — 

"  V.  Every  male  inhabitant  of  any  town  in  this  State,  being  free,  and  twenty- 
one  years  of  age,  excepting  Negroes,  Indians  and  Mulattoes,  shall  be  intitled 
to  vote  for  a  Representative  or  Representatives,  as  the  case  may  be,"  etc. 

By  this  article  three  classes  of  inhabitants  were  excluded  from 
the  rights,  blessings,  and  duties  of  citizenship  ;  and  the  institution 
of  slavery  was  recognized  as  existing  by  sanction  of  law.  But 
the  constitution  was  rejected  by  the  people,  by  an  overwhelming 
majority  ;  not,  however,  on  account  of  the  fifth  article,  but  because 
the  instrument  was  obnoxious  to  them  on  general  principles. 

The  defeat  of  the  constitution  did  not  temper  public  senti 
ment  on  the  question  of  Negro  slavery,  for  the  very  next  year  the 

1  Mass.  Archives :  Revolutionary  Resolves,  vol.  vii.  p.  133. 


408      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

domestic  trade  seemed  to  receive  a  fresh  impetus.  The  following 
advertisements  furnish  abundant  proof  of  the  undiminished  vigor 
of  the  enterprise. 

From  "The  Continental  Journal,"  Nov.  25,  1779:  — 

"  To  be  SOLD  A  likely  NEGRO  GIRL,  16  years  of  Age,  for  no  fault,  but 
want  of  employ." 

From  the  same,  Dec.  16,  1779:  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  A  Strong  likely  NEGRO  GIRL,"  etc. 

From  "The  Independent  Chronicle,"  March  9,  1780:  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  for  want  of  employment,  an  exceeding  likely  NEGRO  GIRL,, 
aged  sixteen." 

From  the  same,  March  30  and  April  6,  1780:  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  very  Cheap,  for  no  other  Reason  than  for  want  of  Employ, 
an  exceeding  Active  NEGRO  BOY,  aged  fifteen.  Also,  a  likely  NEGRO  GIRL, 
aged  seventeen." 

From  "The  Continental  Journal,"  Aug.  17,  1780:  — 
'•  To  be  SOLD,  a  likely  NEGRO  BOY." 

From  the  same,  Aug.  24  and  Sept.  7 :  — 

"  To  be  SOLD  or  LETT,  for  a  term  of  years,  a  strong,  hearty,  likely  NEGRO 
GIRL." 

From  the  same,  Oct.  19  and  26,  and  Nov.  2  :  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  a  likely  NEGRO  BOY,  about  eighteen  years  of  Age,  fit  for 
to  serve  a  Gentleman,  to  tend  horses  or  to  work  in  the  Country." 

From  the  same,  Oct.  26,  1780:  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  a  likely  NEGRO  BOY,  about  13  years  old,  well  calculated  to 
wait  on  a  Gentleman.  Inquire  of  the  Printer." 

"  To  be  SOLD,  a  likely  young  Cow  and  CALF.     Inquire  of  the  Printer." 

"Independent  Chronicle,"  Dec.  14,  21,  28,  1780:  — 

"A  NEGRO  CHILD,  soon  expected,  of  a  good  breed,  may  be  owned  by  any 
Person  inclining  to  take  it,  and  Money  with  it." 

"Continental  Journal,"  Dec.  21,  1780,  and  Jan.  4,  1781  :  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  a  hearty,  strong  NEGRO  WENCH,  about  29  years  of  age, 
fit  for  town  or  country." 


SLAVERY  DURING    THR   RRVOLUTION.  409 

From  "The  Continental  Journal,"  March  I,  1781  :  — 

"  To  be  SOLD,  an  extraordinary  likely  NEGRO  WENCH,  17  years  old,  she 
can  be  warranted  to  be  strong,  healthy  and  good-natured,  has  no  notion  of 
Freedom,  has  been  always  used  to  a  Farmer's  Kitchen  and  dairy,  and  is  not 
known  to  have  any  failing,  but  being  with  Child,  which  is  the  only  cause  of  her 
being  sold." 

It  is  evident,  from  the  wording  of  the  last  advertisement 
quoted,  that  the  Negroes  were  sniffing  the  air  of  freedom  that 
occasionally  blew  from  the  victorious  battle-fields,  where  many  of 
their  race  had  distinguished  themselves  by  the  most  intrepid 
valor.  They  began  to  get  "notions  of  freedom"  and  this  depre 
ciated  their  market  value. 

Dr.  William  Gordon,  the  steadfast,  earnest,  and  intelligent 
friend  of  the  Negro,  was  deposed  as  chaplain  of  both  branches  of 
the  Legislature  on  account  of  his  vehement  protest  against  the 
adoption  of  the  fifth  article  of  the  constitution  by  that  body.  But 
his  zeal  was  not  thereby  abated.  He  continued  to  address  able 
articles  to  the  public,  and  wrought  a  good  work  upon  the  public 
conscience. 

In  Virginia,  notwithstanding  Negroes  were  among  the  State's 
most  gallant  defenders,  a  law  was  passed  in  October,  1776,  "de 
claring  tenants  of  lands  or  slaves  in  taille  to  hold  the  same  in  fee 
simple."  Under  the  circumstances,  after  the  war  had  begun,  and 
after  the  declaration  by  the  State  of  national  independence,  it- 
was  a  most  remarkable  law. 


"  That  any  person  who  now  hath,  or  hereafter  may  have,  any  estate  in  fee 
taille,  general  or  special,  in  any  lands  or  slaves  in  possession,  or  in  the  use  or 
trust  of  any  lands  or  slaves  in  possession,  or  who  now  is  or  hereafter  may  be 
entitled  to  any  such  estate  taille  in  reversion  or  remainder,  after  the  determi 
nation  of  any  estate  for  life  or  lives,  or  of  any  lesser  estate,  whether  such  estate 
taille  hath  been  or  shall  be  created  by  deeds,  will,  act  of  assembly,  or  by  any 
other  ways  or  means,  shall  from  henceforth,  or  from  the  commencement  of 
such  estate  taille,  stand  ipso  facto  seized,  possessed,  or  entitled  of,  in,  or  to 
such  lands  or  slaves,  or  use  in  lands  or  slaves,  so  held  or  to  be  held  as  afore 
said,  in  possession,  reversion,  or  remainder,  in  full  and  absolute  fee  simple,  in 
like  manner  as  if  such  deed,  will,  act  of  assembly,  or  other  instrument,  had 
conveyed  the  same  to  him  in  fee  simple;  any  words,  limitations,  or  conditions, 
in  the  said  deed,  will,  act  of  assembly,  or  other  instrument,  to  the  contrary  not 
withstanding."  * 

1  Hening,  vol.  ix.  p.  226. 


410     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

But  the  valor  of  the  Negro  soldier  had  great  influence  upon 
the  public  mind,  and  inspired  the  people  in  many  of  the  States  to 
demand  public  recognition  of  deserving  Negroes.  It  has  been 
noted  already,  that  in  South  Carolina,  if  a  Negro,  having  been 
captured  by  the  enemy,  made  good  his  escape  back  into  the  State, 
he  was  emancipated ;  and,  if  wounded  in  the  line  of  duty,  was 
rewarded  with  his  freedom.  Rhode  Island  purchased  her  Negroes 
for  the  army,  and  presented  them  with  fifty  dollars  bounty  and  a 
certificate  of  freedom  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Even  Virginia,  the 
mother  of  slavery,  remembered,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  the  brave 
Negroes  who  had  fought  in  her  regiments.  In  October,  1783,  the 
following  Act  was  passed  emancipating  all  slaves  who  had  served 
in  the  army  with  the  permission  of  their  masters.  It  is  to  be 
regretted,  however,  that  all  slaves  who  had  served  in  the  army 
were  not  rewarded  with  their  freedom. 


"  I.  WHEREAS  it  hath  been  represented  to  the  present  general  assem 
bly,  that  during  the  course  of  the  war,  many  persons  in  this  state  had  caused 
their  slaves  to  enlist  in  certain  regiments  or  corps  raised  within  the  same,  hav 
ing  tendered  such  slaves  to  the  officers  appointed  to  recruit  forces  within  the 
state,  as  substitutes  for  free  persons,  whose  lot  or  duty  it  was  to  serve  in  such 
regiments  or  corps,  at  the  same  time  representing  to  such  recruiting  officers 
•that  the  slaves  so  enlisted  by  their  direction  and  concurrence  were  freemen ; 
and  it  appearing  further  to  this  assembly,  that  on  the  expiration  of  the  term  of 
enlistment  of  such  slaves  that  the  former  owners  have  attempted  again  to  force 
them  to  return  to  a  state  of  servitude,  contrary  to  the  principles  of  justice,  and 
to  their  own  solemn  promise. 

"  II.  And  whereas  it  appears  just  and  reasonable  that  all  persons  enlisted 
as  aforesaid,  who  have  faithfully  served  agreeable  to  the  terms  of  their  enlist 
ment,  and  have  thereby  of  course  contributed  towards  the  establishment  of 
American  liberty  and  independence,  should  enjoy  the  blessings  of  freedom  as 
a  reward  for  their  toils  and  labours;  Be  it  therefore  enacted,  That  each  and 
every  slave  who  by  the  appointment  and  direction  of  his  owner,  hath  enlisted 
in  any  regiment  or  corps  raised  within  this  state,  either  on  continental  or  state 
•establishment,  and  hath  been  received  as  a  substitute  for  any  free  person  whose 
.duty  or  lot  it  was  to  serve  in  such  regiment  or  corps,  and  hath  served  faithfully 
-during  the  term  of  such  enlistment,  or  hath  been  discharged  from  such  service 
by  some  officer  duly  authorized  to  grant  such  discharge,  shall  from  and  after 
the  passing  of  this  act.  be  fully  and  compleatly  emancipated,  and  shall  be  held 
and  deemed  free  in  as  full  and  ample  a  manner  as  if  each  and  every  of  them 
were  specially  named  in  this  act;  and  the  attorney-general  for  the  common 
wealth,  is  hereby  required  to  commence  an  action,  in  forma  pauper  is,  in  behalf 
of  any  of  the  persons  above  described  who  shall  after  the  passing  of  this  act 
be  detained  in  servitude  by  any  person  whatsoever;  and  if  upon  such  prosecu 
tion  it  shall  appear  that  the  pauper  is  entitled  to  his  freedom  in  consequence 


SLAVERY  DURING    THE  REVOLUTION.  411 

of  this  act,  a  jury  shall  be  empannelled  to  assess  the  damages  for  his  deten 
tion."  i 

New  York  enlisted  her  Negro  soldiers  under  a  statutory 
promise  of  freedom.  They  were  required  to  serve  three  years,  or 
until  regularly  discharged.  Several  other  States  emancipated  a 
few  slaves  who  had  served  faithfully  in  the  army  ;  and  the  recital 
of  the  noble  deeds  of  black  soldiers  was  listened  to  with  great 
interest,  had  an  excellent  effect  upon  many  white  men  after 
the  war,  and  went  far  towards  mollifying  public  sentiment  on  the 
slavery  question. 

If  Massachusetts  were  ever  moved  by  the  valor  of  her  black 
soldiers  to  take  any  action  recognizing  their  services,  the  record 
has  not  been  found  up  to  the  present  time.  After  commemorat 
ing  the  5th  of  March  for  a  long  time,  as  a  day  on  which  to  inflame 
the  public  zeal  for  the  cause  of  freedom,  her  Legislature  refused  to 
mark  the  grave  of  the  first  martyr  of  the  Revolution,  Crispus 
Attucks ! 

Slavery  flourished  during  the  entire  Revolutionary  period.  It 
enjoyed  the  silent  acquiescence  of  the  pulpit,  the  support  of  the 
public  journals,  the  sanction  of  the  courts,  and  the  indorsement 
of  the  military  establishment.  In  a  free  land  (?),  under  the  flag 
of  the  government  Negroes  fought,  bled,  sacrificed,  and  died  to 
establish,  slavery  held  undisputed  sway.  The  colonial  govern 
ment,  built  by  the  cruel  and  voracious  avarice  of  Britain,  crumbled 
under  the  master-stroke  of  men  who  desired  political  and  religious 
liberty  more  than  jewelled  crowns ;  but  the  slave  institution  stood 
unharmed  by  the  shock  of  embattled  arms.  The  colonists  asked 
freedom  for  themselves  and  children,  but  forged  chains  for 
Negroes  and  their  children.  And  while  a  few  individual  Negro 
slaves  were  made  a  present  of  themselves  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
on  account  of  their  gallant  service,  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
their  brethren  were  still  retained  in  bondage. 

1  Hening,  vol.  xi.  pp.  308,  309, 


412      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM. 
I775-I80O. 

BRITISH  COLONIES  IN  NORTH  AMERICA  DECLARE  THEIR  INDEPENDENCE.  —  A  NEW  GOVERNMENT 
ESTABLISHED.  —  SLAVERY  THE  BANE  OF  AMERICAN  CIVILIZATION. —  THE  TORY  PARTY  ACCEPT 
THE  DOCTRINE  OF  PROPERTY  IN  MAN. — THE  DOCTRINE  OF  THE  LOCKE  CONSTITUTION  IN  THE 
SOUTH.  —  THE  WHIG  PARTY  THE  DOMINANT  POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  IN  THE  NORTHERN 
STATES.  —  SLAVERY  RECOGNIZED  UNDER  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT. — ANTI-SLAVERY  AGITATION  IN 
THE  STATES.  —  ATTEMPTED  LEGISLATION  AGAINST  SLAVERY.  —  ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION.  — 
THEIR  ADOPTION  IN  1778.  —  DISCUSSION  CONCERNING  THE  DISPOSAL  OF  THE  WESTERN  TERRITORY. 

—  MR.  JEFFERSON'S  RECOMMENDATION.  —  AMENDMENT  BY  MR.  SPAIGHT.  —  CONGRESS   IN  NEW 
YORK  IN  1787.  —  DISCUSSION  RESPECTING  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  WESTERN  TERRITORY.  —  CON 
VENTION  AT  PHILADELPHIA  TO  FRAME  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION.  —  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  CON 
VENTION. —THE  SOUTHERN  STATES  STILL  ADVOCATE   SLAVERY. —SPEECHES   ON  THE   SLAVERY 
QUESTION  BY  LEADING  STATESMEN.  —  CONSTITUTION  ADOPTED  BY  THE  CONVENTION  IN  1787. — 
FIRST  SESSION  OF  CONGRESS  UNDER  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION  HELD  IN  NEW  YORK  IN  1789. 

—  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  A  TARIFF-BILL.  —  AN  ATTEMPT  TO  AMEND  IT  BY  INSERTING  A  CLAUSE 

LEVYING  A  TAX  ON   SLAVES    BROUGHT  BY   WATER.  —  EXTINCTION  OF  SLAVERY  IN   MASSACHUSETTS. 

—  A  CHANGE   IN  THE  PUBLIC  OPINION  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AND  EASTERN  STATES  ON  THE  SUBJECT 
OF  SLAVERY.  —  DR.  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN'S  ADDRESS  TO  THE  PUBLIC  FOR  PROMOTING  THE  ABOLI 
TION    OF    SLAVERY.  —  MEMORIAL  TO   THE  UNITED-STATES   CONGRESS.  —  CONGRESS   IN   1790. — 
BITTER    DISCUSSION    ON    THE    RESTRICTION    OF    THE    SLAVE-TRADE.  —  SLAVE    POPULATION. — 
VERMONT  AND   KENTUCKY  ADMITTED  INTO  THE  UNION.  —  A  LAW  PROVIDING  FOR  THE  RETURN 
OF  FUGITIVES  FROM  "  LABOR  AND  SERVICE."  —  CONVENTION  OF  FRIENDS  HELD  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

—  AN  ACT  AGAINST  THE  FOREIGN  SLAVE-TRADE.  —  MISSISSIPPI  TERRITORY.  —  CONSTITUTION  OF 
GEORGIA  REVISED. —  NEW  YORK  PASSES  A  BILL  FOR  THE  GRADUAL  EXTINCTION  OF  SLAVERY.— 
CONSTITUTION  OF  KENTUCKY  REVISED. — SLAVERY  AS  AN  INSTITUTION  FIRMLY  ESTABLISHED. 

THE  charge  that  the  mother-country  forced  slavery  upon  the 
British    colonies    in    North    America   held   good   until   the 
colonies  threw  off  the  yoke,  declared  their  independence, 
and  built  a  new  government,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1776.     After  the 
promulgation  of  the  gospel  of  human  liberty,  the  United  States 
of  America  could  no  longer  point  to  England  as  the  "first  man 
Adam  "  of  the  accursed  sin  of  slavery.     Henceforth  the  American 
government,  under  the  new  dispensation  of  peace  and  the  equality 
of  all  men,  was  responsible  for  the  continuance  of  slavery,  both 
as  a  political  and  legal  problem. 

Slavery  did  not  escheat  to  the  English  government  upon  the 
expiration    of   its   authority  in    North  America.     It   became  the 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL   AND  LEGAL   PXOJ3LEM.  413 

dreadful  inheritance  of  the  new  government,  and  the  eyesore  of 
American  civilization.  Instead  of  expelling  it  from  the  political 
institutions  of  the  country,  it  gradually  became  a  factor  of  great 
power.  Instead  of  ruling  it  out  of  the  courts,  it  was  clothed  with 
the  ample  garments  of  judicial  respectability. 

The  first  article  of  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  a  mighty  shield  of  beautifully  wrought  truths,  that  the  authors 
intended  should  protect  every  human  being  on  the  American 
Continent. 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident :  —  that  all  men  are  created  'equal, 
that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights  ;  that 
among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  That  to  secure 
these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government 
becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to 
abolish  it,  and  to  institute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most 
likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness" 

It  was  to  be  expected,  that,  after  such  a  declaration  of  prin 
ciples,  the  United  States  would  have  abolished  slavery  and  the 
slave-trade  forever.  While  the  magic  words  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  were  not  the  empty  "  palaver  "  of  a  few  ambitious 
leaders,  yet  the  practices  of  the  local  and  the  national  govern 
ment  belied  the  grand  sentiments  of  that  instrument.  From  the 
earliest  moment  of  the  birth  of  the  United-States  government, 
slavery  began  to  receive  political  support  and  encouragement. 
Though  it  was  the  cruel  and  depraved  offspring  of  the  British 
government,  it  nevertheless  was  adopted  by  the  free  government 
of  America.  Political  policy  seemed  to  dictate  the  methods  of  a 
political  recognition  of  the  institution.  And  the  fact  that  the 
slave-trade  was  prohibited  by  Congress  at  an  early  day,  and  by 
many  of  the  colonies  also,  did  not  affect  the  institution  in  a  local 
sense. 

The  Tory  party  accepted  the  doctrine  of  property  in  man, 
without  hesitation  or  reservation.  Their  political  fealty  to  the 
Crown,  their  party  exclusiveness,  and  their  earnest  desire  to 
co-operate  with  the  Royal  African  Company  in  the  establishment 
of  the  slave  institution  in  America,  made  them,  as  per  necessity 
the  political  guardians  of  slavery.  The  institution  once  planted* 
property  in  man  having  been  acquired,  it  was  found  to  be  a  diffi 
cult  task  to  uproot  it.  Moreover,  the  loss  of  the  colonies  to  the 


4 14      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

British  Crown  did  not  imply  death  to  the  Tory  party.  It  doubt 
less  suffered  organically ;  but  its  individual  members  did  not 
forfeit  their  political  convictions,  nor  suffer  their  interest  in  the 
slave-trade  to  abate.  The  new  States  were  ambitious  to  acquire 
political  power.  The  white  population  of  the  South  was  small 
when  compared  with  that  of  the  North  ;  but  the  slave  population, 
added  to  the  former,  swelled  it  to  alarming  proportions. 

The  local  governments  of  the  South  had  been  organized  upon 
the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Locke  Constitution.  The 
government  was  lodged  with  the  few,  and  their  rights  were  built 
upon  landed  estates  and  political  titles  and  favors.  Slaves  in  the 
Carolinas  and  Virginias  answered  to  the  vassals  and  villeins  of 
England.  This  aristocratic  element  in  Tory  politics  was  in 
harmony,  even  in  a  republic,  with  the  later  wish  of  the  South  to 
build  a  great  political  "government  upon  Slavery  as  its  chief 
corner-stone."  Added  to  this  was  the  desire  to  abrogate  the  law 
of  indenture  of  white  servants,  and  thus  to  the  odium  of  slavery 
to  loan  the  powerful  influence  of  caste,  —  ranging  the  Caucasian 
against  the  Ethiopian,  the  intelligent  against  the  ignorant,  the 
strong  against  the  weak. 

New  England  had  better  ideas  of  popular  government  for  and 
of  the  people,  but  her  practical  position  on  slavery  was  no  better 
than  any  State  in  the  South.  The  Whig  party  was  the  dominant 
political  organization  throughout  the  Northern  States  ;  but  the 
universality  of  slavery  made  dealers  in  human  flesh  members  of 
all  parties. 

The  men  who  wrote  the  Declaration  of  Independence  depre 
cated  slavery,  as  they  were  pronounced  Whigs ;  but  nevertheless 
many  of  them  owned  slaves.  They  wished  the  evil  exterminated, 
but  confessed  themselves  ignorant  of  a  plan  by  which  to  carry 
their  desire  into  effect.  The  good  desires  of  many  of  the  people, 
born  out  of  the  early  days  of  the  struggle  for  independent  exist- 
•ence,  perished  in  their  very  infancy ;  and,  as  has  been  shown,  all 
the  States,  and  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  recognized 
slavery  as  existing  under  the  new  political  government. 

But  public  sentiment  changes  in  a  country  where  the  intellect 
is  unfettered.  First,  on  the  eve  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  Con 
gress  and  nearly  all  the  States  pronounced  against  slavery ;  a  few 
years  later  they  all  recognized  the  sacredness  of  slave  property ; 
and  still  later  all  sections  of  the  United  States  seemed  to  have 
been  agitated  by  anti-slavery  sentiments.  In  1780  the  Legislature 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  415 

of  Pennsylvania  prohibited  the  further  introduction  of  slaves,  and 
gave  freedom  to  the  children  of  all  slaves  born  in  the  State. 
Delaware  resolved  "that  no  person  hereafter  imported  from 
Africa  ought  to  be  held  in  slavery  under  any  pretense  whatever." 
In  1784  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  modified  their  slave-code, 
and  forbade  further  importations  of  slaves.  In  1778  Virginia 
passed  a  law  prohibiting  the  importation  of  slaves,  and  in  1782 
repealed  the  law  that  confined  the  power  of  emancipating  to  the 
Legislature,  only  on  account  of  meritorious  conduct.  Private 
emancipations  became  very  numerous,  and  the  sentiment  in  its 
favor  pronounced.  But  the  restriction  was  re-enacted  in  about 
ten  years.  The  eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry  and  the  logic  of 
Thomas  Jefferson  went  far  to  enlighten  public  sentiment ;  but  the 
political  influence  of  the  institution  grew  so  rapidly  that  in  1785, 
but  two  years  after  the  war,  Washington  wrote  LaFayette,  "  peti 
tions  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  presented  to  the  Virginia  Legis 
lature,  could  scarcely  obtain  a  hearing."  Maryland,  New  York, 
and  New  Jersey  prohibited  the  slave-trade;  but  the  institution 
held  its  place  among  the  people  until  1830.  North  Carolina 
attempted  to  prohibit  in  1777,  but  failed;  but  in  1786  declared 
the  slave-trade  "  of  evil  consequences  and  highly  impolitic"  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia  refused  to  act,  and  the  slave-trade  continued 
along  their  shores. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  in  1778, 
the  Continental  Congress  found  itself  charged  with  the  responsi 
bility  of  deciding  the  conflicting  claims  of  the  various  States  to 
the  vast  territory  stretching  westward  from  the  Ohio  River.  The 
war  over,  the  payment  of  the  public  debt  thus  incurred  demanded 
the  consideration  of  the  people  and  of  their  representatives. 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
and  Georgia  laid  claim  to  boundless  tracts  of  lands  outside  of 
their  State  boundaries.  But  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  New 
Jersey,  Maryland,  Delaware,  and  South  Carolina,  making  no  such 
claims,  and  lacking  the  resources  to  pay  their  share  of  the  war 
debt,  suggested  that  the  other  States  should  cede  all  the  territory 
outside  of  their  State  lines,  to  the  United  States  Government,  to 
be  used  towards  liquidating  the  entire  debt.  The  proposition  was 
accepted  by  the  States  named  ;  but  not,  however,  without  some 
modification.  Virginia  reserved  a  large  territory  beyond  the  Ohio 
with  which  to  pay  the  bounties  of  her  soldiers,  while  Connecticut 
retained  a  portion  of  the  Reserve  since  so  famous  in  the  history 


416      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  Ohio.  The  duty  of  framing  an  ordinance  for  the  government 
of  the  Western  territory  was  referred  to  a  select  committee  by 
Congress,  consisting  of  Mr.  Jefferson  of  Virginia  (chairman),  Mr. 
Chase  of  Maryland,  and  Mr.  Howell  of  Rhode  Island.  The  plan 
reported  by  the  committee  contemplated  the  whole  region  in 
cluded  within  our  boundaries  west  of  the  old  thirteen  States,  and 
as  far  south  as  our  thirty-first  degree  north  latitude.  The  plan 
proposed  the  ultimate  division  of  this  territory  into  seventeen 
States ;  eight  of  which  were  to  be  located  below  the  parallel  of 
the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  (now  Louisville),  and  nine  above  it.  But 
the  most  interesting  rule  reported  by  Mr.  Jefferson  was  the  fol 
lowing,  on  the  I  Qth  of  April,  1784:  — 

"That  after  the  year  1800,  of  the  Christian  era,  there  shall  be  neither 
slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  any  of  the  said  states,  otherwise  than  in 
punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  convicted  to  be  per 
sonally  guilty." 

Mr.  Spaight  of  North  Carolina  moved  to  amend  the  report 
by  striking  out  the  above  clause,  which  was  seconded  by  Mr. 
Reed  of  South  Carolina.  The  question,  upon  a  demand  for  the 
yeas  and  nays,  was  put :  "  Shall  the  words  moved  to  be  stricken 
out  stand  ?  "  The  question  was  lost,  and  the  words  were  stricken 
out.  The  ordinance  was  further  amended,  and  finally  adopted  on 
the  23d  of  April. 

The  last  Continental  Congress  was  held  in  the  city  of  New 
York  in  1787.  The  question  of  the  government  of  the  Western 
territory  came  up.  A  committee  was  appointed  on  this  subject, 
with  Nathan  Dane  of  Massachusetts  as  chairman.  On  the  nth 
of  July  the  committee  reported  "  An  Ordinance  for  the  govern 
ment  of  the  Territory  of  the  United  States,  Northwest  of  the 
Ohio."  It  embodied  many  of  the  features  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  bill, 
concluding  with  six  unalterable  articles  of  perpetual  compact,  the 
last  being  the  following:  "There  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor 
involuntary  servitude  in  the  said  territory,  otherwise  than  in 
punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  parties  shall  be  duly  con 
victed."  When  upon  its  passage,  a  stipulation  was  added  for  the 
delivery  of  fugitives  from  "  labor  or  service  ;  "  x  and  in  this  shape 
the  entire  ordinance  passed  on  the  I3th  of  July,  1787. 

Thus  it  is  clear  that  under  the  Confederation  slavery  existed, 

1  St.  Clair  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  120. 


SLAVERY  AS  A  POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  417 

a  part  of  the  political  government,  as  a  legal  fact.  There  was  no 
effort  made  by  Congress  to  abolish  it.  Mr.  Jefferson  simply 
sought  to  arrest  its  progress,  and  confine  it  to  the  original  thirteen 
States. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  1787,  the  convention  to  frame  the 
Federal  Constitution  met  at  Philadelphia,  although  the  day 
appointed  was  the  I4th.  George  Washington  was  chosen  presi 
dent,  a  committee  chosen  to  report  rules  of  proceeding,  and  a 
secretary  appointed.  The  sessions  were  held  with  closed  doors, 
and  all  the  proceedings  were  secret.  It  contained  the  most 
eminent  men  in  the  United  States,  —  generals  of  the  army,  states 
men,  lawyers,  and  men  of  broad  scholarship.  The  question  of 
congressional  apportionment  was  'early  before  them,  and  there 
was  great  diversity  of  opinion.  But,  as  there  was  no  census, 
therefore  there  could  be  no  just  apportionment  until  an  enumera 
tion  of  the  people  was  taken.  Until  that  was  accomplished,  the 
number  of  delegates  was  fixed  at  sixty-five.  Massachusetts  was 
the  only  State  in  the  Union  where  slavery  did  not  exist.  The 
Northern  States  desired  representation  according  to  the  free 
inhabitants  only ;  while  all  of  the  Southern  States,  where  the  great 
mass  of  slaves  was,  wanted  representation  according  to  the  entire 
population,  bond  and  free.  Some  of  the  Northern  delegates 
urged  their  view  with  great  force  and  eloquence.  Mr.  Patterson 
of  New  Jersey  said  he  regarded  slaves  as  mere  property.  They 
were  not  represented  in  the  States :  why  should  they  be  in  the 
general  government  ?  They  were  not  allowed  to  vote  :  why  should 
they  be  represented  ?  He  regarded  it  as  an  encouragement  to 
the  slave-trade.  Mr.  Wilson  of  Pennsylvania  said,  "Are  they 
admitted  as  citizens  ?  then,  why  not  on  an  equality  with  citizens  ? 
Are  they  admitted  as  property  ?  then,  why  is  not  other  property 
admitted  into  the  computation  ? "  It  was  evident  that  neither 
-extreme  view  could  carry :  so  the  proposition  carried  to  reckon 
three-fifths  of  the  slaves  in  estimating  taxes,  and  to  make  taxation 
the  basis  of  representation.  New  Jersey  and  Delaware  voted 
Nay ;  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina  were  divided ;  and  New 
York  was  not  represented,  her  delegates  having  failed  to  arrive. 

It  was  apparent  during  the  early  stages  of  the  debates,  that  a 
constitution  had  to  be  made  that  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
Southern  delegates.  A  clause  was  inserted  relieving  the  Southern 
States  from  duties  on  exports,  and  upon  the  importation  of  slaves  ; 
and  that  no  navigation  act  should  be  passed  except  by  a  two-thirds 


41 8      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

vote.  By  denying  Congress  the  authority  of  giving  preference 
to  American  over  foreign  shipping,  it  was  designed  to  secure 
cheap  transportation  for  Southern  exports  ;  but,  as  the  shipping- 
was  largely  owned  in  the  Eastern  States,  their  delegates  were 
zealous  in  their  efforts  to  prevent  any  restriction  of  the  power  ot 
Congress  to  enact  navigation  laws.  It  has  been  already  shown 
that  all  the  States,  with  the  exception  of  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia,  had  prohibited  the  importation  of  slaves. 
The  prohibition  of  duties  on  the  importation  of  slaves  was 
demanded  by  the  delegates  from  South  Carolina  and  Georgia. 
They  assured  the  Convention  that  without  such  a  provision  they 
could  never  give  their  assent  to  the  constitution.  This  declara 
tion  dragooned  some  Northern  delegates  into  a  support  of  the 
restriction,  but  provoked  some  very  plain  remarks  concerning 
slavery.  Mr.  Pinckney  said,  that,  "  If  the  Southern  States  were 
let  alone,  they  would  probably  of  themselves  stop  importations. 
He  would  himself,  as  a  citizen  of  South  Carolina,  vote  for  it." 

Mr.  Sherman  remarked  that  "the  abolition  of  slavery  seemed 
to  be  going  on  in  the  United  States,  and  that  the  good  sense  of 
the  several  states  would  probably  by  degrees  complete  it ; "  and 
Mr.  Ellsworth  thought  that  "  slavery,  in  time,  will  not  be  a  speck 
in  our  country."  Mr.  Madison  said  "he  thought  it  wrong  to 
admit  in  the  Constitution  the  idea  of  property  in  men." 

Slavery,  notwithstanding  the  high-sounding  words  just  quoted,, 
was  recognized  in  and  by  three  separate  clauses  of  the  Constitu 
tion.  The  word  "slave"  was  excluded,  but  the  language  does 
not  admit  of  any  doubt. 

"ART.  I.  SECT.  2.  ...  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  appor 
tioned  among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union, 
according  to  their  respective  numbers ;  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to 
the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term 
of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of all  other  persons :*  .  .  . 

"ART.  I.  SECT.  9.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any 
of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited 
by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight;  but 
a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars 
for  each  person.  .  .  . 

"ART.  IV.  SECT.  2.  ...  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State, 
under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law 
or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be 

1  The  clause  "  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons  "  refers  to  Negro  slaves.  The  Italics  are  our 
own.  The  Negro  is  referred  to  as  a  person  all  through  the  Constitution. 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL   AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  419 

delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom   such   service   or  labor  may  be 
due." 

The  debate  on  the  above  was  exciting  and  interesting,  as  the 
subject  of  slavery  was  examined  in  all  its  bearings.  Finally  the 
Constitution  was  submitted  to  Gouverneur  Morris  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  receive  the  finishing  touches  of  his  facile  pen.  On  the  8th  of 
August,  1787,  during  the  debate,  he  delivered  the  following 
speech  :  — 

"  He  never  would  concur  in  upholding  domestic  slavery.  It  was  a  nefarious 
institution.  It  was  the  curse  of  Heaven  on  the  States  where  it  prevailed. 
Compare  the  free  regions  of  the  Middle  States,  where  a  rich  and  noble  culti 
vation  marks  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  people,  with  the  misery  and 
poverty  which  overspread  the  barren  wastes  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  the 
other  States  having  slaves.  Travel  through  the  whole  continent,  and  you 
Dehold  the  prospect  continually  varying  with  the  appearance  and  disappearance 
of  slavery.  The  moment  you  leave  the  Eastern  States,  and  enter  New  York, 
the  effects  of  the  institution  become  visible.  Passing  through  the  Jerseys,  and 
entering  Pennsylvania,  every  criterion  of  superior  improvement  witnesses  the 
change.  Proceed  southwardly,  and  every  step  you  take  through  the  great 
regions  of  slaves  presents  a  desert,  increasing  with  the  increasing  proportion 
of  these  wretched  beings.  Upon  what  principle  is  it  that  the  slaves  shall  be 
computed  in  the  representation  ?  Are  they  men  ?  Then  make  them  citizens, 
and  let  them  vote.  Are  they  property?  Why,  then,  is  no  other  property 
included  ?  The  houses  in  this  city  (Philadelphia)  are  worth  more  than  all  the 
wretched  slaves  who  cover  the  rice-swamps  of  South  Carolina.  The  admission 
of  slaves  into  the  representation,  when  fairly  explained,  comes  to  this,  —  that 
the  inhabitant  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  who  goes  to  the  coast  of  Africa,, 
and,  in  defiance  of  the  most  sacred  laws  of  humanity,  tears  away  his  fellow- 
creatures  from  their  dearest  connections,  and  damns  them  to  the  most  cruel 
bondage,  shall  have  more  votes  in  a  government  instituted  for  the  protection 
of  the  rights  of  mankind  than  the  citizen  of  Pennsylvania  or  New  Jersey,  who 
views  with  a  laudable  horror  so  nefarious  a  practice.  He  would  add,  that 
domestic  slavery  is  the  most  prominent  feature  in  the  aristocratic  countenance 
of  the  proposed  Constitution.  The  vassalage  of  the  poor  has  ever  been  the 
favorite  offspring  of  aristocracy.  And  what  is  the  proposed  compensation  to 
the  Northern  States  for  a  sacrifice  of  every  principle  of  right,  of  every  impulse 
of  humanity?  They  are  to  bind  themselves  to  march  their  militia  for  the 
defence  of  the  Southern  States,  for  their  defence  against  those  very  slaves  of 
whom  they  complain.  They  must  supply  vessels  and  seamen  in  case  of  foreign 
attack.  The  Legislature  will  have  indefinite  power  to  tax  them  by  excises  and 
duties  on  imports,  both  of  which  will  fall  heavier  on  them  than  on  the  Southern 
inhabitants ;  for  the  bohea  tea  used  by  a  Northern  freeman  will  pay  more  tax 
than  the  whole  consumption  of  the  miserable  slave,  which  consists  of  nothing 
more  than  his  physical  subsistence  and  the  rag  that  covers  his  nakedness.  On 
the  other  side,  the  Southern  States  are  not  to  be  restrained  from  importing 
fresh  supplies  of  wretched  Africans,  at  once  to  increase  the  danger  of  attack 


420      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  the  difficulty  of  defence :  nay,  they  are  to  be  encouraged  to  it  by  an  assur 
ance  of  having  their  votes  in  the  National  Government  increased  in  propor 
tion  ;  and  are,  at  the  same  time,  to  have  their  exports  and  their  slaves  exempt 
from  all  contributions  for  the  public  service.  Let  it  not  be  said  that  direct 
taxation  is  to  be  proportioned  to  representation.  It  is  idle  to  suppose  that 
the  General  Government  can  stretch  its  hand  directly  into  the  pockets  of  the 
people  scattered  over  so  vast  a  country.  They  can  only  do  it  through  the 
medium  of  exports,  imports,  and  excises.  For  what,  then,  are  all  the  sacrifices 
to  be  made  ?  He  would  sooner  submit  himself  to  a  tax  for  paying  for  all  the 
negroes  in  the  United  States  than  saddle  posterity  with  such  a  Constitution."  * 

Mr.  Rufus  King  of  Massachusetts  in  the  same  debate  said,  — 

"  The  admission  of  slaves  was  a  most  grating  circumstance  to  his  mind, 
'and  he  believed  would  be  so  to  a  great  part  of  the  people  of  America.  He  had 
not  made  a  strenuous  opposition  to  it  heretofore,  because  he  had  hoped  that 
this  concession  would  have  produced  a  readiness,  which  had  not  been  mani 
fested,  to  strengthen  the  General  Government,  and  to  mark  a  full  confidence 
in  it.  The  report  under  consideration  had,  by  the  tenor  of  it,  put  an  end  to  all 
those  hopes.  In  two  great  points,  the  hands  of  the  Legislature  were  abso 
lutely  tied.  The  importation  of  slaves  could  not  be  prohibited.  Exports  could 
not  be  taxed.  Is  this  reasonable?  What  are  the  great  objects  of  the  general 
system?  First,  defence  against  foreign  invasion;  secondly,  against  internal 
sedition.  Shall  all  the  States,  then,  be  bound  to  defend  each  ?  and  shall  each 
be  at  liberty  to  introduce  a  weakness  which  will  render  defence  more  difficult? 
Shall  one  part  of  the  United  States  be  bound  to  defend  another  part,  and  that 
other  part  be  at  liberty,  not  only  to  increase  its  own  danger,  but  to  withhold  the 
compensation  for  the  burden  ?  If  slaves  are  to  be  imported,  shall  not  the 
exports  produced  by  their  labor  supply  a  revenue,  the  better  to  enable  the  Gen-  • 
eral  Government  to  defend  their  masters  ?  There  was  so  much  inequality  and 
unreasonableness  in  all  this,  that  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  could 
never  be  reconciled  to  it.  No  candid  man  could  undertake  to  justify  it  to  them. 
He  had  hoped  that  some  accommodation  would  have  taken  place  on  this 
subject;  that,  at  least,  a  time  would  have  been  limited  for  the  importation  of 
slaves.  He  never  could  agree  to  let  them  be  imported  without  limitation,  and 
then  be  represented  in  the  National  Legislature.  Indeed,  he  could  so  little 
persuade  himself  of  the  rectitude  of  such  a  practice,  that  he  was  not  sure  he 
•could  assent  to  it  under  any  circumstances.  At  all  events,  either  slaves  should 
.not  be  represented,  or  exports  should  be  taxable." 

Mr.  Roger  Sherman  of  Connecticut,  — 

•"  Regarded  the  slave-trade  as  iniquitous :  but,  the  point  of  representation 
having  been  settled  after  much  difficulty  and  deliberation,  he  did  not  think  him 
self  bound  to  make  opposition ;  especially  as  the  present  article,  as  amended, 
did  not  preclude  any  arrangement  whatever  on  that  point,  in  another  place  of 
the  report."  2 

1  Madison  Papers,  Elliot,  vol.  v.  pp.  392,  393.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  v.  pp.  391,  392. 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL   PROBLEM.   421 

Mr.  Luther  Martin  of  Maryland,  in  the  debate,  Tuesday, 
Aug.  21,— 

"  Proposed  to  vary  Art.  7,  Sect.  4,  so  as  to  allow  a  prohibition  or  tax  on 
the  importation  of  slaves.  In  the  first  place,  as  five  slaves  are  to  be  counted 
as  three  free  men  in  the  apportionment  of  representatives,  such  a  clause  would 
leave  an  encouragement  to  this  traffic.  In  the  second  place,  slaves  weakened 
one  part  of  the  Union,  which  the  other  parts  were  bound  to  protect :  the  privi 
lege  of  importing  them  was  therefore  unreasonable.  And,  in  the  third  place, 
it  was  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  the  Revolution,  and  dishonorable  to 
the  American  character,  to  have  such  a  feature  in  the  Constitution. 

"  Mr.  RUTLEDGE  did  not  see  how  the  importation  of  slaves  could  be 
encouraged  by  this  section.  He  was  not  apprehensive  of  insurrections,  and 
would  readily  exempt  the  other  States  from  the  obligation  to  protect  the 
Southern  against  them.  Religion  and  humanity  had  nothing  to  do  with  this 
question:  interest  alone  is  the  governing  principle  with  nations.  The  true 
question  at  present  is,  whether  the  Southern  States  shall  or  shall  not  be  parties 
to  the  Union.  If  the  Northern  States  consult  their  interest,  they  will  not 
oppose  the  increase  of  slaves,  which  will  increase  the  commodities  of  which 
they  will  become  the  carriers. 

"  Mr.  ELLSWORTH  was  for  leaving  the  clause  as  it  stands.  Let  every 
State  import  what  it  pleases.  The  morality  or  wisdom  of  slavery  are  con 
siderations  belonging  to  the  States  themselves.  What  enriches  a  part  enriches 
the  whole,  and  the  States  are  the  best  judges  of  their  particular  interest.  The 
old  Confederation  had  not  meddled  with  this  point ;  and  he  did  not  see  any 
greater  necessity  tor  bringing  it  within  the  policy  of  the  new  one. 

"  Mr.  PINCKNEY.  South  Carolina  can  never  receive  the  plan  if  it  prohib 
its  the  slave-trade.  In  every  proposed  extension  of  the  powers  of  Congress, 
that  State  has  expressly  and  watchfully  excepted  that  of  meddling  with  the 
importation  of  Negroes.  If  the  States  be  all  left  at  liberty  on  this  subject,  South 
Carolina  may  perhaps,  by  degrees,  do  of  herself  what  is  'wished,  us  Virginia 
and  Maryland  have  already  done. 

"  Adjourned. 

"  WEDNESDAY,  Aug.  22. 

"/«  Convention.  —  Art.  7,  Sect.  4,  was  resumed. 

"  Mr.  SHERMAN  was  for  leaving  the  clause  as  it  stands.  He  disapproved 
of  the  slave-trade  ;  yet,  as  the  States  were  now  possessed  of  the  right  to 
import  slaves,  as  the  public  good  did  not  require  it  to  be  taken  from  them,  and 
as  it  was  expedient  to  have  as  few  objections  as  possible  to  the  proposed 
.scheme  of  government,  he  thought  it  best  to  leave  the  matter  as  we  find  it 
.  .  .  He  urged  on  the  Convention  the  necessity  of  despatching  its  business. 

"  Col.  MASON.  This  infernal  traffic  originated  in  the  avarice  of  British 
merchants.  The  British  Government  constantly  checked  the  attempts  of  Vir 
ginia  to  put  a  stop  to  it.  The  present  question  concerns,  not  the  importing 
States  alone,  but  the  whole  Union.  The  evil  of  having  slaves  was  experienced 
during  the  late  war.  Had  slaves  been  treated  as  they  might  have  been  by  the 
enemy,  they  would  have  proved  dangerous  instruments  in  their  hands.  But 
their  folly  dealt  by  the  slaves  as  it  did  by  the  Tories.  He  mentioned  the  dan 
gerous  insurrections  of  the  slaves  in  Greece  and  Sicily,  and  the  instructions 


422      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

given  by  Cromwell  to  the  commissioners  sent  to  Virginia,  —  to  arm  the  serv 
ants  and  slaves,  in  case  other  means  of  obtaining  its  submission  should  fail. 
Maryland  and  Virginia,  he  said,  had  already  prohibited  the  importation  of 
slaves  expressly.  North  Carolina  had  done  the  same  in  substance.  All  this 
would  be  in  vain,  if  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  be  at  liberty  to  import.  The 
Western  people  are  already  calling  but  for  slaves  for  their  new  lands ;  and  will 
fill  that  country  with  slaves,  if  they  can  be  got  through  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia.  Slavery  discourages  arts  and  manufactures.  The  poor  despise  labor 
when  performed  by  slaves.  They  prevent  the  emigration  of  whites,  who  really 
enrich  and  strengthen  a  country.  They  produce  the  most  pernicious  effect  on 
manners.  Every  master  of  slaves  is  born  a  petty  tyrant.  They  bring  the 
judgment  of  heaven  on  a  country.  As  nations  cannot  be  rewarded  or  punished 
in  the  next  world,  they  must  be  in  this.  By  an  inevitable  chain  of  causes  and 
effect 's,  Providence  punishes  national  sins  by  national  calamities.  He  lamented 
that  some  of  our  Eastern  brethren  had,  from  a  lust  of  gain,  embarked  in  this- 
nefarious  traffic.  As  to  the  States  being  in  possession  of  the  right  to  import,, 
this  was  the  case  with  many  other  rights,  now  to  be  properly  given  up.  He 
held  it  essential,  in  every  point  of  view,  that  the  General  Government  should 
have  power  to  prevent  the  increase  of  slavery. 

"  Mr.  ELLSWORTH,  as  he  had  never  owned  a  slave,  could  not  judge  of  the 
effects  of  slavery  on  character.  He  said,  however,  that,  if  it  was  to  be  con 
sidered  in  a  moral  light,  we  ought  to  go  further,  and  free  those  already  in  the 
country.  As  slaves  also  multiply  so  fast  in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  that  it  is. 
cheaper  to  raise  than  import  them,  whilst  in  the  sickly  rice-swamps  foreign 
supplies  are  necessary,  if  we  go  no  further  than  is  urged,  we  shall  be  unjust 
towards  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  Let  us  not  intermeddle.  As  population 
increases,  poor  laborers  will  be  so  plenty  as  to  render  slaves  useless.  Slavery, 
in  time,  will  not  be  a  speck  in  our  country.  Provision  is  already  made  in 
Connecticut  for  abolishing  it;  and  the  abolition  has  already  taken  place  in 
Massachusetts.  As  to  the  danger  of  insurrections  from  foreign  influence,  that 
will  become  a  motive  to  kind  treatment  of  the  slaves. 

"  Gen.  PINCKNEY  declared  it  to  be  his  firm  opinion,  that  if  himself  and  all 
his  colleagues  were  to  sign  the  Constitution,  and  use  their  personal  influence, 
it  would  be  of  no  avail  towards  obtaining  the  assent  of  their  constituents. 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia  cannot  do  without  slaves.  As  to  Virginia,  she 
will  gain  by  stopping  the  importations.  Her  slaves  will  rise  in  value,  and  she 
has  more  than  she  wants.  It  would  be  unequal  to  require  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia  to  confederate  on  such  unequal  terms.  He  said,  the  royal  assent, 
before  the  Revolution,  had  never  been  refused  to  South  Carolina  as  to  Virginia. 
He  contended,  that  the  importation  of  slaves  would  be  for  the  interest  of  the 
whole  Union.  The  more  slaves,  the  more  produce  to  employ  the  carrying- 
trade  ;  the  more  consumption  also ;  and,  the  more  of  this,  the  more  revenue 
for  the  common  treasury.  He  admitted  it  to  be  reasonable,  that  slaves  should 
be  dutied  like  other  imports ;  but  should  consider  a  rejection  of  the  clause  as 
an  exclusion  of  South  Carolina  from  the  Union. 

"Mr.  BALDWIN  had  conceived  national  objects  alone  to  be  before  the 
Convention;  not  such  as,  like  the  present,  were  of  a  local  nature.  Georgia 
was  decided  on  this  point.  That  State  has  always  hitherto  supposed  a  General 
Government  to  be  the  pursuit  of  the  Central  States,  who  wished  to  have  a 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  423 

vortex  for  every  thing;  that  her  distance  would  preclude  her  from  equal 
advantage  ;  and  that  she  could  not  prudently  purchase  it  by  yielding  national 
powers.  From  this  it  might  be  understood  in  what  light  she  would  view  an 
attempt  to  abridge  one  of  her  favorite  prerogatives.  If  left  to  herself,  she  may 
probably  put  a  stop  to  the  evil.  As  one  ground  for  this  conjecture,  he  took 

notice  of  the  sect  of  ,  which,  he  said,  was  a  respectable  class  of  people, 

who  carried  their  ethics  beyond  the  mere  equality  of  men,  —  extending  their 
humanity  to  the  claims  of  the  whole  animal  creation. 

"  Mr.  WILSON  observed,  that,  if  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  were  them 
selves  disposed  to  get  rid  of  the  importation  of  slaves  in  a  short  time,  as  had 
been  suggested,  they  would  never  refuse  to  unite  because  the  importation  might 
be  prohibited.  As  the  section  now  stands,  all  articles  imported  are  to  be  taxed. 
Slaves  alone  are  exempt.  This  is,  in  fact,  a  bounty  on  that  article. 

"  Mr.  GERRY  thought  we  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  conduct  of  the  States 
as  to  slaves,  but  ought  to  be  careful  not  to  give  any  sanction  to  it. 

"  Mr.  DICKINSON  considered  it  as  inadmissible,  on  every  principle  of  honor 
and  safety,  that  the  importation  of  slaves  should  be  authorized  to  the  States  by 
the  Constitution.  The  true  question  was,  whether  the  national. happiness  would 
be  promoted  or  impeded  by  the  importation  ;  and  this  question  ought  to  be  left 
to  the  National  Government,  not  to  the  States  particularly  interested.  If  Eng 
land  and  France  permit  slavery,  slaves  are,  at  the  same  time,  excluded  from 
both  those  kingdoms.  Greece  and  Rome  were  made  unhappy  by  their  slaves. 
He  could  not  believe  that  the  Southern  States  would  refuse  to  confederate  on 
the  account  apprehended ;  especially  as  the  power  was  not  likely  to  be  immedi 
ately  exercised  by  the  General  Government. 

"  Mr.  WILLIAMSON  stated  the  law  of  North  Carolina  on  the  subject ;  to 
wit,  that  it  did  not  directly  prohibit  the  importation  of  slaves.  It  imposed  a 
duty  of  ^5  on  each  slave  imported  from  Africa,  ^10  on  each  from  elsewhere, 
and  ^50  on  each  from  a  State  licensing  manumission.  He  thought  the  South 
ern  States  could  not  be  members  of  the  Union,  if  the  clause  should  be  rejected; 
and  it  was  wrong  to  force  any  thing  down  not  absolutely  necessary,  and  which 
any  State  must  disagree  to. 

"  Mr.  KING  thought  the  subject  should  be  considered  in  a  political  light 
only.  If  two  States  will  not  agree  to  the  Constitution,  as  stated  on  one  side, 
he  could  affirm  with  equal  belief,  on  the  other,  that  great  and  equal  opposition 
would  be  experienced  from  the  other  States.  He  remarked  on  the  exemption 
of  slaves  from  duty,  whilst  every  other  import  was  subjected  to  it,  as  an  ine 
quality  that  could  not  fail  to  strike  the  commercial  sagacity  of  the  Northern 
and  Middle  States. 

"  Mr.  LANGDON  was  strenuous  for  giving  the  power  to  the  General  Gov 
ernment.  He  could  not,  with  a  good  conscience,  leave  it  with  the  States,  who 
could  then  go  on  with  the  traffic,  without  being  restrained  by  the  opinions  here 
given,  that  they  will  themselves  cease  to  import  slaves. 

"  Gen.  PINCKNEY  thought  himself  bound  to  declare  candidly,  that  he  did 
not  think  South  Carolina  would  stop  her  importations  of  slaves  in  any  short 
time ;  but  only  stop  them  occasionally,  as  she  now  does.  He  moved  to  commit 
the  clause,  that  slaves  might  be  made  liable  to  an  equal  tax  with  other  imports ; 
which  he  thought  right,  and  which  would  remove  one  difficulty  that  had  been 
started. 


424      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Mr.  RUTLEDGE.  If  the  Convention  thinks  that  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia  will  ever  agree  to  the  plan,  unless  their  right  to  import 
slaves  be  untouched,  the  expectation  is  vain.  The  people  of  those  States  will 
never  be  such  fools  as  to  give  up  so  important  an  interest.  He  was  strenuous 
against  striking  out  the  section,  and  seconded  the  motion  of  Gen.  Pinckney 
for  a  commitment. 

"  Mr.  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  wished  the  whole  subject  to  be  committed, 
including  the  clauses  relating  to  taxes  on  exports  and  to  a  navigation  act. 
These  things  may  form  a  bargain  among  the  Northern  and  Southern  States. 

"  Mr.  BUTLER  declared,  that  he  never  would  agree  to  the  power  of  taxing 
exports. 

"  Mr.  SHERMAN  said  it  was  better  to  let  the  Southern  States  import 
slaves  than  to  part  with  them,  if  they  made  that  a  sine  qua  non.  He  was 
opposed  to  a  tax  on  slaves  imported,  as  making  the  matter  worse,  because  it 
implied  they  were  property.  He  acknowledged,  that,  if  the  power  of  prohibit 
ing  the  importation  should  be  given  to  the  General  Government,  it  would  be 
exercised.  He  thought  it  would  be  its  duty  to  exercise  the  power. 

"  Mr.  READ  was  for  the  commitment,  provided  the  clause  concerning  taxes 
on  exports  should  also  be  committed. 

"  Mr.  SHERMAN  observed,  that  that  clause  had  been  agreed  to,  and  there 
fore  could  not  be  committed. 

"  Mr.  RANDOLPH  was  for  committing,  in  order  that  some  middle  ground 
might,  if  possible,  be  found.  He  could  never  agree  to  the  clause  as  it  stands. 
He  would  sooner  risk  the  Constitution.  He  dwelt  on  the  dilemma  to  which  the 
Convention  was  exposed.  By  agreeing  to  the  clause,  it  would  revolt  the 
Quakers,  the  Methodists,  and  many  others  in  the  States  having  no  slaves.  On 
the  other  hand,  two  States  might  be  lost  to  the  Union.  Let  us  then,  he  said, 
try  the  chance  of  a  commitment." » 

Three  days  later  (Saturday,  Aug.  25)  the  debate  on  the  subject 
was  resumed,  and  the  report  of  the  committee  of  eleven  was  taken 
up.  It  was  in  the  following  words  :  — 

"  Strike  out  so  much  of  the  fourth  section  as  was  referred  to  the  Com 
mittee,  and  insert  '  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  the  sev 
eral  States,  now  existing,  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the 
Legislature  prior  to  the  year  1800;  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such 
migration  or  importation,  at  a  rate  not  exceeding  the  average  of  the  duties  laid 
on  imports.' 

"  Gen.  PINCKNEY  moved  to  strike  out  the  words  '  the  year  eighteen  hun 
dred  '  as  the  year  limiting  the  importation  of  slaves,  and  to  insert  the  words 
'  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and  eight.' 

"  Mr.  GORHAM  seconded  the  motion. 

"  Mr.  MADISON.  Twenty  years  will  produce  all  the  mischief  that  can  be 
apprehended  from  the  liberty  to  import  slaves.  So  long  a  term  will  be  more 

1  Madison  Papers,  Elliot,  vol.  v.  pp.  457-461. 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  425 

dishonorable  to  the  American  character  than  to  say  nothing  about  it  in  the 
Constitution. 

"  On  the  motion,  which  passed  in  the  affirmative,  — 

"  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  Maryland,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  ay,  —  7 ;  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Vir 
ginia,  no,  — 4. 

"  Mr.  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  was  for  making  the  clause  read  at  once,  — 

"'The  importation  of  slaves  into  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and 
Georgia,  shall  not  be  prohibited,'  &c.  This,  he  said,  would  be  most  fair,  and 
would  avoid  the  ambiguity  by  which,  under  the  power  with  regard  to  natural 
ization,  the  liberty  reserved  to  the  States  might  be  defeated.  He  wished  it  to. 
be  known,  also,  that  this  part  of  the  Constitution  was  a  compliance  with  those 
States.  If  the  change  of  language,  however,  should  be  objected  to  by  the 
members  from  those  States,  he  should  not  urge  it. 

"  Col.  MASON  was  not  against  using  the  term  'slaves,'  but  against  naming 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  lest  it  should  give  offence  to 
the  people  of  those  States. 

"  Mr.  SHERMAN  liked  a  description  better  than  the  terms  proposed,  which 
had  been  declined  by  the  old  Congress,  and  were  not  pleasing  to  some  people. 

"  Mr.  CLYMER  concurred  with  Mr.  Sherman. 

"  Mr.  WILLIAMSON  said,  that,  both  in  opinion  and  practice,  he  was  against 
slavery ;  but  thought  it  more  in  favor  of  humanity,  from  a  view  of  all  circum 
stances,  to  let  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  on  those  terms,  than  to  exclude 
them  from  the  Union. 

"  Mr.  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  withdrew  his  motion. 

"  Mr.  DICKINSON  wished  the  clause  to  be  confined  to  the  States  which 
had  not  themselves  prohibited  the  importation  of  slaves  ;  and,  for  that  purpose, 
moved  to  amend  the  clause  so  as  to  read,  — 

" '  The  importation  of  slaves  into  such  of  the  States  as  shall  permit  the 
same  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States  until  the 
year  1808;'  — 

"  which  was  disagreed  to,  nem.  con. 

"  The  first  part  of  the  Report  was  then  agreed  to,  amended  as  follows  :  — 

" '  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  the  several  States  now 
existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Legislature 
prior  to  the  year  1808.' 

"  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  Maryland,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  ay,-  -7;  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Vir 
ginia,  no,  — 4."! 


The  above  specimens  of  the  speeches  on  the  slavery  ques 
tion,  during  the  debate,  are  sufficient  to  furnish  a  fair  idea  of  the 
personal  opinion  of  the  great  thinkers  of  that  time  on  slavery. 
It  is  clear  that  it  was  the  wish  of  the  great  majority  of  the  North 
ern  delegates  to  abolish  the  institution,  in  a  domestic  as  well  as  in 

•J  Madison  Papers,  Elliot,  vol.  v.  pp.  477,  478. 


.426      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

a  foreign  sense;  but  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  resist  the 
temptation  to  compromise  their  profoundest  convictions  on  a  ques 
tion  as  broad  and  far-reaching  as  the  Union  that  they  were  met  to 
launch  anew.  Thus  by  an  understanding,  or,  as  Gouyerneur 
Morris  called  it,  "  a  bargain,"  between  the  commercial  representa 
tives  of  the  Northern  States  and  the  delegates  of  South  Carolina 
.and  Georgia,  and  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  Maryland  and  Vir 
ginia,  the  unrestricted  power  of  Congress  to  enact  navigation-laws 
was  conceded  to  the  Northern  merchants  ;  and  to  the  Carolina 
rice-planters,  as  an  equivalent,  twenty  years'  continuance  of  the 
African  slave-trade.  This  was  the  third  great  " compromise"  of 
the  Constitution.  The  other  two  were  the  concession  to  the 
smaller  States  of  an  equal  representation  in  the  Senate;  and,  to 
the  slaveholders,  the  counting  three-fifths  of  the  slaves  in  deter 
mining  the  ratio  of  representation.  If  this  third  compromise 
differed  from  the  other  two  by  involving  not  merely  a  political 
but  a  moral  sacrifice,  there  was  this  partial  compensation  about  it, 
that  it  was  not  permanent  like  the  others,  but  expired,  by  limita 
tion,  at  the  end  of  twenty  years.1 

The  Constitution  was  adopted  by  the  Convention,  and  signed, 
on  the  1 7th  of  September,  1787.  It  was  then  forwarded  to 
Congress,  then  in  session  in  New- York  City,  with  the  recom 
mendation  that  that  body  submit  it  to  the  State  conventions  for 
ratification ;  which  was  accordingly  done.  Delaware  adopted  it 
on  the  7th  of  December,  1787;  Pennsylvania,  Dec.  12;  New 
Jersey,  Dec.  18;  Georgia,  Jan.  2,  1788;  Connecticut,  Jan.  9; 
Massachusetts,  Feb.  7 ;  Maryland,  April  28 ;  South  Carolina, 
May  23;  New  Hampshire,  June  21  (and,  being  the  ninth  ratify 
ing,  gave  effect  to  the  Constitution) ;  Virginia  ratified  June  27 ; 
New  York,  July  26.  North  Carolina  gave  a  conditional  ratifica 
tion  on  the  7th  of  August,  but  Congress  did  not  receive  it  until 
January,  1790;  nor  that  of  Rhode  Island,  until  June  of  the  same 
year. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  deliberations  of  the  convention  that 
framed  the  Constitution,  it  was  voted  that  its  journal  be  intrusted 
to  the  custody  of  George  Washington.  He  finally  deposited  it  in 
the  State  Department,  and  it  was  printed  in  1818  by  order  of 
Congress. 

The  first  session  of  Congress,  under  the  new  Constitution,  was 

1  Examine  Hildreth  and  the  Secret  Debates  on  the  subject  of  the  "  compromises." 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL   PROBLEM.  427 

held  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in  1789.  A  quorum  was  obtained 
on  the  6th  of  April ;  and  the  first  measure  brought  up  for  consid 
eration  was  a  tariff-bill  which  Mr.  Parker  of  Virginia  sought  to 
amend  by  inserting  a  clause  levying  an  impost-tax  of  ten  dollars 
upon  every  slave  brought  by  water.  "  He  was  sorry  the  Consti 
tution  prevented  Congress  from  prohibiting  the  importation  alto 
gether.  It  was  contrary  to  revolution  principles,  and  ought  not 
to  be  permitted."  Thus  the  question  of  slavery  made  its  appear 
ance  early  at  the  first  session  of  the  first  Congress  under  the 
present  Constitution.  At  that  time  Georgia  was  the  only  State 
in  the  Union  that  seemed  to  retain  a  pecuniary  interest  in  the 
importation  of  slaves.  Even  South  Carolina  had  passed  an  Act 
prohibiting  for  one  year  the  importation  of  slaves.  In  this,  as  on 
several  occasions  before,  she  was  actuated  on  account  of  the  low 
prices  of  produce,  —  too  low  to  be  remunerative.  But,  notwith 
standing  this,  Mr.  Smith,  the  member  from  the  Charleston  dis 
trict,  grew  quite  captious  over  the  proposition  of  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia.  He 

"  Hoped  that  such  an  important  and  serious  proposition  would  not  be 
hastily  adopted.  It  was  rather  a  late  moment  for  the  first  introduction  of  a 
subject  so  big  with  serious  consequences.  No  one.  topic  had  been  yet  intro 
duced  so  important  to  South  Carolina  and  the  welfare  of  the  Union." 

Mr.  Sherman  got  the  floor,  and  said  he 

"  Approved  the  object  of  the  motion,  but  did  not  think  it  a  fit  subject  to 
be  embraced  in  this  bill.  He  could  not  reconcile  himself  to  the  insertion  of 
human  beings,  as  a  subject  of  impost,  among  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise. 
He  hoped  the  motion  would  be  withdrawn  for  the  present,  and  taken  up  after 
wards  as  an  independent  subject." 

Mr.  Jackson  of  Georgia 

"  Was  not  surprised,  however  others  might  be  so,  at  the  quarter  whence 
this  motion  came.  Virginia,  as  an  old  settled  State,  had  her  complement  of 
slaves,  and  the  natural  increase  being  sufficient  for  her  purpose,  she  was  care 
less  of  recruiting  her  numbers  by  importation.  But  gentlemen  ought  to  let 
their  neighbors  get  supplied  before  they  imposed  such  a  burden.  He  knew 
this  business  was  viewed  in  an  odious  light  at  the  Eastward,  because  the  people 
there  were  capable  of  doing  their  own  work,  and  had  no  occasion  for  slaves. 
But  gentlemen  ought  to  have  some  feeling  for  others.  Surely  they  do  not 
mean  to  tax  us  for  every  comfort  and  enjoyment  of  life,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
to  take  from  us  the  means  of  procuring  them  !  He  was  sure,  from  the  unsuit- 
ableness  of  the  motion  to  the  business  now  before  the  house,  and  the  want  of 
time  to  consider  it,  the  gentleman's  candor  would  induce  him  to  withdraw  it. 


428      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Should  it  ever  be  brought  forward  again,  he  hoped  it  would  comprehend  the 
white  slaves  as  well  as  the  black,  imported  from  all  the  jails  of  Europe; 
wretches  convicted  of  the  most  flagrant  crimes,  who  were  brought  in  and  sold 
without  any  duty  whatever.  They  ought  to  be  taxed  equally  with  Africans, 
and  he  had  no  doubt  of  the  equal  constitutionality  and  propriety  of  such  a 
course." 

Mr.  Parker  of  Virginia  obtained  the  floor  again,  and  proceeded 
to  reply  to  the  remarks  offered  upon  his  amendment  by  Sherman, 
Jackson,  and  Smith.  He  declared,  — 

"  That,  having  introduced  the  motion  on  mature  reflection,  he  did  not  like 
to  withdraw  it.  The  gentleman  from  Connecticut  had  said  that  human  beings 
ought  not  to  be  enumerated  with  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise.  Yet  he 
believed  they  were  looked  upon  by  African  traders  in  that  light.  He  hoped 
Congress  would  do  all  in  their  power  to  restore  to  human  nature  its  inherent 
privileges;  to  wipe  off,  if  possible,  the  stigma  under  which  America  labored; 
to  do  away  the  inconsistence  in  our  principles  justly  charged  upon  us  ;  and  to 
show,  by  our  actions,  the  pure  beneficence  of  the  doctrine  held  out  to  the  world 
in  our  Declaration  of  Independence." 

Mr.  Ames  of  Massachusetts 

"  Detested  slavery  from  his  soul ;  but  he  had  some  doubts  whether  impos 
ing  a  duty  on  their  importation  would  not  have  an  appearance  of  countenan 
cing  the  practice." 

Mr.  Madison  made  an  eloquent  speech  in  support  of  Mr.  Park 
er's  amendment.  He  said,  — 

"The  confounding  men  with  merchandise  might  be  easily  avoided  by 
altering  the  title  of  the  bill ;  it  was,  in  fact,  the  very  object  of  the  motion  to 
prevent  men,  so  far  as  the  power  of  Congress  extended,  from  being  confounded 
with  merchandise.  The  clause  in  the  Constitution  allowing  a  tax  to  be  imposed, 
though  the  traffic  could  not  be  prohibited  for  twenty  years,  was  inserted,  he 
believed,  for  the  very  purpose  of  enabling  Congress  to  give  some  testimony 
of  the  sense  of  America  with  respect  to  the  African  trade.  By  expressing  a 
national  disapprobation  of  that  trade,  it  is  to  be  hoped  we  may  destroy  it,  and 
so  save  ourselves  from  reproaches,  and  our  posterity  from  the  imbecility  ever 
attendant  on  a  country  filled  with  slaves.  This  was  as  much  the  interest  of 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia  as  of  any  other  States.  Every  addition  they 
received  to  their  number  of  slaves  tended  to  weakness,  and  rendered  them  less 
capable  of  self-defence.  In  case  of  hostilities  with  foreign  nations,  their  slave 
population  would  be  a  means,  not  of  repelling  invasions,  but  of  inviting  attack. 
It  was  the  duty  of  the  general  government  to  protect  every  part  of  the  Union 
against  danger,  as  well  internal  as  external.  Every  thing,  therefore,  which 
tended  to  increase  this  danger,  though  it  might  be  a  local  affair,  yet,  if  it 
involved  national  expense  or  safety,  became  of  concern  to  every  part  of  the 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  429 

Union,  and  a  proper  subject  for  the  consideration  of  those  charged  with  the 
general  administration  of  the  government." 

Mr.  Bland  approved  the  position  taken  by  Mr.  Madison,  while 
Mr.  Burke  of  South  Carolina  charged  the  gentlemen  with  having 
wasted  the  time  of  Congress  upon  a  useless  proposition.  He 
contended,  that,  while  slaves  were  not  mentioned  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  they  would  come  under  the  general  five  per  cent  ad  valorem 
duty  on  all  unenumerated  articles,  which  would  be  equivalent  to 
the  proposition  of  the  gentleman  from  Virginia.  Mr.  Madison 
replied  by  saying,  that  no  collector  of  customs  would  presume  to 
apply  the  terms  "  goods,"  "  wares,"  and  "  merchandise  "  to  persons. 
Mr.  Sherman  followed  him  in  the  same  strain,  and  denied  that 
persons  were  anywhere  recognized  as  property  in  the  Constitution. 
Finally,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Parker  consented 
•  to  withdraw  his  motion  with  the  understanding  that  a  separate 
bill  should  be  brought  in.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  dis 
charge  that  duty,  but  the  noble  resolve  found  a  quiet  grave  in  the 
committee-room. 

The  failure  of  this  first  attempt,  under  the  new  Constitution, 
to  restrict  slavery,  did  not  lame  the  cause  to  any  great  extent.  It 
was  rather  accelerated.  .The  manner  and  spirit  of  the  debate  on 
the  subject  quickened  public  thought,  animated  the  friends  of  the 
Negro,  and  provoked  many  people  to  good  works.  Slavery  had 
ceased  to  exist  in  Massachusetts.  Several  suits,  entered  by  slaves, 
against  their  masters  for  restraining  their  liberty,  had  been  won. 
The  case  of  Elizabeth  Freeman,  better  known  as  "  Mum  Bet,'* 
was  regarded  as  the  first-fruits  of  the  Massachusetts  Declaration 
of  Rights  in  the  new  Constitution  of  1780.  The  Duke  de  la 
Rochefoucault  Laincort  gives  the  following  interesting  account 
of  the  extinction  of  slavery  in  Massachusetts  :  - — 

"In  1781,  some  negroes,  prompted  by  private  suggestion,  maintained  that 
they  were  not  slaves :  they  found  advocates,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Sedgwick, 
now  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  cause  was  carried 
before  the  Supreme  Court.  Their  counsel  pleaded,  i°.  That  no  antecedent  law 
had  established  slavery,  and  that  the  laws  which  seemed  to  suppose  it  were  the 
offspring  of  error  in  the  legislators,  who  had  no  authority  to  enact  them :  —  2°, 
That  such  laws,  even  if  they  had  existed,  were  annulled  by  the  new  Constitu 
tion.  They  gained  the  cause  under  both  aspects :  and  the  solution  of  this  first 
question  that  was  brought  forward  set  the  negroes  entirely  at  liberty,  and  at 
the  same  time  precluded  their  pretended  owners  from  all  claim  to  indemnifica 
tion,  since  they  were  proved  to  have  possessed  and  held  them  in  slavery  with- 


430      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

out  any  right.     As  there  were  only  a  few  slaves  in  Massachusetts,  the  decision 
passed  without  opposition,  and  banished  all  further  idea,  of  slavery."  J 

Mr.  Nell  gives  an  account  of  the  legal  death  of  slavery  in 
Massachusetts,  but  unfortunately  does  not  cite  any  authority. 
John  Quincy  Adams,  in  reply  to  a  question  put  by  John  C. 
Spencer,  stated  that  "a  note  had  been  given  for  the  price  of  a 
slave  in  1787.  This  note  was  sued,  and  the  Court  ruled  that  the 
maker  had  received  no  consideration,  as  a  man  could  not  be  sold. 
From  that  time  forward,  slavery  died  in  the  Old  Bay  State." 
There  were  several  suits  instituted  by  slaves  against  their  reputed 
masters  in  1781-82;  but  there  are  strong  evidences  that  slavery 
died  a  much  slower  death  in  Massachusetts  than  many  are  willing 
to  admit.  James  Sullivan  wrote  to  Dr.  Belknap  in  1795  :  — 

"In  1781,  at  the  Court  in  Worcester  County,  an  indictment  was  found 
against  a  white  man  named  Jennison  for  assaulting,  beating,  and  imprisoning 
Quock  Walker,  a  black.  He  was  tried  at  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  in  1783. 
His  defence  was,  that  the  black  was  his  slave,  and  that  the  beating,  etc.,  was 
the  necessary  restraint  and  correction  of  the  master.  This  was  answered  by 
citing  the  aforesaid  clause  in  the  declaration  of  rights.  The  judges  and  jury 
were  of  opinion  that  he  had  no  right  to  imprison  or  beat  the  negro.  He  was 
found  guilty  and  fined  40  shillings.  This  decision  put  an  end  to  the  idea  of 
slavery  in  Massachusetts."  2 

There  are  two  things  in  the  above  that  throw  considerable 
uncertainty  about  the  subject  as  to  the  precise  date  of  the  end  of 
slavery  in  the  Commonwealth.  First,  the  suit  referred  to  was 
tried  in  1783,  three. years  after  the  adoption  of  the  new  Constitu 
tion.  Second,  the  good  doctor  does  not  say  that  the  decision 
sealed  the  fate  of  slavery,  but  only  that  it  "  was  a  mortal  wound 
to  slavery  in  Massachusetts." 

From  1785-1790,  there  was  a  wonderful  change  in  the  public 
opinion  of  the  Middle  and  Eastern  States  on  the  subject  of 
slavery.  Most  of  them  had  passed  laws  providing  for  gradual 
emancipation.  The  Friends  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Penn 
sylvania  began  to  organize  a  crusade  against  domestic  slavery. 
In  the  fall  of  1789,  while  the  Congressional  debates  were  still 
fresh  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  the  venerable  Dr.  Benjamin 
Franklin,  as  president  of  the  "  Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promot 
ing  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,"  etc.,  issued  the  following  let 
ter: — 

1  Travels,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  166.  2  M.  H.  S.  Coll.,  5th  Series,  III.,  p.  403. 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  431 

"AN   ADDRESS   TO    THE    PUBLIC. 

"From  the  Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  and 
the  Relief  of  Free  Negroes  unlawfully  held  in  Bondage. 

"It  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction  we  assure  the  friends  of  humanity,  that, 
in  prosecuting  the  design  of  our  association,  our  endeavors  have  proved  suc 
cessful,  far  beyond  our  most  sanguine  expectations. 

"Encouraged  by  this  success,  and  by  the  daily  progress  of  that  luminous 
and  benign  spirit  of  liberty  which  is  diffusing  itself  throughout  the  world,  and 
humbly  hoping  for  the  continuance  of  the  divine  blessing  on  our  labors,  we 
have  ventured  to  make  an  important  addition  to  our  original  plan ;  and  do 
therefore  earnestly  solicit  the  support  and  assistance  of  all  who  can  feel  the 
tender  emotions  of  sympathy  and  compassion,  or  relish  the  exalted  pleasure 
of  beneficence. 

"  Slavery  is  such  an  atrocious  debasement  of  human  nature,  that  its  very 
extirpation,  if  not  performed  with  solicitous  care,  may  sometimes  open  a  source 
of  serious  evils. 

"The  unhappy  man,  who  has  long  been  treated  as  a  brute  animal,  too 
frequently  sinks  beneath  the  common  standard  of  the  human  species.  The 
galling  chains  that  bind  his  body  do  also  fetter  his  intellectual  faculties,  and 
impair  the  social  affections  of  his  heart.  Accustomed  to  move  like  a  mere 
machine,  by  the  will  of  a  master,  reflection  is  suspended ;  he  has  not  the 
power  of  choice ;  and  reason  and  conscience  have  but  little  influence  over  his 
conduct,  because  he  is  chiefly  governed  by  the  passion  of  fear.  He  is  poor 
and  friendless ;  perhaps  worn  out  by  extreme  labor,  age,  and  disease. 

"  Under  such  circumstances,  freedom  may  often  prove  a  misfortune  to 
himself,  and  prejudicial  to  society. 

"  Attention  to  emancipated  black  people,  it  is  therefore  to  be  hoped,  will 
become  a  branch  of  ou^national  police ;  but,  as  far  as  we  contribute  to  promote 
this  emancipation,  so  far  that  attention  is  evidently  a  serious  duty  incumbent 
on  us,  and  which  we  mean  to  discharge  to  the  best  of  our  judgment  and 
abilities. 

"  To  instruct,  to  advise,  to  qualify  those  who  have  been  restored  to  free 
dom,  for  the  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  civil  liberty ;  to  promote  in  them  habits 
of  industry;  to  furnish  them  with  employments  suited  to  their  age,  sex,  talents, 
and  other  circumstances  ;  and  to  procure  their  children  an  education  calculated 
for  their  future  situation  in  life, — these  are  the  great  outlines  of  the  annexed 
plan,  which  we  have  adopted,  and  which  we  conceive  will  essentially  promote 
the  public  good,  and  the  happiness  of  these  our  hitherto  too  much  neglected 
fellow-creatures. 

"  A  plan  so  extensive  cannot  be  carried  into  execution  without  considera 
ble  pecuniary  resources,  beyond  the  present  ordinary  funds  of  the  Society. 
We  hope  much  from  the  generosity  of  enlightened  and  benevolent  freemen, 
and  will  gratefully  receive  any  donations  or  subscriptions  for  this  purpose 
which  may  be  made  to  our  Treasurer,  James  Starr,  or  to  James  Pembertonj 
Chairman  of  our  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

"  Signed  by  order  of  the  Society, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN,  President. 
"PHILADELPHIA,  gth  of  November,  1789." 


432      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

And  as  his  last  public  act,  Franklin  gave  his  signature  to  the 
subjoined  memorial  to  the  United-States  Congress :  — 

"  The  memorial  respectfully  showeth,  — 

"  That,  from  a  regard  for  the  happiness  of  mankind,  an  association  was 
formed  several  years  since  in  this  State,  by  a  number  of  her  citizens,  of  various 
religious  denominations,  for  promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  for  the 
relief  of  those  unlawfully  held  in  bondage.  A  just  and  acute  conception  of 
the  true  principles  of  liberty,  as  it  spread  through  the  land,  produced  accessions 
to  their  numbers,  many  friends  to  their  cause,  and  a  legislative  co-operation 
with  their  views,  which,  by  the  blessing  of  Divine  Providence,  have  been  suc 
cessfully  directed  to  the  relieving  from  bondage  a  large  number  of  their  fel 
low-creatures  of  the  African  race.  They  have  also  the  satisfaction  to  observe, 
that,  in  consequence  of  that  spirit  of  philanthropy  and  genuine  liberty  which  is 
generally  diffusing  its  beneficial  influence,  similar  institutions  are  forming  at 
home  and  abroad. 

"  That  mankind  are  all  formed  by  the  same  Almighty  Being,  alike  objects 
of  his  care,  and  equally  designed  for  the  enjoyment  of  happiness,  the  Chris 
tian  religion  teaches  us  to  believe,  and  the  political  creed  of  Americans  fully 
coincides  with  the  position.  Your  memorialists,  particularly  engaged  in  attend 
ing  to  the  distresses  arising  from  slavery,  believe  it  their  indispensable  duty 
to  present  this  subject  to  your  notice.  They  have  observed,  with  real  satisfac 
tion,  that  many  important  and  salutary  powers  are  vested  in  you  for  'promoting 
the  welfare  and  securing  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States ' ;  and  as  they  conceive  that  these  blessings  ought  rightfully  to  be  ad 
ministered,  without  distinction  of  color,  to  all  descriptions  of  people,  so  they 
indulge  themselves  in  the  pleasing  expectation,  that  nothing  which  can  be  done 
for  the  relief  of  the  unhappy  objects  of  their  care,  will  be  either  omitted  or 
delayed. 

"  From  a  persuasion  that  equal  liberty  was  originally  the  portion,  and  is 
still  the  birth-right,  of  all  men ;  and  influenced  by  the  strong  ties  of  humanity, 
and  the  principles  of  their  institution,  your  memorialists  conceive  themselves 
bound  to  use  all  justifiable  endeavors  to  loosen  the  bands  of  slavery,  and  pro 
mote  a  general  enjoyment  of  the  blessings  of  freedom.  Under  these  impres 
sions,  they  earnestly  entreat  your  serious  attention  to  the  subject  of  slavery ; 
that  you  will  be  pleased  to  countenance  the  restoration  of  liberty  to  those  un 
happy  men,  who  alone,  in  this  land  of  freedom,  are  degraded  into  perpetual 
bondage,  and  who,  amidst  the  general  joy  of  surrounding  freemen,  are  groan 
ing  in  servile  subjection ;  that  you  will  devise  means  for  removing  this  incon 
sistency  from  the  character  of  the  American  people;  that  you  will  promote 
mercy  and  justice  towards  this  distressed  race ;  and  that  you  will  step  to  the 
very  verge  of  the  power  vested  in  you  for  discouraging  every  species  of  traffic 
in  the  persons  of  our  fellow-men. 

"  BENJ.  FRANKLIN,  President. 
"PHILADELPHIA,  February 3,  1790." 

The  session  of  Congress  held  in  1/90  was  stormy.  The 
slavery  question  came  back  to  haunt  the  members.  On  the  I2th 


SLAVERY  AS  A  POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  433 

of  February,  the  memorial  from  the  Pennsylvania  society  was  read. 
It  provoked  fresh  discussion,  and  greatly  angered  many  of  the 
Southern  members.  As  soon  as  its  reading  was  completed,  the 
"  Quaker  Memorial,"  that  had  been  read  the  day  previous,  was 
called  up ;  and  Mr.  Hartley  moved  its  commitment.  A  long  and 
spirited  debate  ensued.  It  was  charged  that  the  memorial  was 
"  a  mischievous  attempt,  an  improper  interference,  at  the  best,  an 
act  of  imprudence ; "  and  that  it  "  would  sound  an  alarm  and 
blow  the  trumpet  of  sedition  through  the  Southern  States."  Mr. 
Scott  of  Pennsylvania  replied  by  saying,  "  I  cannot  entertain  a 
doubt  that  the  memorial  is  strictly  agreeable  to  the  Constitution. 
It  respects  a  part  of  the  duty  particularly  assigned  to  us  by  that 
instrument."  Mr.  Sherman  was  in  favor  of  the  commitment  of 
the  memorial,  and  gave  his  reasons  in  extenso.  Mr.  Smith  of 
South  Carolina  said,  "Notwithstanding  all  the  calmness  with 
which  some  gentlemen  have  viewed  the  subject,  they  will  find 
that  the  mere  discussion  of  it  will  create  alarm.  We  have  been 
told  that,  if  so,  we  should  have  avoided  discussion  by  saying 
nothing.  But  it  was  not  for  that  purpose  we  were  sent  here. 
We  look  upon  this  measure  as  an  attack  upon  property ;  it  is, 
therefore,  our  duty  to  oppose  it  by  every  means  in  our  power. 
When  we  entered  into  a  political  connection  with  the  other  States, 
this  property  was  there.  It  had  been  acquired  under  a  former 
government  conformably  to  the  laws  and  constitution,  and  every 
attempt  to  deprive  us  of  it  must  be  in  the  nature  of  an  ex  post 
facto  law,  and,  as  such,  forbidden  by  our  political  compact."  Fol 
lowing  the  unwise  and  undignified  example  set  by  the  gentlemen 
who  had  preceded  him  on  that  side  of  the  question,  he  slurred  the 
Quakers.  "His  constituents  wanted  no  lessons  in  religion  and 
morality,  and  least  of  all  from  such  teachers." 

Madison,  Gerry,  Boudinot,  and  Page  favored  commitment. 
Upon  the  question  to  commit,  the  yeas  and  nays  being  demanded, 
the  reference  was  made  by  a  vote  of  forty-three  to  eleven.  Of 
the  latter,  six  were  from  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  two  from 
Virginia,  two  from  Maryland,  and  one  from  New  York.  A  special 
committee  was  announced,  to  whom  the  memorial  was  referred, 
consisting  of  one  member  from  each  of  the  following  States  :  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia.  At  the  end  of  a  month,  the  commit 
tee  made  the  following  report  to  Congress  :  — 


434      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

11 1st.  That  the  general  government  was  expressly  restrained,  until  the 
year  1808,  from  prohibiting  the  importation  of  any  persons  whom  any  of  the 
existing  states  might  till  that  time  think  proper  to  admit.  2d.  That,  by  a  fair 
construction  of  the  constitution,  congress  was  equally  restrained  from  inter 
fering  to  emancipate  slaves  within  the  states,  such  slaves  having  been  born 
there,  or  having  been  imported  within  the  period  mentioned.  3d.  That  con 
gress  had  no  power  to  interfere  in  the  internal  regulation  of  particular  states 
relative  to  the  instruction  of  slaves  in  the  principles  of  morality  and  religion, 
to  their  comfortable  clothing,  accommodation,  and  subsistence,  to  the  regulation 
of  marriages  or  the  violation  of  marital  rights,  to  the  separation  of  children 
and  parents,  to  a  comfortable  provision  in  cases  of  age  or  infirmity,  or  to  the 
seizure,  transportation,  and  sale  of  free  negroes;  but  entertained  the  fullest 
confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  humanity  of  the  state  legislature  that,  from  time 
to  time,  they  would  revise  their  laws,  and  promote  these  and  all  other  measures 
tending  to  the  happiness  of  the  slaves.  The  fourth  asserted  that  congress 
had  authority  to  levy  a  tax  of  ten  dollars,  should  they  see  fit  to  exact  it,  upon 
every  person  imported  under  the  special  permission  of  any  of  the  states.  The 
fifth  declared  the  authority  of  congress  to  interdict  or  to  regulate  the  African 
slave-trade,  so  far  as  it  might  be  carried  on  by  citizens  of  the  United  States  for 
the  supply  of  foreign  countries,  and  also  to  provide  for  the  humane  treatment 
of  slaves  while  on  their  passage  to  any  ports  of  the  United  States  into  which 
they  might  be  admitted.  The.  sixth  asserted  the  right  of  congress  to  prohibit 
foreigners  from  fitting  out  vessels  in  the  United  States  to  be  employed  in  the 
supply  of  foreign  countries  with  slaves  from  Africa.  The  seventh  expressed 
an  intention  on  the  part  of  congress  to  exercise  their  authority  to  its  full  extent 
to  promote  the  humane  objects  aimed  at  in  the  Quaker's  memorial." 

Mr.  Tucker  took  the  floor  against  the  report  of  the  committee, 
and,  after  a  bitter  speech  upon  the  unconstitutionally  of  meddling 
with  the  slavery  question  in  any  manner,  moved  a  substitute  for 
the  whole,  in  which  he  pronounced  the  recommendations  of  the 
committee  "as  unconstitutional,  and  tending  to  injure  some  of  the 
States  of  the  Union."  Mr.  Jackson  seconded  the  motion  in  a 
rather  intemperate  speech,  which  was  replied  to  by  Mr.  Viraing, 
The  substitute  of  Mr.  Tucker  was  declared  out  of  order.  Mr. 
Benson  moved  to  recommit  in  hopes  of  getting  rid  of  the  subject, 
but  the  motion  was  overwhelmingly  voted  down.  The  report  was 
taken  up  article  by  article.  The  three  first  resolutions  (those 
relating  to  the  authority  of  Congress  over  slavery  in  the  States) 
were  adopted ;  while  the  second  and  third  were  merged  into  one, 
stripped  of  its  objectionable  features.  But  on  the  fourth  the 
debate  was  carried  to  a  high  pitch.  This  one  related  to  the  ten- 
dollar  tax.  Mr.  Tucker  moved  to  amend  by  striking  out  the 
fourth  resolution.  Considerable  discussion  followed ;  and,  upon 
the  question  being  put,  it  was  carried  by  one  vote.  The  fifth 


SLAVERY  AS  A  POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  435 

resolution,  affirming  the  power  of  Congress  to  regulate  the  slave- 
trade,  drew  the  fire  of  Jackson,  Smith,  and  Tucker.  Mr.  Madison 
offered  to  modify  it  somewhat.  It  was  argued  by  the  opponents 
of  this  resolution,  that  Congress,  under  the  plea  of  regulating  the 
trade,  might  prohibit  it  entirely.  Mr.  Vining  of  Delaware,  some 
what  out  of  patience  with  the  demands  of  the  Southern  members, 
told  those  gentlemen  very  plainly  that  they  ought  to  be  satisfied 
with  the  changes  already  made  to  gratify  them  ;  that  they  should 
show  some  respect  to  the  committee ;  that  all  the  States  from 
Virginia  to  New  Hampshire  had  passed  laws  prohibiting  the  slave- 
trade  ;  and  then  delivered  an  eloquent  defence  of  the  Quakers. 
The  resolution,  as  modified  by  Mr.  Madison,  carried. 

The  sixth  resolution,  relating  to  the  foreign  slave-trade  carried 
on  from  ports  of  the  United  States,  received  considerable  atten 
tion.  Mr.  Scott  made  an  elaborate  speech  upon  it,  in  which  he 
claimed,  that,  if  it  were  a  question  as  to  the  power  of  Congress  to 
regulate  the  foreign  slave-trade,  he  had  no  doubts  as  to  the  author 
ity  of  that  body.  "  I  desire,"  said  that  gentleman,  "  that  the 
world  should  know,  I  desire  that  those  people  in  the  gallery,  about 
whom  so  much  has  been  said,  should  know,  that  there  is  at  least 
one  member  on  this  floor  who  believes  that  Congress  have  ample 
powers  to  do  all  they  have  asked  respecting  the  African  slave- 
trade.  Nor  do  I  doubt  that  Congress  will,  whenever  necessity  or 
policy  dictates  the  measure,  exercise  those  powers."  Mr.  Jackson 
attempted  to  reply.  He  started  out  with  a  labored  argument 
showing  the  divine  origin  of  slavery,  quoting  Scriptures  ;  showed 
that  the  Greeks  and  Romans  had  held  slaves,  etc.  He  was 
followed  and  supported  by  Smith  of  South  Carolina.  Boudinot 
obtained  the  floor,  and,  after  defending  the  Quakers  and  praising 
Franklin,  declared  that  there  was  nothing  unreasonable  in  the 
memorial  ;  that  it  simply  requested  them  "to  go  to  the  utmost 
verge  of  the  Constitution,"  and  not  beyond  it.  Further  debate 
was  had,  when  the  sixth  resolution  was  adopted. 

The  seventh  resolution,  pledging  Congress  to  exert  their  full 
powers  for  the  restriction  of  the  slave-trade  —  and,  as  some  under 
stood  it,  to  discountenance  slavery  —  was  struck  out.  The  com 
mittee  then  arose  and  reported  the  resolutions  to  the  house.  The 
next  day,  the  23d  March,  1790,  after  some  preliminary  business 
was  disposed  of,  a  motion  was  made  to  take  up  the  report  of  the 
committee.  Ames,  Madison,  and  others  thought  the  matter,  hav 
ing  occupied  so  much  of  the  time  of  the  house,  should  be  left 


43 6      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

where  it  was ;  or  rather,  as  Mr.  Madison  expressed  it,  simply 
entered  on  the  Journals  as  a  matter  of  public  record.  After  some 
little  discussion,  this  motion  prevailed  by  a  vote  of  twenty-nine  to 
twenty-five.  The  entry  was  accordingly  made  as  follows  :  — 

"  That  the  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  states 
now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  can  not  be  prohibited  by  congress 
prior  to  the  year  1808. 

"  That  congress  have  no  right  to  interfere  in  the  emancipation  of  slaves, 
or  in  the  treatment  of  them,  in  any  of  the  states,  it  remaining  with  the  several 
states  alone  to  provide  any  regulations  therein  which  humanity  and  true  policy 
require. 

"  That  congress  have  authority  to  restrain  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
from  carrying  on  the  African  slave-trade  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  for 
eigners  with  slaves,  and  of  providing  by  proper  regulations  for  the  humane 
treatment,  during  their  passage,  of  slaves  imported  by  the  said  citizens  into 
the  said  states  admitting  such  importation. 

"  That  congress  have  also  authority  to  prohibit  foreigners  from  fitting  out 
vessels  in  any  port  of  the  United  States  for  transporting  persons  from  Africa 
to  any  foreign  port." 

The  census  of  1790  gave  the  slave  population  of  the  States  as 

follows  :  — 

SLAVE  POPULATION.  —  CENSUS  OF  1790. 

Connecticut 2,759 

Delaware 8,887 

Georgia 29,264 

Kentucky 11,830 

Maryland 103,036 

New  Hampshire 158 

New  Jersey      ..........  1 1,423 

New  York         .                 21,324 

North  Carolina 100,572 

Pennsylvania 3,737 

Rhode  Island 952 

South  Carolina 107,094 

Vermont  ...........  17 

Virginia 293,427 

Territory  south  of  Ohio 3A17 

Aggregate,  697,897. 

Vermont  was  admitted  into  the  Union  on  the  i8th  of  Feb 
ruary,  1791  ;  and  the  first  article  of  the  Bill  of  Rights  declared  that 
"  no  male  person  born  in  this  country,  or  brought  from  over  sea, 
ought  to  be  bound  by  law  to  serve  any  person  as  a  servant,  slave, 
or  apprentice  after  he  arrives  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  nor 


SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL   AND  LEGAL   PROBLEM.   437 

female,  in  like  manner,  after  she  arrives  at  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years,  unless  they  are  bound  by  their  own  consent  after  they 
arrive  at  such  age,  or  are  bound  by  law  for  the  payment  of  debts, 
damages,  fines,  costs,  or  the  like."  This  provision  was  contained 
in  the  first  Constitution  of  that  State,  and,  therefore,  it  was  the 
-first  one  to  abolish  and  prohibit  slavery  in  North  America. 

On  the  4th  of  February,  1791,  Kentucky  was  admitted  into 
the  Union  by  Act  of  Congress,  though  it  had  no  Constitution. 
But  the  next  year  a  Constitution  was  framed.  By  it  the  Legisla 
ture  was  denied  the  right  to  emancipate  slaves  without  the  con 
sent  of  the  owner,  nor  without  paying  the  full  price  of  the  slaves 
before  emancipating  them  ;  nor  could  any  laws  be  passed  prohib 
iting  emigrants  from  other  states  from  bringing  with  them  per 
sons  deemed  slaves  by  the  laws  of  any  other  states  in  the  Union, 
so  long  as  such  persons  should  be  continued  as  slaves  in  Ken 
tucky.  The  Legislature  had  power  to  prohibit  the  bringing  into 
the  state  slaves  for  the  purpose  of  sale.  Masters  were  required 
to  treat  their  slaves  with  humanity,  to  properly  feed  and  clothe 
them,  and  to  abstain  from  inflicting  any  punishment  extending 
to  life  and  limb.  Laws  could  be  passed  granting  owners  the  right 
to  emancipate  their  slaves,  but  requiring  security  that  the  slaves 
thus  emancipated  should  not  become  a  charge  upon  the  county. 

During  the  session  of  Congress  in  1791,  the  Pennsylvania 
Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  presented  another  memorial, 
calling  upon  Congress  to  exercise  the  powers  they  had  been 
declared  to  possess  by  the  report  of  the  committee  which  had 
been  spread  upon  the  Journals  of  the  house.  Thus  emboldened, 
other  anti-slavery  societies,  of  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  Virginia,  and  a  few  local  societies  of  Maryland,  presented 
memorials  praying  for  the  suppression  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States.  They  were  referred  to  a  select  committee;  and,  as  they 
made  no  report,  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts,  the  next 
year,  called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject.  On  the 
24th  of  November,  1792,  a  Mr.  Warner  MifHin,  an  anti-slavery 
Quaker  from  Delaware,  addressed  a  memorial  to  Congress  on  the 
general  subject  of  slavery,  which  was  read  and  laid  upon  the  table 
without  debate.  On  the  26th  of  November,  Mr.  Stute  of  North 
Carolina  offered  some  sharp  remarks  upon  the  presumption  of 
the  Quaker,  and  moved  that  the  petition  be  returned  to  the  peti 
tioner,  and  that  the  clerk  be  instructed  to  erase  the  entry  from 
the  Journal.  This  provoked  a  heated  discussion  ;  but  at  length  the 


HISTORY  OF  7 HE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

petition  was  returned  to  the  author,  and  the  motion  to  erase  the- 
record  from  the  Journal  was  withdrawn  by  the  mover. 

In  1793  a  law  was  passed  providing  for  the  return  of  fugitives- 
from  justice  and  from  service.  "In  case  of  the  escape  out  of 
any  state  or  territory  of  any  person  held  to  service  or  labor  under 
the  laws  thereof,  the  person  to  whom  such  labor  was  due,  his 
agent,  or  attorney,  might  seize  the  fugitive  and  carry  him  before: 
any  United  States  judge,  or  before  any  magistrate  of  the  city, 
town,  or  county  in  which  the  arrest  was  made ;  and  such  judge  or 
magistrate,  on  proof  to  his  satisfaction,  either  oral  or  by  affidavit 
before  any  other  magistrate,  that  the  person  seized  was  really  a 
fugitive,  and  did  owe  labor  as  alleged,  was  to  grant  a  certificate 
to  that  effect  to  the  claimant,  this  certificate  to  serve  as  sufficient 
warrant  for  the  removal  of  the  fugitive  to  the  state  whence  he  had 
fled.  Any  person  obstructing  in  any  way  such  seizure  or  removal, 
or  harboring  or  concealing  any  fugitive  after  notice,  was  liable  to- 
a  penalty  of  $500,  to  be  recovered  by  the  claimant." 

In  1794  an  anti-slavery  convention  was  held  in  Philadelphia,. 
in  which  nearly  all  of  the  abolition  societies  of  the  country  were 
represented.  A  memorial,  carefully  avoiding  constitutional  objec 
tions,  was  drawn  and  addressed  to  Congress  to  do  whatever  they 
could  toward  the  suppression  of  the  slave-trade.  This  memorial, 
with  several  other  petitions,  was  referred  to  a  special  committee. 
In  due  time  they  reported  a  bill,  which  passed  without  much 
opposition.  It  was  the  first  act  of  the  government  toward 
repressing  the  slave-trade,  and  was  as  mild  as  a  summer's  day. 
On  Wednesday,  the  7th  of  January,  1795,  another  meeting  was 
held  in  Philadelphia,  the  second,  to  consider  anti-slavery  measures. 
The  Act  of  Congress  was  read. 

"An  Act  to  prohibit  the  carrying  on  the  Slave-trade  from  the  United  States 
to  any  foreign  place  or  country. 

"  SECTION  I.  BE  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  Hoiise  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  no  citizen  or  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States,  or  foreigner,  or  any  other  person  coming  into,  or 
residing  within  the  same,  shall,  for  himself  or  any  other  person  whatsoever, 
either  as  master,  factor  or  owner,  build,  fit,  equip,  load  or  otherwise  prepare 
any  ship  or  vessel,  within  any  port  or  place  of  the  said  United  States,  nor  shall 
cause  any  ship  or  vessel  to  sail  from  any  port  or  place  within  the  same,  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  on  any  trade  or  traffic  in  slaves,  to  any  foreign  country ;  or 
for  the  purpose  of  procuring,  from  any  foreign  kingdom,  place  or  country,  the 
inhabitants  of  such  kingdom,  place  or  country,  to  be  transported  to  any  foreign 
country,  port  or  place  whatever,  to  be  sold  or  disposed  of,  as  slaves:  And  if 


.SLAVERY  AS  A   POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.    439 

any  ship  or  vessel  shall  be  so  fitted  out,  as  aforesaid,  for  the  said  purposes,  or 
shall  be  caused  to  sail,  so  as  aforesaid,  every  such  ship  or  vessel,  her  tackle, 
furniture,  apparel  and  other  appurtenances,  shall  be  forfeited  to  the  United 
States ;  and  shall  be  liable  to  be  seized,  prosecuted  and  condemned,  in  any  of 
the  circuit  courts  or  district  court  for  the  district,  where  the  said  ship  or  vessel 
may  be  found  and  seized. 

"SECTION  II.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  and  every  person,  so 
building,  fitting  out,  equipping,  loading,  or  otherwise  preparing,  or  sending 
away,  any  ship  or  vessel,  knowing,  or  intending,  that  the  same  shall  be 
employed  in  such  trade  or  business,  contrary  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of 
this  act,  or  any  ways  aiding  or  abetting  therein,  shall  severally  forfeit  and  pay 
the  sum  of  two  thousand  dollars,  one  moiety  thereof,  to  the  use  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  other  moiety  thereof,  to  the  use  of  him  or  her,  who  shall  sue  for 
and  prosecute  the  same. 

"  SECTION  III.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  owner,  master  or  factor 
•of  each  and  every  foreign  ship  or  vessel,  clearing  out  for  any  of  the  coasts  or 
kingdoms  of  Africa,  or  suspected  to  be  intended  for  the  slave-trade,  and  the 
suspicion  being  declared  to  the  officer  of  the  customs,  by  any  citizen,  on  oath 
or  affirmation,  and  such  information  being  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  said 
officer,  shall  first  give  bond  with  sufficient  sureties,  to  the  Treasurer  of  the 
United  States,  that  none  of  the  natives  of  Africa,  or  any  other  foreign  country 
or  place,  shall  be  taken  on  board  the  said  ship  or  vessel,  to  be  transported,  or 
sold  as  slaves,  in  any  other  foreign  port  or  place  whatever,  within  nine  months 
thereafter. 

"  SECTION  IV.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  if  any  citizen  or  citizens  of 
the  United  States  shall,  contrary  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act, 
take  on  board,  receive  or  transport  any  such  persons,  as  above  described,  in 
this  act,  for  the  purpose  of  selling  them  as  slaves,  as  aforesaid,  he  or  they 
shall  forfeit  and  pay,  for  each  and  every  person,  so  received  on  board,  trans 
ported,  or  sold  as  aforesaid,  the  sum  of  two  hundred  dollars,  to  be  recovered  in 
any  court  of  the  United  States  proper  to  try  the  same ;  the  one  moiety  thereof, 
to  the  use  of  the  United  States,  and  the  other  moiety  to  the  use  of  such  person 
or  persons,  who  shall  sue  for  and  prosecute  the  same. 

"FREDERICK  AUGUSTUS  MUHLENBERG, 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"JOHN  ADAMS, 

Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and 
President  of  the  Senate. 

"  Approved  —  March  the  twenty-second,  1 794. 

G°:  WASHINGTON,  President  of  the  United  States." 

In  1797  Congress  again  found  themselves  confronted  by  the 
•dark  problem  of  slavery,  that  would  not  down  at  their  bidding. 
The  Yearly  Meeting  of  the  Quakers  of  Philadelphia  sent  a  memo 
rial  to  Congress,  complaining  that  about  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  Negroes,  and  others  whom  they  knew  not  of,  having  been 


440      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

lawfully  emancipated,  were  afterwards  reduced  to  bondage  by  arr 
ex  post  facto  law  passed  by  North  Carolina,  in  1777,  for  that  cruel 
purpose.  After  considerable  debate,  the  memorial  went  to  a 
committee,  who  subsequently  reported  that  the  matter  complained 
of  was  purely  of  judicial  cognizance,  and  that  Congress  had  no 
authority  in  the  premises. 

During  the  same  session  a  bill  was  introduced  creating  all  that 
portion  of  the  late  British  Province  of  West  Florida,  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  into  a  government  to  be  called 
the  Mississippi  Territory.  It  was  to  be  conducted  in  all  respects 
like  the  territory  north-west  of  the  Ohio,  with  the  single  excep 
tion  that  slavery  should  not  be  prohibited.  During  the  discus 
sion  of  this  section  of  the  bill,  Mr.  Thatcher  of  Massachusetts, 
moved  to  amend  by  striking  out  the  exception  as  to  slavery,  so  as 
to  make  it  conform  to  the  ideas  expressed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  a  few 
years  before  in  reference  to  the  Western  Territory.  But,  after  a 
warm  debate,  Mr.  Thatcher's  motion  was  lost,  having  received 
only  twelve  votes.  An  amendment  of  Mr.  Harper  of  South 
Carolina,  offered  a  few  days  later,  prohibiting  the  introduction  of 
slaves  into  the  new  Mississippi  Territory,  from  without  the  limits 
of  the  United  States,  carried  without  opposition. 

Georgia  revised  her  Constitution  in  1798,  and  prohibited  the 
importation  of  slaves  "from  Africa  or  any  foreign  place."  Her 
slave-code  was  greatly  moderated.  Any  person  maliciously  killing 
or  dismembering  a  slave  was  to  suffer  the  same  punishment  as  if 
the  act  had  been  committed  upon  a  free  white  person,  except  in 
case  of  insurrection,  or  "unless  such  death  should  happen  by 
accident,  in  giving  such  slave  moderate  correction."  But,  like 
Kentucky,  the  Georgia  constitution  forbade  the  emancipation  of 
slaves  without  the  consent  of  the  individual  owner ;  and  encour 
aged  emigrants  to  bring  slaves  into  the  State. 

In  1799,  after  three  failures,  the  Legislature  of  New  York 
passed  a  bill  for  the  gradual  extinction  of  slavery.  It  provided 
that  all  persons  in  slavery  at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  bill 
should  remain  in  bondage  for  life,  but  all  their  children,  born  after 
the  fourth  day  of  July  next  following,  were  to  be  free,  but  were 
required  to  remain  under  the  direction  of  the  owner  of  their 
parents,  males  until  twenty-eight,  and  females  until  twenty-five. 
Exportation  of  slaves  was  disallowed;  and  if  the  attempt  were 
made,  and  the  parties  apprehended,  the  slaves  were  to  be  free 
instanter.  Persons  moving  into  the  State  were  not  allowed  ta 


SLAVERY  AS  A  POLITICAL  AND  LEGAL  PROBLEM.  441 

bring  slaves,  except  they  had  owned  them  for  a  year  previous  to- 
coming  into  the  State. 

In  1799  Kentucky  revised  her  Constitution  to  meet  the  wants 
of  a  growing  State.  An  attempt  was  made  to  secure  a  provision 
providing  for  gradual  emancipation.  It  was  supported  by  Henry 
Clay,  who,  as  a  young  lawyer  and  promising  orator,  began  on  that 
occasion  a  brilliant  political  career  that  lasted  for  a  half-century. 
But  not  even  his  magic  eloquence  could  secure  the  passage  of  the 
humane  amendment,  and  in  regard  to  the  question  of  slavery 
the  Constitution  received  no  change. 

As  the  shadows  gathered  about  the  expiring  days  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  it  was  clear  to  be  seen  that  slavery,  as  an 
institution,  had  rooted  itself  into  the  political  and  legal  life  of 
the  American  Republic.  An  estate  prolific  of  evil,  fraught  with 
danger  to  the  new  government,  abhorred  and  rejected  at  first,  was 
at  length  adopted  with  great  political  sagacity  and  deliberateness, 
and  then  guarded  by  the  solemn  forms  of  constitutional  law  and 
legislative  enactments. 


APPENDIX. 


Part  IE. 
PRELIMINARY  CONSIDERATIONS. 


CHAPTER    1. 
THE   UNITY   OF   MANKIND. 

IN  Acts  xvii.  26  the  apostle  says,  "And  God  hath  made  of  one  blood  all  nations 
of  men  to  dwell  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  hath  determined  the  times  before  ap 
pointed,  and  the  bounds  of  their  habitation."  In  Mark  xvi.  15,  16,  is  recorded  that 
remarkable  command  of  our  Saviour,  "Go  YE  INTO  ALL  THE  WORLD,  and  preach 
the  gospel  TO  EVERY  CREATURE.  He  that  believeth  and  is  baptized  shall  be  saved ; 
but  he  that  believeth  not  shall  be  damned."  (See  also  Matt,  xxviii.  18,  20.)  Now 
there  is  a  very  close  connection  between  the  statement  here  made  by  the  apostle,  and 
the  command  here  given  by  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  for  it  was  in  obedience  to  this 
command  that  the  apostle  was  at  that  time  at  Athens.  There,  amid  the  proud  and 
conceited  philosophers  of  Greece,  in  the  centre  of  their  resplendent  capital,  surrounded 
on  every  hand  by  their  noblest  works  of  art  and  their  proudest  monuments  of  learning, 
the  apostle  proclaims  the  equality  of  ALL  MEN,  their  common  origin,  guilt,  and  danger, 
and  their  universal  obligations  to  receive  and  embrace  the  gospel.  The  Athenians, 
like  other  ancient  nations,  and  like  them,  too,  in  opposition  to  their  own  mythology, 
regarded  themselves  as  a  peculiar  and  distinct  race,  created  upon  the  very  soil  which 
they  inhabited,  and  pre-eminently  elevated  above  the  barbarians  of  the  earth,  —  as  they 
regarded  the  other  races  of  men.  Paul,  however,  as  an  inspired  and  infallible  teacher, 
authoritatively  declares  that  "  God  who  made  the  world  and  all  things  therein,"  "  hath 
made  of  one  blood,"  and  caused  to  descend  from  one  original  pair  the  whole  species  of 
men,  who  are  now  by  His  providential  direction  so  propagated  as  to  inhabit  "  all  the  face 
of  the  earth,"  having  marked  out  in  his  eternal  and  unerring  counsel  the  determinate 
periods  for  their  inhabiting,  and  the  boundaries  of  the  regions  they  should  inhabit. 

The  apostle  in  this  passage  refers  very  evidently  to  the  record  of  the  early  coloni 
zation  and  settling  of  the  earth  contained  in  the  books  of  Moses.  Some  Greek  copies 
preserve  only  the  word  croc,  leaving  out  m/zarof,  a  reading  which  the  vulgar  Latin  fol 
lows.  The  Arabic  version,  to  explain  both,  has  ex  homine,  or  as  De  Dieu  renders  it, 
ex  Adamo  nno,  there  being  but  the  difference  of  one  letter  in  the  Eastern  languages 
between  dam  and  adam,  the  one  denoting  blood,  and  the  other  man.  But  if  we  take 
this  passage  as  our  more  ordinary  copies  read  it,  e^evof  aifiaroc,  it  is  still  equally  plain 
that  the  meaning  is  not  that  all  mankind  were  made  of  the  same  uniform  matter,  as  the 
author  of  the  work  styled  Pre-Adamites  weakly  imagined,  for  on  that  ground,  not  only 
mankind,  but  the  whole  world  might  be  said  to  be  ex  henos  haimatos,  i.e.,  of  the  same 

443 


444  APPENDIX. 

blood,  since  all  things  in  the  world  were  at  first  formed  out  of  the  same  matter.  The 
word  aifj.a  therefore  must  be  here  rendered  in  the  same  sense  as  that  in  which  it  occurs 
in  the  best  Greek  authors  —  the  stock  out  of  ivhich  men  come  Thus  Homer  says,  — 

"  EL  ereov  y'  c#of  eart  ic 


In  like  manner  those  who  are  near  relations,  are  called  by  Sophocles  01  Trpoj- 

And  hence  the  term  consanguinity,  employed  to  denote  nearness  of  relation.     Virgil  uses 

sanguis  in  the  same  sense. 

"  Trojano  a  sanguine  duci" 

So  that  the  apostle's  meaning  is,  that  however  men  now  are  dispersed  in  their  habita 
tions,  and  however  much  they  differ  in  language  and  customs  from  each  other,  yet 
they  were  all  originally  of  the  same  stock,  and  derived  their  succession  from  the  first 
man  whom  God  created,  that  is,  from  Adam,  from  which  name  the  Hebrew  word  for 
blood  —  i.e.  dam  —  is  a  derivative. 

Neither  can  it  be  conceived  on  what  account  Adam  in  the  Scripture  is  called  "  the 
first  man,"  and  said  to  be  "  made  a  living  soul,"  and  "  of  the  earth  earthy,"  unless  it  is 
to  denote  that  he  was  absolutely  the  first  of  his  kind,  and  was,  therefore,  designed  to  be 
the  standard  and  measure  of  all  the  races  of  men.  And  thus  when  our  Saviour  would 
trace  up  all  things  to  the  beginning,  he  illustrates  his  doctrine  by  quoting  those  words 
which  were  pronounced  after  Eve  was  formed.  "  But  from  the  beginning  of  the  crea 
tion,  God  made  them  male  and  female  ;  for  this  cause  shall  a  man  leave  father  and 
mother  and  cleave  unto  his  wife."  Now  nothing  can  be  more  plain  and  incontroverti 
ble  than  that  those  of  whom  these  words  were  spoken,  were  the  first  male  and  female 
which  were  made  in  "  the  beginning  of  the  creation."  It  is  equally  evident  that  these 
words  were  spoken  of  Adam  and  Eve  :  for  "  Adam  said,  This  is  now  bone  of  my  bone, 
and  flesh  of  my  flesh  ;  therefore  shall  a  man  leave  his  father  and  his  mother,  and  shall 
cleave  unto  his  wife."  If  the  Scriptures  then  of  the  New  Testament  be  true,  it  is  most 
plain  and  evident  that  all  mankind  are  descended  from  Adam.1 


THE  CURSE   OF   CANAAN. 

IT  is  not  necessary  —  nay,  it  is  not  admissible  —  to  take  the  words  of  Noah,  as  to 
Shem  and  Japheth,  as  prophetic.  We  shall  presently  see  that,  as  prophetic,  they  have 
failed.  Let  us  not,  in  expounding  Scripture,  introduce  the  supernattiral  when  the  natu 
ral  is  adequate.  Noah  had  now  known  the  peculiarities  of  his  sons  long  enough,  and 
well  enough,  to  be  able  to  make  some  probable  conjecture  as  to  their  future  course, 
and  their  success  or  failure  in  life.  It  is  what  parents  do  now-a-days.  They  say  of 
one  son,  He  will  succeed,  —  he  is  so  dutiful,  so  economical,  so  industrious.  They  say 
of  another,  This  one  will  make  a  good  lawyer  —  he  is  so  sharp  in  an  argument.  Of 
another,  they  say,  We  will  educate  him  for  the  ministry,  for  he  has  suitable  qualifica 
tions  While  of  another  they  may  be  constrained  to  predict  that  he  will  not  succeed, 
because  he  is  indolent,  and  selfish,  and  sensual.  Does  it  require  special  inspiration 
for  a  father,  having  ordinary  common  sense,  to  discover  the  peculiar  talents  and  dispo 
sitions  of  his  children,  and  to  predict  the  probable  future  of  each  of  them  ?  Some 
times  they  hit  it :  sometimes  they  miss  it.  Shall  it  not  be  conceded  to  Noah  that  he 
could  make  as  probable  a  conjecture,  as  to  his  sons,  as  your  father  made  as  to  you,  or 
as  you  think  yourselves  competent  to  make  for  either  of  your  sons  ?  Noah  made  a 

1  The  Unity  of  the  Human  Races,  pp.  14-17. 


APPENDIX.  445 

good  hit.  What  he  said  as  to  the  future  of  his  sons,  and  of  their  posterity,  has  turned 
out,  in  some  respects,  as  he  said  ^t  would,  but  not  exactly^  —  not  so  exactly  as  to 
authorize  our  calling  his  words  an  inspired  prophecy,  as  we  shall  presently  show. 

But,  if  we  set  out  to  establish  or  to  justify  slavery  upon  these  words  of  Noah,  on 
the  assumption  GOD  spake  by  Noah  as  to  the  curse  and  blessings  here  recorded,  we 
have  a  right  to  expect  to  find  the  facts  of  history  to  correspond.  If  the  facts  of  history 
do  not  correspond  with  these  words  of  Noah,  then  God  did  not  speak  them  by  Noah 
as  his  own.  Let  us  face  this  matter.  It  is  said,  by  those  who  interpret  the  curse 
of  Canaan  as  divine  authority  for  slavery,  that  God  has  hereby  ordained  that  the  de 
scendants  of  Ham  shall  be  slaves.  The  descendants  of  Shem  are  not,  of  course,  doomed 
to  that  curse.  Now,  upon  the  supposition  that  these  are  the  words  of  God,  and  not 
the  denunciations  of  an  irritated  father  just  awaking  from  his  drunkenness,  we  ought 
not  to  find  any  of  Canaan's  descendants  out  of  a  condition  of  slavery,  nor  any  of  the  de 
scendants  of  Shem  in  it.  If  we  do,  then  either  these  are  not  God's  words,  or  God's 
words  have  not  come  true. 

But  it  is  a  fact  that  not  all  of  Ham's  entire  descendants,  nor  even  of  Canaan's  de 
scendants  (on  whom  alone,  and  not  at  all  on  Ham,  nor  on  his  three  other  sons,  Noah's 
curse  fell),  are  now,  nor  ever  have  been,  as  a  whole,  in  a  state  of  bondage.  The  Ca- 
naanites  were  not  slaves,  but  free  and  powerful  tribes,  when  the  Hebrews  entered  their 
territory.  The  Carthaginians,  it  is  generally  admitted,  were  descended  from  Canaan. 
They  certainly  were  free  and  powerful  when,  in  frequent  wars,  they  contended,  often 
with  success,  against  the  formidable  Romans.  If  the  curse  of  Noah  was  intended  for 
all  the  descendants  of  Ham,  it  signally  failed  in  the  case  of  the  first  military  hero  men 
tioned  in  the  Bible,  who  was  the  founder  of  a  world-renowned  city  and  empire.  I  refer 
to  Nimrod,  who  was  a  son  of  Cush,  the  oldest  son  of  Ham.  Of  this  Nimrod  the  record 
is,  "  He  began  to  be  a  mighty  one  in  the  earth :  he  was  a  mighty  hunter  before  the 
Lord :  and  the  beginning  of  his  kingdom  was  Babel,  and  Erech,  and  Accad,  and  Cal- 
neh,  in  the  land  of  Shinar.  Out  of  that  land  went  forth  Asshur  and  builded  Nineveh, 
and  the  city  Rehoboth,  and  Calah,  and  Resen,  between  Nineveh  and  Calah ;  the  same 
is  a  great  city."  This  is  Bible  authority,  informing  us  that  the  grandson  of  Ham  (Nim 
rod,  the  son  of  Cush)  was  a  mighty  man  —  the  great  man  of  the  world,  in  his  day  —  the 
founder  of  the  Babylonian  empire,  and  the  ancestor  of  the  founder  of  the  city  of  Nine 
veh,  one  of  the  grandest  cities  of  the  ancient  world.  We  are  not  led  to  conclude,  from 
these  wonderful  achievements  by  the  posterity  of  Cush  (who  was  the  progenitor  of  the 
Negroes),  that  this  line  of  Ham's  descendants  was  so  weak  in  intellect  as  to  be  unable 
to  set  up  and  maintain  a  government.1 


CHAPTER   III. 

NEGRO   CIVILIZATION. 

DR.  WISEMAN  has  also  shown  that  both  Aristotle  and  Herodotus  describe  the 
Egyptians  —  to  whom  Homer,  Lycurgus,  Solon,  Pythagoras,  and  Plato  resorted  for 
wisdom  —  as  having  the  black  skin,  the  crooked  legs,  the  distorted  feet  and  the  woolly 
hair  of  the  Negro,  from  which  we  do  not  wish,  or  feel  it  necessary  to  infer  that  the 
Egyptians  were  Negroes,  but  first  that  the  ideas  of  degradation  and  not-human,  asso 
ciated  with  the  dark-colored  African  races  of  people  now,  were  not  attached  to  them 

1  Curse  of  Canaan,  pp.  5-7.     By  Rev.  C.  H.  Edgar. 


446  APPENDIX. 

at  an  early  period  of  their  history ;  and  secondly,  that  while  depicted  as  Negroes,  the 
Egyptians  were  regarded  by  these  profound  anciefots  —  the  one  a  naturalist  and  the 
other  a  historian  —  as  one  of  the  branches  of  the  human  family,  and  as  identified  with 
a  nation  of  whose  descent  from  Ham  there  is  no  question.1  Egyptian  antiquity,  not 
claiming  priority  of  social  existence  for  itself,  often  pointed  to  the  regions  of  Habesh, 
or  high  African  Ethiopia,  and  sometimes  to  the  North,  for  the  seat  of  the  gods  and 
demigods,  because  both  were  the  intermediate  stations  of  the  progenitor  tribes.2 

There  is,  therefore,  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  primitive  Egyptians  were  con 
formed  much  more  to  the  African  than  to  the  European  form  and  physiognomy,  and 
therefore  that  there  was  a  time  when  learning,  commerce,  arts,  manufactures,  etc., 
were  all  associated  with  a  form  and  character  of  the  human  race  now  regarded  as  the 
evidence  only  of  degradation  and  barbarous  ignorance. 

But  why  question  this  fact  when  we  can  refer  to  the  ancient  and  once  glorious 
kingdoms  of  Meroe,  Nubia,  and  Ethiopia,  and  to  the  prowess  and  skill  of  other  an 
cient  and  interior  African  Nations  ?  And  among  the  existing  nations  of  interior  Africa, 
there  is  seen  a  manifold  diversity  as  regards  the  blackest  races.  The  characteristics  of 
the  most  truly  Negro  race  are  not  found  in  all,  nor  to  the  same  degree  in  many. 

Clapperton  and  other  travellers  among  the  Negro  tribes  of  interior  Africa,  attest 
the  superiority  of  the  pure  Negroes  above  the  mixed  races  around  them,  in  ail  moral 
characteristics,  and  describe  also  large  and  populous  kingdoms  with  numerous  towns, 
well-cultivated  fields,  and  various  manufactures,  such  as  weaving,  dyeing,  tanning, 
working  in  iron  and  other  metals,  and  in  pottery.3 

From  the  facts  we  have  adduced  it  seems  to  follow,  that  one  of  the  earliest  races 
of  men  of  whose  existence,  civilization  and  physiognomy,  we  have  any  remaining 
proofs,  were  dark  or  black  colored.  "  We  must,"  says  Prichard,  "  for  the  present 
look  upon  the  black  races  as  the  aborigines  of  Kelaenonesia,  or  Oceanica,  —  that  is  as 
the  immemorial  and  primitive  inhabitants.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  they  were 
spread  over  the  Austral  island  long  before  the  same  or  the  contiguous  regions  were 
approached  by  the  Malayo-Polynesians.  We  cannot  say  definitely  how  far  back  this 
will  carry  us,  but  as  the  distant  colonizations  of  the  Polynesians  probably  happened 
before  the  island  of  Java  received  arts  and  civilization  from  Hindustan,  it  must  be  sup 
posed  to  have  preceded  by  some  ages  the  Javan  era  of  Batara  Guru,  and  therefore  to 
have  happened  before  the  Christian  era." 

The  Negro  race  is  known  to  have  existed  3,345  years,  says  Dr.  Morton,  268  years 
later  than  the  earliest  notice  of  the  white  race,  of  which  we  have  distinct  mention  B.C. 
2200.  This  makes  the  existence  of  a  Negro  race  certain  about  842  years  after  the  flood, 
according  to  the  Hebrew  chronology;  or  1650  years  after  the  flood,  according  to  the 
Septuagint  chronology,  which  may  very  possibly  have  been  the  original  Hebrew  chro 
nology.  There  is  thus  ample  time  given  for  the  multiplication  and  diffusion  of  man 
over  the  earth,  and  for  the  formation  —  either  by  natural  or  supernatural  causes,  in 
combination  with  the  anomalous  and  altogether  extraordinary  condition  of  the  earth  — 
of  all  the  various  races  of  men. 

It  is  also  apparent  from  the  architecture,  and  other  historical  evidences  of  their 
character,  that  dark  or  black  races,  with  more  or  less  of-  the  Negro  physiognomy,  were 
in  the  earliest  period  of  their  known  history  cultivated  and  intelligent,  having  king 
doms,  arts,  and  manufactures.  And  Mr.  Pickering  assures  us  that  there  is  no  fact  to 
show  that  Negro  slavery  is  not  of  modern  origin.  The  degradation  of  this  race  of 
men  therefore,  must  be  regarded  as  the  result  of  external  causes,  and  not  of  natural, 
inherent  and  original  incapacity.4 

1  See  Dr.  Wiseman's  Lectures  on  the  connection  between  Science  and  Revealed  Religion,  Am.  ed.,x 
pp.  95,  98. 

2  See  Nat.  Hist.  Human  Species,  p.  373.  3  See  British  Encyclopaedia,  vol.  ii.  pp.  237,  238. 
*  Tiedeman,  on  the  Brain  of  the  Negro,  in  the  Phil.  Trans.,  1838,  p.  497. 


APPENDIX.  447 

CHAPTER    VI. 

NEGRO   TYPE. 

IT  has  often  been  said  that,  independently  of  the  woolly  hair  and  the  complexion 
of  the  Negroes,  there  are  sufficient  differences  between  them  and  the  rest  of  mankind 
to  mark  them  as  a  very  peculiar  tribe.  This  is  true,  and  yet  the  principal  differences 
are  perhaps  not  so  constant  as  many  persons  imagine.  In  our  West  Indian  colonies 
very  many  Negroes,  especially  females,  are  seen,  whose  figures  strike  Europeans  as 
remarkably  beautiful.  This  would  not  be  the  case  if  they  deviated  much  from  the 
idea  prevalent  in  Europe,  or  from  the  European  standard  of  beauty.  Yet  the  slaves 
in  the  colonies,  particularly  in  those  of  England,  were  brought  from  the  west  coast  of 
intertropical  Africa,  where  the  peculiarities  of  figure,  which  in  our  eyes  constitute 
deformity  in  the  Negro,  are  chiefly  prevalent.  The  black  people  imported  into  the 
French  and  to  some  of  the  Portuguese  colonies,  from  the  eastern  coast  of  the  African 
continent,  and  from  Congo,  are  much  better  made.  The  most  degraded  and  savage 
nations  are  the  ugliest.  Among  the  most  improved  and  the  partially  civilized,  as  the 
Ashantees,  and  other  interior  States,  the  figure  and  the  features  of  the  native  people 
approach  much  more  to  the  European.  The  ugliest  Negro  tribes  are  confined  to  the 
equatorial  countries  ;  and  on  both  sides  of  the  equator,  as  we  advance  towards  the 
temperate  zones,  the  persons  of  the  inhabitants  are  most  handsome  and  well  formed. 

In  a  later  period  of  this  work  I  shall  cite  authors  who  have  proved  that  many 
races  belonging  to  this  department  of  mankind  are  noted  for  the  beauty  of  their  fea 
tures,  and  their  fine  stature  and  proportions.  Adanson  has  made  this  observation  of 
the  Negroes  on  the  Senegal.  He  thus  describes  the  men.  "  Leur  taille  est  pour 
1'ordinaire  au-dessus  de  la  mediocre,  bien  prise  et  sans  defaut.  Us  sont  forts,  robustes, 
et  d'un  temperament  propre  a  la  fatigue.  Us  ont  les  yeux  noirs  et  bien  fendus,  peu  de 
barbe,  les  traits  du  visage  assez  agreables."  They  are  complete  Negroes,  for  it  is 
added  that  their  complexion  is  of  a  fine  black,  that  their  hair  is  black,  frizzled,  cottony, 
and  of  extreme  fineness.  The  women  are  said  to  be  of  nearly  equal  stature  with  the 
men,  and  equally  well  made.  "  Leur  visage  est  d'une  douceur  extreme.  Elles  ont  les 
yeux  noirs,  bien  fendus,  la  bouche  et  les  levres  petites,  et  les  traits  du  visage  bien  pro- 
portionnes.  II  s'en  trouve  plusieurs  d'une  beaute  parfaite."  Mr.  Rankin,  a  highly 
intelligent  traveller,  who  reports  accurately  and  without  prejudice  the  results  of  his 
personal  observation,  has  recently  given  a  similar  testimony  in  regard  to  some  of  the 
numerous  tribes  of  northern  Negro-land,  who  frequent  the  English  colony  of  Sierra 
Leone.  In  the  skull  of  the  more  improved  and  civilized  nations  among  the  woolly- 
haired  blacks  of  Africa,  there  is  comparatively  slight  deviation  from  the  form  which 
may  be  looked  upon  as  the  common  type  of  the  human  head.  We  are  assured,  for 
example,  by  M.  Golberry,  that  the  loloffs,  whose  colour  is  a  deep  transparent  black, 
and  who  have  woolly  hair,  are  robust  and  well  made,  and  have  regular  features.  Their 
countenances,  he  says,  are  ingenuous,  and  inspire  confidence  :  they  are  honest,  hos 
pitable,  generous,  and  faithful.  The  women  are  mild,  very  pretty,  well  made,  and  of 
agreeable  manners.  On  the  other  side  of  the  equinoctial  line,  the  Congo  Negroes, 
as  Pigafetta  declares,  have  not  thick  lips  or  ugly  features  ;  except  in  colour  they  are 
very  like  the  Portuguese.  Kafirs  in  South  Africa  frequently  resemble  Europeans,  as 
many  late  travellers  have  declared.  It  has  been  the  opinion  of  many  that  the  Kafirs 
ought  to  be  separated  from  the  Negroes  as  a  distinct  branch  of  the  human  family. 
This  has  been  proved  to  be  an  error.  In  the  conformation  of  the  skull,  which  is  the 
leading  character,  the  Kafirs  associate  themselves  with  the  great  majority  of  woolly 
African  nations.1 

1  Prichard's  Physical  History  of  Mankind,  vol.  i.  pp.  247-249. 


448  APPENDIX, 

THE   NEGROES. 

THE  Negroes  inhabit  Africa  from  the  southern  margin  of  the  Sahara  as  far  as  the 
territory  of  the  Hottentots  and  Bushmen,  and  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Indian  Ocean, 
although  the  extreme  east  of  their  domain  has  been  wrested  from  them  by  intrusive 
Hamites  and  Semites.  Most  negroes  have  high  and  narrow  skulls.  According  to 
Welcker  the  average  percentage  of  width  begins  at  68  and  rises  to  78.  The  variations 
are  so  great  that,  among  eighteen  heads  from  Equatorial  Africa,  Barnard  Davis  found 
no  less  than  four  brachycephals.  In  the  majority  dolichocephalism  is  ccmbined  with 
a  prominence  of  the  upper  jaw  and  an  oblique  position  of  the  teeth,  yet  there  are 
whole  nations  which  are  purely  mesognathous.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  in  the  opin 
ion  of  certain  mistaken  ethnologists,  the  negro  was  the  ideal  of  every  thing  barbarous 
and  beast-like.  They  endeavoured  to  deny  him  any  capability  of  improvement,  and 
even  disputed  his  position  as  a  man.  The  negro  was  said  to  have  an  oval  skull,  a 
flat  forehead,  snout-like  jaws,  swollen  lips,  a  broad  flat  nose,  short  crimped  hair,  falsely 
called  wool,  long  arms,  meagre  thighs,  caifless  legs,  highly  elongated  heels,  and  flat 
feet.  No  single  tribe,  however,  possesses  all  these  deformities.  The  colour  of  the 
skin  passes  through  every  gradation,  from  ebony  black,  as  in  the  Joloffers,  to  the  light 
tint  of  the  mulattoes,  as  in  the  Wakilema,  and  Earth  even  describes  copper-coloured 
negroes  in  Marghi.  As  to  the  skull  in  many  tribes,  as  in  the  above  mentioned  Joloffers, 
the  jaws  are  not  prominent,  and  the  lips  are  not  swollen.  In  some  tribes  the  nose  is 
pointed,  straight,  or  hooked ;  even  "  Grecian  profiles  "  are  spoken  of,  and  travellers  say 
with  surprise  that  they  cannot  perceive  anything  of  the  so-called  negro  type  among  the 
negroes. 

According  to  Paul  Broca,  the  upper  limbs  of  the  negro  are  comparatively  much 
shorter  than  the  lower,  and  therefore  less  ape-like  than  in  Europeans,  and,  although  in 
the  length  of  the  femur  the  negro  may  approximate  to  the  proportions  of  the  ape,  he 
differs  from  them  by  the  shortness  of  the  humerus  more  than  is  the  case  with  Euro 
peans.  Undoubtedly  narrow  and  more  or  less  high  skulls  are  prevalent  among  the 
negroes.  But  the  only  persistent  character  which  can  be  adduced  as  common  to  all  is 
greater  or  less  darkness  of  skin,  that  is  to  say,  yellow,  copper-red,  olive,  or  dark  brown, 
passing  into  ebony  black.  The  colour  is  always  browner  than  that  of  Southern 
Europe.  The  hair  is  generally  short,  elliptic  in  section,  often  split  longitudinally,  and 
much  crimped.  That  of  the  negroes  of  South  Africa,  especially  of  the  Kaffirs  and 
Betshuans,  is  matted  into  tufts,  although  not  in  the  same  degree  as  that  of  the  Hotten 
tots.  The  hair  is  bl^ck,  and  in  old  age  white,  but  there  are  also  negroes  with  red  hair, 
red  eye-brows,  and  eye-lashes,  and  among  the  Monbuttoo,  on  the  Uelle,  Schweinfurth 
even  discovered  negroes  with  ashy  fair  hair.  Hair  on  the  body  and  beards  exist, 
though  not  abundantly;  whiskers  are  rare  although  not  quite  unknown. 

The  negroes  form  but  a  single  ^ace,  for  the  predominant  as  well  as  the  constant 
characters  recur  in  Southern  as  well  as  in  Central  Africa,  and  it  was  therefore  a  mis 
take  to  separate  the  Bantu  negroes  into  a  peculiar  race.  But,  according  to  language, 
the  South  Africans  can  well  be  separated,  as  a  great  family,  from  the  Soudan  negroes.1 


THE   RELATION   OF   PHYSICAL  CHARACTER  TO  CLIMATE. 

WE  shall  now  find,  on  comparing  these  several  departments  with  each  other,  that 
marked  differences  of  physical  character,  and  particularly  of  complexion,  distinguished 
the  human  races  which  respectively  inhabit  them,  and  that  these  differences  are  suc 
cessive  or  by  gradations. 

1  Peschel,  The  Races  of  Man,  pp.  462-464. 


APPENDIX.  449 

First,  Among  the  people  of  level  countries  within  the  Mediterranean  region,  includ 
ing  Spaniards,  Italians,  Greeks,  Moors,  and  the  Mediterranean  islanders,  black  hair 
with  dark  eyes  is  almost  universal,  scarcely  one  person  in  some  hundreds  presenting 
an  exception  to  this  remark  :  with  this  colour  of  the  hair  and  eyes  is  conjoined  a  com 
plexion  of  brownish  white,  which  the  French  call  the  colour  of  brunettes.  We  must 
observe,  that  throughout  all  the  zones  into  which  we  have  divided  the  European  region, 
similar  complexions  to  this  of  the  Mediterranean  countries  are  occasionally  seen. 
The  qualities,  indeed,  of  climate  are  not  so  diverse,  but  that  even  the  same  plants 
are  found  sporadically  in  the  North  of  Europe  as  in  the  Alps  and  Pyrenees.  But  if  we 
make  a  comparison  between  the  prevalent  colours  of  great  numbers,  we  can  easily 
trace  a  succession  of  shades  or  of  different  hues. 

Secondly,  In  the  southernmost  of  the  three  zones,  to  the  northward  of  the  Pyreno- 
Alpine  line,  namely,  in  the  latitude  of  France,  the  prevalent  colour  of  the  hair  is  a 
•chestnut-brown,  to  which  the  complexion  and  the  colour  of  the  eyes  bear  a  certain 
relation. 

Thirdly,  In  the  northern  parts  of  Germany,  England,  in  Denmark,  Finland,  and  a 
great  part  of  Russia,  the  xanthous  variety,  strongly  marked,  is  prevalent.  The  Danes 
have  always  been  known  as  a  people  of  florid  complexion,  blue  eyes,  and  yellow  hair. 
The  Hollanders  were  termed  by  Silius  Italicus,  "  Auricomi  Batavi,"  the  golden-haired 
Batavians ;  and  Linnaeus  has  defined  the  Finns  as  a  tribe  distinguished  by  "  capillis 
flavis  prolixis." 

Fourthly,  In  the  northern  division  we  find  the  Norwegians  and  Swedes  to  be  gen 
erally  tall,  white-haired  men,  with  light  gray  eyes,  characters  so  frequent  to  the  north 
ward  of  the  Baltic,  that  Linnasus  has  specified  them  in  a  definition  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Swedish  Gothland.  We  have  thus  to  the  northward  of  Mount  Atlas,  four  well- 
marked  varieties  of  human  complexion  succeeding  each  other,  and  in  exact  accordance 
with  the  gradations  of  latitude  and  of  climate  from  south  to  north.  The  people  are 
thus  far  nearly  white  in  the  colour  of  their  skin  ;  but  in  the  more  southerly  of  the  three 
regions  above  defined,  with  a  mixture  of  brown,  or  of  the  complexion  of  brunettes,  or 
such  as  we  term  swarthy  or  sallow  persons. 

Fifthly,  In  the  next  region,  to  the  southward  of  Atlas,  the  native  inhabitants  are 
the  "  gentes  sub  fusci  coloris  "  of  Leo,  and  the  immigrant  Arabs  in  the  same  country 
are,  as  we  have  seen  by  abundant  testimonies,  of  a  similar  light  brown  hue,  but  vary 
ing  between  that  and  a  perfect  black. 

Sixthly,  With  the  tropic  and  the  latitude  of  the  Senegal,  begins  the  region  of  pre 
dominant  and  almost  universal  black,  and  this  continues,  if  we  confine  ourselves  to 
the  low  and  plain  countries,  through  all  inter-tropical  Africa. 

Seventhly,  Beyond  this  is  the  country  of  copper-coloured  and  red  people,  who,  in 
Kafirland,  are  the  majority,  while  in  inter-tropical  Africa  there  are  but  few  such  tribes, 
•and  those  in  countries  of  mountainous  elevation. 

Lastly,  Towards  the  Cape  are  the  tawny  Hottentots,  scarcely  darker  than  the  Mon- 
goles,  whom  they  resemble  in  many  other  particulars  besides  colour. 

It  has  long  been  well  known,  that  as  travellers  ascend  mountains,  in  whatever 
region,  they  find  the  vegetation  at  every  successive  level  altering  its  character,  and 
assuming  a  more  northern  aspect,  thus  indicating  that  the  state  of  the  atmosphere, 
temperature,  and  physical  agencies  in  general,  assimilate  as  we  approach  alpine 
regions,  to  the  peculiarities  locally  connected  with  high  latitudes.  If  therefore,  com 
plexions  and  other  bodily  qualities  belonging  to  races  of  men  depend  upon  climate  and 
external  conditions,  we  should  expect  to  find  them  varying  in  reference  to  elevation  of 
surface,  and  if  they  should  be  found  actually  to  undergo  such  variations,  this  will  be  a 
strong  argument  that  these  external  characters  do,  in  fact,  depend  upon  local  condi 
tions.  Now,  if  we  inquire  respecting  the  physical  characters  of  the  tribes  inhabiting 
high  tracts  within  either  of  the  regions  above  marked  out,  we  shall  find  that  they  coin- 


45°  APPENDIX. 

tide  with  those  which  prevail  in  the  level  or  low  parts  of  more  northern  tracts.  The 
Swiss,  in  the  high  mountains  above  the  plains  of  Lombardy,  have  sandy  or  brown  hair. 
What  a  contrast  presents  itself  to  the  traveller  who  descends  into  the  Milanese,  where 
the  peasants  have  black  hair  and  eyes,  with  strongly-marked  Italian  and  almost  Orien 
tal  features.  In  the  higher  parts  of  the  Biscayan  country,  instead  of  the  swarthy  com 
plexion  and  black  hair  of  the  Castilians,  the  natives  have  a  fair  complexion  with 
light-blue  eyes  and  flaxen  or  auburn  hair.  And  in  Atlantica,  while  the  Berbers  of  the 
plains  are  of  brown  complexion  with  black  hair,  we  have  seen  that  the  Shuluh  moun 
taineers  are  fair,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  high  tracts  of  Mons  Aurasius  are 
completely  xanthous,  having  red  or  yellow  hair  and  blue  eyes,  which  fancifully,  and 
without  the  shadow  of  any  proof,  they  have  been  conjectured  to  have  derived  from  the 
Vandal  troops  of  Genseric. 

Even  in  the  inter-tropical  region,  high  elevations  of  surface,  as  they  produce  a 
cooler  climate,  seem  to  occasion  the  appearance  of  light  complexions.  In  the  high 
parts  of  Senegambia,  which  front  the  Atlantic,  and  are  cooled  by  winds  from  the  West 
ern  Ocean,  where,  in  fact,  the  temperature  is  known  to  be  moderate  and  even  cool  at 
times,  the  light  copper-coloured  Frelahs  are  found  surrounded  on  every  side  by  Negro 
nations  inhabiting  lower  districts ;  and  nearly  in  the  same  parallel,  but  at  the  opposite 
side  of  Africa,  are  the  high  plains  of  Enarea  and  Kaffa,  where  the  inhabitants  are  said 
to  be  fairer  than  the  natives  of  southern  Europe.  The  Galla  and  the  Abyssinians  them 
selves  are,  in  proportion  to  the  elevation  of  the  country  inhabited  by  them,  fairer  than 
the  natives  of  low  countries ;  and  lest  an  exception  should  be  taken  to  a  comparison  of 
straight-haired  races  with  woolly  Negroes  or  Shungalla,  they  bear  the  same  comparison 
with  the  Danakil,  Hazorta,  and  the  Bishari  tribes,  resembling  them  in  their  hair  and 
features,  who  inhabit  the  low  tracts  between  the  mountains  of  Tigre  and  the  shores  of 
the  Red  Sea,  and  who  are  equally  or  nearly  as  black  as  Negroes. 

We  may  find  occasion  to  observe  that  an  equally  decided  relation  exists  between 
local  conditions  and  the  existence  of  other  characters  of  human  races  in  Africa. 
Those  races  who  have  the  Negro  character  in  an  exaggerated  degree,  and  who  may  be 
said  to  approach  to  deformity  in  person  —  the  ugliest  blacks  with  depressed  foreheads, 
flat  noses,  crooked  legs  —  are  in  many  instances  inhabitants  of  low  countries,  often 
of  swampy  tracts  near  the  sea-coast,  where  many  of  them,  as  the  Papels,  have  scarcely 
any  other  means  of  subsistence  than  shell  fish,  and  the  accidental  gifts  of  the  sea.  In 
many  places  similar  Negro  tribes  occupy  thick  forests  in  the  hollows  beneath  high 
chains  of  mountains,  the  summits  of  which  are  inhabited  by  Abyssinian  or  Ethiopian 
races.  The  high  table-lands  of  Africa  are  chiefly,  as  far  as  they  are  known,  the  abode 
or  the  wandering  places  of  tribes  of  this  character,  or  of  nations  who,  like  the  Kafirs, 
recede  very  considerably  from  the  Negro  type.  The  Mandingos  are,  indeed,  a  Negro 
race  inhabiting  a  high  region ;  but  they  have  neither  the  depressed  forehead  nor  the 
projecting  features  considered  as  characteristic  of  the  Negro  race.1 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CITIES   OF   AFRICA. 

Carthage.  The  foundation  of  this  celebrated  city  is  ascribed  to  Elissa,  a  Tyrian 
princess,  better  known  as  Dido;  it  may  therefore  be  fixed  at  the  year  of  the  world 
3158 ;  when  Joash  was  king  of  Judah;  98  years  before  the  building  of  Rome,  and  846 

1  Prichard,  vol.  ii   pp.  334-338. 


APPENDIX.  45 1 

years  before  Christ.  The  king  of  Tyre,  father  of  the  famous  Jezebel,  called  in  Scrip 
ture  Ethbaal,  was  her  great-grandfather.  She  married  her  near  relation  Acerbas,  also 
called  Sicharbas,  or  Sichseus,  an  extremely  rich  prince;  Pygmalion,  king  of  Tyre,  was 
her  brother.  Pygmalion  put  Sichaeus  to  death  in  order  that  he  might  have  an  oppor 
tunity  to  seize  his  immense  treasures ;  but  Dido  eluded  her  brother's  cruel  avarice,  by 
secretly  conveying  away  her  deceased  husband's  possessions.  With  a  large  train  of 
followers  she  left  her  country,  and  after  wandering  some  time,  landed  on  the  coast  of 
the  Mediterranean,  in  Africa;  and  located  her  settlement  at  the  bottom. of  the  gulf,  on 
a  peninsula,  near  the  spot  where  Tunis  now  stands.  Many  of  the  neighboring  people, 
allured  by  the  prospect  of  gain,  repaired  thither  to  sell  to  those  foreigners  the  necessa 
ries  of  life  ;  and  soon  became  incorporated  with  them.  The  people  thus  gathered  from 
different  places  soon  grew  very  numerous.  And  the  citizens  of  Utica,  an  African  city 
about  fifteen  miles  distant,  considering  them  as  their  countrymen,  as  descended  from 
the  same  common  stock,  advised  them  to  build  a  city  where  they  had  settled.  The 
other  natives  of  the  country,  from  their  natural  esteem  and  respect  for  strangers,  like 
wise  encouraged  them  to  the  same  object.  Thus  all  things  conspiring  with  Dido's 
views,  she  built  her  city,  which  was  appointed  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  to  the  Africans 
for  the  ground  it  stood  upon,  and  called  it  Carthage  —  a  name  that  in  the  Phoenician 
and  Hebrew  languages,  [which  have  a  great  affinity,]  signifies  the  "  New  City."  It  is 
said  that  in  digging  the  foundation,  a  horse's  head  was  found ;  which  was  thought  to 
be  a  good  omen,  and  a  presage  of  the  future  warlike  genius  of  that  people.  Carthage 
had  the  same  language  and  national  character  as  its  parent  state  —  Tyre.  It  became 
at  length,  particularly  at  the  period  of  the  Punic  War,  one  of  the  most  splendid  cities 
in  the  world  ;  and  had  under  its  dominion  300  cities  bordering  upon  the  Mediterranean. 
From  the  small  beginning  we  have  described,  Carthage  increased  till  her  population 
numbered  700,000 ;  and  the  number  of  her  temples  and  other  public  buildings  was  im 
mense.  Her  dominion  was  not  long  confined  to  Africa.  Her  ambitious  inhabitants 
extended  their  conquest  into  Europe,  by  invading  Sardinia,  seizing  a  great  part  of 
Sicily,  and  subduing  almost  all  of  Spain.  Having  sent  powerful  colonies  everywhere,., 
they  enjoyed  the  empire  of  the  seas  for  more  than  six  hundred  years  ;  and  formed  a 
State  which  was  able  to  dispute  pre-eminence  with  the  greatest  empire  of  the  world,  by 
their  wealth,  their  commerce,  their  numerous  armies,  their  formidable  fleets,  and  above 
all  by  the  courage  and  ability  of  their  commanders;  and  she  extended  her  commerce 
over  every  part  of  the  known  world.  A  colony  of  Phoenicians  or  Ethiopians,  known  in 
Scripture  as  Canaanites,  settled  in  Carthage.  The  Carthaginians  settled  in  Spain  and 
Portugal.  The  first  inhabitants  of  Spain  were  the  Celtas,  a  people  of  Gaul ;  after  them 
the  Phoenicians  possessed  themselves  of  the  most  southern  parts  of  the  country,  and 
may  well  be  supposed  to  have  been  the  first  civilizers  of  this  kingdom,  and  the  founders 
of  the  most  ancient  cities.  After  these,  followed  the  Grecians ;  then  the  Carthagini 
ans. 

Portugal  was  anciently  called  Lusitania,  and  inhabited  by  tribes  of  wandering, 
people,  till  it  became  subject  to  the  Carthaginians  and  Phoenicians,  who  were  dispos 
sessed  by  the  Romans  2  50  years  before  Christ.  (RoLLiN.) 

The  Carthaginians  were  masters  of  all  the  coast  which  lies  on  the  Mediterranean, 
and  all  the  country  as  far  as  the  river  Iberus.  Their  dominions,  at  the  time  when 
Hannibal  the  Great  set  out  for  Italy,  all  the  coast  of  Africa  from  the  Arae  Phileanorum, 
by  the  great  Syrtis,  to  the  pillars  of  Hercules  was  subject  to  the  Carthaginians,  who  had 
maintained  three  great  wars  against  the  Romans.  But  the  Romans  finally  prevailed  by 
carrying  the  war  into  Africa,  and  the  last  Punic  war  terminated  with  the  overthrow  of 
Carthage.  (NEPOS,  in  Vita  Annibalis,  liv.) 

The  celebrated  Cyrenc  was  a  very  powerful  city,  situated  on  the  Mediterranean, 
towards  the  greater  Syrtis,  in  Africa,  and  had  been  built  by  Battus,  the  Lacedaemoniaa 
(ROLLIN.) 


45 2  APPENDIX. 

Cyrene.  —  (Acts  xi.  20.)  A  province  and  city  of  Libya.  There  was  anciently  a 
>*Phoenician  colony  called  Cyrenaica,  or  "  Libya,  about  Cyrene."  (Acts  ii.  10.) 

Cyrene, — A  country  west  of  Egypt,  and  the  birthplace  of  Callimachus  the  poet, 
'Eratosthenes  the  historian,  and  Simon  who  bore  the  Saviour's  cross.  Many  Jews  from 
•hence  were  at  the  Pentecost,  and  were  converted  under  Peter's  sermon  (Acts  ii.).  The 
region  is  now  under  the  Turkish  power,  and  has  become  almost  a  desert.  It  is  now 
^called  Cairoan.  Some  of  the  Cyrenians  were  among  the  earliest  Christians  (Acts  xi. 
~2o)  ;  and  one  of  them,  it  is  supposed,  was  a  preacher  at  Antioch  (Acts  xiii.  i).  We 
find  also,  that  among  the  most  violent  opposers  of  Christianity  were  the  Cyrenians, 
who  had  a  synagogue  at  Jerusalem,  as  had  those  of  many  other  nations.  It  is  said 
there  were  four  hundred  and  eighty  synagogues  in  Jerusalem. 

Lybia,  or  Libya  (Acts  ii.  10),  was  anciently,  among  the  Greeks,  a  general  name  for 
Africa ;  but  properly  it  embraced  only  so  much  of  Africa  as  lay  west  of  Egypt,  on  the 
^southern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean.  Profane  geographers  call  it  Libya  Cyrenaica, 
•because  Cyrene  was  its  capital.  It  was  the  country  of  the  Lubims  (2  Chron.  xii.  3), 
•or  Lehabims,  of  the  Old  Testament,  from  which  it  is  supposed  to  have  derived  its  name. 

The  ancient  city  of  Cyrene  is  now  called  Cyreune,  Cairoan,  or  Cayran,  and  lies  in 
'the  dominion  of  Tripoli.  This  district  of  the  earth  has  lately  occasioned  much  inter- 
•est  among  Italian  and  French  geographers.  Great  numbers  of  Jews  resided  here 
'{Matt,  xxvii.  32). 

Libya,  a  part  of  Africa,  bordering  on  Egypt,  famous  for  its  armed  chariots  and 
'horses  (2  Chron.  xvi.  8). 

Ophir,  the  son  of  Joktan,  gave  name  to  a  country  in  Africa,  famous  for  gold, 
•which  was  renowned  even  in  the  time  of  Job  (Job  xxii.  24,  xxviii.  16) ;  and  from  the 
time  of  David  to  the  time  of  Jehoshaphat  the  Hebrews  traded  with  it,  and  Uzziah 
revived  Jhis  trade  when  he  made  himself  master  of  Elath,  a  noted  port  on  the  Red 
Sea.  In  Solomon's  time,  the  Hebrew  fleet  took  up  three  years  in  their  voyage  to 
Ophir,  and  brought  home  gold,  apes,,  peacocks,  spices,  ivory,  ebony,  and  almug-trees 
(i  Kings  ix.  28,  x.  n,  xxii.  48  ,  2  Chron.  ix.  10). 

Tarshish  (Isa.  xxiii.  i),  or  Tharsish  (i  Kings  x.  22).  It  is  supposed  that  some 
place  of  this  name  existed  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Africa,  or  among  the  southern  ports 
of  Asia,  with  which  the  ships  of  Hiram  and  Solomon  traded  in  gold  and  silver,  ivory, 
and  apes  and  peacocks  (2  Chron.  ix.  21).  It  is  said  that  once  in  every  three  years 
these  ships  completed  a  voyage,  and  brought  home  their  merchandise.  Hence,  it  is 
inferred,  the  place  with  which  they  traded  must  have  been  distant  from  Judea. 

The  vessels  given  by  Hiram  to  Solomon,  and  those  built  by  Jehoshaphat,  to  go  to 
Tarshish,  were  all  launched  at  Eziongeber,  at  the  northern  extremity  of  the  eastern 
gulf  of  the  Red  Sea,  now  called  the  Gulf  of  Ahaba  (2  Chron.  xx.  36).  The  name  of 
Tarshish  was  from  one  of  the  sons  of  Javan  (Gen.  x.  4). 

Phut  (Gen.  x.  6),  or  Put  (Nah.  iii.  9),  was  the  third  son  of  Ham  ;  and  his  descend 
ants,  sometimes  called  Libyans,  are  supposed  to  be  the  Mauritanians,  or  Moors  of 
Tnodern  times.  They  served  the  Egyptians  and  Tyrians  as  soldiers  (Jer.  xlvi.  9  ;  Ezek. 
xxvii.  10,  xxx.  5,  xxxviii.  5). 

Put.  A  district  in  Africa,  thought  by  Bochart  to  be  an  island  in  the  Nile,  not  far 
from  Syene  (Isa.  Ixvi.  19). 

Seba  (Isa.  xliii.  3).  A  peninsular  district  of  African  Ethiopia,  deriving  its  name 
from  the  eldest  son  of  Cush  (Gen.  x.  7),  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  progenitor 
of  the  Ethiopians.  It  is  called  Seba  by  the  Hebrews. 


APPENDIX.  453 

CITIES   OF   ETHIOPIA. 

Ethiopian  is  a  name  derived  from  the  "  Land  of  Ethiopia,"  the  first  settled  country 
Taef ore  the  flood.  "  The  second  river  that  went  out  of  Eden,  to  water  the  garden,  or 
earth,  was  Gihon ;  the  same  that  encompasseth  the  whole  land,  or  country,  of  Ethiopia  " 
(Gen.  ii.  13).  Here  Adam  and  his  posterity  built  their  tents  and  tilled  the  ground 
(Gen.  iii.  23,  24). 

The  first  city  was  Enoch,  built  before  the  flood,  in  the  land  of  Nod,  on  the  east  of 
Eden,  —  a  country  now  called  Arabia.  Cain,  the  son  of  Adam,  went  out  of  Eden,  and 
dwelt  in  the  land  of  Nod.  We  suppose,  according  to  an  ancient  custom,  he  married 
his  sister  ;  and  she  bare  Enoch.  And  Cain  built  a  city,  and  called  the  name  of  the  city 
after  the  name  of  his  son,  Enoch  (Gen.  iv.  16,  17).  We  know  there  must  have  been 
more  than  Cain  and  his  son  Enoch  in  the  land  of  Nod,  to  build  a  city,  but  who  were 
they  ?  .  .  .  (MALCOM'S  Bible  Dictionary.} 

The  first  great  city  described  in  ancient  and  sacred  history  was  built  by  the  Cush- 
ites,  or  Ethiopians.  They  surrounded  it  with  walls,  which,  according  to  Rollin,  were 
eighty-seven  feet  in  thickness,  three  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  height,  and  four  hundred 
and  eighty  furlongs  in  circumference.  And  even  this  stupendous  work  they  shortly 
after  eclipsed  by  another,  of  which  Diodorus  says,  "  Never  did  any  city  come  up  to  the 
greatness  and  magnificence  of  this." 

It  is  a  fact  well  attested  by  history,  that  the  Ethiopians  once  bore  sway,  not  only 
in  all  Africa,  but  over  almost  all  Asia ;  and  it  is  said  that  even  two  continents  could 
not  afford  field  enough  for  the  expansion  of  their  energies. 

"  They  found  their  way  into  Europe,  and  built  a  city  on  the  western  coast  of  Spain, 
called  by  them  Iberian  Ethiopia."  "And,"  says  a  distinguished  writer,  "wherever 
they  went,  they  were  rewarded  for  their  wisdom" 

THE  TOWER  OF  BABEL.  —  Nimrod,  the  son  of  Cush,  an  Ethiopian,  attempted  to 
build  the  Tower  of  Babel  (Gen.  x.  8-10,  xi.  4-9).  One  hundred  and  two  years  after 
the  flood,  in  the  land  of  Shinar  —  an  extensive  and  fertile  plain,  lying  between  Meso 
potamia  on  the  west  and  Persia  on  the  east,  and  watered  by  the  Euphrates,  —  mankind 
being  all  of  one  language,  one  color,  and  one  religion,  — they  agree  to  erect  a  tower  of 
prodigious  extent  and  height.  Their  design  was  not  to  secure  themselves  against  a 
second  deluge,  or  they  would  have  built  their  tower  on  a  high  mountain ;  but  to  get 
themselves  a  famous  character,  and  to  prevent  their  dispersion  by  the  erection  of  a 
monument  which  should  be  visible  from  a  great  distance.  No  quarries  being  found 
in  that  alluvial  soil,  they  made  bricks  for  stone,  and  used  slime  for  mortar.  Their 
haughty  and  rebellious  attempt  displeased  the  Lord;  and  after  they  had  worked,  it  is 
said,  twenty-two  years,  he  confounded  their  language.  This  effectually  stopped  the 
building,  procured  it  the  name  of  Babel,  or  Confusion,  and  obliged  some  of  the  off 
spring  of  Noah  to  disperse  themselves  and  replenish  the  world.  The  tower  of  Babel 
was  in  sight  from  the  great  city  of  Babylon.  Nimrod  was  a  hunter  and  monarch  of 
vast  ambition.  When  he  rose  to  be  king  of  Babylon  he  re-peopled  Babel,  which  had 
been  desolate  since  the  confusion  of  tongues ;  but  did  not  dare  to  attempt  the  finishing 
of  the  tower.  The  Scriptures  inform  us,  he  became  "mighty  upon  earth;"  but  the 
extent  of  his  conquests  is  not  known.  (MALCOM'S  Bible  Dictionary.} 

The  private  houses,  in  most  of  the  ancient  cities,  were  simple  in  external  appear 
ance  ;  but  exhibited,  in  the  interior,  all  the  splendor  and  elegance  of  refined  luxury. 
The  floors  were  of  marble ;  alabaster  and  gilding  were  displayed  on  every  side.  In 
every  great  house  there  were  several  fountains,  playing  in  magnificent  basins.  The 
smallest  house  had  three  pipes,  —  one  for  the  kitchen,  another  for  the  garden,  and  a 
third  for  washing.  The  same  magnificence  was  displayed  in  the  mosques,  churches, 
and  coffee-houses.  The  environs  presented,  at  all  seasons  of  the  year,  a  pleasing  ver 
dure,  and  contained  extensive  series  of  gardens  and  villas. 


454  APPENDIX. 

THE  GREAT  AND  SPLENDID  CITY  OF  BABYLON. — This  city  was  founded  by 
Nimrod,  about  2,247  years  B.C.,  in  the  land  of  Shinar,  or  Chaldea,  and  made  the  capi 
tal  of  his  kingdom.  It  was  probably  an  inconsiderable  place,  until  it  was  enlarged  and 
embellished  by  Semiramis ;  it  then  became  the  most  magnificent  city  in  the  world,  sur 
passing  even  Nineveh  in  glory.  The  circumference  of  both  these  cities  was  the  same  ; 
but  the  walls  which  surrounded  Babylon  were  twice  as  broad  as  the  walls  of  Nineveh, 
and  having  a  hundred  brass  gates.  The  city  of  Babylon  stood  on  the  river  Euphrates, 
by  which  it  was  divided  into  two  parts,  eastern  and  western ;  and  these  were  connected 
by  a  cedar  bridge  of  wonderful  construction,  uniting  the  two  divisions.  Quays  of  beau 
tiful  marble  adorned  the  banks  of  the  river ;  and  on  one  bank  stood  the  magnificent 
Temple  of  Belus,  and  on  the  other  the  Queen's  Palace.  These  two  edifices  were  con 
nected  by  a  passage  under  the  bed  of  the  river.  This  city  was  at  least  forty-five  miles 
in  circumference ;  and  would,  of  course,  include  eight  cities  as  large  as  London  and  its 
appendages.  It  was  laid  out  in  six  hundred  and  twenty-five  squares,  formed  by  the 
intersection  of  twenty-five  streets  at  right  angles.  The  walls,  which  were  of  brickr 
were  three  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high,  and  eighty-seven  feet  broad.  A  trench  sur 
rounded  the  city,  the  sides  of  which  were  lined  with  brick  and  waterproof  cement. 
This  city  was  famous  for  its  hanging  gardens,  constructed  by  one  of  its  kings,  to  please 
his  queen.  She  was  a  Persian,  and  was  desirous  of  seeing  meadows  on  mountains,  as 
in  her  own  country.  She  prevailed  on  him  to  raise  artificial  gardens,  adorned  with 
meadows  and  trees.  For  this  purpose,  vaulted  arches  were  raised  from  the  ground, 
one  above  another,  to  an  almost  inconceivable  height,  and  of  a  magnificence  and  strength 
sufficient  to  support  the  vast  weight  of  the  whole  garden.  Babylon  was  a  great  com 
mercial  city,  and  traded  to  all  parts  of  the  earth  then  known,  in  all  kinds  of  merchan 
dise  ;  and  she  likewise  traded  in  slaves,  and  the  souls  of  men.  For  her  sins  she  has 
been  blotted  from  existence,  —  even  her  location  is  a  matter  of  supposition.  Great 
was  Babylon  of  old ;  in  merchandise  did  she  trade,  and  in  souls.  For  her  sins  she 
thus  became  blotted  from  the  sight  of  men. 


THE   ETHIOPIAN   KINGS  OF   EGYPT. 

1.  Menes  was  the  first  king  of  Egypt.     We  have  accounts  of  but  one  of  his  success 
ors —  Timans,  during  the  first  period,  a  space  of  more  than  two  centuries. 

2.  Shishak  was  king  of  Ethiopia,  and  doubtless  of  Egypt.     After  his  death 

3.  Zerah  the  son  of  Judah  became  king  of  Ethiopia,  and  made  himself  master  of 
Egypt  and  Libya ;  and  intending  to  add  Judea  to  his  dominions  made  war  upon  Asa 
king  of  Judea.     His  army  consisted  of  a  million  of  men,  and  three  hundred  chariots 
of  war  (2  Chron.  xiv.  9). 

4.  Sabachus,  an  Ethiopian,  king  of  Ethiopia,  being  encouraged  by  an  oracle,  en 
tered  Egypt  with  a  numerous  army,  and  possessed  himself  of  the  country.     He  reigned 
with  great  clemency  and  justice.     It  is  believed,  that  this  Sabachus  was  the  same  with 
Solomon,  whose  aid  was  implored  by  Hosea  king  of  Israel,  against  Salmanaser  king 
of  Assyria. 

5.  Sethon  reigned  fourteen  years.     He  is  the  same  with  Sabachus,  or  Savechus  the 
son  of  Sabacan  or  Saul  the  Ethiopian  who  reigned  so  long  over  Egypt. 

6.  Tharaca,  an  Ethiopian,  joined  Sethon,  with  an  Ethiopian  army  to  relieve  Jeru 
salem.     After  the  death  of  Sethon,  who  had  filled  the  Egyptian  throne  fourteen  years, 
Tharaca  ascended  the  throne  and  reigned  eight  years  over  Egypt. 

7.  Sesach   or  Shishak  was  the  king  of   Egypt  to  whom  Jeroboam  fled  to  avoid 


APPENDIX.  455 

death  at  the  hands  of  king  Solomon.  Jeroboam  was  entertained  till  the  death  of 
Solomon,  when  he  returned  to  Judea  and  was  made  king  of  Israel.  (2  Chron.  xi.  and 
xii.) 

This  Sesach,  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  Rehoboam  marched  against  Jeru 
salem,  because  A£  Jews  had  transgressed  against  the  Lord.  He  came  with  twelve 
hundred  chariots mL  war,  and  sixty  thousand  horses.  He  had  brought  numberless 
multitudes  of  people,  who  were  all  Libyans,  Troglodytes,  and  Ethiopians.  He  seized 
upon  all  the  strongest  cities  of  Judah,  and  advanced  as  far  as  Jerusalem.  Then  the 
king,  and  the  princes  of  Israel,  having  humbled  themselves,  and  implored  the  protection 
of  the  God  of  Israel,  he  told  them,  by  his  prophet  Shemaiah,  that,  because  they  hum 
bled  themselves,  he  would  not  utterly  destroy  them,  as  they  had  deserved ;  but  that 
they  should  be  the  servants  of  Sesach ;  in  order  that  they  might  know  the  difference  of 
his  service,  and  the  service  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  country.  Sesach  retired  from  Jeru 
salem,  after  having  plundered  the  treasures  of  the  house  of  the  Lord,  and  of  the  king's 
house;  he  carried  off  everything  with  him,  and  even  also  the  three  hundred  shields  of 
gold  which  Solomon  had  made. 

The  following  are  the  kings  of  Egypt  mentioned  in  Scripture  by  the  common  ap 
pellation  of  Pharaoh  :  — 

8.  Psammetichus.  —  As    this    prince    owed  his  preservation  to  the   lonians   and 
Carians,  he  settled  them  in  Egypt,  from  which  all  foreigners  hitherto  had  been  ex 
cluded;  and,  by  assigning  them  sufficient  lands  and  fixed  revenues,  he  made  them  forget 
their  native  country.     By  his  order,  Egyptian   children  were  put  under  their  care  to 
learn  the  Greek  tongue  ;  and  on  this  occasion,  and  by  this  means,  the  Egyptians  began 
to  have  a  correspondence  with  the  Greeks  ;  and,  from  that  era,  the  Egyptian  history^ 
which  till  then  had  been  intermixed  with  pompous  fables,  by  the  artifice  of  the  priests, 
begins,  according  to  Herodotus,  to  speak  with  greater  truth  and  certainty. 

As  soon  as  Psammetichus  was  settled  on  the  throne,  he  engaged  in  a  war  against 
the  king  of  Assyria,  on  account  of  the  limits  of  the  two  empires.  This  war  was  of 
long  continuance.  Ever  since  Syria  had  been  conquered  by  the  Assyrians,  Palestine, 
being  the  only  country  that  separated  the  two  kingdoms,  was  the  subject  of  continual 
discord :  as  afterwards  it  was  between  the  Ptolemies  and  the  Seleucidae.  They 
were  perpetually  contending  for  it,  and  it  was  alternately  won  by  the  stronger.  Psam 
metichus,  seeing  himself  the  peaceable  possessor  of  all  Egypt,  and  having  restored  the 
ancient  form  of  government,  thought  it  high  time  for  him  to  look  to  his  frontiers,  and 
to  secure  them  against  the  Assyrian,  his  neighbour,  whose  power  increased  daily.  For 
this  purpose  he  entered  Palestine  at  the  head  of  an  army. 

Perhaps  we  are  to  refer  to  the  beginning  of  this  war,  an  incident  related  by 
Diodorus  ;  that  the  Egyptians,  provoked  to  see  the  Greeks  posted  on  the  right  wing 
by  the  king  himself  in  preference  to  them,  quitted  the  service,  being  upwards  of  two 
hundred  thousand  men,  and  retired  into  Ethiopia,  where  they  met  with  an  advantageous 
settlement. 

Be  this  as  it  will,  Psammetichus  entered  Palestine,  where  his  career  was  stopped 
by  Azotus,  one  of  the  principal  cities  of  the  country,  which  gave  him  so  much  trouble, 
that  he  was  forced  to  besiege  it  twenty-nine  years  before  he  could  take  it.  This  is  the 
longest  siege  mentioned  in  ancient  history.  Psammetichus  died  in  the  24th  year  of  the 
reign  of  Josiah  king  of  Judah ;  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Nechoa  or  Necho  —  in 
Scriptures  frequently  called  Pharaoh  Necho. 

9.  Nechao  or  Pharaoh-Necho  reigned  sixteen  years  king  of  Egypt,  (2  Chron.  xxxv. 
20,)  whose  expeditions  are  often  mentioned  in  profane  history. 

The  Babylonians  and  Medes  having  destroyed  Nineveh,  and  with  it  the  empire  of 
the  Assyrians,  were  thereby  become  so  formidable,  that  they  drew  upon  themselves  the 
jealousy  of  all  their  neighbours.  Nechao,  alarmed  at  .the  danger,  advanced  to  the 
Euphrates,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  in  order  to  check  their  progress.  Josiah, 


APPENDIX. 

king  of  Judah,  so  famous  for  his  uncommon  piety,  observing  that  he  took  his  route- 
through  Judea,  resolved  to  oppose  his  passage.  With  this  view  he  raised  all  the  forces 
of  his  kingdom,  and  posted  himself  in  the  valley  of  Megiddo  (a  city  on  this  side  of 
Jordan,  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  and  called  Magdolus  by  Herodotus). 
Nechao  informed  him  by  a  herald,  that  his  enterprise  was  not  designed  against  him  ; 
that  he  had  other  enemies  in  view,  and  that  he  had  undertaken  this  war  in  the  name  of 
God,  who  was  with  him;  that  for  this  reason  he  advised  Josiah  not  to  concern  himself 
with  this  war  for  fear  it  otherwise  should  turn  to  his  disadvantage.  However,  Josiah 
was  not  moved  by  these  reasons ;  he  was  sensible  that  the  bare  march  of  so  powerful 
an  army  through  Judea  would  entirely  ruin  it.  And  besides,  he  feared  that  the  victor, 
after  the  defeat  of  the  Babylonians,  would  fall  upon  him  and  dispossess  him  of  part  of 
his  dominions.  He  therefore  marched  to  engage  Nechao  ;  and  was  not  only  overthrown 
by  him,  but  unfortunately  received  a  wound  of  which  he  died  at  Jerusalem,  whither  he 
had  ordered  himself  to  be  carried. 

Nechao,  animated  by  this  victory,  continued  his  march  and  advanced  towards  the 
Euphrates.  He  defeated  the  Babylonians  ;  took  Carchemish,  a  large  city  in  that  coun 
try  ;  and  securing  to  himself  the  possession  of  it  by  a  strong  garrison,  returned  to  his 
own  kingdom  after  having  been  absent  three  months. 

Being  informed  in  his  march  homeward,  that  Jehoaz  had  caused  himself  to  be  pro 
claimed  king  at  Jerusalem,  without  first  asking  his  consent,  he  commanded  him  to- 
meet  him  at  Riblah  in  Syria.  The  unhappy  prince  was  no  sooner  arrived  there  than 
he  was  put  in  chains  by  Nechao's  order,  and  sent  prisoner  to  Egypt,  where  he  died. 
From  thence,  pursuing  his  march,  he  came  to  Jerusalem,  where  he  gave  the  sceptre  to 
Eliakim  (called  by  him  Jehoiakim),  another  of  Josiah's  sons,  in  the  room  of  his 
brother ;  and  imposed  an  annual  tribute  on  the  land,  of  a  hundred  talents  of  silver,  and 
one  talent  of  gold.  This  being  done,  he  returned  in  triumph  to  Egypt. 

Herodotus,  mentioning  this  king's  expedition,  and  the  victory  gained  by  him  at 
Magdolus,  (as  he  calls  it,)  says  that  he  afterwards  took  the  city  Cadytis,  which  he  repre 
sents  as  situated  in  the  mountains  of  Palestine,  and  equal  in  extent  to  Sardis,  the  capi 
tal  at  that  time  not  only  of  Lydia,  but  of  all  Asia  Minor.  This  description  can  suit 
only  Jerusalem,  which  was  situated  in  the  manner  above  described,  and  was  then  the: 
only  city  in  those  parts  that  could  be  compared  to  Sardis.  It  appears  besides,  from 
Scripture,  that  Nechao,  after  his  victory,  made  himself  master  of  this  capital  of  Judea; 
for  he  was  there  in  person,  when  he  gave  the  crown  to  Jehoiakim.  The  very  name 
Cadytis,  which  in  Hebrew,  signifies  the  holy,  points  clearly  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  as 
is  proved  by  the  learned  dean  Prideaux. 

10.  Psammis.  —  His  reign  was  but  of  six  years'  duration,  and  history  has  left  us 
nothing  memorable   concerning  him,  except  that  he  made  an  expedition  into  Ethi 
opia. 

11.  Apries.  —  In  Scripture  he  is  called  Pharaoh-Hophra  ;  and,  succeeding  his  father 
Psammis,  reigned  twenty-five  years. 

During  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  he  was  as  happy  as  any  of  his  predecessors.  He 
carried  his  arms  into  Cyprus  ;  besieged  the  city  of  Sidon  by  sea  and  land ;  took  it,  and 
made  himself  master  of  all  Phoenicia  and  Palestine. 

So  rapid  a  success  elated  his  heart  to  a  prodigious  degree,  and,  as  Herodotus 
informs  us,  swelled  him  with  so  much  pride  and  infatuation,  that  he  boasted  it  was  not 
in  the  power  of  the  gods  themselves  to  dethrone  him ;  so  great  was  the  idea  he  had 
formed  to  himself  of  the  firm  establishment  of  his  own  power.  It  was  with  a  view  to 
these  arrogant  conceits,  that  Ezekiel  put  the  vain  and  impious  words  following  into  his 
mouth  :  My  river  is  mine  own,  and  I  have  made  it  for  myself.  But  the  true  God  proved 
to  him  afterwards  that  he  had  a  master,  and  that  he  was  a  mere  man ;  and  he  had 
threatened  him  long  before,  by  his  prophets,  with  all  the  calamities  he  was  resolved  to 
bring  upon  him,  in  order  to  punish  him  for  his  pride. 


APPENDIX.  457 

12.  Amasis. —  After  the  death  of  Apries,  Amasis  became  peaceable  possessor  of 
Egypt,  and  reigned  over  it  forty  years.     He  was,  according  to  Plato,  a  native  of  the 
city  of  Sais. 

As  he  was  but  of  mean  extraction,  he  met  with  no  respect,  and  was  contemned  by 
his  subjects  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign.  He  was  not  insensible  of  this ;  but  never 
theless  thought  it  his  interest  to  subdue  their  tempers  by  an  artful  carriage,  and  to  win 
their  affection  by  gentleness  and  reason.  He  had  a  golden  cistern,  in  which  himself, 
and  those  persons  who  were  admitted  to  his  table,  used  to  wash  their  feet ;  he  melted 
it  down,  and  had  it  cast  into  a  statue,  and  then  exposed  the  new  god  to  public  worship. 
The  people  hastened  in  crowds  to  pay  their  adorations  to  the  statue.  The  king,  having 
assembled  the  people,  informed  them  of  the  vile  uses  to  which  this  statue  had  once 
been  put,  which  nevertheless  was  now  the  object  of  their  religious  prostrations:  the 
application  was  easy,  and  had  the  desired  success;  the  people  thenceforward  paid  the 
king  all  the  respect  that  is  due  to  majesty. 

He  always  used  to  devote  the  whole  morning  to  public  affairs,  in  order  to  receive 
petitions,  give  audience,  pronounce  sentences,  and  hold  his  councils :  the  rest  of  the  day 
was  given  to  pleasure ;  and  as  Amasis,  in  hours  of  diversion,  was  extremely  gay,  and 
seemed  to  carry  his  mirth  beyond  due  bounds,  his  courtiers  took  the  liberty  to  repre 
sent  to  him  the  unsuitableness  of  such  a  behaviour ;  when  he  answered  that  it  was 
impossible  for  the  mind  to  be  always  serious  and  intent  upon  business,  as  for  a  bow  to 
continue  always  bent. 

It  was  this  king  who  obliged  the  inhabitants  of  every  town  to  enter  their  names  in 
a  book  kept  by  the  magistrates  for  that  purpose,  with  their  profession  and  manner  of 
living.  Solon  inserted  this  custom  among  his  laws. 

He  built  many  magnificent  temples,  especially  at  Sais  the  place  of  his  birth. 
Herodotus  admired  especially  a  chapel  there,  formed  of  one  single  stone,  and  which  was 
twenty-one  cubits  in  front,  fourteen  in  depth,  and  eight  in  height;  its  dimensions  within 
were  not  quite  so  large  :  it  had  been  brought  from  Elephantina,  and  two  thousand  men 
were  employed  three  years  in  conveying  it  along  the  Nile. 

Amasis  had  a  great  esteem  for  the  Greeks.  He  granted  them  large  privileges ; 
and  permitted  such  of  them  as  were  desirous  of  settling  in  Egypt  to  live  in  the  city  of 
Naucratis,  so  famous  for  its  harbour.  When  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  of  Delphi* 
which  had  been  burnt,  was  debated  on,  and  the  expense  was  computed  at  three  hundred 
talents,  Amasis  furnished  the  Delphians  with  a  very  considerable  sum  towards  dis 
charging  their  quota,  which  was  the  fourth  part  of  the  whole  charge. 

He  made  an  alliance  with  the  Cyrenians,  and  married  a  wife  from  among  them. 

He  is  the  only  king  of  Egypt  who  conquered  the  island  of  Cyprus,  and  made  it 
tributary.  Under  his  reign  Pythagoras  came  into  Egypt,  being  recommended  to  that 
monarch  by  the  famous  Polycrates,  tyrant  of  Samos,  who  had  contracted  a  friendship 
with  Amasis,  and  will  be  mentioned  hereafter.  Pythagoras,  during  his  stay  in  Egypt,, 
was  initiated  in  all  the  mysteries  of  the  country,  and  instructed  by  the  priests  in  what 
ever  was  most  abstruse  and  important  in  their  religion.  It  was  here  he  imbibed  his 
doctrine  of  the  metempsychosis,  or  transmigration  of  souls. 

In  the  expedition  in  which  Cyrus  conquered  so  great  a  part  of  the  world,  Egypt 
doubtless  was  subdued,  like  the  rest  of  the  provinces ;  and  Xenophon  positively  de 
clares  this  in  the  beginning  of  his  Cyropaedia,  or  institution  of  that  prince.  Probably, 
after  that  the  forty  years  of  desolation,  which  had  been  foretold  by  the  prophet,  were 
expired,  Egypt  beginning  gradually  to  recover  itself,  Amasis  shook  off  the  yoke,  and 
recovered  his  liberty. 

Accordingly  we  find,  that  one  of  the  first  cares  of  Cambyses,  the  son  of  Cyrus, 
atter  he  had  ascended  the  throne,  was  to  carry  his  arms  into  Egypt.  On  his  arrival 
there,  Amasis  was  just  dead,  and  succeeded  by  his  son  Psammetus. 

13.  Rameses  Miamun,  according  to  Archbishop  Usher,  was  the  name  of  this  king, 


45$  APPENDIX. 

-who  is  called  Pharaoh  in  Scripture.  He  reigned  sixty-six  years,  and  oppressed  the 
Israelites  in  a  most  grievous  manner.  He  set  over  them  taskmasters,  to  afflict  them  with 
.their  burdens,  and  they  btiilt  for  Pharaoh  treasure  cities,  Pithon  and  Raamses.  And 
.the  Egyptians  made  the  children  of  Israel  serve  with  rigour,  and  they  made  their  lives 
bitter  with  hard  bondage,  in  mortar  and  in  brick,  and  in  all  manner  of  service  in  the 
field  ;  all  their  service  wherein  they  made  them  serve,  was  with  rigour.  This  king  had 
two  sons,  Amenophis  and  Busiris. 

14.  Amenophis,  the  eldest,  succeeded   him.      He  was   the  Pharaoh   under  whose 
reign  the    Israelites   departed  out  of  Egypt,  and  who  was  drowned  in   his   passage 
through  the  Red  Sea.      Archbishop  Usher  says,  that  Amenophis  left  two  sons,  one 
.called  Sesothis,  or  Sesostris,  and  the  other  Armais.     The  Greeks  call  him  Belus,  and 

his  two  sons,  Egyptus  and  Danaus. 

15.  Sesostris  was  not  only  one  of  the  most  powerful  kings  of  Egypt,  but  one  of  the 
greatest  conquerors  that  antiquity  boasts  of.     He  was  at  an  advanced  age  sent  by  his 
father  against  the  Arabians,  in  order  that,  by  fighting  with  them,  he  might  acquire  mili 
tary  knowledge.     Here  the  young  prince  learned  to  bear  hunger  and  thirst,  and  sub 
dued  a  nation  which  till  then  had  never  been  conquered.     The  youth  educated  with 
him,  attended  him  in  all  his  campaigns. 

Accustomed  by  this  conquest  to  martial  toils  he  was  next  sent  by  his  father  to  try 
his  fortune  westward.  He  invaded  Libya,  and  subdued  the  greatest  part  of  that  vast 
continent. 

His  army  consisted  of  six  hundred  thousand  foot,  and  twenty  thousand  horse,  be 
sides  twenty  thousand  armed  chariots. 

He  invaded  Ethiopia,  and  obliged  the  nations  of  it  to  furnish  him  annually  with  a 
certain  quantity  of  ebony,  ivory,  and  gold. 

He  had  fitted  out  a  fleet  of  four  hundred  sail,  and  ordering  it  to  sail  to  the  Red 
Sea,  made  himself  master  of  the  isles  and  cities  lying  on  the  coast  of  that  sea.  After 
having  spread  desolation  through  the  world  for  nine  years,  he  returned,  laden  with  the 
spoils  of  the  vanquished  nations.  A  hundred  famous  temples,  raised  as  so  many  mon- 
•uments  of  gratitude  to  the  tutelar  gods  of.  all  the  cities,  were  the  first,  as  well  as  the 
most  illustrious  testimonies  of  his  victories. 

1 6.  Pheron  succeeded  Sesostris  in  his  kingdom,  but  not  in  his  glory.     He  probably 
reigned  fifty  years. 

17.  Proteus  was  son  of   Memphis,  and  according  to  Herodotus,  must   have   suc 
ceeded  the  first  —  since  Proteus  lived  at  the  time  of  the  siege  of  Troy,  which,  accord 
ing  to  Usher,  was  taken  An.  Mun.  2820. 

18.  Rhampsinitus  who  was  richer  than  any  of  his  predecessors,  built  a  treasury. 
Till  the  reign  of  this  king,  there  had  been  some  shadow  at  least  of  justice  and  modera 
tion  in  Egypt ;  but,  in  the  two  following  reigns,  violence  and  cruelty  usurped  their  place. 

19.  20.  Cheops  and  Cephrenus,  reigned  in  all  one  hundred  and  six  years.     Cheops 
reigned  fifty  years,  and  his  brother  Cephrenus  fifty-six  years  after  him.     They  kept  the 
temples  closed  during  the  whole  time  of  their  long  reign ;  and  forbid  the  offerings  of 
sacrifice  under  the  severest  penalties.     They  oppressed  their  subjects. 

21.  Mycerinus  the  son  of  Cheops,  reigned  but  seven  years.     He  opened  the  tem 
ples  ;  restored  the  sacrifices ;  and  did  all  in  his  power  to  comfort  his  subjects,  and  make 
them  forget  their  past  miseries. 

22.  Asychis  one  of  the  kings  of  Egypt.     He  valued  himself  for  having  surpassed 
all  his  predecessors,  by  building  a  pyramid  of  brick,  more  magnificent,  than  any  hither 
to  seen. 

23.  Busiris,  built  the  famous  city  of  Thebes,  and  made  it  the  seat  of  his  empire. 
This  prince  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  Busirus,  so  infamous  for  his  cruelties. 

24.  Osymandyas,  raised  many  magnificent  edifices,  in  which  were  exhibited  sculp 
tures  and  paintings  of  exquisite  beauty. 


APPENDIX.  459 

25.  Uchoreus,  one  of  the  successors  of  Osymandyas,  built  the  city  of  Memphis. 
This  city  was  150  furlongs,  or  more  than  seven  leagues  in  circumference,  and  stood  at 
the  point  of  the  Delta,  in  that  part  where  the  Nile  divides  itself  into  several  branches 
or  streams.     A  city  so  advantageously  situated,  and  so  strongly  fortified,  became  soon 
the  usual  residence  of  the  Egyptian  kings. 

26.  Thethmosis  or  Amosts,  having  expelled  the  Shepherd  kings,  reigned  in  Lower 
Egypt.1 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

AFRICAN    LANGUAGES. 

IN  the  language  of  the  Kafirs,  for  example,  not  only  the  cases  but  the  numbers 
and  genders  of  nouns  are  formed  entirely  by  prefixes,  analogous  to  articles.  The  pre 
fixes  vary  according  to  number,  gender  and  case,  while  the  nouns  remain  unaltered  ex 
cept  by  a  merely  euphonic  change  of  the  initial  letters.  Thus,  in  Coptic,  from  sheri, 
a  son,  comes  the  plural  neu-sheri,  the  sons ;  from  sort,  accusation,  han-sori,  accusa 
tions.  Analogous  to  this  we  have  in  the  Kafir  ama  marking  the  plural,  as  amakosah 
the  plural  of  kosah,  amahashe  the  plural  of  ihashe,  insana  the  plural  of  usana.  The 
Kafir  has  a  great  variety  of  similar  prefixes ;  they  are  equally  numerous  in  the  lan 
guage  of  Kongo,  in  which,  as  in  the  Coptic  and  the  Kafir,  the  genders,  numbers,  and 
cases  of  nouns  are  almost  solely  distinguished  by  similar  prefixes. 

"The  Kafir  language  is  distinguished  by  one  peculiarity  which  immediately  strikes 
a  student  whose  views  of  language  have  been  formed  upon  the  examples  afforded  by 
the  inflected  languages  of  ancient  and  modern  Europe.  With  the  exception  of  a 
change  of  termination  in  the  ablative  case  of  the  noun,  and  five  changes  of  which  the 
verb  is  susceptible  in  its  principal  tenses,  the  whole  business  of  declension,  conjuga 
tion,  &c.,  is  carried  on  by  prefixes,  and  by  the  changes  which  take  place  in  the  initial 
letters  or  syllables  of  words  subjected  to  grammatical  government."2 

Resources  are  not  yet  in  existence  for  instituting  a  general  comparison  of  the 
languages  of  Africa.  Many  years  will  probably  elapse  before  it  will  be  possible  to 
produce  such  an  analysis  of  these  languages,  investigated  in  their  grammatical  struc 
ture,  as  it  is  desirable  to  possess,  or  even  to  compare  them  by  extensive  collections  of 
well-arranged  vocabularies,  after  the  manner  of  Klaproth's  Asia  Polyglotta.  Suffi 
cient  data  however  are  extant,  and  I  trust  that  I  have  adduced  evidence  to  render  it 
extremely  probable  that  a  principle  of  analogy  in  structure  prevails  extensively  among 
the  native  idioms  of  Africa.  They  are  probably  allied,  not  in  the  manner  or  degree  in 
which  Semitic  or  Indo-European  idioms  resemble  each  other,  but  by  strong  analogies 
in  their  general  principles  of  structure,  which  may  be  compared  to  those  discoverable 
between  the  individual  members  of  two  other  great  classes  of  languages,  by  no  means 
connected  among  themselves  by  what  is  called  family  relation.  I  allude  to  the  mono 
syllabic  and  the  polysynthetic  languages,  the  former  prevalent  in  Eastern  Asia,  the 
latter  throughout  the  vast  regions  of  the  New  World.  If  we  have  sufficient  evidence 
for  constituting  such  a  class  of  dialects  under  the  title  of  African  languages,  we  have 
likewise  reason  —  and  it  is  equal  in  degree  —  for  associating  in  this  class  the  language 
of  the  ancient  Egyptians.3 

That  the  written  Abyssinian  language,  which  we  call  Ethiopick,  is  a  dialect  of 
old  Chaldean,  and  sister  of  Arabick  and  Hebrew',  we  know  with  certainty,  not  only 
from  the  great  multitude  of  identical  words,  but  (which  is  a  far  stronger  proof)  from 

1  Rollin,  vol.  i.  pp.  129-147.  2  Kafir  Grammar,  p.  3.  3  Prichard,  vol.  ii.  pp.  216,  217. 


460  APPENDIX. 

the  similar  grammatical  arrangement  of  the  several  idioms  :  we  know  at  the  same  time-* 
that  it  is  written  like  all  the  Indian  characters,  from  the  left  hand  to  the  right,  and  that 
the  vowels  are  annexed,  as  in  Devanagari,  to  the  consonants ;  with  which  they  form  a 
syllabick  system  extremely  clear  and  convenient,  but  disposed  in  a  less  artificial  order 
than  the  system  of  letters  now  exhibited  in  the  Sanscrit  grammars ;  whence  it  may 
justly  be  inferred,  that  the  order  contrived  by  PANINI  or  his  disciples  is  comparatively 
modern;  and  I  have  no  doubt,  from  a  cursory  examination  of  many  old  inscriptions  on 
pillars  and  in  caves,  which  have  obligingly  been  sent  to  me  from  all  parts  of  India, 
that  the  Nagari  and  Ethiopean  letters  had  at  first  a  similar  form.  It  has  long  been  my 
opinion,  that  the  Abyssinians  of  the  Arabian  stock,  having  no  symbols  of  their  own  to 
represent  articulate  sounds,  borrowed  those  of  the  black  pagans,  whom  the  Greeks  call 
Troglodytes,  from  their  primeval  habitations  in  natural  caverns,  or  in  mountains  exca 
vated  by  their  own  labour :  they  were  probably  the  first  inhabitants  of  Africa,  where 
they  became  in  time  the  builders  of  magnificent  cities,  the  founders  of  seminaries  for 
the  advancement  of  science  and  philosophy,  and  the  inventors  (if  they  were  not  rather 
the  importers)  of  symbolical  characters.  I  believe  on  the  whole,  that  the  Ethiops  of 
Meroe  were  the  same  people  with  the  first  Egyptians,  and  consequently,  as  it  might 
easily  be  shown,  with  the  original  Hindus.  To  the  ardent  and  intrepid  MR.  BRUCE, 
whose  travels  are  to  my  taste,  uniformally  agreeable  and  satisfactory,  though  he  thinks 
very  differently  from  me  on  the  language  and  genius  of  the  Arabs,  we  are  indebted  for 
more  important,  and,  I  believe,  more  accurate  information  concerning  the  nations 
established  near  the  Nile,  from  its  fountains  to  its  mouths,  than  all  Europe  united  could 
before  have  supplied ;  but,  since  he  has  not  been  at  the  pains  to  compare  the  seven 
languages,  of  which  he  has  exhibited  a  specimen,  and  since  I  have  not  leisure  to  make 
the  comparison,  I  must  be  satisfied  with  observing,  on  his  authority,  that  the  dialects 
of  the  Gafots  and  the  Gallas,  the  Agouus  of  both  races,  and  the  Falashas,  who  must 
originally  have  used  a  Chaldean  idiom,  were  never  preserved  in  writing,  and  the 
Amharick  only  in  modern  times  :  they  must,  therefore,  have  been  for  ages  in  fluctua 
tion,  and  can  lead,  perhaps,  to  no  certain  conclusion  as  to  the  origin  of  the  several 
tribes  who  anciently  spoke  them.  It  is  very  remarkable,  as  MR.  BRUCE  and  MR.  BRY 
ANT  have  proved,  that  the  Greeks  gave  the  appellation  of  Indians  both  to  the  southern 
nations  of  Africk  and  to  the  people,  among  whom  we  now  live  ;  nor  is  it  less  observ 
able,  that,  according  to  EPHORUS,  quoted  by  STRABO,  they  called  all  the  southern 
nations  in  the  world  Ethiopians,  thus  using  Indian  and  Ethiop  as  convertible  terms  : 
but  we  must  leave  the  gymnosophists  of  Ethiopia,  who  seemed  to  have  professed  the 
doctrines  of  BUDDHA,  and  enter  the  great  Indian  ocean,  of  which  their  Asiatick  and 
African  brethren  were  probably  the  first  navigators.1 


SHERBRO   MISSION-DISTRICT,   WESTERN   AFRICA. 

Western  Africa  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  mission-fields  in  the  entire  heathen 
world.  The  low  condition  of  the  people,  civilly,  socially,  and  religiously,  and  the 
deadly  climate  to  foreigners,  make  it  indeed  a  hard  field  to  cultivate.  I  am  fully  pre 
pared  to  indorse  what  Rev.  F.  Fletcher,  in  charge  of  Wesleyan  District,  Gold  Coast, 
wrote  a  few  months  ago  in  the  following  language  :  "  The  Lord's  work  in  western 
Africa  is  as  wonderful  as  it  is  deadly.  In  the  last  forty  years  more  than  120  mission 
aries  have  fallen  victims  to  that  climate  ;  but  to-day  the  converts  to  Christianity  num 
ber  at  least  30,000,  many  of  whom  are  true  Christians.  In  this  district  we  have  6,000 

1  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  iii.  pp.  4,  5. 


APPENDIX.  461 

church-members  ;  and  though  they  are  poor,  last  year  they  gave  over  5,000  dollars  for 
evangelistic  and  educational  work. 

"  Sherbro  Mission  now  has  four  stations  and  chapels  and  over  forty  appointments, 
112  church-members,  164  seekers  of  religion,  75  acres  of  clear  land,  with  carpenter, 
blacksmith,  and  tailor  shops,  in  and  upon  which,  twenty-five  boys  are  taught  to  labor, 
and  where  eleven  girls  are  taught  to  do  all  ordinary  house  work  and  sewing,  with  its 
four  day  and  Sunday-schools,  212  in  the  former  and  more  than  that  number  in  the  lat 
ter,  and  with  an  influence  for  good  that  now  reaches  the  whole  Sherbro  tribe,  embra 
cing  a  country  at  least  fifty  miles  square  and  containing  about  1 5,000  people.  The  seed 
sown  is  taking  deep  root  there,  and  the  harvest  is  rapidly  ripening,  when  thousands  of 
souls  will  be  garnered  for  heaven.  Surely  we  ought  to  thank  God  for  past  success  and 
resolve  to  do  much  more  for  that  needy  country  in  the  future. 

"  We  now  have  Revs.  Gomer,  Wilberforce,  Evans,  and  their  wives,  all  excellent  mis 
sionaries,  from  America ;  then  Revs.  Sawyer,  Hero,  Pratt,  and  their  wives,  Mrs.  Lucy 
Caulker,  and  other  native  laborers,  all  of  whom  are  doing  us  good  service.  With 
these  six  ordained  ministers,  and  twice  that  number  of  teachers  and  helpers,  who  are 
devoting  all  their  time  to  the  mission,  the  work  is  going  forward  gloriously.  Still, 
there  should  be  new  stations  opened  and  more  laborers  sent  out  immediately."  x 


Part  m. 
SLAVERY  IN  THE  COLONIES. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
CONDITION   OF  SLAVES   IN   MASSACHUSETTS. 

THE  following  memorandum  in  Judge  Sewall's  letter-book  was  called  forth  by 
Samuel  Smith,  murderer  of  his  Negro  slave  at  Sandwich.  It  illustrates  the  deplorable 
condition  of  servants  at  that  time  in  Massachusetts,  and  shows  Judge  Sewall  to  have 
been  a  man  of  great  humanity. 

"  The  poorest  Boys  and  Girls  in  this  Province,  such  as  are  of  the  lowest  Condition ; 
whether  they  be  English,  or  Indians,  or  Ethiopians:  They  have  the  same  Right  to- 
Religion  and  Life,  that  the  Richest  Heirs  have. 

"  And  they  who  go  about  to  deprive  them  of  this  Right,  they  attempt  the  bom 
barding  of  HEAVEN,  and  the  Shells  they  throw,  will-  fall  down  upon  their  own  heads. 

"  Mr  Justice  Davenport,  Sir,  upon  your  desire,  I  have  sent  you  these  Quotations^. 
and  my  own  Sentiments.  I  pray  GOD,  the  Giver  and  Guardian  of  Life,  to  give  his 
gracious  Direction  to  you,  and  the  other  Justices;  and  take  leave,  who  am  your 
brother  and  most  humble  servant, 

"SAMUEL  SEWALL, 

BOSTON,  July  20,  1719. 

"  I  inclosed  also  the  selling  of  Joseph,  and  my  Extract  out  of  the  Athenian  Oracle. 
"  To  Addington  Davenport,  Esq.,  etc.,  going  to  Judge  Sam'l.  Smith  of  Sandwitch, 
for  killing  his  Negro."  2 

1  Twenty-fifth  Annual  Report,  United  Brethren,  1881. 

2  Slavery  in  Mass.,  pp.  96,  97. 


462  APPENDIX. 

Petition  of  Slaves  in  Boston. 

On  the  23d  of  June,  1773,  the  following  petition  was  presented  to  the  General  Court 
of  Massachusetts,  which  was  read,  and  referred  to  the  next  session :  — 

PETITION  OF  SLAVES  IN  BOSTON. 
PROVINCE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 
To  His  Excellency,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Esq.,  Governor  '  — 

"  To  the  Honorable,  His  Majesty's  Council,  and  to  the  Honorable  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  in  general  court  assembled  at  Boston,  the  6th  day  of  January,  1773:  — 
The  humble  petition  of  many  slaves  living  in  the  town  of  Boston,  and  other  towns  in 
the  province,  is  this,  namely ;  — 

That  Your  Excellency  and  Honors,  and  the  Honorable  the  Representatives,  would 
be  pleased  to  take  their  unhappy  state  and  condition  under  your  wise  and  just  con 
sideration. 

We  desire  to  bless  God,  who  loves  mankind,  who  sent  his  Son  to  die  for  their  sal 
vation,  and  who  is  no  respecter  of  persons,  that  he  hath  lately  put  it  into  the  hearts  of 
multitudes,  on  both  sides  of  the  water,  to  bear  our  burthens,  some  of  whom  are  men 
of  great  note  and  influence,  who  have  pleaded  our  cause  with  arguments,  which  we 
hope  will  have  their  weight  with  this  Honorable  Court. 

We  presume  not  to  dictate  to  Your  Excellency  and  Honors,  being  willing  to  rest 
our  cause  on  your  humanity  and  justice,  yet  would  beg  leave  to  say  a  word  or  two  on 
the  subject. 

Although  some  of  the  negroes  are  vicious,  (who,  doubtless,  may  be  punished  and 
restrained  by  the  same  laws  which  are  in  force  against  others  of  the  King's  subjects,)  there 
are  many  others  of  a  quite  different  character,  and  who,  if  made  free,  would  soon  be 
able,  as  well  as  willing,  to  bear  a  part  in  the  public  charges.  Many  of  them,  of  good 
natural  parts,  are  discreet,  sober,  honest  and  industrious;  and  may  it  not  be  said  of 
many,  that  they  are  virtuous  and  religious,  although  their  condition  is  in  itself  so  un 
friendly  to  religion,  and  every  moral  virtue,  except  patience  ?  How  many  of  that  num 
ber  have  there  been  and  now  are,  in  this  province,  who  had  every  day  of  their  lives 
embittered  with  this  most  intolerable  reflection,  that,  let  their  behavior  be  what  it  will, 
neither  they  nor  their  children,  to  all  generations,  shall  ever  be  able  to  do  or  to  possess 
and  enjoy  any  thing — no,  not*  even  life  itself — but  in  a  manner  as  the  beasts  that 
perish  ! 

We  have  no  property  !  we  have  no  wives !  we  have  no  children  !  we  have  no  city ! 
no  country !  But  we  have  a  P'ather  in  heaven,  and  we  are  determined,  as  far  as  his 
grace  shall  enable  us,  and  as  far  as  our  degraded  condition  and  contemptuous  life  will 
admit,  to  keep  all  his  commandments ;  especially  will  we  be  obedient  to  our  masters, 
so  long  as  God,  in  his  sovereign  providence,  shall  suffer  us  to  be  holden  in  bondage= 

It  would  be  impudent,  if  not  presumptuous,  in  us  to  suggest  to  Your  Excellency 
and  Honors,  any  law  or  laws  proper  to  be  made  in  relation  to  our  unhappy  state,  which 
.although  our  greatest  unhappiness,  is  not  our  fault ;  and  this  gives  us  great  encourage 
ment  to  pray  and  hope  for  such  relief  as  is  consistent  with  your  wisdom,  justice  and 
goodness. 

We  think  ourselves  very  happy,  that  we  may  thus  address  the  great  and  general 
court  of  this  province,  which  great  and  good  court  is  to  us  the  best  judge,  under  God, 
of  what  is  wise,  just  and  good. 

We  humbly  beg  leave  to  add  but  this  one  thing  more :  we  pray  for  such  relief  only, 
which  by  no  possibility  can  ever  be  productive  of  the  least  wrong  or  injury  to  our 
masters,  but  to  us  will  be  as  life  from  the  dead.1 

1  Nell,  pp.  39-41. 


APPENDIX.  463 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  COLONY   OF   NEW  YORK. 

1693,  August  2ist.  — All  Indians,  Negroes,  and  others  not  "listed  in  the  militia," 
are  ordered  to  work  on  the  fortification  for  repairing  the  same,  to  be  under  the  com 
mand  of  the  captains  of  the  wards  they  inhabit.  And  /"ioo  to  be  raised  for  the  fortifi 
cations. 

1722,  February  20th.  —  A  law  passed  by  the  common  council  of  New  York,  "re 
straining  slaves,  negroes,  and  Indians  from  gaming  with  moneys."  If  found  gaming 
with  any  sort  of  money,  "  copper  pennies,  copper  halfpence,  or  copper  farthings,"  they 
shall  be  publickly  whipped  at  the  publick  whipping-post  of  this  city,  at  the  discretion 
of  the  mayor,  recorder,  and  aldermen,  or  any  one  of  them,  unless  the  owner  pay  to  the 
church-wardens  for  the  poor,  35. 

1731,  November  i8th.  —  If  more  than  three  negro,  mulatto,  or  Indian  slaves  assem 
ble  on  Sunday  and  play  or  make  noise,  (or  at  any  other  time  at  any  place  from  their 
master's  service,)  they  are  to  be  publickly  whipped  fifteen  lashes  at  the  publick  whip 
ping-post. 


NEW  YORK. 

NEGRO  slavery,  a  favorite  measure  with  England,  was  rapidly  extending  its  bane 
ful  influence  in  the  colonies.  The  American  Register,  of  1769,  gives  the  number  of 
negroes  brought  in  slavery  from  the  coast  of  Africa,  between  Cape  Blanco  and  the  river 
Congo,  by  different  nations  in  one  year,  thus:  Great  Britain,  53,100;  British  Ameri 
cans,  6,300;  France,  23,520;  Holland,  11,300;  Portugal,  1,700;  Denmark,  1,200;  in  all, 
104,100,  bought  by  barter  for  European  and  Indian  manufacturers,  —  ^15  sterling  being 
the  average  price  given  for  each  negro.  Thus  we  see  that  more  than  one-half  of  the 
wretches  who  were  kidnapped,  or  torn  by  force  from  their  homes  by  the  agents  of 
European  merchants  (for  such  those  who  supply  the  market  must  be  considered),  were 
sacrificed  to  the  cupidity  of  the  merchants  of  Great  Britain :  the  traffic  encouraged  by 
the  government  at  the  same  time  that  the  boast  is  sounded  through  the  world,  that  the 
moment  a  slave  touches  the  sacred  soil,  governed  by  those  who  encourage  the  slave- 
makers,  and  inhabited  by  those  who  revel  in  the  profits  derived  from  murder,  he  is  free- 
Somerset,  the  negro,  is  liberated  by  the  court  of  king's  bench,  in  1772,  and  the  world  is 
filled  with  the  fame  of  English  justice  and  humanity!  James  Grahame  tells  us  that 
Somerset's  case  was  not  the  first  in  which  the  judges  of  Great  Britain  counteracted  in 
one  or  two  cases  the  practical  inhumanity  of  the  government  and  the  people  :  he  says, 
that  in  1762,  his  grandfather,  Thomas  Grahame,  judge  of  the  admiralty  court  of  Glas 
gow,  liberated  a  negro  slave  imported  into  Scotland. 

It  was  in  vain  that  the  colonists  of  America  protested  against  the  practice  of  slave 
dealing.  The  governors  appointed  by  England  were  instructed  to  encourage  it;  and 
when  the  assemblies  enacted  laws  to  prohibit  the  inhuman  traffic,  they  were  annulled 
by  the  vetoes  of  the  governors.  With  such  encouragement,  the  reckless  and  avari 
cious  among  the  colonists  engaged  in  the  trade ;  and  the  slaves  were  purchased  when 
brought  to  the  colonies  by  those  who  were  blind  to  the  evil,  or  preferred  present  ease 
or  profit  to  all  future  good.  Paley,  the  moralist,  thought  the  American  Revolution  was 
designed  by  Providence,  to  put  an  end  to  the  slave-trade,  and  to  show  that  a  nation 
encouraging  it  was  not  fit  to  be  intrusted  with  the  government  of  extensive  colonies. 
But  the  planter  of  the  Southern  States  have  discovered,  since  made  free  by  that  revo- 


464  APPENDIX. 

lution,  that  slavery  is  no  evil ;  and  better  moralists  than  Paley,  that  the  increase  of 
slaves,  and  their  extension  over  new  regions,  is  the  duty  of  every  good  democrat.  The 
men  who  lived  in  1773,  to  whom  America  owes  her  liberty,  did  not  think  so. 

Although  resistance  to  the  English  policy  of  increasing  the  number  of  negro  slaves 
in  America  agitated  many  minds  in  the  colonies,  opposition  to  the  system  of  taxation 
was  the  principal  source  of  action ;  and  this  opposition  now  centered  in  a  determination 
to  baffle  the  designs  of  Great  Britain  in  respect  to  the  duties  on  tea.  Seventeen  mil 
lions  of  pounds  of  tea  were  now  accumulated  in  the  warehouses  of  the  East-India 
Company.  The  government  was  determined,  for  reasons  I  have  before  given,  to  assist 
this  mercantile  company,  as  well  as  the  African  merchants,  at  the  expense  of  the  colo 
nists  of  America.  The  East-India  Company  were  now  authorized  to  export  their  tea 
free  of  all  duty.  Thus  the  venders  being  enabled  to  offer  it  cheaper  than  hitherto  to 
the  colonists,  it  was  expected  that  it  would  find  a  welcome  market.  But  the  Americans 
saw  the  ultimate  intent  of  the  whole  scheme,  and  their  disgust  towards  the  mother 
country  was  proportionably  increased. 


INDEX. 


ABBOTT,  GRANVILLE  S.,  verses  by,  in. 
Adams,  Abigail,  views  on  slavery,  227. 
Adams,  John,  views  on  slavery,  203 ;  letter 

to  Jonathan   Sewall   on  emancipation, 

207. 
Adams,  Samuel,  urges  the  consideration  of 

the  memorial  of  Massachusetts  Negroes, 

234- 

Adgai,  see  Crowther. 

Africa,  described,  14;  Negro  tribes,  24,  25  ; 
Negro  kingdoms,  26,  28,  31 ;  natives  en 
gage  in  the  slave-trade,  27  ;  laws,  30,  56, 
57 ;  religion,  30,  81-84,  89,  90;  war  be 
tween  the  different  tribes,  35-39;  war 
with  England,  41-43 ;  patriarchal  govern 
ment,  50,  54,  55 ;  villages  described,  51, 
52 ;  architecture,  51-53 ;  women  reign  in, 
55,  56 ;  marriage,  57,  58  ;  polygamy,  58 ; 
status  of  the  natives,  58,  59;  warfare, 
61,  62;  agriculture,  62,  63;  mechanic 
arts,  63-65;  languages,  66-70,  90,  459; 
literature,  75-80;  colony  founded  at 
Sierra  Leone,  86,  87;  and  Liberia,  95, 
97;  first  emigrants  to,  97;  republican 
government  established,  100;  first  con 
stitution  abolishing  slavery  in  Liberia, 
103-105 ;  weaker  tribes  chief  source  of 
slavery,  109,  120;  early  Christianity  in, 
in;  earliest  commerce  for  slaves  be 
tween  America  and,  115;  slaves  from 
Angola,  134;  shipload  of  slaves  from 
Sierra  Leone  sold  at  Hispaniola,  138; 
number  of  Negroes  stolen  from  annually, 
237 ;  slaves  from,  sold  at  Barbadoes, 
259 ;  cities  of,  described,  450 ;  number 
of  slaves  brought  from,  463.  See  Ne 
groes. 

African  Company,  their  charter  abolished, 
41  :  see  Royal  African  Company. 


Akwasi  Osai,  king  of  Ashantee,  invades 
Dahomey,  35 ;  his  defeat  and  death,  36. 

Alexander,  James,  volunteers  to  prosecute 
the  Negroes  in  New  York,  151,  158,  166. 

Alricks,  Peter,  resident  of  New  York  1657, 
250. 

Amasis,  king  of  Egypt,  457. 

Amenophis,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

America,  introduction  of  Negro  slaves, 1 16; 
colonies  declare  independence,  412 ; 
slavery  in,  461  ;  slaves  imported  to 
British  America,  463. 

American  Colonization  Society  locate  a 
colony  at  Monrovia,  97. 

American  Revolution,  service  of  Negroes 
in  the  army  of  the,  324,  334,  337,  342, 
353»  362 ;  slavery  during  the,  402. 

Ames,  Edward  B.,  remarks  in  favor  of  the 
government  of  Liberia,  99. 

Angola,  Africa,  slaves  imported  from,  134. 

Anne,  queen  of  England,  encourages  the 
slave-trade,  140. 

Anti-slavery  societies,  memorials  to  Con 
gress,  437;  convention  held  at  Phila 
delphia,  438. 

Apoko,  Osai,  king  of  Ashantee,  36. 

Appleton,  Nathaniel,  defends  the  doctrine 
of  freedom  for  all,  204 ;  author  of  "  Con 
sideration  on  Slavery,"  218. 

A  pries,  king  of  Egypt,  456. 

Argall,  Samuel,  engaged  in  the  slave- 
trade,  116,  117. 

Ashantee  Empire,  described,  34 ;  wars  of, 
35,  37-39;  revolt  in,  36;  troubles  with 
England,  41,  42;  massacre  of  women, 
42 ;  government,  44. 

Asia,  idols  with  Negro  features  in,  17; 
traces  of  the  race,  18. 

Asychis,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

465 


466 


INDEX. 


Attucks,  Crispus,  advertised  as  a  runaway 
slave,  330;  figures  in  the  Boston  Massa 
cre,  330;  his  death  and  funeral,  331; 
letter  to  Gov.  Hutchinson,  332. 

Aviia,  tribe  in  Africa,  51. 

Aviro,  Alfonso  de,  discovers  Benin  in 
Africa,  26. 

BABEL,  the  tower  of,  built  by  an  Ethio 
pian,  453. 

Babylon,  description  of,  454. 

Bancroft,  George,  views  on  slavery,  206. 

Banneker,  Benjamin,  astronomer  and  phi 
losopher,  386 ;  farmer  and  inventor,  387  ; 
mathematician,  388 ;  his  first  calcula 
tion  of  an  eclipse,  389 ;  letter  to  George 
Ellicott,  389;  character  of,  390;  his 
business  transactions,  391 ;  verses  ad 
dressed  to,  392 ;  letter  to  Mrs.  Mason, 
392 ;  his  first  almanac,  393 ;  letter  to 
Thomas  Jefferson,  394;  accompanies 
commissioners  to  run  the  lines  of  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  397;  his  habits  of 
studying  the  heavenly  bodies,  397 ;  his 
death,  398. 

Baptist  missionaries  in  Liberia,  101. 

Barbadoes,  Negro  slaves  exchanged  for 
Indians,  174;  a  slave-market  for  New- 
England  traders,  181 ;  Rhode  Island 
supplied  with  slaves  from,  269. 

Barrere,  Peter,  treatise  on  the  color  of 
the  skin,  19. 

Barton,  Col.  William,  captures  Gen.  Pres- 
cott,  366. 

Bates,  John,  a  slave-trader,  269. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  remarks  on  the  slave- 
trials  in  Massachusetts,  232. 

Benin,  a  kingdom  in  Africa,  supplies 
America  with  slaves,  26;  discovered  by 
the  Portuguese  and  colonized,  26;  the 
king  contracts  to  Christianize  his  sub 
jects  for  a  white  wife,  27  ;  the  kingdom 
divided,  and  slave-trade  suppressed,  28. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  opposed  to  educa 
tion  and  printing,  132. 

Bermuda  Islands,  slaves  placed  on  War 
wick's  plantation,  118,  119;  Pequod  In 
dians  exchanged  for  Negroes  at,  173. 

Bernard,  John,  governor  of  the  Bermu 
das,  118. 

Beverley,  Robert,  correction  of  his  His- 
.tory  of  Virginia,  116. 

Bill,  Jacob,  a  slave-trader,  269. 


Billing,  Joseph,  sued  by  his  slave  Amos 
Newport,  229. 

Blumenbach,  Jean  Frederic,  opinion  in  re 
gard  to  the  color  of  the  skin,  19. 

Blyden,  Edward  W.,  defines  the  term  "Ne 
gro,"  12;  president  of  Liberia  College, 
102. 

Board  of  Trade,  circular  to  the  governors 
of  the  English  colonies,  relative  to  Negro 
slaves,  267 ;  reply  of  Gov.  Cranston  of 
Rhode  Island,  269. 

Bolzius,  Henry,  favors  the  introduction  of 
slavery  into  Georgia,  321. 

Boombo,  a  Negro  chief  of  Liberia,  106. 

Borclen,  Cuff,  a  Negro  slave  in  Massachu 
setts,  sued  for  trespass  and  ordered  to 
be  sold  to  satisfy  judgment,  278. 

Boston,  a  slave-trader  from,  181;  Negro 
prohibited  from  employment  in  manu 
facturing  hoops,  196;  number  of  slaves 
in,  205 ;  instructs  the  representatives  to 
vote  against  the  slave-trade,  221  ;  Ne 
groes  charged  with  firing  the  town,  226; 
articles  for  the  regulation  of  Negroes 
passed,  226;  massacre  in,  1770,  330;  Ne 
groes  on  Castle  Island,  376,  378. 

Bowditch,  Thomas  Edward,  commissioner 
to  treat  with  the  Ashantees,  39. 

Bradley,  Richard,  attorney-general  of  New 
York,  prosecutes  the  Negroes,  166. 

Bradstreet,  Ann,  frees  her  slave,  207. 

Brazil,  slaves  sold  to  the  Dutch,  136. 

Brewster,  Capt.  Edward,  banished  by 
Capt.  Argall,  117. 

Brewster,  Thomas,  a  slave-trader,  269. 

Bristol  County,  Mass.,  a  slave  ordered  to 
be  sold,  to  satisfy  judgment  against  him 
for  trespass,  278. 

British  army,  Negroes  in  the,  87. 

Brown,  John,  reproved  by  Virginia  com 
mittee  of  1775  for  purchasing  slaves,  328. 

Brown,  Joseph,  effect  of  climate  on  man, 
46. 

Bruce,  James,  discovers  the  ruins  of  the 
city  of  Meroe,  6. 

Bunker  Hill,  Negroes  in  the  battle  of, 

363- 

Burgess,  Ebenezer,  missionary  to  Mon 
rovia,  97. 

Burton,  Mary,  testifies  in  the  Negro  plot 
at  New  York,  1741,  147,  M^,  I5°»  J58» 
1 60,  162-164,  167,  1 68;  recompensed  by 
the  government,  170. 


INDEX. 


467 


Busiris,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 
Butler,  Nathaniel,  commissioner  for  Vir 
ginia  Company,  1 18. 

CADE,  ELIZABETH,  a  witness  in  the  Somer- 
sett  case,  205. 

Calanee,  image  of  Buddha  at,  17. 

Caldvvell,  Jonas,  killed  at  the  Boston  Mas 
sacre,  331. 

Campbell,  Sir  Neill,  determines  the  war 
with  Ashantees,  43. 

Canaan,  the  curse  of,  444. 

Canada,  expedition  from  New  York 
against,  143. 

Candace,  queen  of  the  Ethiopians,  6. 

Carey,  Lot,  vice-agent  of  Liberia,  101. 

Carey,  Peggy,  implicated  with  Negro  plot 
in  New  York,  1741, 147;  trial,  152;  found 
guilty,  152;  her  evidence,  153;  sentenced 
to  be  hanged,  158. 

Carr,  Patrick,  wounded  at  the  Boston 
Massacre,  331. 

Carter,  Edwin,  a  slave-trader,  269. 

Carthage,  description  of,  452. 

Castle  Island,  Boston,  Negroes  sent  to 
the  barracks  at,  376 ;  list  of  the  same, 
378. 

Cepharenus,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

Ceylon,  image  of  Buddha  at,  17. 

Chaillu,  Paul  B.  Du,  description  of  the 
Obongos,  46 ;  of  the  villages  of  Mandji 
and  Ishogo,  51,  52. 

Chambers,  John,  volunteers  to  prosecute 
the  Negroes  in  New  York,  151,  158, 
1 66. 

Charles  V.,  grants  a  patent  to  import  Ne 
groes  to  America,  115. 

Charleston,  S.C.,  slave-market  at,  299 ; 
Negroes  from,  recaptured,  376;  list  of, 
378 ;  claimed  by  owners,  379. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  Negro  slaves  executed 
at,  in  1755,  226. 

Chastellux,  Marquis  de,  describes  the 
bravery  of  Col.  Greene's  Negro  regi 
ment  at  the  battle  of  Rhode  Island, 
368. 

Cheops,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

Chibbu,  Kudjoh,  captured  by  the  Eng 
lish,  42. 

Chisholm,  Major  J.,  services  in  Ashantee 
mentioned,  41,  42. 

Christy,  David,  describes  the  colony  of 
Liberia,  107. 


Cintra,  Piedro  de,  discoverer  of  Sierra 
Leone,  85. 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  proclamation  concern 
ing  fugitive  Negroes,  1779,  357. 

Coclman,  John,  poisoned  by  his  slave,  226. 

Coleman,  Elihu,  author  of  "Testimony 
•  against  making  Slaves  of  Men,"  218. 

Coney  Island,  N.Y.,   slave   captured   at, 

343- 

Congo  Empire,  Shinga  queen  of,  55. 

Congress,  see  United-States  Congress. 

Connecticut,  slavery  in,  252-261 ;  Negro 
slaves  introduced,  252 ;  number  of  Ne 
groes  in  1680,  253;  purchase  and  treat 
ment  of  slaves  and  free  persons,  253 ; 
persons  manumitting  slaves,  to  main 
tain  them,  254  ;  commerce  with  slaves 
prohibited,  255 ;  punishment  of  insub 
ordinate  slaves,  256 ;  social  conduct 
regulated,  257  ;  punished  for  using  pro 
fane  language,  258;  number  of  slaves 
in  1730,  259;  Indian  slaves  prohibited, 
259  ;  Indian  and  Negro  slavery  legalized, 
259 ;  limited  rights  of  free  Negroes,  259 ; 
Negro  population  in  1762,  260;  impor 
tation  of  slaves  prohibited,  261  ;  num 
ber  of  slaves  in  1715,325;  enlistment 
of  Negroes  prohibited,  343 ;  enlisted, 
345 ;  a  Colored  company  recruited  by 
David  Humphreys,  361 ;  slave  popula 
tion  in  1790,  436. 

Continental  army,  condition  of  the,  334; 
Negroes  in  the,  337  ;  Negro  regiment 
raised  for  the,  342  ;  number  of  men  sup 
plied  to  the,  353  ;  return  of  Negroes  in 
1778,  362. 

Continental  Congress,  prohibits  the  im 
portation  of  Negroes,  325 ;  debate  on  the 
discharge  of  Negroes  from  the  army, 
335 ;  action  on  the  enlistment  of  Ne 
groes,  355  ;  resolution  to  establish  courts 
to  decide  cases  of  captured  slaves,  370  ; 
action  of  the,  relative  to  Negroes  cap 
tured  at  sea,  373 ;  discussion  on  the 
Western  territory,  415,416;  last  meet 
ing,  416. 

Cooke,  Nicholas,  governor  of  Rhode 
Island,  letters  to  Washington  on  the  en 
listment  of  Negroes,  346,  349. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  proclamation  offering 
protection  to  fugitive  Negroes,  358. 

Cox,  Melville  B.,  missionary  to  Monrovia, 
98. 


468 


INDEX. 


Cranston,  Samuel,  letter  to  the  board  of 
trade,  relative  to  Negro  slaves  in  Rhode 
Island,  269. 

Croker,  John,  testimony  in  the  Negro 
plot  at  New  York,  168. 

Crowther,  Negro  sold  into  slavery,  32 ;  set 
at  liberty  by  the  English,  33 ;  fitted  for 
the  ministry,  returns  to  Africa  as  a  mis 
sionary,  33. 

tl^uffe,  John,  sketch  of,  202. 

'Cuffe,  Paul,  a  distinguished  Negro,  202. 

*Cush,  ancestor  of  the  Negro  race,  10; 
meaning  of  the  term,  13. 

Cushing,  Nathan,  his  opinion,  1783,  rela 
tive  to  the  South-Carolina  Negroes, 
381. 

'Cuvier,  Baron,  varieties  of  the  human 
form,  3. 

•Cyrene,  Africa,  mentioned,  5;  described, 
452. 

DAHOMEY,  a  Negro  kingdom  of  Africa, 
described,  28 ;  women  serve  in  the 
army,  29;  laws,  30;  invaded  by  King 
Akwasi,  35. 

Dalton,  Richard,  his  slave  reads  Greek, 
202. 

Davis,  Hugh,  a  white  servant,  flogged  in 
Virginia,  for  consorting  with  a  Negro 
woman,  121. 

Deane,  Thomas,  mentioned,  196. 

Delaware,  slavery  in,  249-251  ;  settled  by 
Danes  and  Swedes,  249;  slavery  not 
allowed  by  the  Swedes,  249;  conveyed 
to  William  Penn,  249;  granted  a  separ 
ate  government,  249;  slavery  introduced, 
249;  first  legislation  on  slavery,  250; 
law  for  the  regulation  of  servants,  250; 
act  restraining  manumission  of  slaves, 
250;  number  of  slaves  in  1715,  325; 
slave  population  in  1790,  436. 

iDenmark,  engaged  in  the  slave-trade,  463. 

Denny,  Thomas,  representative  of  Leices 
ter,  Mass.,  instructed  to  vote  against 
slavery,  225. 

Derham,  James,  a  Negro  physician  of  New 
Orleans,  400. 

Desbrosses,  Eli  as,  testimony  in  the  Negro 
plot  in  New  York,  1741,  165. 

"Desire,"  ship  built  for  the  slave-trade, 
174. 

Dodge,  Caleb,  of  Beverly,  Mass.,  sued  by 
his  slave,  231. 


Dorsey,  Charles  W.,  character  of  Banne- 
ker,  the  Negro  astronomer,  390. 

Duchet,  Sir  Lionel,  engaged  in  the  slave- 
trade,  138. 

Dummer,  William,  proclamation  against 
Negroes  of  Boston,  226. 

Dunmore,  Lord,  proclamation  in  regard  to 
fugitive  Negroes,  336;  condemned  by 
the  Virginia  convention,  341 ;  his  failure 
to  enlist  Negroes,  342. 

Dupuis,  M.,  appointed  English  consul  to 
the  court  of  Ashantee,  40. 

Dutch  man-of-war  lands  the  first  Negroes 
in  Virginia,  118;  engage  in  the  slave- 
trade,  124;  import  slaves  to  New  Neth 
erlands,  135;  encourage  the  trade,  136; 
settlement  on  the  Delaware,  312. 

EARL,  JOHN,  his  connection  with  the  Ne 
gro  plot  at  New  York,  163. 

East  Greenwich,  R.  I.,  bridge  built  at,  by 
Negro  impost-tax,  275. 

Egmont,  Earl  of,  opposed  to  slavery  in 
Georgia,  319. 

Egypt,  first  settlers  of,  6,  10 ;  Negro  and 
Mulatto  races  in,  14;  slavery  in,  17; 
Negro  civilization  imitated  by,  22 ;  the 
Ethiopian  kings  of,  454. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  of  England,  encourages 
the  slave-trade,  138. 

Elizabeth,  N.J.,  police  regulations,  286. 

England,  suppresses  the  slave-trade,  28, 31 ; 
sends  agricultural  implements,  machine 
ry,  and  missionaries  to  Africa,  32 ;  con 
duct  in  the  Ashantee  war,  38,  41,  42 ; 
treaty  with  Ashantee,  42  ;  founds  a  col 
ony  in  Sierra  Leone,  86 ;  all  slaves  de 
clared  free  on  reaching  British  soil,  86; 
declares  slave-trade  piracy,  87 ;  estab 
lishes  a  mission  at  Sierra  Leone,  89 ; 
women  sent  to  Virginia,  119;  laws 
relating  to  slavery,  125;  sanctions 
the  slave-trade,  138-140,  463;  courts 
decide  in  1677  that  a  Negro  slave  is 
property,  190;  slavery  recognized  in, 
203;  agrees  to  furnish  Negroes  to  the 
West  Indies,  236;  treaty  with  United 
States,  382. 

Enoch,  description  of  the  city  of,  453. 

Ethiopia,  war  with  Caesar,  6;  natives 
same  race  as  Egyptians,  6;  meaning  of, 
13;  cities  of,  described,  453 ;  kings  rule 
Egypt,  454- 


INDEX. 


469 


FAIRFAX,  Va.,  meeting  at,  in  1774,  pass  res 
olutions  against  slavery,  327. 

"  Fanny,"  brig,  arrives  at  Norfolk,  Va., 
with  slaves,  328. 

Federal  Constitution,  proceedings  of  con 
vention  to  frame  the,  417. 

Ferguson,  Dr.,  describes  character  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Sierra  Leone,  90-93. 

Folger,  Elisha,  captain  of  ship  "  Friend 
ship,"  sued  for  recovery  of  a  slave, 
231. 

Forbes,  Archibald,  mentions  Africans  nine 
feet  in  height,  59. 

Fox,    George,    views    concerning   slaves, 

3i3- 

France  engaged  in  the  slave-trade,  463. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  letter  to  Dean  Wood 
ward  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  327 ; 
address  to  the  public  on  the  abolition  of 
slavery,  431. 

Friends,  see  Quakers. 

Fuller,  THomas,  a  Negro  mathematician, 
399- 

GAGE,  THOMAS,  refuses  to  sign  the  bill  to 
prevent  the  importation  of  Negroes  into 
Massachusetts,  235,  237. 

t~rates,  Gen.  Horatio,  his  order  not  to  en 
list  Negroes,  334. 

George  III.  in  1751  repeals  the  act  declar 
ing  slaves  real  estate,  125. 

Georgia,  slavery  in,  316-323;  colony  of, 
established,  316;  slavery  prohibited  in, 
316,  317;  discussion  in  regard  to  the  ad 
mission  of  slavery,  318-322 ;  clandestine 
importation  of  Negroes,  320 ;  slavery  es 
tablished,  322 ;  history  of  slavery,  322  ; 
number  of  slaves  in  1715,  325;  importa 
tion  of  slaves  prohibited,  440;  slave 
population  in  1790,  436. 

Germantown,  Penn.,  memorial  of  Quakers 
against  slavery  in  1688,  313. 

Glasgow,  Scotland,  a  slave  liberated  in 
1762,  463. 

Goddard,  Benjamin,  protests  against  en 
listing  Negroes  in  Grafton,  Mass., 

352. 

Godfrey  family  of  South  Carolina,  killed 
by  a  Negro  mob,  299. 

Gordon,  William,  letter  on  the  emancipa 
tion  of  slaves,  402 ;  deposed  as  chaplain 
of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts, 
409. 


Grafton,  Mass.,  protest  in  1778  against  the 
enlistment  of  Negroes,  352. 

Grahame,  Judge  Thomas,  liberates  Negro 
slave  in  Glasgow,  Scotland,  463. 

Gray,  Samuel,  killed  at  the  Boston  Massa 
cre,  331. 

Greece,   Negro  civilization  imitated    by, 

22. 

Greene,  Col.  Christopher,  commands  a 
Negro  regiment  in  1778  at  battle  of 
Rhode  Island,  368 ;  his  death,  369. 

Greene,  Gen.  Nathanael,  letters  to  Wash 
ington  on  the  raising  of  a  Negro  regi 
ment,  342  ;  on  the  enlistment  of  Negroes, 
the  British  army,  359 ;  at  battle  of  Rhode 
Island,  368. 

Greenleaf,  Richard,  sued  by  his  slave,  204, 
231. 

Guerard,  Benjamin,  governor  of  South 
Carolina,  letter  to  Gov.  Hancock  rela 
tive  to  slaves  recaptured  from  the  Brit 
ish,  380. 

Guyot,  Arnold  H.,  opinion  on  the  diversity 
of  the  human  race,  20. 

HABERSHAM,  JAMES,  favors  slavery  in 
Georgia,  318,  321. 

Ham,  the  progenitor  of  the  Negro  race, 
8 ;  family  of,  9,  1 1 ;  founder  of  the  Baby 
lonian  empire,  9. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  letter  to  John  Jay 
on  the  enlistment  of  Negroes,  354 ;  opin 
ion  in  regard  to  slaves  captured  by  the 
British,  381. 

Hamilton,  Dr.,  his  connection  with  the 
Negro  plot  at  New  York,  160. 

Hancock,  John,  letter  on  the  condition  of 
the  South-Carolina  Negroes  recaptured 
from  the  British,  378. 

"  Hannibal,"  sloop,  Negroes  captured 
from,  372. 

Harcourt,  Col.  William,  captures  Gen. 
Charles  Lee,  366. 

Harper, ,  one  of  the  founders  of  the 

colony  at  Cape  Palmas,  Liberia,  95. 

Harris,  Rev.  Samuel,  describes  bravery  of 
Negro  regiment  at  battle  of  Rhode  Is 
land,  369. 

Hawkins,  Sir  John,  a  slave-trader,  138. 

"  Hazard,"  armed  vessel,  recaptures  Ne 
groes,  376. 

Hendrick,  Caesar,  a  slave,  sues  for  his 
freedom,  204,  231. 


470 


INDEX. 


Hessian  officer,  letter  on  the  employment 
of  Negroes  in  the  army,  343. 

Hillgroue,  Nicholas,  engaged  in  the  slave- 
trade,  269. 

Hispaniola,  slaves  from  Sierra  Leone  sold 
at,  138. 

Hobby,  Mr.,  Negro  in  the  army  claimed  by, 

384- 
Hogg,  Robert,  a  merchant  of  New  York, 

robbed  by  Negroes,  145. 
Holbrook,  Felix,  petition  of,  for  freedom, 

'33- 

Holland,  growth  of  slavery  in  New  Neth 
erlands,  134 ;  children  of  manumitted 
Negroes  held  as  slaves  to  serve  the  gov 
ernment  of,  135;  slaves  exchanged  for 
tobacco,  136;  engaged  in  the  slave- 
trade,  463. 

Holt,  Lord,  his  opinion  that  slavery  was 
unknown  to  English  law,  203. 

Hopkins,  John  H.,  views  of  slavery,  7,  8. 

Hopkins,  Samuel,  necessity  of  employing 
the  Negroes  in  the  American  army,  338. 

Horsmanden,  Daniel,  one  of  the  judges  in 
the  trial  of  the  Negro  plot  at  New  York, 
1741,  148. 

Hotham,  Sir  Charles,  testimony  in  regard 
to  the  abolishment  of  slavery  in  Liberia, 
105,  r 06. 

Hughson,  John,  his  tavern  at  New  York  a 
resort  for  Negroes,  147 ;  his  connection 
with  the  Negro  plot,  147  ;  trial,  152,  157  ; 
sentenced  to  be  hanged,  158;  executed, 
161. 

Hughson,  Sarah,  her  connection  with  the 
New  York  Negro  plot,  152;  trial,  157; 
respited,  164;  testimony,  165,  166,  168. 

Human  race,  the  unity  of,  443. 

Humphreys,  David,  recruits  a  company  of 
colored  infantry  in  Connecticut,  361. 

Hutchinson,  a  commissioner  to  treat  with 
king  of  Ashantee,  39. 

Hutchinson,  Gov.  Thomas,  refuses  to  sign 
bill  to  prevent  the  importation  of  slaves 
from  Africa,  223. 

INDIANS,  taxable,  122,  123;  not  treated  as 
slaves,  123;  declared  slaves,  124,  125; 
denied  the  right  to  appear  as  witnesses, 
129;  act  to  baptize,  141;  proclamation 
against  the  harboring,  141 ;  alarmed  on 
seeing  a  Negro,  173;  exchanged  for  Ne 
groes,  173;  sent  to  Bermudas,  173; 


held  in  perpetual  bondage,  178 ;  mar 
riage  with  Negroes,  180;  introduction  of, 
as  slaves,  prohibited  in  Massachusetts, 
186;  importation  of,  prohibited,  259, 
311,  314;  slavery  of,  legalized,  259. 
Ishogo  villages  in  Africa  described,  52. 

JACKSONBURGH,  S.  C.,  Negro  insurrection 
at,  299. 

Jamaica,  slaves  from,  sold  in  Virginia,  328. 

James,  Gov.,  commissioner  to  treat  with 
king  of  Ashantee,  39. 

James  City,  Va.,  buildings  destroyed,  126. 

Jameson,  David,  volunteers  to  prosecute 
the  negroes  in  New  York,  151. 

Japan,  negro  idols  in,  17. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  author  of  instructions 
to  the  Virginia  delegation  in  Congress, 
1774,  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  328; 
letters  to  Dr.  Gordon  relative  to  the  treat 
ment  of  Negroes  in  Cornwallis's  army, 
358;  to  Benjamin  Banneker,  396;  his 
recommendation  in  regard  to  slavery  in 
the  Western  Territory,  416. 

Jeffries,  John  P.,  declares  there  are  no  reli 
able  data  of  the  Negro  race,  15. 

Johnson,  David,  accused  of  conspiracy  in 
New  York,  163. 

Jones,  William,  his  genealogy  of  Noah, 
ii. 

Joseph,  the  selling  of,  a  memorial  by  Sam 
uel  Sewall,  210;  answered  by  John 
Saffin,  214. 

Josselyn,  John,  describes  attempt  to  breed 
slaves  in  Massachusetts,  174. 

KANE,  WILLIAM,  accused  of  conspiracy  in 
New  York,  162;  testimony  of,  in  the 
Negro  plot,  162-164,  168. 

Kench,  Thomas,  letters  to  the  General 
Assembly  of  Massachusetts  on  the  en 
listment  of  Negroes,  350,  351. 

Kendall,  Capt.  Miles,  deputy  governor  of 
Virginia,  receives  Negro  slaves  in  ex 
change  for  supplies,  118;  dispossessed 
of  the  same,  returns  to  England  to  seek 
equity,  118;  portion  of  the  Negroes  al 
lotted  to  him,  118;  none  of  which  he 
receives,  119. 

Kentucky,  admitted  into  the  Union,  437  ; 
constitution  revised,  441. 

Keyser,  Elizur,  emancipates  his  slave, 
207. 


INDEX. 


471 


Knowls,  John,  confines  James  Sommersett 
on  board  his  ship  "  Mary  and  Ann," 
205. 

Knox,  Thomas,  South  Carolina,  recaptured 
slaves  delivered  to,  377. 

Kudjoh  Osai,  king  of  Ashantee,  36. 

Kwamina  Osai,  succeeds  his  father  Kud 
joh  as  king  of  Ashantee,  36. 

"  LADY  GAGE,"  a  prize-ship  with  Negroes, 

376. 
Laing,   Capt.,   his   services   in  Ashantee, 

42. 
Latrobe,  J.  H.  B.,  one  of  the  founders  of 

the   colony   at   Cape    Palmas,    Liberia, 

95- 

Laurens,  Henry,  letter  to  Washington  on 
arming  of  the  Negroes  of  South  Caro 
lina,  353. 

Laurens,  John,  endeavors  to  raise  Negro 
troops  in  South  Carolina,  356;  sails  for 
France,  359;  letters  to  Washington  on 
his  return,  urging  the  enlistment  of  Ne 
groes,  360. 

Lawrence,  Major  Samuel,  commands  a 
company  of  Negro  soldiers,  366. 

Lechmere,  Richard,  sued  by  his  slave, 
230. 

Lee,  Gen.  Charles,  captured  by  the  Brit 
ish,  366. 

Leicester,  Mass.,  representative  of,  in 
structed  to  vote  against  slavery, 
225. 

Liberia,  founded  by  Colored  people  from 
Maryland,  95 ;  population,  95,  97,  102  ; 
refuge  for  Colored  people,  96;  native 
tribes,  97, 98 ;  Christian  mission  founded, 
98 ;  government,  99 ;  a  republic,  100 ; 
school  and  college  established,  TOO; 
churches,  101 ;  trade,  103 ;  first  consti 
tution,  103;  slavery  and  slave-trade 
abolished,  104;  treaty  with  England  in 
regard  to  slavery,  104  ;  testimony  of  offi 
cers  of  the  Royal  Navy  in  regard  to  the 
slave-trade  at,  105;  revolt  in,  subdued, 
106,  107. 

Lincoln,  Gen.  Benjamin,  letter  to  Gov. 
Rutledge  of  South  Carolina,  on  the  en 
listment  of  Negroes,  359. 

Livingstone,  David,  describes  African 
wars,  50,  51 ;  status  of  the  Africans,  58, 
59;  skilful  in  the  mechanic  arts,  63, 
64. 


Locke,  John,  constitution  prepared  by, 
adopted  in  North  Carolina,  302 ;  local 
governments  of  the  South  organized  on 
his  plan,  414. 

Lodge,  Abraham,  volunteers  to  prosecute 
the  Negroes  in  New  York,  151. 

Lodge,  Sir  Thomas,  a  slave-trader,  138. 

Lowell,  John,  sues  for  the  freedom  of  a 
slave  in  Newburyport,  Mass.,  231. 

Lybia,  Africa,  description  of,  452. 

MACBRAIR,  R.  M.,  author  of  a  Mandingo 
grammar,  70. 

McCarthy,  Charles,  appointed  governor- 
general  of  Western  Africa,  41  ;  war 
with  the  Ashantees,  41 ;  his  defeat  and 
death,  42. 

Madison,  James,  letter  to  Joseph  Jones, 
on  the  arming  of  the  Negroes,  359. 

Mahoney,  Lieut.,  his  description  of  a  Ne 
gro  idol  at  Calanee,  17. 

Mandji,   a  village    in    Africa    described, 

Si- 

Mankind,  unity  of,  i,  7,  108,  443  ;  varieties 

of,  3- 

Mansfield,  Lord,  decision  in  the  case  of 
the  Negro  Sommersett,  85,  205. 

Marlow,  John,  affidavit  in  the  Sommersett 
case,  206. 

Maryland,  appropriates  money  for  the 
colony  at  Cape  Palmas,  96 ;  slaves  pur 
chased  to  evade  tax,  128;  slavery  in, 
238-248 ;  under  the  laws  of  Virginia, 
238 ;  first  legislation  on  slavery,  238 ; 
population  of,  238 ;  slavery  established 
by  statute,  240;  Act  passed  encour 
aging  the  importation  of  Negroes  and 
slaves,  241  ;  impost  on  Negroes,  slaves, 
and  white  persons  imported  into,  241  ; 
duties  on  rum  and  wine,  243 ;  treatment 
of  slaves  and  papists,  243 ;  convicts  im 
ported  into,  243 ;  convict  trade  con 
demned,  244  ;  defended,  244  ;  slave-code, 
246;  rights  of  slaves,  246;  law  against 
manumission  of  slaves,  246 ;  Negro  pop 
ulation,  246,  247;  white  population, 
247 ;  increase  of  slavery,  247 ;  number 
of  slaves  in  1715,  325;  Negroes  enlist  in 
the  army,  352 ;  slave  population  in  1790, 

436. 

Maryland  Colonization  Society,  found 
colony  of  Negroes  at  Cape  Palmas,  Li 
beria,  95. 


472 


INDEX. 


Mason,   George,  author  of  the  Virginia 
resolutions    of     1774    against    slavery, 

327. 

Mason,  Susanna,  addresses  a  poetical  let 
ter  to  Benjamin  Banneker,  392. 

Massachusetts,  slavery  in,  172-237;  earli 
est  mention  of  the  Negro  in,  173; 
Moore's  history  of  slavery  in,  173;  Pe- 
quod  War  the  cause  of  slavery,  173; 
slaves  imported  to,  174;  ship  "  Desire  " 
arrives  with  slaves,  174,  176;  slavery 
established,  175;  first  statute  establish 
ing  slavery,  177;  made  hereditary,  179; 
kidnapped  Negroes,  180,  182 ;  number 
of  slaves,  183,  184;  tax  on  slaves,  185; 
Negro  population,  185 ;  introduction  of 
Indian  slaves  prohibited,  186 ;  Negroes 
rated  with  cattle,  187,  188,  196;  denied 
baptism,  189 ;  Act  in  relation  to  marriage 
of  Negro  slaves,  191,  192;  slave-mar 
riage  ceremony,  192 ;  condition  of  free 
Negro,  194,  196;  Act  to  abolish  slavery, 
204 ;  slave  awarded  a  verdict  against  his 
master,  204;  emancipation  of  slaves, 
205;  legislation  favoring  the  importa 
tion  of  white  servants,  and  prohibiting 
the  clandestine  bringing-in  of  Negroes, 
208;  importation  of  Negroes  not  as 
profitable  as  white  servants,  208,  209; 
prohibitory  legislation  against  slavery, 
220;  proclamation  against  Negroes,  226 ; 
slaves  executed,  226;  transported  and 
exchanged  for  small  Negroes,  226; 
slaves  sue  for  freedom,  228-232 ;  Ne 
groes  petition  for  freedom,  233 ;  bill 
passed  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave- 
trade,  234,  235;  vetoed  by  Gov.  Gage, 
235;  number  of  slaves  in,  325,  emanci 
pation  of  slaves,  329 ;  enlistment  of 
Negroes  and  emancipation  of  slaves 
prohibited,  329;  enlistment  of  Negroes 
opposed,  334,  351 ;  mode  of  enlisting 
Negroes,  352  ;  Negroes  serve  with  white 
troops,  352 ;  number  of  men  furnished 
to  the  army,  353;  act  relative  to  cap 
tured  Negroes,  370;  sale  of  captured 
Negroes  prohibited,  371  ;  armed  vessels 
from,  recapture  Negroes,  376;  act  rela 
tive  to  prisoners  of  war,  379;  slaves 
petition  for  freedom,  404;  act  against 
slavery,  405  ;  extinction  of  slavery,  429; 
lawsuits  brought  by  slaves,  430;  condi 
tion  of  slaves,  461. 


Maverick,  Samuel,  attempts  to  breed 
slaves  in  Massachusetts,  174. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  mortally  wounded  at 
the  Boston  Massacre,  331. 

Mede,  Joseph,  his  statement  in  regard  to 
Ham  corrected,  10. 

Medford,  Mass.,  representative  of,  in 
structed  to  vote  against  slavery, 
225. 

Melville,  John,  his  sermon  on  Simon  men 
tioned,  6. 

Menes,  first  king  of  Egypt,  454. 

Meroe,  Egypt,  capital  of  African  Ethiopia 
and  chief  city  of  the  Negroes,  6. 

Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  establishes 
a  mission  in  Liberia,  98,  100. 

Methodist  Missionary  Society  appropriate 
money  for  the  mission  at  Monrovia,. 
98. 

Mifflin,  Warner,  presents  a  memorial  to 
Congress  in  1792  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery,  437. 

Mills,  James,  missionary  to  Monrovia,  97  ; 
death,  97. 

Missah  Kwanta,  son  of  the  king  of  Ashan- 
tee,  sent  to  England  as  a  hostage,, 

43- 

Mississippi,  slavery  in  Territory  of,  prohib 
ited,  1797,  440. 

Monroe,  James,  town  of  Monrovia  named 
in  honor  of,  97. 

Monrovia,  Africa,  founded,  97 ;  popula 
tion,  97 ;  Christian  mission  established, 
98,  99. 

Moore,  George  H.,  his  history  of  slavery 
in  Massachusetts  commended,  173 ; 
mentioned,  180,  183 ;  remarks  on  the 
bill  to  prohibit  the  importation  of  slaves. 
from  Africa,  224. 

Morton,  Samuel  G.,  the  sphinx  a  shrine  of 
the  Negro,  17. 

Murphy,  Edward,  accused  of  conspiracy 
in  New  York,  163. 

Murray,  Joseph,  volunteers  to  prosecute 
the  Negroes  in  New  York,  151,  158, 
166. 

Mycerinus,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

"  NAUTILUS,"  ship  arrives  at  Sierra  Leone 

with  colony  of  Negroes,  86. 
Nechao,  king  of  Egypt,  455. 
Negro  plot  in  New  York  City,  1741,  143- 

170. 


INDEX. 


473: 


Negroes,  members  of  the  human  family, 
i,  5;  descendants  of  Ham,  3,  8;  repre 
sented  in  pictures  of  the  crucifixion  of 
Christ,  5 ;  an  Ethiopian  eunuch  becomes 
a  Christian,  6 ;  same  race  as  Egyptian, 
6;  Cush  an  ancestor,  10;  use  of  the 
term  "Negro,"  12,  13;  antiquity  of  the 
race,  14-19;  early  military  service,  15; 
figured  in  a  Theban  tomb,  15,  16  ;  politi 
cal  and  social  condition,  16;  the  Sphinx 
a  shrine  of,  17;  idols,  17,  18;  origin  of 
color  and  hair,  19-21 ;  primitive  civiliza 
tion,  22;  decline,  24;  kingdoms,  26,  28, 
31 ;  engage  in  the  slave-trade,  27 ;  wo 
men  in  the  army,  29;  laws,  religion,  30; 
different  tribes  at  war,  30-40 ;  war  with 
England,  41-43 ;  the  Negro  type,  45-48  ; 
physical  and  mental  character  affected 
by  climate,  46,  47,  385,  448 ;  longevity, 
46;  slaves  the  lower  class,  47;  habits, 
48 ;  susceptible  to  Christianity,  48 ; 
idiosyncrasies  of  the,  50;  patriarchal 
government,  50,  54;  village.5,  51,  52; 
pursuits,  51  ;  architecture,  51,  53 ; 
women  as  rulers,  55,  56;  priests,  55; 
laws,  56,  57 ;  marriage,  57,  58 ;  status, 
58,  59;  nine  feet  in  height,  59;  beauty 
of  the,  60,  61 ;  warfare,  61,  62;  agricul 
ture,  62,  63 ;  mechanic  arts,  63-65  ;  lan 
guages,  66-70,  90;  literature,  75-80; 
religion,  81-84,  89,  90;  free,  leave 
for  England,  86;  colony  of,  at  Sierra 
Leone,  86;  serve  in  the  British  army, 
87 ;  their  condition  in  America,  96 ; 
found  colony  at  Liberia,  95;  first  im 
portance  of,  109;  military  abilities, 
no;  early  Christianity,  in  ;  earliest  im 
portation  to  America,  115;  in  Virginia, 
116,  118;  number  of,  in  Virginia,  119, 
120;  prohibition  against,  121;  tax  on 
female,  122,  123;  law  of  Virginia  de 
clares  them  slaves,  123,  124;  repeal  of 
the  Act  declaring  them  real  estate,  125; 
duty  on  slaves  in  Virginia,  126-128; 
traffic  encouraged  in  Virginia,  128;  no 
political  or  military  rights  in  Virginia, 
128,  129;  denied  the  right  to  appear  as 
witnesses,  129 ;  revolt  of  free,  in  Virginia, 
130;  pay  taxes,  131 ;  in  the  military  ser 
vice,  131  ;  intermarriage  of,  prohibited, 
131;  denied  education,  132;  children  of 
manumitted,  made  slaves,  135,  136;  not 
allowed  to  hold  real  estate  in  New  York, 


142 ;  earliest  mention  of,  in  Massachu 
setts,  173;  held  in  perpetual  bondage, 
178 ;  condition  of  free,  in  Massachusetts, 
194,  196;  importation  of,  not  so  profita 
ble  as  white  servants,  208 ;  Act  encour 
aging  the  importation  of,  into  Maryland, 
241  ;  condition  of  free,  in  Maryland, 
247 ;  limited  rights  of  free,  259,  308, 
315;  prohibited  the  use  of  the  streets  in 
Rhode  Island,  264 ;  military  employ 
ment  of,  324 ;  excluded  from  the  Conti 
nental  Army,  335  ;  allowed  to  re-enlist, 
337 ;  in  Virginia  join  the  British  army, 
339;  cautioned  against  joining  the  lat 
ter,  340 ;  serve  in  the  army  with  white 
troops  in  Massachusetts,  352  ;  efforts  to. 
enlist  in  South  Carolina,  355  ;  company 
of,  enlisted  in  Connecticut,  361 ;  return 
of,  in  the  army,  1778,  362  ;  as  soldiers,. 
I775~I78j5  363  ;  at  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  363;  at  battle  of  Rhode  Island,. 
368  ;  valor  of,  369 ;  sale  of  two  captured, 
prohibited  in  Massachusetts,  371  ;  dis 
posal  of  recaptured,  374, 376 ;  education 
of,  prohibited,  385. 

Newburyport,  Mass.,  a  slave  sues  for  free 
dom,  231. 

New  England  Negroes  leave  for  England, 
86;  engaged  in  the  slave-trade,  174,  180; 
see  Massachusetts. 

New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  exercises 
authority  over,  309;  slavery  in,  309-311 ; 
Negro  slave  emancipated,  309;  instruc 
tion  against  importation  of  slaves,  309; 
conduct  of  servants  regulated,  319;  ill 
treatment  of  slaves,  31 1 ;  importation  of 
Indian  servants  prohibited,  311;  ill 
treatment  of  servants  and  slaves  pro 
hibited,  311 ;  duration  of  slaves  in,  311 ;. 
number  of  slaves  in,  325;  slave  popula 
tion  in  1790,  436. 

New  Jersey,  slavery  in,  282-288;  Act  in- 
regard  to  slaves,  282 ;  the  colony  divided, 
with  separate  governments,  283 ;  enter 
taining  of  fugitive  servants,  or  trading 
with  Negroes,  prohibited,  283  ;  Negroes 
and  other  slaves  allowed  trial  by  a  jury, 
283;  publicity  in  judicial  proceedings, 
285;  rights  of  government  of,  surren 
dered  to  the  queen,  285;  conduct  of 
slaves  regulated,  285 ;  impost  -  tax  on 
imported  Negroes,  286,  287;  trials  of 
slaves  regulated,  286 ;  security  required; 


474 


INDEX. 


for  manumitted  slaves,  287  ;  slaves  pro 
hibited  from  joining  the  militia,  288 ; 
population,  1738-45,  288;  number  of 
slaves  in,  325;  slave  population  in  1790, 

436- 

New  Netherlands,  see  New  York. 

Newport,  Amos,  a  slave,  sues  for  his  free 
dom,  229. 

Newport,  R.I.,  Negroes  and  Indians  pro 
hibited  the  use  of  the  streets,  264; 
Negro  slaves  arrive,  269;  part  of  them 
sold,  269 ;  vessels  fitted  out  for  the  slave- 
trade,  269;  streets  repaired  from  the 
impost-tax  on  Negroes,  273,  275. 

New  York,  slavery  in,  134-171;  slaves 
imported  from  Brazil,  146;  laws  rela 
tive  to  slavery,  139;  slaves  the  property 
of  West-India  Company,  139;  supply  of 
slaves,  140;  Act  for  regulating  slaves, 
140;  Act  to  baptize  slaves,  141  ;  expedi 
tion  against  Canada,  143;  governor  of, 
claims  jurisdiction  over  Pennsylvania, 
312;  number  of  slaves  in,  325;  Act  for 
raising  Negro  troops,  352 ;  Negro  sol 
diers  promised  freedom,  411;  slave 
population  in  1790,  436;  bill  for  the 
gradual  extinction  of  slavery,  440 ;  laws 
in  regard  to  slaves,  463. 

Nexv-York  City,  settled  by  the  Dutch, 
134;  growth  of  slavery  under  the  Hol 
land  government,  134;  children  of 
manumitted  Negroes  made  slaves,  135, 
136;  slaves  imported  from  Brazil,  136; 
captured  by  the  English,  138;  laws  on 
slavery,  139;  identical  with  Massachu 
setts,  139;  Gov.  Dongan  arrives,  139; 
General  Assembly  meet,  139;  procla 
mation  against  the  harboring  of  slaves, 
141 ;  slaves  forbidden  the  streets  after 
nightfall,  141  ;  slave  -  market  erected, 
142;  Negro  riot,  143;  Negro  plot,  144- 
171 ;  house  of  Robert  Hogg  robbed, 
145;  population,  145;  fire  at  Fort 
George,  145;  fires  in,  146;  crew  of 
Spanish  vessel  adjudged  slaves,  146; 
charged  with  firing  houses,  146,  house 
of  John  Hughson,  resort  for  Negroes, 
147 ;  act  against  entertaining  slaves, 
148 ;  council  meet,  request  governor  to 
offer  reward  for  incendiaries,  149 ; 
Negroes  deny  all  knowledge  of  the 
fires  and  plot,  149  ;  Supreme  Court  con 
vened,  149;  trial  of  Negroes,  149;  Ne 


groes  hanged,  154;  fast  observed  in, 
154;  Negroes  arrested,  155;  chained  to 
a  stake,  and  burned,  157  ;  proclamation 
granting  freedom  to  conspirators  who 
would  confess,  159;  Spanish  Negroes 
sentenced  to  be  hung,  161;  Hughson 
executed,  161  ;  Negroes  hanged,  161, 
169;  thanksgiving,  169;  Rev.  John 
Ury  executed,  169;  arrests  for  con 
spiracy,  170;  first  session  of  Congress 
held  at,  in  1789,  426. 

Nicoll,  Benjamin,  volunteers  to  prosecute 
the  Negroes  in  New  York,  151. 

Nineveh,  the  city  of,  founded,  910. 

Noddle's  Island,  Mass.,  slaves  on,  176. 

Non-Importation  Act  passed  by  Congress, 

325- 

Norfolk,  Va.,  arrival  of  slaves  at,  328. 

North  Carolina,  slaves  purchased  in,  to 
evade  the  tax,  128  ;  slavery  in,  302-308; 
situation  of,  favorable  to  the  slave-trade, 
302  ;  the  Locke  Constitution  adopted, 
302;  William  Sayle  commissioned 
governor,  303 ;  Negro  slaves  eligible  to 
membership  in  the  church,  304;  Church 
of  England  established  in,  304;  rights 
of  Negroes  controlled  by  their  masters, 
304;  act  respecting  conspiracies,  305; 
form  of  trying  Negroes,  307  ;  ill  treat 
ment  of  Negroes,  307 ;  emancipation  of 
slaves  prohibited,  307  ;  limited  rights  of 
free  Negroes,  308 ;  number  of  slaves  in, 
325  ;  slave  population  in  1790,  436. 

Nott,  John  C.,  antiquity  of  the  Negro,  15; 
his  social  condition,  16. 

GATES,  TITUS,  his  connection  with  the 
Popish  plot,  144. 

Obongos  of  Africa  described,  46. 

Ockote,  Osai,  king  of  Ashantee,  his  war 
with  the  English,  43. 

Oglethorpe,  John,  first  governor  of  Geor 
gia,  opposed  to  slavery,  316. 

Ophir,  Africa,  description  of,  452. 

Opoko,  Osai,  king  of  Ashantee,  35. 

Osymandyas,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

Otis,  James,  speech  in  favor  of  freedom  to 
the  Negroes,  203. 

PARSONS,  THEOPHILUS,  his  opinion  on  the 
existence  of  slavery  in  Massachusetts, 
179,  180;  decision  in  the  case  of  Win- 
chendon  vs.  Hatfield,  232. 


INDEX. 


475 


Pastorius,  Francis  Daniel,  his  memorial 

against  slavery,  1688,  313. 
Payne,  John,  missionary  bishop  of  Africa, 

100. 

Pendleton,  Edmund,  letter  to  Richard 
Lee  on  the  slaves  of  Virginia  joining 
the  British  army,  339. 

Penn,  William,  Delaware  conveyed  to, 
249;  grants  the  privilege  of  separate 
government,  249;  introduces  bill  for 
the  regulation  of  servants,  314;  op 
posed  to  slavery,  314. 

Pennsylvania,  slavery  in,  312-315;  govern 
ment  organized,  312  ;  Swedes  and  Dutch 
settlement,  312;  governor  of  New  York 
claims  jurisdiction  over,  312;  first  laws 
of,  312  ;  memorial  against  slavery,  313; 
Penn  presents  bill  for  the  better  regu 
lation  of  servants,  314;  tax  on  imported 
slaves,  314;  importation  of  Negroes 
and  Indians  prohibited,  314;  petition 
for  the  freedom  of  slaves  denied,  314; 
rights  of  the  Negroes,  315;  tax  on  Ne 
groes  and  Mulatto  slaves,  315;  fears  for 
the  conduct  of  the  slaves,  315;  number 
of  slaves  in,  325;  slave  population  in 
1790,  436. 

Pennsylvania  Society  for  promoting  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  address  of  the, 
1789,  431. 

Pequod  Indians  captured  in  war  exchanged 
for  Negroes,  173;  as  slaves,  177. 

Peters,  John,  married  to  Phillis  Wheatley, 
200. 

Peters,  Phillis,  see  Wheatley,  Phillis. 

Pheron,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

Philadelphia,  Federal  Convention  meet  at, 
417  ;  Anti-slavery  Convention  held  at, 
438 ;  see  Pennsylvania. 

Phut,  Africa,  description  of,  452. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  representative  of 
Salem,  Mass.,  instructed  to  vote  against 
the  importation  of  slaves,  220. 

Pinny,     J.    B.,    missionary    to     Liberia, 

ICO. 

Pitcairn,  John,  killed  at  Bunker  Hill  by  a 
Negro  soldier,  364. 

Plant,  Matthias,  missionary  of  the  Propa 
gation  Society  in  Mass.,  189. 

Po,  Fernando,  locates  Portuguese  colony 
in  Africa,  26. 

Poor,  Salem,  a  Negro  soldier,  his  bravery 
at  Bunker  Hill,  365. 


Popish    plot    in    England   concocted   by 

Titus  Gates,  144. 
Portugal,  engages  in  the  slave-trade,  26, 

31,  463  ;  locates  colony  at  Benin,  Africa, 

26,  27. 
Prescott,  Richard,  captured  by  Lieut.-Col. 

Barton,  366. 
Presbyterian  Board  of  Missions  establish 

missions  in  Liberia,  100. 
Price,  Arthur,  arrested  for  theft  in  New 

York,  152  ;  testimony  in  the  Negro  plot, 

152,  154. 

Prichard,  John  C.,  varieties  of  the  human 
race,  4. 

Prince,  a  Negro,  assists  in  the  capture  of 
Gen.  Prescott,  367. 

Protestant  Episcopal  Church  establishes 
first  mission  at  Sierra  Leone,  89 ;  in  Li 
beria,  100. 

Proteus,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

Psammetichus,  king  of  Egypt,  455. 

Psammis,  king  of  Egypt,  456. 

Pul,  Africa,  description  of,  452. 

QUAKERS,  opposed  to  slavery,  218;  me 
morial  of,  against  slavery  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  313 ;  the  friends  of  the  Negroes, 
315;  memorial  to  Congress  relative  to 
slavery,  439. 

RAMESES,  MIAMUN,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

Raffles,  T.  Stanford,  his  researches  on  the 
Negro  race,  19. 

Reade,  W.  Winwood,  describes  patriarchal 
government  of  Africa,  55  ;  beauty  of  the 
Negro,  60,  6 1 ;  people  of  Sierra  Leone,, 
87. 

Revere,  Paul,  Negroes  placed  in  his  charge, 
at  Castle  Island,  Mass.,  377. 

Rhampsinitus,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

Rhode  Island,  slavery  in,  262-281  ;  colo 
nial  government,  262 ;  Act  of  1652  to 
abolish  slavery  not  enforced,  262 ;  Ne 
groes  and  Indians  prohibited  the  use  of 
the  streets,  264 ;  impost-tax  on  slavess, 
265 ;  entertainment  of  slaves  prohibited^. 
266 ;  Negro  slaves  sold  in,  269 ;  supply 
of  Negroes  from  Barbadoes,  269 ;  ves 
sels  fitted  out  for  the  slave-trade,  269  ; 
value  of  Negro  slaves,  269 ;  list  of 
militia-men,  including  white  and  black 
servants,  270  ;  clandestine  importations 
and  exportations  of  passengers,  Negroes, 


476 


INDEX. 


or  Indian  slaves  prohibited,  271  ;  mas 
ters  of  vessels  required  to  report  the 
names  and  number  of  passengers,  272, 
274;  penalties  for  violating  the  impost 
tax  law  on  slaves,  272  ;  portion  of  the 
impost-tax  on  imported  Negroes  appro 
priated  to  repair  streets  of  Newport, 
273 ;  disposition  of  the  money  raised 
by  impost-tax,  275  ;  slaves  imported  into, 
276 ;  impost-tax  repealed,  277  ;  manu 
mission  of  aged  and  helpless  slaves 
regulated,  277  ;  Negro  slaves  rated  as 
chattel  property,  278 ;  masters  of  ves 
sels  prohibited  from  carrying  slaves  out 
of,  278  ;  importation  of  Negroes  prohib 
ited,  280;  population  from  1730-1774, 
281  ;  number  of  slaves  in,  325 ;  act 
emancipating  slaves  on  joining  the 
army,  347  ;  protest  against  the  enlist 
ment  of  slaves,  348 ;  Negro  troops  en 
gaged  in  the  battle  of,  368  ;  slave  popu 
lation  in  1790,  436. 

Ricketts,  Capt.,  services  in  the  Ashantee 
war,  42. 

Roberts,  J.  J.,  president  of  Liberia,  proc 
lamation  regarding  passports,  106. 

Rockwell,  Charles,  descrUjes  Liberia,  96. 

Roman  Catholics  denied  the  right  to  ap 
pear  as  witnesses  in  Virginia,  129; 
treatment  of,  in  Maryland,  243 ;  de 
nounced  by  Gates,  144 ;  suspected  in 
New  York,  160,  162,  164,  167. 

Rome,  Negro  civilization  imitated  by,  22. 

Rommes,  John,  charged  with  burglary  at 
New  York,  148 ;  accused  of  being  in 
the  Negro  plot,  153. 

Royal  African  Company,  charter  abol 
ished,  41  ;  ordered  to  send  supply  of 
slaves  to  New  York,  140 ;  has  sole  right 
to  trade  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  316. 

Royall,  Jacob,  imports  Negro  slaves  into 
Rhode  Island,  276. 

Ruffin,  Robert,  a  slave  of,  declared  free 
for  revealing  plot  of  free  Negroes  in 
Virginia,  130. 

Rush,  Benjamin,  his  opinion  of  James 
Derham  the  Negro  physician,  401. 

Ryase,  Andrew,  accused  of  conspiracy  in 
New  York,  163. 

SABACHUS,  king  of  Ethiopia,  454. 
Baffin,  John,  reply  to  Judge  Sewall's  tract, 
"The  Selling  of  Joseph,"  214. 


St.  George's  Bay  Company  organized,  86; 
succeeded  by  the  Sierra  Leone  Com 
pany,  86. 

Salem,  Mass.,  representative  of,  instructed 
to  vote  against  the  importation  of  slaves, 
220,  224 ;  Negro  conspiracy,  227  ;  slaves 
sent  to,  269,  376;  petition  of  slaves  in, 
462 ;  Negroes  captured  at  sea  adver 
tised  for  sale,  372. 

Salem,  Peter,  a  Negro  soldier,  his  bravery 
at  Bunker  Hill,  364. 

Salisbury,  Samuel  Webster,  author  of  an 
address  on  slavery,  1769,  218. 

Saltonstall,  Richard,  petitions  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts  against  stealing 
Negroes  for  slaves,  181. 

Sandwich,  Mass.,  representative  of,  in 
structed  to  vote  against  slavery,  225. 

Sargent,  Nathaniel  P.,  opinion,  1783,  rela 
tive  to  South-Carolina  Negroes,  381. 

Savage,  Samuel  P.,  letter,  1783,  in  regard 
to  South-Carolina  Negroes,  377. 

Sayle,  William,  commissioned  governor  of 
North  Carolina,  302. 

Schultz,  John,  testimony  in  the  Negro  plot 
at  New  York,  1741,  163. 

Scotland,  a  Negro  slave  liberated  in  1762, 

463- 

Scott,  Bishop,  letter  on  the  government  of 
Liberia,  99. 

"  Seaflower,"  ship,  arrives  at  Newport,  R.I., 
from  Africa,  with  slaves,  269. 

Seba,  Africa,  description  of,  452. 

Sesach,  king  of  Egypt,  454. 

Sesostris,  king  of  Egypt,  458. 

Sethon,  king  of  Egypt,  454. 

Sewall,  Jonathan,  letter  to  John  Adams 
on  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  207. 

Sewall,  Joseph,  sermon  on  the  fires  in 
Boston,  1723,  226. 

Sewall,  Samuel,  protests  against  rating 
Negroes  with  cattle,  187  ;  his  hatred  of 
slavery,  210;  publishes  his  tract  "The 
Selling  of  Joseph,"  210;  father  of  the 
anti-slavery  movement  in  Massachusetts, 
217;  letter  to  Addington  Davenport  on 
the  murder  of  Smith's  slave,  1719,  461. 

Shaftesbury,  Earl  of,  in  favor  of  introdu 
cing  slavery  into  Georgia,  322. 

Sharp,  Granville,  one  of  the  founders  of 
Sierra  Leone  colony,  86. 

Sherbro,  mission-district,  Western  Africa, 
described,  460. 


INDEX. 


477 


Shinga,  queen  of  Congo,  55. 

Shishak,  king  of  Ethiopia,  454. 

Shodeke,  king  of  Yoruba,  Africa,  31. 

Siam,  negro  idols  in,  17. 

Sicana,  chief  of  the  Kaffir  tribe,  a  Chris 
tian  and  a  poet,  80. 

Sierra  Leone,  sends  colony  to  Yoruba, 
Africa,  32 ;  discovered,  85 ;  Negro  colony 
founded,  86,  8;;  attacked  by  French 
squadron,  87  ;  England  takes  possession 
of,  87  ;  population,  88,  90 ;  trade,  88 ; 
Christian  missions  at,  89, 90 ;  languages 
of  colony,  90 ;  character  of  the  inhabit 
ants  described  by  Gov.  Ferguson,  90- 
93 ;  slaves  from,  sold  at  Hispaniola,  138. 

Sierra  Leone  Company,  organized,  86; 
objects  of,  87. 

Simon,  a  negro,  bears  the  cross  of  Jesus,  5. 

Slavery,  Hopkins's  Bible  views  of,  7,  8; 
in  Egypt,  17 ;  in  Africa,  25-27  ;  Lord 
Manfield's  decision  in  the  Sommersett 
case,  85 ;  colonization,  the  solution  of, 
97 ;  abolished  in  Liberia,  104,  105 ; 
weaker  tribes  of  Africa,  chief  source  of, 
109;  introduced  in  Virginia,  115,  116, 
118;  made  legal  in  Virginia,  123,  124; 
growth  of,  in  Virginia,  133;  growth  in 
New  York,  134 ;  sanctioned  by  the  Eng 
lish,  138;  New-York  laws,  139;  made 
legal  in  New  York,  140;  in  Massachu 
setts,  172-237;  established,  175,  179; 
first  statute  establishing,  in  United 
States,  177 ;  sanctioned  by  the  church 
and  courts,  178 ;  made  hereditary  in 
Massachusetts,  179 ;  growth  of,  in 
Massachusetts,  183;  recognized  in  Eng 
land,  203;  act  to  abolish  in  Massachu 
setts  204;  prohibitory  legislation  against, 
220-225 ;  first  legislation  in  Maryland, 
238 ;  established  by  statute,  240 ;  in 
creased  in  Maryland,  247  ;  introduced 
in  Delaware,  249 ;  first  legislation  on, 
250 ;  Indian  and  Negro,  legalized  in 
Connecticut,  259;  in  New  Jersey,  282; 
established  in  South  Carolina,  289;  per 
petual,  290,  291 ;  in  New  Hampshire, 
309 ;  memorial  against,  in  Pennsylvania, 
313;  prohibited  in  Georgia,  316;  Gov. 
Oglethorpe's  opinion  on,  316 ;  discussion 
on  the  admission  of,  in  Georgia,  318- 
322  ;  established  in  Georgia,  322  ;  Wash 
ington  prevents  resolutions  against,  327; 
legislation  against,  demanded,  403  ;  act 


against,  in  Massachusetts,  405 ;  progress 
of,  during  the  Revolution,  41 1  ;  as  a  po 
litical  and  legal  problem,  412;  recog 
nized  under  the  new  government  of 
United  States,  414;  attempted  legisla 
tion  against,  415  ;  advocated  by  the 
Southern  States,  418;  speeches  delivered 
in  the  convention  at  Philadelphia  on, 
420;  in  the  Federal  Congress,  427;  ex 
tinction  of,  in  Massachusetts,  429  ; 
Franklin's  address  for  the  abolition  of, 
431  ;  memorials  to  Congress  for  the 
abolition  of,  432,  437  ;  bill  for  the  gradu 
al  extinction  of,  in  New  York,  440; 
firmly  established,  441. 
Slaves,  social  condition  of  white  and  black, 
16 ;  the  lower  class  of  negroes,  47  ;  Lord 
Mansfield's  decision  in  the  Sommersett 
case,  85,  86 ;  declared  free  on  reaching 
British  soil,  86 ;  introduced  in  America, 
115;  first  introduced  in  Virginia,  116, 
118;  on  Somer  Islands,  118;  number  of, 
in  Virginia,  119,  120,  132,  133;  prohibi 
tion  against,  121  ;  special  tax  on  female, 
122,  123;  sold  for  tobacco,  122  ;  laws  of 
Virginia  in  regard  to,  123-125  ;  act  re 
pealed  declaring  them  real  estate,  125; 
duty  on,  126,  1-27;  purchased  in  Mary 
land  and  Carolina  to  evade  the  tax,  128 ; 
tax  on  sales  of,  in  Virginia,  128  ;  reduced, 
128;  repealed,  128;  revived,  128;  traffic 
in,  encouraged  in  Virginia,  128;  no  po 
litical  or  military  rights,  1 28,  1 29 ;  laws 
in  Virginia,  129,  130;  value  fixed  on, 
when  executed,  129;  laws  of  Virginia 
in  regard  to  freedom  of,  130;  presented 
to  clergymen,  131 ;  prohibition  against 
instructing,  132;  denied  education,  132; 
introduced  in  New  York,  134;  West 
India  Company  trade  in,  135;  manumit 
ted  in  New  York;  135;  children  of  the 
latter  held  as,  135;  imported  from  Bra 
zil  to  New  York,  136;  exchanged  for 
tobacco,  136;  intermarry  in  New  York, 
137  ;  New  York  to  have  constant  supply, 
140;  Act  to  regulate,  140,  141;  Act  to 
baptize,  140;  against  the  harboring  of, 
141,  148;  forbidden  the  streets  in  New 
York,  141 ;  Negro  riot,  143 ;  Negro  plot, 
144-171  ;  executed,  154,  161  ;  burned, 
157  ;  Negroes  exchanged  for  Indians, 
173;  Indians  sent  to  Bermudas,  173; 
imported  from  Barbadoes  to  Massachu- 


INDEX. 


setts,  174;  ship  "Desire"  arrives  with, 
174,  176;  attempt  to  breed,  in  Massa 
chusetts,  174;  sold  in  Massachusetts, 
175;  issue  of  female,  the  property  of 
their  master,  180;  marriage  of,  180,  191, 
192 ;  sold  at  Barbadoes  and  West  Indies, 
181  ;  number  in  Massachusetts,  183, 184; 
tax  on,  185;  rated  as  cattle,  187,  188, 
196  ;  denied  baptism,  189  ;  marriage- 
ceremony,  192 ;  verdict  awarded  to  a 
slave  in  Massachusetts,  204 ;  number  in 
Boston,  205  ;  emancipated,  206 ;  exe 
cuted  in  Massachusetts,  226 ;  transported 
and  exchanged  for  small  negroes,  226; 
sue  for  freedom  in  Massachusetts,  228- 
232  ;  emancipated  by  England,  231  ; 
slave-code  of  Maryland,  246  ;  laws 
against  manumission  of,  246,  250;  intro 
duced  in  Connecticut,  252  ;  purchase 
and  treatment  of,  253;  persons  manu 
mitting  to  maintain  them,  254;  com 
merce  with,  prohibited,  255;  importa 
tion  of,  prohibited,  259,  261  ;  impost-tax 
on,  in  Rhode  Island,  265 ;  entertainment 
of,  prohibited,  266 ;  letter  of  the  board 
of  trade  relative  to,  267 ;  Rhode  Island 
supplied  with,  from  Barbadoes,  269 ; 
slaves  sold  in  Rhode  Island,  269 ;  value 
of,  269  ;  clandestine  importation  and  ex 
portation  of,  prohibited,  271;  Act  relative 
to  freeing  Mulatto  and  Negro,  in  Rhode 
Island,  277 ;  rated  as  chattel  property, 
278 ;  masters  of  vessels  prohibited  from 
carrying  Negro  out  of  Rhode  Island, 
280 ;  importation  of,  prohibited,  280 ; 
allowed  trial  by  jury,  in  New  Jersey,  283  ; 
impost-tax  on,  286,  287  ;  prohibited 
from  joining  militia,  288 ;  regarded  as 
chattel  property  in-South  Carolina,  292 ; 
branded,  294 ;  life  of,  regarded  as  of 
little  consequence,  296 ;  education  of, 
prohibited,  298,  300;  overworking  of, 
prohibited,  298;  insurrection,  299;  en 
listment  of,  300;  masters  compensated 
for  the  loss  of,  301  ;  rights  of,  controlled 
by  the  master  in  North  Carolina,  304 ; 
emancipation  of,  prohibited,  307  ;  New 
Hampshire  opposed  to  the  importation 
of,  309 ;  ill  treatment  of,  prohibited,  31 1 ; 
duration  of,  in  New  Hampshire,  311; 
tax  on,  imported  into  Pennsylvania,  314, 
315;  petition  for  freedom  of,  denied, 
314;  number  of  slaves  in  the  colonies, 


1715  and  1775,  325;  arrival  of,  at  Vir 
ginia,  from  Jamaica,  328 ;  severe  treat 
ment  of,  modified,  329 ;  the  Boston  Mas 
sacre,  330;  in  the  Continental  army,  333, 
335;  excluded  from  the  army,  335;  al 
lowed  to  re-enlist,  337  ;  Lord  Dunmore's 
proclamation  freeing,  336 ;  join  the 
British  army,  339 ;  prohibited  from  en 
listing  in  Connecticut,  343  ;  Rhode 
Island  emancipates,  on  joining  the  army, 
347  ;  protest  against  the  same,  348 ;  mas 
ters  of  enlisted,  recompensed,  349 ; 
serve  in  the  army  with  white  troops, 
352 ;  Act  to  enlist,  in  New  York,  352 ; 
efforts  to  enlist,  in  South  Carolina,  357  ; 
treatment  of,  by  Cornwall's,  358;  ex 
changed  for  merchandise,  358  ;  disposal 
of  recaptured,  374,  376,  379 ;  recaptured, 
sent  to  Boston,  376 ;  list  of  recaptured, 
377  ;  held  as  personal  property,  381, 
384 ;  education  of,  prohibited,  385  ;  sale 
of,  advertised,  403, 408  ;  in  Massachusetts 
petition  for  freedom,  404 ;  rights  of,  lim 
ited  in  Virginia,  409 ;  who  served  in  the 
army  emancipated,  410  ;  promised  their 
freedom  in  New  York,  411 ;  impost-tax 
on,  introduced  in  Federal  Congress^427  ; 
lawsuits  instituted  by,  in  Massachusetts, 
430;  number  of,  in  United  States,  1790, 
436;  law  for  the  return  of  fugitive,  438 ; 
introduction  of,  prohibited  into  the  Mis 
sissippi  Territory,  440 ;  importation  of, 
prohibited  in  Georgia,  440 ;  condition  of, 
in  Massachusetts,  461  ;  petition  of,  in 
Boston,  462  ;  Massachusetts  laws  in 
regard  to,  463. 

Slave-trade,  commenced  at  Benin,  Africa, 
26 ;  natives  of  Africa  engage  in,  27  ;  sup 
pressed  by  England,  28,  31 ;  at  Yoruba, 
Africa,  31  ;  declared  piracy  by  England, 
87 ;  abolished  in  Liberia,  104,  105 ;  ear 
liest  commerce  for  slaves  between  Africa 
and  America,  115  ;  introduced  first  in 
Virginia,  116, 118;  Dutch  engage  in  the, 
124,  135;  tax  on  the  subjects  of  Great 
Britain  in  the,  127;  encouraged  in  Vir 
ginia,  128;  with  Angola,  Africa,  134; 
encouraged  by  the  Dutch,  135;  sanc 
tioned  by  the  English,  138;  encouraged 
by  Queen  Elizabeth,  138 ;  growth  in  New 
York,  140;  slave-market  erected  in  New 
York,  142 ;  Indians  exchanged  for  Ne 
groes,  173;  in  New  England,  174;  ship 


INDEX. 


479 


«  Desire  "  built  for  the,  174 ;  arrives  with 
cargo  of  slaves,  174,  176;  on  the  coast 
of  Guinea,  180;  increased  in  Massachu 
setts,  184;  abolished  by  England,  231; 
bill  for  the  suppression  of,  in  Massachu 
setts,  235 ;  sanctioned  in  Rhode  Island, 
265,  273  ;  vessels  fitted  out  for  the,  269; 
slave-market  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  299 ; 
the  situation  of  South  Carolina  favorable 
to  the,  302  ;  progress  during  the  Revo 
lution,  402 ;  discussion  in  Congress  on 
the  restriction  of  the,  434 ;  act  against  the 
foreign,  438. 

Slew,  Jenny,  a  slave,  sues  for  her  freedom, 
228. 

Smeatham,  Dr.,  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Sierra  Leone  colony,  86. 

Smith,  Hamilton,  antiquity  of  the  Negro 
race,  18. 

Smith,  Samuel,  murders  his  Negro  slave, 
461. 

Smith,  William,  volunteers  to  prosecute 
the  Negroes  in  New  York,  151,  158,  166. 

Sommersett,  James,  a  Negro  slave,  brought 
to  England  and  abandoned  by  his  mas 
ter,  85,  205;  discharged,  206. 

Sorubiero,  Margaret,  connected  with  the 
New-York  Negro  plot,  1741,147,152, 153. 

South  Carolina,  slaves  purchased  in,  to 
evade  the  tax,  128;  slavery  in,  289-301 ; 
receives  two  charters  from  Great  Britain, 
289 ;  Negro  slaves  in,  289  ;  slavery  legis 
lation,  289  ;  slavery  established,  289 ; 
perpetual  bondage  of  the  Negro,  290, 

291  ;  slaves  regarded  as  chattel  property, 

292  ;   trial  of  slaves,   292 ;    increase   of 
^lave   population,    292  ;   growth   of  the 
rice-trade,  292  ;  trade  with  Negroes  pro- 
'hibited,   293 ;    conduct   of   slaves  regu 
lated,  293  ;  punishment  of  slaves,  294  ; 
branded,  294;   life   of  slaves  regarded 
as  of  little  consequence,  296 ;  fine  for 
killing  slaves,  296 ;  education  of  slaves 
prohibited,  298,  300  ;   permitted  to  be 
baptized,   298;    inquiry  into   the  treat 
ment   of   slaves,    298  ;    overworking   of 
slaves  prohibited,  298 ;  hours  of  labor, 
298;  slave-market  at  Charleston,  299; 
Negro    insurrection,    299 ;    whites    au 
thorized  to  carry  fire-arms,  300 ;  enlist 
ment  of  slaves,  300;  Negroes  admitted 
to  the  militia  service,  300 ;  masters  com 
pensated  for  the  loss  of  slaves,  301 ;  few 


slaves  manumitted,  301;  little  legisla 
tion  on  slavery  from  1754-1776,  301 ; 
effect  of  the  threatened  war  with  Eng 
land,  301  ;  number  of  slaves  in  1715  and 
1775,  325  ;  efforts  to  raise  Negro  troops, 
355  5  Negroes  desert  from,  355 ;  recap 
ture  of  Negroes  from  the  British,  376 ; 
slave  population,  1790,  436. 

Spain  engaged  in  the  slave-trade,  31  ;  her 
colonies  in  the  West  Indies  to  be  fur 
nished  with  Negroes,  237. 

Stanley,  Henry  M.,  description  of  a  jour 
ney  through  Africa,  72. 

Staten  Island,  N.  Y.,  a  Negro  regiment  to 
be  raised  there,  342. 

Stephens,  Thomas,  favors  the  introduction 
of  slavery  in  Georgia,  319;  reprimanded, 
320. 

Stewart,  Charles,  owner  of  the  Negro 
slave  James  Sommersett,  205. 

Stone,  S.  C.,  a  Negro  insurrection  at,  299. 

Swain,  John,  suit  to  recover  a  slave,  231. 

Swan,  James,  advocate  of  liberty  for  all, 
204. 

Swedes,  settle  on  the  Delaware  River,  312. 

TACUDONS,  king  of  Dahomey,  28. 

Tarshish,  Africa,  -description  of,  452. 

Taylor,  Comfort,  sues  a  slave  for  trespass, 
278. 

Teage,  Collin,  missionary  to  Liberia,  101. 

Tembandumba,  queen  of  the  Jagas,  56. 

Tharaca,  king  of  Egypt,  454. 

Thethmosis,  king  of  Egypt,  459. 

Thomas,  John,  letter  to  John  Adams,  1775, 
on  the  employment  of  Negroes  in- the 
army,  337. 

Thompson,  Capt.,  of  ship  "  Nautilus,"  ar 
rives  at  Sierra  Leone  with  Negroes,  86. 

Timans,  second  king  of  Egypt,  454. 

Tutu  Osai,  king  of  Ashantee,  34. 

"  Treasurer,"  ship,  sails  to  West  Indies 
for  Negroes,  1 16;  arrives  at  Virginia,  117. 

"  Tyrannicide,"  armed  vessel,  re-captures 
Negroes,  376. 

UCHOREUS,  king  of  Egypt,  459. 

Undi,  African  chief,  50. 

United  States,  condition  of  the  Colored 

population  before  the  war  of  1861,96; 

first  statute  establishing  slavery  in,  177  ; 

slave  population,   1715  and  1775,  325; 

confederation  of  the,  374;   treaty  with 


480 


INDEX. 


Englan  ,  382 ;  the  Tory  party  in  favor 
of  slavery,  413;  the  Whigs  the  domi 
nant  party  in  the  Northern  States,  414; 
slavery  recognized  under  the  new  gov 
ernment  of  the,  414  ;  anti-slavery  agita 
tion  in,  414;  plan  for  the  disposal  of  the 
Western  Territory,  416;  proceedings  of 
Federal  Convention,  417;  slave  popula 
tion  in  1790,  436. 

United-States  Congress,  action  on  the  dis 
posal  of  recaptured  Negroes,  374 ;  first 
session  at  New  York,  1789,  426;  pro 
ceedings,  427 ;  memorials  to,  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  432,  437;  discussion 
in,  on  the  restriction  of  the  slave-trade, 
433 »  prohibits  the  introduction  of  slaves 
into  the  Mississippi  Territory,  440. 

Upton,  Samuel  and  William,  emancipate 
their  father's  slave,  207. 

Ury,  John,  his  connection  with  the  New- 
York  Negro  plot,  1741,  160,  162,  163, 
166;  executed,  169. 

Utrecht,  the  treaty  of,  to  provide  Negroes 
for  the  Spanish  West  Indies,  236. 

VAN  TWILLER,  WOUTER,  charged  with 
neglect  of  public  affairs  in  New  Nether 
lands,  249 ;  owner  of  Negro  slaves,  250. 

Varick,  Caesar,  charged  with  burglary  at 
New  York,  148. 

Varnum,  Gen.  J.  M.,  letter  to  Washington 
on  the  enlistment  of  Negroes,  346. 

Vaughan,  Col.  James,  Legislature  of 
Rhode  Island  refund  tax  on  two  child 
slaves  imported  by,  276. 

Vermont,  slave  population,  1790;  admitted 
into  the  Union,  436. 

"  Victoria,"  ship,  captures  British  privateer 
with  Negroes,  376. 

Virginia,  slavery  in,  115-133;  slaves  first 
introduced,  116;  number  of,  119;  forced 
on  the  colony,  119;  the  first  to  pur 
chase  slaves,  119;  women  purchased 
in  England  and  sent  to,  119;  number 
of  slaves,  119,  120,  132,  133;  popula 
tion,  120;  Assembly  pass  prohibition 
against  Negroes,  121;  slavery  legalized, 
123;  Indians  declared  slaves,  124,  125; 
Assembly  protest  against  the  repeal  of 
the  Act  declaring  Negroes  real  estate, 

.  125,  126;  impose  duty  on  slaves  and 
servants  imported,  126,  127;  tax  on 
slaves  sold,  128;  reduced,  128;  repealed, 


128;  revived,  128;  prohibit  Catholics, 
Indians,  and  Negro  slaves  to  appear  as 
witnesses,  129;  pass  act  to  value  slave 
when  executed,  129;  threatened  revolt 
of  the  free  Negroes,  130;  Act  in  regard 
to  the  freedom  of  slaves,  130 ;  number  of 
slaves  in  1715  and  1775,  325;  arrival 
of  slaves  in  1775,  32^;  purchaser  of  the 
same  reproved,  328;  instructions  to 
delegation  to  Congress  relative  to  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  328;  Lord  Dun- 
more's  proclamation  freeing  slaves,  336  j 
Negroes  join  the  British  army,  339,  352  j 
declaration  of  convention  against  Dun- 
more's  proclamation,  341  ;  number  of 
slaves  in  Cornwallis's  army,  358  ;  rights 
of  slaves  limited,  409 ;  slaves  who  served 
in  the  army  emancipated,  410;  slave 
population,  1790,  436. 

WALKLIN,    THOMAS,    testimony    in    the 

Sommersett  case,  205. 
Warren,  Joseph,  oration  on  human  liberty, 

333- 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  slaves  on  his  plantation 
at  the  Bermudas,  116,  118. 

Washburn,  Emory,  views  on  the  slavery 
laws  of  Massachusetts,  179. 

Washington,  George,  acknowledges  verses 
written  by  Phillis  Wheatley  200,  201; 
presents  Virginia  resolutions  of  1774 
against  slavery,  327  ;  takes  command  of 
the  army,  334 ;  forbids  the  enlistment  of 
Negroes,  334;  instructed  to  discharge 
all  Negroes  and  slaves  in  the  army,  335  \ 
order  of,  against  Negro  enlistments, 
336;  letter  to  Congress  on  admitting 
Negroes  to  the  army,  337;  letter  to 
Joseph  Reed  on  Lord  Dunmore's  proc 
lamation,  341  ;  letter  to  Gov.  Cooke, 
345;  letter  to  Henry  Laurens,  on  the 
arming  of  the  Negroes,  353;  letter  to 
John  Laurens  on  the  failure  to  enlist 
Negroes  in  the  South,  360 ;  letter  to  Sir 
Guy  Carleton  relative  to  Negroes,  381 ; 
to  Gen.  Putnam  in  regard  to  a  Negro 
in  the  army  claimed  by  his  owner,  384 ; 
president  of  the  Federal  Convention,  417. 

Watson,  Capt.,  arrives  at  Norfolk,  Va., 
with  slaves,  328. 

Wayne,  Anthony,  letter  to  Lieut.-Col. 
Meigs  relative  to  Negroes  captured  by 
him,  375. 


INDEX. 


481 


Wesleyan  Methodists  establish  mission  at 
Sierra  Leone,  90. 

West  India  Company,  trade  in  slaves, 
135;  children  of  manumitted  Negroes 
held  as  slaves  by  the,  135 ;  cost  of  the 
government  of  New  Netherland  to  the, 
136;  encourage  commerce  in  slaves, 
137 ;  slaves  in  New  York  the  property 
of  the,  139. 

West  Indies,  Negroes  captured  and  made 
slaves,  117,  118;  slaves  sold  at,  181  ; 
England  furnishes  Negroes  to  the,  237. 

Western  Territory,  plan  for  the  disposal 
of  the,  416;  slave  population,  1790,  436. 

Wheatley,  Phillis,  an  African  poetess,  197  ; 
visits  England,  198 ;  publishes  her 
poems,  199;  marries  John  Peters,  200; 
death  of,  200;  poem  to  Washington, 
200 ;  Washington's  letter  of  acknowl 
edgment,  201. 

Whipple,  John,  sued  by  Jenny  Slew,  a 
slave,  228. 

Whitefield,  Rev.  George,  his  plantation 
and  Negroes  in  Georgia,  321. 

Williams,  George  W.,  orations  on  "  The 
Footsteps  of  the  Nation,"  "Early 


Christianity  in  Africa,"  1 1 1 ;  first  col 
ored  graduate  from  Newton  Seminary, 
in;  ordination  poem  by  Rev.  Dr.  Ab 
bott,  in. 

Wilson,  D.  A.,  principal  of  school  at 
Liberia,  100. 

Wilson,  Jacob,  on  African  languages,  67. 

Wilkinson,  Gardiner,  discovers  a  Theban 
tomb  with  Negro  scenes,  1 5  ;  condition 
of  white  and  black  slaves,  16. 

Willson,  Capt.  John,  charged  with  excit 
ing  slaves,  226. 

Windsor,  Thomas,  master  of  ship  "  Sea- 
flower,"  arrives  at  Newport,  R.I.,  with 
slaves  from  Africa,  269. 

Winter,  Sir  William,  a  slave-trader, 
138- 

Worcester,  Mass,  representative  instructed 
to  vote  against  slavery,  220. 

YORK,  DUKE  OF,  conveys  Delaware  to 

William  Penn,  249. 
Yoruba,  Africa,  Negro  kingdom,  31 ;  slave 

trade  stopped,  31. 

ZERAH,  king  of  Ethiopia,  454. 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE   NEGRO   RACE   IN   AMERICA 

I800   TO    I880 


NOTE. 


THIS  second  volume  brings  the  HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN 
AMERICA  from  1800  down  to  1880.  It  consists  of  six  parts  and 
twenty-nine  chapters.  Few  memories  can  cover  this  eventful 
period  of  American  history.  Commencing  its  career  with  the  Republic, 
slavery  grew  with  its  growth  and  strengthened  with  its  strength.  The 
dark  spectre  kept  pace  and  company  with  liberty  until  separated  by  the 
sword.  Beginning  with  the  struggle  for  restriction  or  extension  of 
slavery,  I  have  striven  to  record,  in  the  spirit  of  honest  and  impartial 
historical  inquiry,  all  the  events  of  this  period  belonging  properly  to  my 
subject.  The  development  and  decay  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  at  the 
South  ;  the  pious  efforts  of  the  good  Quakers  to  ameliorate  the  condi 
tion  of  the  slaves  ;  the  service  of  Negroes  as  soldiers  and  sailors  ;  the 
anti-slavery  agitation  movement ;  the  insurrections  of  slaves  ;  the  na 
tional  legislation  on  the  slavery  question  ;  the  John  Brown  movement  ; 
the  war  for  the  Union  ;  the  valorous  conduct  of  Negro  soldiers ;  the 
emancipation  proclamations  ;  the  reconstruction  of  the  late  Confederate 
States  ;  the  errors  of  reconstruction  ;  the  results  of  emancipation  ;  vital, 
prison,  labor,  educational,  financial,  and  social  statistics  ;  the  exodus — 
cause  and  effect ;  and  a  sober  prophecy  of  the  future, — are  all  faithfully 
recorded. 

After  seven  years  I  am  loath  to  part  with  the  saddest  task  ever 
committed  to  human  hands  !  I  have  tracked  my  bleeding  countrymen 
through  the  widely  scattered  documents  of  American  history  ;  I  have 
listened  to  their  groans,  their  clanking  chains,  and  melting  prayers,  until 
the  woes  of  a  race  and  the  agonies  of  centuries  seem  to  crowd  upon  my 
soul  as  a  bitter  reality.  Many  pages  of  this  history  have  been  blistered 
with  my  tears  ;  and,  although  having  lived  but  a  little  more  than  a 
generation,  my  mind  feels  as  if  it  were  cycles  old. 

The  long  spectral  hand  on  the  clock  of  American  history  points  to 
the  completion  of  the  second  decade  since  the  American  slave  became 
an  American  citizen.  How  wondrous  have  been  his  strides,  how  mar 
vellous  his  achievements  !  Twenty  years  ago  we  were  in  the  midst  of  a 


iv  NOTE. 

great  war  for  the  extinction  of  slavery  ;  in  this  anniversary  week  I  com 
plete  my  task,  record  the  results  of  that  struggle.  I  modestly  strive  to 
lift  the  Negro  race  to  its  pedestal  in  American  history.  I  raise  this 
post  to  indicate  the  progress  of  humanity  ;  to  instruct  the  present,  to 
inform  the  future.  I  commit  this  work  to  the  considerate  judgment  of 
my  fellow-citizens  of  every  race,  "  with  malice  toward  none,  and  charity 
for  all." 

GEO.  W.  WILLIAMS. 


HOFFMAN  HOUSE,  NEW  YORK  CITY,  Dec.  28,  1882, 


CONTENTS, 
gart  4* 

CONSERVATIVE  ERA— NEGROES  IN  THE  ARMY  AND  NAVY. 
CHAPTER  I. 

RESTRICTION    AND   EXTENSION. 

1800-1825. 

PAGB 

Commencement  of  the  Nineteenth  Century.  —  Slave  Population  of  1800.  —  Memorial  presented 
to  Congress  calling  Attention  to  the  Slave-trade  to  the  Coast  of  Guinea.  — Georgia  cedes 
the  Territory  lying  West  of  her  to  become  a  State.  —  Ohio  adopts  a  State  Constitution.  — 
William  Henry  Harrison  appointed  Governor  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana.  — An  Act  of 
Congress  prohibiting  the  Importation  of  Slaves  into  the  United  States  or  Territories.  — 
Slave  Population  of  1810.  —  Mississippi  applies  for  Admission  into  the  Union  with  a  Slave 
Constitution.  —  Congress  besieged  by  Memorials  urging  more  Specific  Legislation  against 
the  Slave-trade.  —  Premium  offered  to  the  Informer  of  every  illegally  imported  African 
seized  within  the  United  States.  —  Circular-letters  sent  to  the  Naval  Officers  on  the 
Sea-coast  of  the  Slave-holding  States.  —  President  Monroe's  Message  to  Congress  on  the 
Question  of  Slavery.  —  Petition  presented  by  the  Missouri  Delegates  for  the  Admission  of 
that  State  into  the  Union.  —  The  Organization  of  the  Arkansas  Territory.  —  Resolutions 
passed  for  the  Restriction  of  Slavery  in  New  States.  —  The  Missouri  Controversy.  —  The 
Organization  of  the  Anti -slavery  Societies.  —  An  Act  for  the  Gradual  Abolition  of  Slavery 
in  New  Jersey.  —  Its  Provisions.  —  The  Attitude  of  the  Northern  Press  on  the  Slavery 
Question.  —  Slave  Population  of  1820.  —  Anti-slavery  Sentiment  at  the  North  .  .  .  x 

CHAPTER  II. 

NEGRO    TROOPS    IN    THE    WAR    OF    l8l2. 

Employment  of  Negroes  as  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  1812.  —  The  New  York  Legislature 
authorizes  the  Enlistment  of  a  Regiment  of  Colored  Soldiers.  —  Gen.  Andrew  Jackson's 
Proclamation  to  the  Free  Colored  Inhabitants  of  Louisiana  calling  them  to  Arms.  —  Stir 
ring  Address  to  the  Colored  Troops  the  Sunday  before  the  Battle  of  New  Orleans.  —  Gen. 
Jackson  anticipates  the  Valor  of  his  Colored  Soldiers.  —  Terms  of  Peace  at  the  Close  of 
the  War  by  the  Commissioners  at  Ghent.  —  Negroes  placed  as  Chattel  Property.  —  Their 
Valor  in  War  secures  them  no  Immunity  in  Peace 23 

CHAPTER  III. 

NEGROES    IN    THE    NAVY. 

No  Proscription  against  Negroes  as  Sailors.  —  They  are  carried  upon  the  Rolls  in  the  Navy 
without  Regard  to  their  Nationality.  —  Their  Treatment  as  Sailors.  —  Commodore  Perry's 
Letter  to  Commodore  Chauncey  in  Regard  to  the  Men  sent  him.  —  Commodore  Chaun- 
cey's  Spirited  Reply.  —  The  Heroism  of  the  Negro  set  forth  in  the  Picture  of  Perry's 
Victory  on  Lake  Erie.  —  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Nathaniel  Shaler,  Commander  of  a 
Private  Vessel.  —  He  cites  Several  Instances  of  the  Heroic  Conduct  of  Negro  Sailors  .  28 


vi  CONTENTS. 

lart  5. 

ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  AGITA  TIOW. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RETROSPECTION    AND    REFLECTION. 

1825-1850. 

PAGB 

The  Security  of  the  Institution  of  Slavery  at  the  South.  —  The  Right  to  hold  Slaves  ques 
tioned.  —  Rapid  Increase  of  the  Slave  Population.  —  Anti-slavery  Speeches  in  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Virginia.  —  The  Quakers  of  Maryland  and  Delaware  emancipate  their  Slaves.  — 
The  Evil  Effect  of  Slavery  upon  Society.  —  The  Conscience  and  Heart  of  the  South  did 
not  respond  to  the  Voice  of  Reason  or  the  Dictates  of  Humanity 3x 

CHAPTER  V. 

ANTI-SLAVERY    METHODS. 

The  Antiquity  of  Anti-slavery  Sentiment.  —  Benjamin  Lundy's  Opposition  to  Slavery  in 
the  South  and  at  the  North.  —  He  establishes  the  "  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipa 
tion."  —  His  Great  Sacrifices  and  Marvellous  Work  in  the  Cause  of  Emancipation.  — 
William  Lloyd  Garrison  edits  a  Paper  at  Bennington,  Vermont.  —  He  pens  a  Petition  to 
Congress  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  —  Garrison  the  Peer 
less  Leader  of  the  Anti-slavery  Agitation.  —  Extract  from  a  Speech  delivered  by  Daniel 
O'Connell  at  Cork,  Ireland. —  Increase  of  Anti-slavery  Societies  in  the  Country. — 
Charles  Sumner  delivers  a  Speech  on  the  "Anti-slavery  Duties  of  the  Whig  Party."  — 
Marked  Events  of  1846.  —  Sumner  the  Leader  of  the  Political  Abolition  Party.  —  Hetero 
dox  Anti-slavery  Party.  —  Its  Sentiments.  —  Horace  Greeley  the  Leader  of  the  Economic 
Anti-slavery  Party.  —  The  Aggressive  Anti-slavery  Party.  —  Its  Leaders.  —  The  Coloniza 
tion  Anti-slavery  Society.  —  American  Colonization  Society.  —Manumitted  Negroes  colo- 
nizeon  the  West  Coast  of  Africa.—  A  Bill  establishing  a  Line  of  Mail  Steamers  to  the  Coast 
of  Africa.  —  It  provides  for  the  Suppression  of  the  Slave-trade,  the  Promotion  of  Com 
merce,  and  the  Colonization  of  Free  Negroes.  —  Extracts  from  the  Press  warmly  urging 
the  Passage  of  the  Bill.  —  The  Underground  Railroad  Organization.  —  Its  Efficiency  in 
freeing  Slaves.  —  Anti-Slavery  Literature.  —  It  exposes  the  True  Character  of  Slavery.  — 
u  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  by  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe,  pleaded  the  Cause  of  the  Slave  in 
Twenty  Different  Languages.  —  The  Influence  of  "  Impending  Crisis."  .  37 

CHAPTER  VI. 

ANTI-SLAVERY    EFFORTS    OF    FREE    NEGROES. 

Intelligent  Interest  of  Free  Negroes  in  the  Agitation  Movement.  —  "  First  Annual  Conven 
tion  of  the  People  of  Color"  held  at  Philadelphia.  —  Report  of  the  Committee  on  the 
Establishment  of  a  College  for  Young  Men  of  Color.  —  Provisional  Committee  appointed 
in  each  City.  —  Conventional  Address.  —  Second  Convention  held  at  Benezet  Hall, 
Philadelphia.  —  Resolutions  of  the  Meeting.  —  Conventional  Address.  —  The  Massa 
chusetts  General  Colored  Association.  —  Convention  of  Anti-slavery  Women  of  America 
at  New  York.  —  Prejudice  against  admitting  Negroes  into  White  Societies.  —  Colored 
Orators.  —  Their  Eloquent  Pleas  for  their  Enslaved  Race 61 

CHAPTER  VII. 

NEGRO    INSURRECTIONS. 

The  Negro  not  so  Docile  as  supposed.  —  The  Reason  why  he  was  kept  in  Bondage.  — 
Negroes  possessed  Courage  but  lacked  Leaders.  —  Insurrection  of  Slaves. —  Gen.  Gabriel 
as  a  Leader.  —  Negro  Insurrection  planned  in  South  Carolina.  —  Evils  of,  revealed  —  The 
11  Nat.  Turner  "  Insurrection  in  South  Hampton  County,  Virginia. — The  Whites  arm 
themselves  to  repel  the  Insurrectionists.  —  Capture  and  Trial  of  "  Nat.  Turner."  —  His 
Execution.  —  Effect  of  the  Insurrection  upon  Slaves  and  Slave-holders  .  .  .  .82 


CONTENTS.  vii 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE    "  AMISTAD  "    CAPTIVES. 

PAGE 

The  Spanish  Slaver  "  Amistad  "  sails  from  Havana,  Cuba,  for  Porto  Principe.  —  Fifty-four 
Native  Africans  on  Board.  —  Joseph  Cinquez,  the  Son  ot  an  African  Prince.  —  The 
"Amistad"  captured  and  taken  into  New  London,  Conn.  —  Trial  and  Release  of  the 
Slaves.  —Tour  through  the  United  States.  —  Return  to  their  Native  Country  in  Company 
with  Missionaries.  —  The  Anti-slavery  Cause  benefited  by  their  Stay  in  the  United 
States.  —  Their  Appreciation  of  Christian  Civilization 93 


lart  6. 

THE  PERIOD  OF  PREPARA  TION. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

NORTHERN    SYMPATHY    AND    SOUTHERN    SUBTERFUGES. 

1850-1860. 

Violent  Treatment  of  Anti-slavery  Orators.  —  The  South  misinterprets  the  Mobocratic  Spirit 
of  the  North.  —  The  "  Garrisonians  "  and  "  Calhounites." —  Slave  Population  of  1830- 
1850.  —  The  Thirty-first  Congress.  —  Motion  for  the  Admission  of  New  Mexico  and  Cali 
fornia.  —  The  Democratic  and  Whig  Parties  on  the  Treatment  of  the  Slave  Question.  — 
Convention  of  the  Democratic  Party  at  Baltimore,  Maryland.  —  Nomination  of  Franklin 
Pierce  for  President. —  Whig  Party  Convention.  —  Nomination  of  Gen.  Winfield  Scott 
for  the  Presidency  by  the  Whigs.  —  Mr.  Pierce  elected  President  in  1853.  —  A  Bill  in 
troduced  to  repeal  the  "  Missouri  Compromise."  — Speech  by  Stephen  A.  Douglass.  — 
Mr.  Chase's  Reply.  —  An  Act  to  organize  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  — 
State  Militia  in  the  South  make  Preparations  for  War.  —  President  Buchanan  in  Sympathy 
with  the  South 97 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  "  BLACK  LAWS  "  OF  "  BORDER  STATES." 

Stringent  Laws  enacted  against  Free  Negroes  and  Mulattoes.  —  Fugitive-slave  Law  respected 
in  Ohio.  —  A  Law  to  prevent  Kidnapping.  —  The  First  Constitution  of  Ohio.  —  History  of 
the  Dred  Scott  case.  —  Judge  Taney's  Opinion  in  this  Case.  —  Ohio  Constitution  of  1851 
denied  Free  Negroes  the  Right  to  vote.  —  The  Establishment  of  Colored  Schools.  —  Law 
in  Indiana  Territory  in  Reference  to  Executions.  —  An  Act  for  the  Introduction  of  Negroes 
and  Mulattoes  into  the  Territory.  —  First  Constitution  of  Indiana.  —  The  Illinois  Consti 
tution  of  1818.  —Criminal  Code  enacted.  —  Illinois  Legislature  passes  an  Act  to  prevent 
the  Emigration  of  Free  Negroes  into  the  State.  —  Free  Negroes  of  the  Northern  States 
endure  Restriction  and  Proscription nt 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE    NORTHERN    NEGROES. 

Nominal  Rights  of  Free  Negroes  in  the  Slave  States.  —  Fugitive  Slaves  seek  Refuge  in  Canada. 
—  Negroes  petition  against  Taxation  without  Representation. —  A  Law  preventing  Negroes 
from  other  States  from  settling  in  Massachusetts.  —  Notice  to  Blacks,  Indians,  and  Mulat 
toes,  warning  them  to  leave  the  Commonwealth. — The  Rights  and  Privileges  of  the 
Negro  restricted.  — Colored  Men  turn  their  Attention  to  the  Education  of  their  own 
Race.  — John  V.  De  Grasse,  the  first  Colored  Man  admitted  to  the  Massachusetts  Medical 
Society.  —  Prominent  Colored  Men  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia. —  The  Organization 
of  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  and  Colored  Baptist  Churches.  —  Colored  Men  distin 
guish  themselves  in  the  Pulpit.  —  Report  to  the  Ohio  Anti-slavery  Society  of  Colored 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

People  in  Cincinnati  in  1835.  —  Many  purchase  their  Freedom.  —  Henry  Boyd,  the  Me 
chanic  and  Builder.  —  He  becomes  a  Successful  Manufacturer  in  Cincinnati.  —  Samuel 
T.  Wilcox,  the  Grocer.  —  His  Success  in  Business  in  Cincinnati.  —  Ball  &  Thomas,  the 
Photographers.  —  Colored  People  of  Cincinnati  evince  a  Desire  to  take  Care  of  themselves. 
—  LydiaP.  Mott  establishes  a  Home  for  Colored  Orphans. —The  Organization  effected 
in  1844.  —  Its  Success.  —  Formation  of  a  Colored  Military  Company  called  "  The  Attucks 
Guards."  — Emigration  of  Negroes  to  Liberia.  — The  Colored  People  live  down  much 
Prejudice 125 

CHAPTER  XII. 

NEGRO    SCHlOOL    LAWS. 
1619-1860. 

The  Possibilities  of  the  Human  Intellect.  —  Ignorance  Favorable  to  Slavery.  —  An  Act  by  the 
Legislature  of  Alabama  imposing  a  Penalty  on  any  one  instructing  a  Colored  Person. — 
Educational  Privileges  of  the  Creoles  in  the  City  of  Mobile.  —  Prejudice  against  Colored 
Schools  in  Connecticut.  — The  Attempt  of  Miss  Prudence  Crandall  to  admit  Colored  Girls, 
into  her  School  at  Canterbury.  — The  Indignation  of  the  Citizens  at  this  Attempt  to  mix 
the  Races  in  Education.  —  The  Legislature  of  Connecticut  passes  a  Law  abolishing  the 
School.— The  Building  assaulted  by  a  Mob.  —  Miss  Crandall  arrested  and  imprisoned  for 
teaching  Colored  Children  against  the  Law.  —  Great  Excitement.  —  The  Law  finally  re 
pealed. —  An  Act  by  the  Legislature  of  Delaware  taxing  Persons  who  brought  into,  or' 
sold  Slaves  out  of,  the  State.  —  Under  Act  of  1829  Money  received  for  the  Sale  of  Slaves 
in  Florida  was  added  to  the  School  Fund  in  that  State.  —  Georgia  prohibits  the  Education 
of  Colored  Persons  under  Heavy  Penalty.  —  Illinois  establishes  Separate  Schools  for  Col 
ored  Children.  —  The  "Free  Mission  Institute  "  at  Quincy,  Illinois,  destroyed  by  a  Mis 
souri  Mob.  — Numerous  and  Cruel  Slave  Laws  in  Kentucky  retard  the  Education  of  the 
Negroes.  —  An  Act  passed  in  Louisiana  preventing  the  Negroes  in  any  Way  from  being 
instructed.  —  Maine  gives  Equal  School  Privileges  to  Whites  and  Blacks. — St.  Francis 
Academy  for  Colored  Girls  founded  in  Baltimore  in  1831. — The  WTells  School.  —The  First 
School  for  Colored  Children  established  in  Boston  by  Intelligent  Colored  Men  in  1798.— 
A  School-house  for  the  Colored  Children  built  and  paid  for  out  of  a  Fund  left  by  Abiel 
Smith  for  that  Purpose. — John  B.  Russvvorm  one  of  the  Teachers  and  afterward  Gov 
ernor  of  the  Colony  of  Cape  Palmas,  Liberia.  —  First  Primary  School  for  Colored  Chil 
dren  established  in  1820.  —  Missouri  passes  Stringent  Laws  against  the  Instruction  of 
Negroes.  —  New  York  provides  for  the  Education  of  Negroes.  —  Elias  Neau  opens  a 
School  in  New  York  City  for  Negro  Slaves  in  1704.  —  u  New  York  African  Free  School  " 
in  1786. —  Visit  of  Lafayette  to  the  African  Schools  in  1824. —  His  Address. —Public 
Schools  for  Colored  Children  in  New  York.  —  Colored  Schools  in  Ohio.  — "  Cincinnati 
High  School"  for  Colored  Youths  founded  in  1844.— Oberlin  College  opens  its  Doors  to 
Colored  Students.  —  The  Establishment  of  Colored  Schools  in  Pennsylvania  by  Anthony 
Benezet  in  1750.  —  His  Will.  —  ''Institute  for  Colored  Youths"  established  in  1837. — 
"  Avery  College,"  at  Allegheny  City,  Pennsylvania,  founded  in  1849.  — Ashmun  Institute, 
or  Lincoln  University,  founded  in  October,  1856. — South  Carolina  takes  Definite  Action 
against  the  Education  or  Promotion  of  the  Colored  Race  in  1800-1803-1834.  —  Tennessee 
makes  no  Discrimination  against  Color  in  the  School  Law  of  1840. — Little  Opportunity 
afforded  in  Virginia  for  the  Colored  Man  to  be  enlightened.  — Stringent  Laws  enacted.  — 
History  of  Schools  for  the  Colored  Population  in  the  District  of  Columbia  .  .  .  .1.7 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

JOHN    BROWN HERO    AND    MARTYR. 

John  Brown's  Appearance  in  Kansas.  —  He  denounces  Slavery  in  a  Political  Meeting  at  Osa- 
watomie.  —  Mrs.  Stearns's  Personal  Recollection  of  John  Brown.  —  Kansas  infested  by 
Border  Ruffians.  —  The  Battle  of  Harper's  Ferry.  —  The  Defeat  and  Capture  of  Captain 
John  Brown.  —  His  Last  Letter  written  to  Mrs.  Stearns.  —  His  Trial  and  Execution.  —  His 
Influence  upon  the  Anti-slavery  Question  at  the  North.  —  His  Place  in  History  .  .  . 


CONTENTS.  ix 

gart  7. 

THE  NEGRO  IN  7'HE   WAR  FOR  THE  UNION. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

DEFINITION    OF    THE    WAR    ISSUE. 

PAGE: 

Increase  of  Slave  Population  in  Slave-holding  States  from  1850-1860.  —  Products  of  Slave 
Labor.  —  Basis  of  Southern  Representation.  —  Six  Seceding  States  organize  a  New  Govei  n- 
ment.  —  Constitution  of  the  Confederate  Government.  —  Speech  by  Alexander  H.  Ste 
phens.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  in  Favor  of  Gradual  Emancipation.  —  He  is  elected  President  of  the 
United  States.  —  The  Issue  of  the  War  between  the  States 228; 

CHAPTER  XV. 

"  A    WHITE    MAN'S    WAR." 

The  First  Call  for  Troops.  —  Rendition  of  Fugitive  Slaves  by  the  Army.  —  Col.  Tyler's  Ad 
dress  to  the  People  of  Virginia.  —  General  Isaac  R.  Sherwood's  Account  of  an  Attempt  to 
secure  a  Fugitive  Slave  in  his  Charge.  —  Col.  Steedman  refuses  to  have  his  Camp 
searched  for  Fugitive  Slaves  by  Order  from  Gen.  Fry.  —  Letter  from  Gen.  Buell  in  De 
fence  of  the  Rebels  in  the  South.  —  Orders  issued  by  Generals  Hooker,  Williams,  and 
Others,  in  Regard  to  harboring  Fugitive  Slaves  in  Union  Camps.  —  Observation  Concern 
ing  Slavery  from  the  ''Array  of  the  Potomac."  — Gen.  Butler's  Letter  to  Gen.  Winfield 
Scott.  —  It  is  answered  by  the  Secretary  of  War.  —  Horace  Greeley's  Letter  to  the  Presi 
dent. —  President  Lincoln's  Reply.  —  Gen.  John  C.  Fremont,  Commander  of  the  Union 
Army  in  Missouri,  issues  a  Proclamation  emancipating  Slaves  in  his  District.  —  It  is  disap 
proved  by  the  President. —  Emancipation  Proclamation  by  Gen.  Hunter.  —  It  is  rescinded 
by  the  President.  —  Slavery  and  Union  joined  in  a  Desperate  Struggle 241 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  NEGRO  ON  FATIGUE  DUTY. 

Negroes  employed  as  Teamsters  and  in  the  Quartermaster's  Department.  —  Rebel  General 
Mercer's  Order  to  the  Slave-holders  issued  from  Savannah.  — He  receives  Orders  from  the 
Secretary  of  War  to  impress  a  Number  of  Negroes  to  build  Fortifications.  —  The  Negro 
proves  himself  Industrious  and  earns  Promotion 260 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE    EMANCIPATION    PROCLAMATIONS. 

Congress  passes  an  Act  to  confiscate  Property  used  for  Insurrectionary  Purposes.  —  A  Fruit 
less  Appeal  to  the  President  to  issue  an  Emancipation  Proclamation.  —  He  thinks  the  Time 
not  yet  come  for  such  an  Action,  but  within  a  Few  Weeks  changes  his  Opinion  and  issues 
an  Emancipation  Proclamation,  —  The  Rebels  show  no  Disposition  to  accept  the  Mild 
Terms  of  the  Proclamation.  —  Mr.  Davis  gives  Attention  to  the  Proclamation  in  his  Third 
Annual  Message.  — Second  Emancipation  Proclamation  issued  by  President  Lincoln  Jan 
uary  i,  1863.  — The  Proclamation  imparts  New  Hope  to  the  Negro 263? 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

EMPLOYMENT    OF    NEGROES    AS    SOLDIERS. 

The  Question  of  the  MilitaryEmployment  of  Negroes.  —The  Rebels  take  the  First-Step  toward 
the  Military  Employment  of  Negroes.  —  Grand  Review  of  the  Rebel  Troops  at  New- 
Orleans.  —  General  Hunter  Arms  the  First  Regiment  of  Loyal  Negroes  at  the  South.  — 
Official  Correspondence  between  the  Secretary  of  War  and  General  Hunter  respecting  Ihe 
Enlistment  of  the  Black  Regiment.  —  The  Enlistment  of  Five  Negro  Regiments  au 
thorized  by  the  President.  —  The  Policy  of  General  Phelps  in  Regard  to  the  Employ- 


x  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

ment  of  Negroes  as  Soldiers  in  Louisiana.— A  Second  Call  for  Troops  by  the  Presi 
dent.  —  An  Attempt  to  amend  the  Army  Appropriation  Bill  so  as  to  prohibit  the  Further 
Employment  of  Colored  Troops.  —  Governor  John  A.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  au 
thorized  by  Secretary  of  War  to  organize  Two  Regiments  of  Colored  Troops.  —  General 
Lorenzo  Thomas  is  despatched  to  the  Mississippi  Valley  to  superintend  the  Enlistment  of 
Negro  Soldiers  in  the  Spring  of  1863.  —  An  Order  issued  by  the  War  Department  in  the 
Fall  of  1863  for  the  Enlistment  of  Colored  Troops.  —The  Union  League  Club  of  New  York 
City  raises  Two  Regiments.  —  Reciuiting  of  Colored  Troops  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Major 
George  L.  Stearns  assigned  Charge  of  the  Recruiting  of  Colored  Troops  in  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  Cumberland.  —  Free  Military  School  established  at  Philadelphia,  Pennsyl 
vania.  —  Endorsement  of  the  School  by  Secretary  Stanton.  —  The  Organization  of  the 
School.  —  Official  Table  giving  Number  of  Colored  Troops  in  the  Army.  —  The  Char 
acter  of  Negro  Troops.  —  Mr.  Greeley's  Editorial  on  u  Negro  Troops."  —  Letter  from 
Judge-Advocate  Holt  to  the  Secretary  of  War  on  the  'l  Enlistment  of  Slaves."  —  The 
Negro  Legally  and  Constitutionally  a  Soldier.  —  History  records  his  Deeds  of  Patriotism.  276 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

NEGROES    AS    SOLDIERS. 

justification  of  the  Federal  Government  in  the  Employment  of  Slaves  as  Soldiers.  —  Trials  of 
the  Negro  Soldier.  —  He  undergoes  Persecution  from  the  White  Northern  Troops,  and 
Baibarous  Treatment  from  the  Rebels.  —  Editorial  of  the  "New  York  Times"  on  the 
Negro  Soldiers  in  Battle.  —  Report  of  the  "  Tribune  "  on  the  Gallant  Exploits  of  the  ist 
South  Carolina  Volunteers.  —  Negro  Troops  in  all  the  Departments.  —  Negro  Soldiers  in 
the  Battle  of  Port  Hudson.  —  Death  of  Captain  Andre  Callioux.  —  Death  of  Color-Sergeant 
Anselmas  Planciancois.  —  An  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Port  Hudson.  —  Official  Report  of 
General  Banks.  —  He  applauds  the  Valor  of  the  Colored  Regiments  at  Port  Hudson. — 
George  H.  Boker's  Poem  on  "  The  Black  Regiment."—  Battle  of  Milliken's  Bend,  June, 
1863.  —  Description  of  the  Battle.  —  Memorable  Events  of  July,  1863.  —  Battle  on  Morris 
Island.  —  Bravery  of  Sergeant  Carney.  —  An  Account  of  the  54th  Massachusetts  Regiment 
by  Edward  L.  Pierce  to  Governor  Andrew.  —  Death  of  Col.  Shaw.  —  Colored  Troops  in 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  —  Battle  of  Petersburg.  —  Table  showing  the  Losses  at  Nash 
ville.  —  Adjt.-Gen.  Thomas  on  Negro  Soldiers.  —  An  Extract  from  the  "New  York  Tri 
bune  "  in  Behalf  of  the  Soldierly  Qualities  of  the  Negroes.  —  Letter  received  by  Col. 
Darling  from  Mr.  Aden  and  Col.  Foster  praising  the  Eminent  Qualifications  of  the  Negro 
for  Military  Life.  —  History  records  their  Deeds  of  Valor  in  the  Preservation  of  the 
Union 310 

CHAPTER  XX. 

CAPTURE    AND    TREATMENT    OF    NEGRO    SOLDIERS. 

The  Military  Employment  of  Negroes  Distasteful  to  the  Rebel  Authorities.  —  The  Confed 
erates  the  First  to  employ  Negroes  as  Soldiers.  — Jefferson  Davis  refers  to  the  Subject  in 
his  Message,  and  the  Confederate  Congress  orders  All  Negroes  captured  to  be  turned 
over  to  the  State  Authorities,  and  raises  the  "  Black  Flag  "upon  White  Officers  com 
manding  Negro  Soldiers. —  The  New  York  Press  calls  upon  the  Government  to  protect 
its  Negro  Soldiers.  —  Secretary  Stanton's  Action.  —  The  President's  Order.  —  Cor 
respondence  between  Gen.  Peck  and  Gen.  Pickett  in  Regard  to  the  Killing  of  a  Colored 
Man  after  he  had  surrendered  at  the  Battle  of  Newbern.  —  Southern  Press  on  the  Capt 
ure  and  Treatment  of  Negro  Soldiers.  —  The  Rebels  refuse  to  exchange  Negro  Soldiers 
captured  on  Morris  and  James  Islands  on  Account  of  the  Order  of  the  Confederate 
Congress  which  required  them  to  be  turned  over  to  the  Authorities  of  the  Several  States. 
—  Jefferson  Davis  issues  a  Proclamation  outlawing  Gen.  B.  F.  Butler.  —  He  is  to  be  hung 
without  Trial  by  any  Confederate  Officer  who  may  capture  him. — The  Battle  of  Fort 
Pillow.  — The  Gallant  Defence  by  the  Little  Band  of  Union  Troops.  —  It  refuses  to  capitu 
late  and  is  assaulted  and  captured  by  an  Overwhelming  Force. —The  Union  Troops 
butchered  in  Cold  Blood.  —  The  Wounded  are  carried  into  Houses  which  are  fired  and 
burned  with  their  Helpless  Victims.  —  Men  are  nailed  to  the  Outside  of  Buildings  through 
their  Hands  and  Feet  and  burned  alive.  —  The  Wounded  and  Dying  are  brained  where 
they  lay  in  their  Ebbing  Blood.  —  The  Outrages  are  renewed  in  the  Morning.  —  Dead  and 
Living  find  a  Common  Sepulchre  in  the  Trench.  —  General  Chalmers  orders  the  Killing  of  a 


CONTENTS.  xi 

PAGE 

Negro  Child.  —  Testimony  of  the  Few  Union  Soldiers  who  were  enabled  to  crawl  out  of 
the  Gilt-Edge,  Fire-Proof  Hell  at  Pillow. —  They  give  a  Sickening  Account  of  the 
Massacre  before  the  Senate  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War.  —  Gen.  Forrest's 
Futile  Attempt  to  destroy  the  Record  of  his  Foul  Crime.  —  Fort  Pillow  Massacre  without 
a  Parallel  in  History 350 


8. 

THE  FIRST  DECADE   OF  FREEDOM. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

RECONSTRUCTION MISCONSTRUCTION. 

1865-1875. 

The  War  over,  Peace  restored,  and  the  Nation  cleansed  of  a  Plague.  —  Slavery  gives  Place 
to  a  Long  Train  of  Events.  —  Unsettled  Condition  of  Affairs  at  the  South.  —  The  Absence 
of  Legal  Civil  Government  necessitates  the  Establishment  of  Provisional  Military  Gov 
ernment. —  An  Act  establishing  a  Bureau  for  Refugees  and  Abandoned  Lands.  —  Con 
gressional  Methods  for  the  Reconstruction  of  the  South.  —  Gen.  U.  S.  Grant  carries  these 
States  in  1868  and  1872  —  Both  Branches  of  the  Legislatures  in  all  the  Southern  States 
contain  Negro  Members.  —  The  Errors  of  Reconstruction  chargeable  to  both  Sections  of 
the  Country 377 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE    RESULTS    OF    EMANCIPATION. 

The  Apparent  Idleness  of  the  Negro  Sporadic  rather  than  Generic.  —  He  quietly  settles  down 
to  Work.  —  The  Government  makes  Ample  Provisions  for  his  Educational  and  Social  Im 
provement.  —  The  Marvellous  Progress  made  by  the  People  of  the  South  in  Education.  — 
Earliest  School  for  Freedmen  at  Fortress  Monroe  in  1861.  —  The  Richmond  Institute  for 
Colored  Youth.  — The  Unlimited  Desire  of  the  Negroes  to  obtain  an  Education.  —  Gen 
eral  Order  organizing  a  "  Bureau  of  Refugees,  Freedmen,  and  Abandoned  Lands." —  Gen. 
O.  O.  Howard  appointed  Commissioner  of  the  Bureau.  —  Report  of  all  the  Receipts  and 
Expenditures  of  the  Freedman's  Bureau  from  1865-1867.  —  An  Act  Incorporating  the 
Freedman's  Savings  Bank  and  Trust  Company.  —  The  Business  of  the  Company  as 
shown  from  1866-1871.  —  Financial  Statement  by  the  Trustees  for  1872.  —  Failure  of  the 
Bank.  —The  Social  and  Financial  Condition  of  the  Colored  People  in  the  South.  — The 
Negro  rarely  receives  Justice  in  Southern  Courts.  —  Treatment  of  Negroes  as  Convicts  in 
Southern  Prisons. — Increase  of  the  Colored  People  from  1790-1880.  —  Negroes  susceptible 
of  the  Highest  Civilization 384 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

REPRESENTATIVE    COLORED    MEN. 

Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution.  —  The  Legal  Destruction  of  Slavery  and  a  Consti 
tutional  Prohibition.  —  Fifteenth  Amendment  granting  Manhood  Suffrage  to  the  American 
Negro.  -President  Grant's  Special  Message  upon  the  Subject.  —  Universal  Rejoicing 
among  the  Colored  People. —The  Negro  in  the  United  States  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  —  The  Negro  in  the  Diplomatic  Service  of  the  Country.  —  Frederick  Douglass— 
His  Birth,  Enslavement,  Escape  to  the  North,  and  Life  as  a  Freeman.  —  Becomes  an  Anti- 
slavery  Orator.  —  Goes  to  Great  Britain. — Returns  to  America.  —  Establishes  the  "  North 
Star." —  His  Eloquence,  Influence,  and  Brilliant  Career.  —  Richard  Theodore  Greener.  — 
His  Early  Life,  Education,  and  Successful  Literary  Career.  —  John  P.  Green.  —  His  Early 
Struggles  to  obtain  an  Education.  —  A  Successful  Orator,  Lawyer,  and  Useful  Legislator. 
—  Other  Representative  Colored  Men. —Representative  Colored  Women  .  .  .  .419 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE    AFRICAN    METHODIST    EPISCOPAL    CHURCH. 

PACK' 

Its  Origin,  Growth,  Organization,  and  Excellent  Influence.  —  Its  Publishing  House,  Periodi 
cals,  and  Papers.  —  Its  Numerical  and  Financial  Strength.  —  Its  Missionary  and  Educa 
tional  Spirit.  —  Wilberforce  University  .  .  .  .- 452 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE    METHODIST    EPISCOPAL    CHURCH. 

Founding  of  the  M.  E.  Church  of  America  in  1768.  —Negro  Servants  and  Slaves  among  the 
First  Contributors  to  the  Erection  of  the  First  Chapel  in  New  York.  — The  Rev.  Harry 
Hosier  the  First  Negro  Preacher  in  the  M.  E.  Church  in  America.  —  His  Remarkable 
Eloquence  as  a  Pulpit  Orator.  —  Early  Prohibition  against  Slave-holding  in  the  M.  E. 
Church.  —  Strength  of  the  Churches  and  Sunday-schools  of  the  Colored  Members  in  the 
M.  E.  Church.  — The  Rev.  Marshall  W.  Taylor,  D.D.— His  Ancestors.  —  His  Early 
Life  and  Struggles  for  an  Education.  —  He  Teaches  School  in  Kentucky.  —  His  Experi 
ences  as  a  Teacher.  —  Is  ordained  to  the  Gospel  Ministry  and  becomes  a  Preacher  and 
Missionary  Teacher.  —  His  Settlement  as  Pastor  in  Indiana  and  Ohio.  —  Is  given  the  Title 
of  Doctor  of  Divinity  by  the  Tennessee  College.  —  His  Influence  as  a  Leader,  and  his 
Standing  as  a  Preacher 465. 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE    COLORED    BAPTISTS    OF    AMERICA. 

The  Colored  Baptists  an  Intelligent  and  Useful  People.  —  Their  Leading  Ministers  in  Missouri, 
Ohio,  and  in  New  England. — The  Birth,  Early  Life,  and  Education  of  Duke  William 
Anderson.  —  As  Farmer,  Teacher,  Preacher,  and  Missionary.  —  His  Influence  in  the  West. 
—  Goes  South  at  the  Close  of  the  War.  —Teaches  in  a  Theological  Institute  at  Nashville, 
Tennessee.  —  Called  to  Washington.  —  Pastor  of  igth  Street  Baptist  Church.  —  He  occupies 
Various  Positions  of  Trust.  —  Builds  a  New  Church.  —  His  Last  Revival.  —  His  Sickness 
and  Death.  —  His  Funeral  and  the  General  Sorrow  at  his  Loss.  —  Leonard  Andrew  Grimes, 
of  Boston,  Massachusetts.—  His  Piety,  Faithfulness,  and  Public  Influence  for  Good.  — The 
Completion  of  his  Church.  —  His  Last  Days  and  Sudden  Death.  —  General  Sorrow.  —  Reso 
lutions  by  the  Baptist  Ministers  of  Boston.  —  A  Great  and  Good  Man  Gone  ....  475 


9. 

THE  DECLINE  OF  NEGRO  GOVERNMENTS^ 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

REACTION,  PERIL,  AND    PACIFICATION. 

1875-1880. 

The  Beginning  of  the  End  of  the  Republican  Governments  at  the  South.  —  Southern  Election 
Methods  and  Northern  Sympathy.  —  Gen.  Grant  not  Responsible  for  the  Decline  and 
Loss  of  the  Republican  State  Governments  at  the  South.  —  A  Party  without  a  Live  Issue. 
—  Southern  War  Claims.  —  The  Campaign  of  1876.  —  Republican  Lethargy  and  Demo 
cratic  Activity.  —  Doubtful  Results.  —  The  Electoral  Count  in  Congress.  —  Gen.  Garfield 
and  Congressmen  Foster  and  Hale  to  the  Front  as  Leaders.  —  Peaceful  Results.  —  Presi 
dent  Hayes's  Southern  Policy.  —  Its  Failure.  —  The  Ideas  of  the  Hon.  Charles  Foster  on 
the  Treatment  of  the  Southern  Problem.  —  "  Nothing  but  Leaves  ' '  from  Conciliation.  —  A 
New  Policy  demanded  by  the  Republican  Party.  —  A  Remarkable  Speech  by  the  Hon. 
Charles  Foster  at  Upper  Sandusky,  Ohio.  —  He  calls  for  a  Solid  North  against  a  Solid 
South.  — He  sounds  the  Key-note  for  the  North  and  the  Nation  responds.  — The  Decay 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

PAGE 

and  Death  of  the  Negro  Governments  at  the  South  Inevitable.  — The  Negro  must  turn  his 
Attention  to  Education,  the  Accumulation  of  Property  and  Experience.  —  He  will  return 
to  Politics  when  he  shall  be  Equal  to  the  Difficult  Duties  of  Citizenship  .  .  .  .516 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE  EXODUS — CAUSE  AND  EFFECT. 

The  Negroes  of  the  South  delight  in  their  Home  so  Long  as  it  is  Possible  for  them  to  remain. 

—  The  Policy  of  abridging  their  Rights  Destructive  to  their  Usefulness  as  Members  of 
Society.  —  Political  Intimidation,  Murder,  and  Outrage  disturb  the  Negroes. — The  Planta 
tion  Credit  System  the  Crime  of  the  Century.  — The  Exodus  not  inspired  by  Politicians, 
but  the  Natural  Outcome  of  the  Barbarous  Treatment  bestowed  upon  the  Negroes  by  the 
Whites.  — The  Unprecedented  Sufferings  of  60,000  Negroes  fleeing  from  Southern  Demo 
cratic  Oppression. —  Their  Patient  Christian  Endurance.  —  Their  Industry,  Morals,  and 
Frugality.  —  The  Correspondent  of  the  "Chicago  Inter-Ocean"  sends  Information  to 
Senator  Voorhees  respecting  the  Refugees  in  Kansas. —The  Position  of  Gov.  St.  John 
and  the  Faithful  Labors  of  Mrs.  Comstock.  —The  Results  of  the  Exodus  Beneficent.  —The 
South  must  treat  the  Negro  Better  or  lose  his  Labor 529 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

RETROSPECTION  AND  PROSPECTION. 

'The  Three  Grand  Divisions  of  the  Tribes  of  Africa.  —  Slave  Markets  of  America  supplied 
from  the  Diseased  and  Criminal  Classes  of  African  Society.  —  America  robs  Africa  of 
15,000,000  Souls  in  360  Years.  —  Negro  Power  of  Endurance.  —  His  Wonderful  Achieve 
ments  as  a  Laborer,  Soldier,  and  Student.  —  First  in  War,  and  First  in  Devotion  to  the 
Country.  —  His  Idiosyncrasies.  —  Mrs.  Stowe's  Errors.  —  His  Growing  Love  for  Schools 
and  Churches.  —  His  General  Improvement.  —  The  Negro  will  endure  to  the  End. —  He 
is  Capable  for  All  the  Duties  of  Citizenship.  —  Amalgamation  will  not  obliterate  the  Race. 

—  The  American  Negro  will  civilize  Africa.— America  will  establish  Steamship  Communi 
cation  with  the  Dark  Continent.  —  Africa  will  yet  be  composed  of  States,  and  "  Ethiopia 
shall  soon  stretch  out  her  Hands  unto  God." 544 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


fart  4. 

CONSERVATIVE   ERA— NEGROES  IN  THE  ARMY  AND 

NAVY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

RESTRICTION    AND     EXTENSION. 
1800-1825. 

COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY.  —  SLAVE  POPULATION  OF  1800.  —  MEMORIAL  PRE 
SENTED  TO  CONGRESS  CALLING  ATTENTION  TO  THE  SLAVE-TRADE  TO  THE  COAST  OF  GUINEA.  — 
GEORGIA  CEDES  THE  TERRITORY  LYING  WEST  OF  HER  TO  BECOME  A  STATE.  —  OHIO  ADOPTS 
A  STATE  CONSTITUTION.— WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON  AFroiNTED  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  TERRI 
TORY  OF  INDIANA.  —  AN  ACT  OF  CONGRESS  PROHIBITING  THE  IMPORTATION  OF  SLAVES  INTO 
THE  UNITED  STATES  OR  TERRITORIES. — SLAVE  POPULATION  OF  1810.  —  MISSISSIPPI  APPLIES. 
FOR  ADMISSION  INTO  THE  UNION  WITH  A  SLAVE  CONSTITUTION.  —  CONGRESS  BESIEGED  BY  ME 
MORIALS  URGING  MORE  SPECIFIC  LEGISLATION  AGAINST  THE  SLAVE-TRADE.  —  PREMIUM  OFFERED. 

TO  THE  INFORMER  OF  EVERY  ILLEGALLY  IMPORTED  AFRICAN  SEIZED  WITHIN  THE  UNITED, 
STATES. —  CIRCULAR  LETTERS  SENT  TO  THE  NAVAL  OFFICERS  ON  THE  SEACOAST  OF  THE 
SLAVE-HOLDING  STATES.  —  PRESIDENT  MONROE'S  MESSAGE  TO  CONGRESS  ON  THE  QUESTION  OF 
SLAVERY.  —  PETITION  PRESENTED  BY  THE  MISSOURI  DELEGATES  FOR  THE  ADMISSION  OF  THAT- 
STATE  INTO  THE  UNION.  —  THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  ARKANSAS  TERRITORY.  —  RESOLUTIONS 
PASSED  FOR  THE  RESTRICTION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  NEW  STATES.  —  THE  MISSOURI  CONTROVERSY. — 
THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES.  —  AN  ACT  FOR  THE  GRADUAL  ABOLI 
TION  or  SLAVERY  IN  NEW  JERSEY.  — ITS  PROVISIONS. —  THE  ATTITUDE  OF  THE  NORTHERN 
PRESS  ON  THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION.  —  SLAVE  POPULATION  OF  1820.  —  ANTI-SLAVERY  SENTIMENT 
AT  THE  NORTH. 

THE  nineteenth  century  opened  auspiciously  for  the  cause 
of  the  Negro.     Although   slavery  had  ceased  to   exist  in 
Massachusetts  and  Vermont,  the  census  of   1800  showed 
that  the  slave  population  in  the  other  States  was  steadily  on  the 
increase.     In  the  total  population  of  5,305,925,  there  were  893,- 
041    slaves.     The  subjoined  table  exhibits  the  number  of  slaves, 
in  each  of  the  slave-holding  States  in  the  year  1800. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

CENSUS  OF  1800 — SLAVE  POPULATION. 

District  of  Columbia 3,244 

Connecticut 951 

Delaware  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         6,153 

Georgia  .       '  .  .  59>4°4 

Indiana  Territory       ......  135 

Kentucky       ........  40,343 

Maryland   .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .     105,635 

Mississippi  Territory      ......     3,489 

New  Jersey       .         .         ...         .         .        12,422 

New  Hampshire    .......  8 

New  York         .......         20,343 

North  Carolina     .......   133,296 

Pennsylvania    .......  1,706 

Hhode  Island 381 

South  Carolina 146,151 

Tennessee    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .     13,584 

Virginia    .  .  .  .       345>796 

Aggregate      ...  .       893,041 

On  the  2d  of  January,  1800,  a  number  of  Colored  citizens  of 
the  city  and  county  of  Philadelphia  presented  a  memorial  to 
Congress,  through  the  delegate  from  that  city,  Mr.  Wain,  calling 
attention  to  the  slave-trade  to  the  coast  of  Guinea.  The  me 
morial  charged  that  the  slave-trade  was  clandestinely  carried  on 
from  various  ports  of  the  United  States  contrary  to  law  ;  that 
under  this  wicked  practice  free  Colored  men  were  often  seized 
and  sold  as  slaves;  and  that  the  fugitive-slave  law  of  1793  sub 
jected  them  to  great  inconvenience  and  severe  persecutions. 
The  memorialists  did  not  request  Congress  to  transcend  their 
authority  respecting  the  slave-trade,  nor  to  emancipate  the 
slaves,  but  only  to  prepare  the  way,  so  that,  at  an  early  period, 
the  oppressed  might  go  free. 

Upon  a  motion  by  Mr.  Wain  for  the  reference  of  the  memorial 
to  the  Committee  on  the  Slave-trade,  Rutledge,  Harper,  Lee, 
Randolph,  and  other  Southern  members,  made  speeches  against 
such  a  reference.  They  maintained  that  the  petition  requested 
Congress  to  take  action  on  a  question  over  which  they  had  no 
control.  Wain,  Thacher,  Smilie,  Dana,  and  Gallatin  contended 
that  there  were  portions  of  the  petition  that  came  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Constitution,  and,  therefore,  ought  to  be  re- 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  3 

•ceived  and  acted  upon.  Mr.  Rutledge  demanded  the  yeas  and 
nays  ;  but  in  such  a  spirit  as  put  Mr.  Wain  on  his  guard,  so  he 
withdrew  his  motion,  and  submitted  another  one  by  which  such 
parts  of  the  memorial  as  came  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress 
should  be  referred.  Mr.  Rutledge  raised  a  point  of  order  on  the 
motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  that  a  "  part  "  of 
the  memorial  could  not  be  referred,  but  was  promptly  overruled. 
Mr.  Gray,  of  Virginia,  moved  to  amend  by  adding  a  declaratory 
clause  that  the  portions  of  the  memorial,  not  referred,  inviting 
Congress  to  exercise  authority  not  delegated,  "  have  a  tendency 
to  create  disquiet  and  jealousy,  and  ought,  therefore,  to  receive 
the  pointed  disapprobation  of  this  House."  After  some  discus 
sion,  it  was  finally  agreed  to  strike  out  the  last  clause  and  insert 
the  following:  "ought  therefore  to  receive  no  encouragement  or 
countenance  from  this  House."  The  call  of  the  roll  resulted  in 
the  adoption  of  the  amendment,  with  but  one  vote  in  the  nega 
tive  by  Mr.  Thacher,  of  Maine,  an  uncompromising  enemy  of 
slavery.  The  committee  to  whom  the  memorial  was  referred 
brought  in  a  bill  during  the  session  prohibiting  American  ships 
from  supplying  slaves  from  the  United  States  to  foreign  markets. 
On  the  2d  of  April,  1802,  Georgia  ceded  the  territory  lying 
west  of  her  present  limits,  now  embracing  the  States  of  Alabama 
and  Mississippi.  Among  the  conditions  she  exacted  was  the  fol 
lowing  : 

"That  the  territory  thus  ceded  shall  become  a  State,  and  be  ad 
mitted  into  the  Union  as  soon  as  it  shall  contain  sixty  thousand  free  in 
habitants,  or  at  an  earlier  period,  if  Congress  shall  think  it  expedient, 
on  the  same  conditions  and  restrictions,  with  the  same  privileges,  and  in 
the  same  manner,  as  provided  in  the  ordinance  of  Congress  of  the  i3th 
day  of  July,  1787,  for  the  government  of  the  western  territory  of  the 
United  States  :  which  ordinance  shall,  in  all  its  parts,  extend  to  the 
territory  contained  in  the  present  act  of  cession,  the  article  only  ex- 
cepted  which  forbids  slavery." 

The  demand  was  acceded  to,  and,  as  the  world  knows,  Ala 
bama  and  Mississippi  became  the  most  cruel  slave  States  in  the 
United  States. 

Ohio  adopted  a  State  constitution  in  1802-3,  and  the  residue 
of  the  territory  not  included  in  the  State  as  it  is  now,  was  desig 
nated  as  Indiana  Territory.  William  Henry  Harrison  was  ap 
pointed  governor.  One  of  the  earliest  moves  of  the  government 


4        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  the  new  territory  was  to  secure  a  modification  of  the  ordi 
nance  of  1787  by  which  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  was  pro 
hibited  in  the  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio  River.  It  was 
ordered  by  a  convention  presided  over  by  Gen.  Harrison  in 
1802-3,  that  a  memorial  be  sent  to  Congress  urging  a  restriction 
of  the  ordinance  of  1787.  It  was  referred  to  a  select  committee,, 
with  John  Randolph  as  chairman.  On  the  2d  of  March,  1803,. 
he  made  a  report  by  the  unanimous  request  of  his  committee,, 
and  the  portion  referring  to  slavery  was  as  follows  : 

"  The  rapid  population  of  the  State  of  Ohio  sufficiently  evinces,  in 
the  opinion  of  your  committee,  that  the  labor  of  slaves  is  not  necessary 
to  promote  the  growth  and  settlement  of  colonies  in  that  region.  That 
this  labor — demonstrably  the  dearest  of  any — can  only  be  employed  in 
the  cultivation  of  products  more  valuable  than  any  known  to  that  quar 
ter  of  the  United  States  ;  that  the  committee  deem  it  highly  dangerous 
and  inexpedient  to  impair  a  provision  wisely  calculated  to  promote  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  northwestern  country,  and  to  give 
strength  and  security  to  that  extensive  frontier.  In  the  salutary  opera 
tions  of  this  sagacious  and  benevolent  restraint,  it  is  believed  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Indiana  will,  at  no  very  distant  day,  find  ample  remunera 
tion  for  a  temporary  privation  of  labor  and  of  emigration." 

After  discussing  the  subject-matter  embodied  in  the  memorial 
from  the  territory  of  Indiana,  the  committee  presented  eight  re 
solves,  one  of  which  related  to  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  was  as 
follows : 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  inexpedient  to  suspend,  for  a  limited  time,  the 
operation  of  the  sixth  article  of  the  compact  between  the  original  States 
and  the  people  and  the  States  west  of  the  river  Ohio." 

Congress  was  about  to  close  its  session,  and,  therefore,  there 
was  no  action  taken  upon  this  report.  At  the  next  session  it 
went  into  the  hands  of  a  new  committee  whose  chairman  was 
Caesar  Rodney,  of  Delaware,  who  had  just  been  elected  to  Con 
gress.  On  the  1 7th  of  February,  1804,  Mr.  Rodney  made  the 
following  report : 

"That  taking  into  their  consideration  the  facts  stated  in  the  said 
memorial  and  petition,  they  are  induced  to  believe  that  a  qualified  sus 
pension,  for  a  limited  time,  of  the  sixth  article  of  compact  between  the 
original  States  and  the  people  and  States  west  of  the  river  Ohio,  might 
be  productive  of  benefit  and  advantage  to  said  territory." 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  5 

After  discussing  other  matters  contained  in  the  Indiana  peti 
tion,  the  committee  says,  in  reference  to  slavery  : 

"  That  the  sixth  article  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  which  prohibited 
slavery  within  the  said  territory,  be  suspended  in  a  qualified  manner 
for  ten  years,  so  as  to  permit  the  introduction  of  slaves  born  within  the 
United  States,  from  any  of  the  individual  States  :  provided,  that  such 
individual  State  does  not  permit  the  importation  of  slaves  from  foreign 
countries  ;  and  provided  further,  that  the  descendants  of  all  such  slaves 
shall,  if  males,  be  free  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and,  if  female,  at 
the  age  of  twenty-one  years." 

The  House  did  not  take  up  and  act  upon  this  report,  and  so 
the  matter  passed  for  the  time  being.  But  the  original  memorial, 
with  several  petitions  of  like  import,  came  before  Congress  in 
1805-6.  They  were  referred  to  a  select  committee,  and  on  the 
I4th  of  February,  1 806,  Mr.  Garnett,  of  Virginia,  the  chairman, 
made  the  following  favorable  report : 

*'  That,  having  attentively  considered  the  facts  stated  in  the  said 
petitions  and  memorials,  they  are  of  opinion  that  a  qualified  suspension 
for  a  limited  time,  of  the  sixth  article  of  compact  between  the  original 
States  and  the  people  and  States  west  of  the  river  Ohio,  would  be  bene 
ficial  to  the  people  of  the  Indiana  Territory.  The  suspension  of  this 
article  is  an  object  almost  universally  desired  in  that  Territory. 

"  It  appears  to  your  committee  to  be  a  question  entirely  different 
from  that  between  Slavery  and  Freedom  ;  inasmuch  as  it  would  merely 
occasion  the  removal  of  persons,  already  slaves,  from  one  part  of  the 
country  to  another.  The  good  effects  of  this  suspension,  in  the  present 
instance,  would  be  to  accelerate  the  population  of  that  Territory,  hitherto 
retarded  by  the  operation  of  that  article  of  compact,  as  slave-holders  emi 
grating  into  the  Western  country  might  then  indulge  any  preference 
which  they  might  feel  for  a  settlement  in  the  Indiana  Territory,  instead 
of  seeking,  as  they  are  now  compelled  to  do,  settlements  in  other  States 
or  countries  permitting  the  introduction  of  slaves.  The  condition  of 
the  slaves  themselves  would  be  much  ameliorated  by  it,  as  it  is  evident, 
from  experience,  that  the  more  they  are  separated  and  diffused,  the 
more  care  and  attention  are  bestowed  on  them  by  their  masters — each 
proprietor  having  it  in  his  power  to  increase  their  comforts  and  con 
veniences,  in  proportion  to  the  smallness  of  their  numbers.  The  dangers, 
too  (if  any  are  to  be  apprehended),  from  too  large  a  black  population 
existing  in  any  one  section  of  country,  would  certainly  be  very  much 
diminished,  if  not  entirely  removed.  But  whether  dangers  are  to  be 


O       HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

feared  from  this  source  or  not,  it  is  certainly  an  obvious  dictate  of 
sound  policy  to  guard  against  them,  as  far  as  possible.  If  this  danger 
does  exist,  or  there  is  any  cause  to  apprehend  it,  and  our  Western 
brethren  are  not  only  willing  but  desirous  to  aid  us  in  taking  precau 
tions  against  it,  would  it  not  be  wise  to  accept  their  assistance  ? 

"  We  should  benefit  ourselves,  without  injuring  them,  as  their  popu 
lation  must  always  so  far  exceed  any  black  population  which  can  ever 
exist  in  that  country,  as  to  render  the  idea  of  danger  from  that  source 
chimerical." 

After  a  lengthy  discussion  of  matters  embodied  in  the  Indi 
ana  memorial,  the  committee  recommended  the  following  resolve 
on  the  question  of  slavery: 

"Resolved,  That  the  sixth  article  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  which 
prohibits  slavery  within  the  Indiana  Territory,  be  suspended  for  ten 
years,  so  as  to  permit  the  introduction  of  slaves  born  within  the  United 
States,  from  any  of  the  individual  States." 

The  report  and  resolves  were  made  the  special  order  for  the 
following  Monday,  but  were  never  called  up. 

At  the  opening  of  the  next  session,  Gen.  Harrison  presented 
another  letter,  accompanied  by  several  resolves  passed  by  the 
Legislative  Council  and  House  of  Representatives,  urging  the 
passage  of  a  measure  restricting  the  ordinance  of  1787.  The  let 
ter  and  enclosures  were  received  on  the  2ist  of  January,  1807, 
and  referred  to  the  following  select  committee:  Parke,  of  Indi 
ana,  chairman;  Alston,  North  Carolina;  Masters,  New  York; 
Morrow,  Ohio;  Rhea,  Tennessee  ;  Sandford,  Kentucky;  Trigg, 
Virginia. 

On  the  I2th  of  February,  1807,  the  chairman,  Mr.  Parke,  made 
the  following  report  in  favor  of  the  request  of  the  memorialists 
[the  third\  It  was  unanimous. 

"  The  resolutions  of  the  Legislative  Council  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  Indiana  Territory  relate  to  a  suspension,  for  the  term 
of  ten  years,  of  the  sixth  article  of  compact  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Territories  and  States  northwest  of  the  river  Ohio,  passed  the 
?3th  July,  1787.  That  article  declares  that  there  shall  be  neither  Slavery 
nor  involuntary  servitude  in  the  said  Territory. 

"  The  suspension  of  the  said  article  would  operate  an  immediate  and 
essential  benefit  to  the  Territory,  as  emigration  to  it  will  be  inconsider 
able  for  many  years,  except  from  those  States  where  Slavery  is  tolerated. 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  7 

"  And  although  it  is  not  considered  expedient  to  force  the  popula 
tion  of  the  Territory,  yet  it  is  desirable  to  connect  its  scattered  settle 
ments,  and,  in  admitted  political  rights,  to  place  it  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  different  States.  From  the  interior  situation  of  the  Territory, 
it  is  not  believed  that  slaves  could  ever  become  so  numerous  as  to 
endanger  the  internal  peace  or  future  prosperity  of  the  country.  The 
current  of  emigration  flowing  to  the  Western  country,  the  Territories 
should  all  be  opened  to  their  introduction.  The  abstract  question  of 
Liberty  and  Slavery  is  not  involved  in  the  proposed  measure,  as  Slavery 
now  exists  to  a  considerable  extent  in  different  parts  of  the  Union  ;  it 
would  not  augment  the  number  of  slaves,  but  merely  authorize  the 
removal  to  Indiana  of  such  as  are  held  in  bondage  in  the  United  States. 
If  Slavery  is  an  evil,  means  ought  to  be  devised  to  render  it  least 
dangerous  to  the  community,  and  by  which  the  hapless  situation  of  the 
slaves  would  be  most  ameliorated  ;  and  to  accomplish  these  objects,  no 
measure  would  be  so  effectual  as  the  one  proposed.  The  Committee, 
therefore,  respectfully  submit  to  the  House  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  expedient  to  suspend,  from  and  after  the  ist  day 
of  January,  1808,  the  sixth  article  of  compact  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Territories  and  States  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  passed  the 
1 3th  day  of  July,  1787,  for  the  term  of  ten  years." 

Like  its  predecessor  this  report  was  made  a  special  order,  but 
was  never  taken  up. 

On  the  7th  of  November,  1807,  the  President  laid  a  letter  from 
Gen.  Harrison  [probably  the  one  already  referred  to],  and  the 
resolves  of  his  Legislature,  before  Congress,  and  that  body 
referred  them  to  a  select  committee  consisting  of  Franklin,  of 
North  Carolina;  Ketchel,  of  New  Jersey;  and  Tiffin,  of  Ohio. 

On  the  1 3th  of  November,  Mr.  Franklin  made  the  following 
adverse  report : 

"  The  Legislative  Council  and  House  of  Representatives,  in  their 
resolutions,  express  their  sense  of  the  propriety  of  introducing  Slavery 
into  their  Territory,  and  solicit  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to 
suspend,  for  a  given  number  of  years,  the  sixth  article  of  compact,  in 
the  ordinance  for  the  government  of  the  Territory  northwest  of  the 
Ohio,  passed  the  i3th  day  of  July,  1787.  That  article  declares: 
'There  shall  be  neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  within  the 
said  Territory.' 

"The  citizens  of  Clark  County,  in  their  remonstrance,  express  their 
sense  of  the  impropriety  of  the  measure,  and  solicit  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  not  to  act  on  the  subject,  so  as  to  permit  the  introduc- 


8        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tion  of  slaves  into  the  Territory  ;  at  least,  until  their  population  shall 
entitle  them  to  form  a  constitution  and  State  government. 

"  Your  Committee,  after  duly  considering  the  matter,  respectfully 
submit  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  not  expedient  at  this  time  to  suspend  the  sixth 
article  of  compact  for  the  government  of  the  Territory  of  the  United 
States  northwest  of  the  river  Ohio." 

Thus  ended  in  defeat  the  stubborn  effort  to  secure  a  restriction 
of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  and  the  admission  of  slavery  into  the 
Territory  lying  west  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  rivers,  now 
comprising  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan,  and 
Wisconsin. 

In  his  message  to  Congress  at  the  commencement  of  the  ses 
sion  of  1806-7,  President  Jefferson  suggested  to  that  body  the 
wisdom  of  abolishing  the  African  slave-trade.  He  said  in  this 
connection : 

"  I  congratulate  you,  fellow-citizens,  on  the  approach  of  the  period  at 
which  you  may  interpose  your  authority,  constitutionally,  to  withdraw 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  from  all  further  participation  in  those 
violations  of  human  rights  which  have  so  long  been  continued  on  the 
unoffending  inhabitants  of  Africa,  and  which  the  morality,  the  reputa 
tion,  and  the  best  interest  of  our  country  have  long  been  eager  to 
proscribe." 

This  portion  of  the  message  was  referred  to  a  select  committee  ; 
and  in  due  time  they  reported  a  bill  "to  prohibit  the  importation 
or  bringing  of  slaves  into  the  United  States  or  the  territories 
thereof  after  the  3 1st  day  of  December,  1807." 

Mr.  Early,  of  Georgia,  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  inserted 
a  clause  into  the  bill  requiring  that  all  slaves  illegally  imported 
"  should  be  forfeited  and  sold  for  life  for  the  benefit  of  the  United 
States."  A  long  debate  ensued  and  was  conducted  with  fiery 
earnestness  from  beginning  to  end.  It  was  urged  in  support  of 
the  above  regulation,  that  nothing  else  could  be  done  but  to  sell 
them ;  that  it  would  never  do  to  release  them  in  the  States  where 
they  might  be  captured,  poor,  ignorant,  and  dangerous.  It  was 
said  by  the  opponents  of  the  measure,  that  Congress  could  not 
regulate  the  matter,  as  the  States  had  the  reserved  authority  to 
have  slavery,  and  were,  therefore,  competent  to  say  who  should 
be  free  and  who  bond.  It  was  suggested,  farther  along  in  the 
debate,  that  Congress  might  order  such  slaves  into  such  States 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  9 

.as  prohibited  slavery,  where  they  could  be  bound  out  for  a  term 
of  years.  After  a  great  many  able  speeches  the  House  refused  to 
strike  out  the  forfeiture  clause  by  a  vote  of  sixty-three  to  thirty- 
six.  When  the  act  was  called  up  for  final  passage,  it  was  amended 
by  inserting  a  clause  imposing  a  fine  of  $20,000,  upon  all  persons 
concerned  in  fitting  out  a  vessel  for  the  slave-trade;  and  likewise 
a  fine  of  $5,000,  and  forfeiture  of  the  vessel,  for  taking  on  board 
any  Negro  or  Mulatto,  or  any  person  of  color,  in  any  foreign  port 
with  the  intention  of  selling  them  in  the  United  States. 

During  these  efforts  at  restriction  the  slave  population  was 
growing  daily.  The  census  of  1810  showed  that  within  a  decade 
the  slave  population  had  sprung  from  893,041,  in  1800,  to 
1,191,364, — an  increase  of  33  per  cent.  The  following  table  ex 
hibits  this  remarkable  fact : 
• 

CENSUS  OF  l8lO. — SLAVE  POPULATION. 

District  of  Columbia           .....  5»395 

Rhode  Island 108 

Connecticut        .......  310 

Pennsylvania          ......  795 

Delaware 4,177 

New  Jersey             10,851 

New  York           .         .                  .         .         .         .  15,017 

Louisiana       .......  34,660 

Tennessee           .......  44,535 

Kentucky       .         .         .         .         .         .         .  80,561 

Georgia 105,218 

Maryland •                .  111,502 

North  Carolina           ......  168,824 

South  Carolina 196,365 

Virginia 392,518 

Mississippi  Territory      .....  17,088 

Indiana  Territory       .         .         .         ...         .  237 

Louisiana  Territory        .....  3, on 

Illinois  Territory        ......  168 

Michigan  Territory         .....  24 

On  the  loth  of  December,  1817,  Mississippi  applied  for  admis 
sion  into  the  Union  with  a  slave  constitution.  The  provisions 
relating  to  slavery  dispensed  with  grand  juries  in  the  indictment 
of  slaves,  and  trial  by  jury  was  allowed  only  in  trial  of  capital 
cases. 


10      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

During  the  session  of  1817-8,  Congress  was  besieged  by  a  large 
number  of  memorials  praying  for  more  specific  legislation  against 
the  slave-trade.  During  the  session  the  old  fugitive-slave  act 
was  amended  so  as  to  make  it  more  effective,  and  passed  by  a 
vote  of  eighty-four  to  sixty-nine.  *  In  the  Senate,  with  several 
amendments,  and  heated  debate,  it  passed  by  a  vote  of  seventeen 
to  thirteen  ;  but  upon  being  returned  to  the  House  for  concur 
rence,  the  Northern  members  had  heard  from  their  constituents^, 
and  the  bill  was  tabled,  and  its  friends  were  powerless  to  get  it  up. 

In  1818-9,  Congress  passed  an  act  offering  a  premium  of  fifty 
dollars  to  the  informer  of  every  illegally  imported  African  seized 
within  the  United  States,  and  twenty-five  dollars  for  those  taken 
at  sea.  The  President  was  authorized  to  have  such  slaves  re 
moved  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Uniteol  States,  and  to  appoint 
agents  on  the  West  Coast  of  Africa  to  superintend  their  recep 
tion.  An  effort  was  made  to  punish  slave-trading  with  death. 
It  passed  the  House,  but  was  struck  out  in  the  Senate. 

On  the  1 2th  of  January,  1819,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  trans 
mitted  to  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  copies, 
of  circular  letters  that  had  been  sent  to  the  naval  officers  on 
the  various  stations  along  the  sea-coast  of  the  slave-holding; 
States.  The  following  letter  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  remainder  :  * 

"NAVY  DEPARTMENT,  January  22,  1811. 

"Sm  : — I  hear,  not  without  great  concern,  that  the  law  prohibiting 
the  importation  of  slaves  has  been  violated  in  frequent  instances,  near 
St.  Mary's,  since  the  gun-boats  have  been  withdrawn  from  that  station.. 

"  We  are  bound  by  law,  by  the  obligations  of  humanity  and  sound 
policy,  to  use  our  most  strenuous  efforts  to  restrain  this  disgraceful 
traffic,  and  to  bring  those  who  shall  be  found  engaged  in  it  to  those  for 
feitures  and  punishments  which  are  bylaw  prescribed  for  such  offences. 

"  Hasten  the  equipment  of  the  gun-boats  which,  by  my  letter  of  the 
24th  ultimo,  you  were  directed  to  equip,  and  as  soon  as  they  shall  be 
ready,  despatch  them  to  St.  Mary's  with  orders  to  their  commanders  to 
use  all  practicable  diligence  in  enforcing  the  law  prohibiting  the  im 
portation  of  slaves,  passed  March  2,  1807,  entitled  *  An  Act  to  prohibit 
the  importation  of  slaves  into  any  port  or  place  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  United  States,  from  and  after  the  ist  day  of  January,  1808.* 

*I  have  in  my  possession  large  numbers  of  official  orders  and  letters  on  the  suppres 
sion  of  the  slave-trade,  but  the  space  appropriated  to  this  history  precludes  their  publi 
cation.  There  are,  however,  some  important  documents  in  the  appendix  to  this  volume. 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  1 1 

The  whole  of  this  law,  but  especially  the  7th  section,  requires  your 
particular  attention  ;  that  section  declares,  that  any  ship  or  vessel 
which  shall  be  found  in  any  river,  port,  bay,  or  harbor,  or  on  the  high 
seas,  within  the  jurisdictional  limits  of  the  United  States,  or  hovering  on 
the  coast  thereof,  having  on  board  any  negro,  mulatto,  or  person  of  color, 
for  the  purpose  of  selling  them  as  slaves,  or  with  intent  to  land  the 
same  in  any  port  or  place  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States, 
contrary  to  the  prohibition  of  the  act,  shall,  together  with  her  tackle, 
apparel,  and  furniture,  and  the  goods  and  effects  which  shall  be  found 
on  board  the  same,  be  forfeited  and  may  be  seized,  prosecuted,  and 
condemned  in  any  court  of  the  United  States  having  jurisdiction 
thereof. 

"It  further  authorizes  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  cause 
any  of  the  armed  vessels  of  the  United  States  to  be  manned  and 
employed  to  cruise  on  any  part  of  the  coast  of  the  United  States,  or  terri 
tories  thereof,  and  to  instruct  and  direct  the  commanders  to  seize,  take,, 
and  bring  into  any  port  of  the  United  States,  all  such  ships  or  vessels  ; 
and,  moreover,  to  seize,  take,  and  bring  into  any  port  of  the  United 
States,  all  ships  or  vessels  of  the  United  States,  wherever  found  on  the 
high  seas,  contravening  the  provisions  of  the  act,  to  be  proceeded 
against  according  to  law. 

"  You  will,  therefore,  consider  yourself  hereby  especially  instructed 
and  required,  and  you  will  instruct  and  require  all  officers  placed  under 
your  command,  to  seize,  take,  and  bring  into  port,  any  vessel  of  whatever 
nature,  found  in  any  river,  port,  bay,  or  harbor,  or  on  the  high  seas, 
within  the  juisdictional  limits  of  the  United  States,  or  hovering  on  the 
coast  thereof,  having  on  board  any  negro,  mulatto,  or  person  of  color,, 
for  the  purpose  of  selling  them  as  slaves,  or  with  intent  to  land  the 
same,  contrary  to  law  ;  and,  moreover,  to  seize,  take,  and  bring  into  port,, 
all  ships  or  vessels  of  the  United  States,  wheresoever  found  on  the  high 
seas  or  elsewhere,  contravening  the  provisions  of  the  law.  Vessels  thus  to 
be  seized,  may  be  brought  into  any  port  of  the  United  States  ;  and  when 
brought  into  port,  must,  without  delay,  be  reported  to  the  district- 
attorney  of  the  United  States  residing  in  the  district  in  which  such 
port  may  be,  who  will  institute  such  further  proceedings  as  law  and 
justice  require, 

"  Every  person  found  on  board  of  such  vessels  must  be  taken  especial 
care  of.  The  negroes,  mulattoes,  or  persons  of  color,  are  to  be  deliv 
ered  to  such  persons  as  the  respective  States  may  appoint  to  receive 
the  same.  The  commanders  and  crews  of  such  vessels  will  be  held 
under  the  prosecutions  of  the  district-attorneys,  to  answer  the  pains 
and  penalties  prescribed  by  law  for  their  respective  offences.  When 
ever  negroes,  mulattoes,  or  persons  of  color  shall  be  delivered  to  the 
persons  appointed  to  receive  the  same,  duplicate  receipts  must  be  taken 


j£i       HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

therefore,  and  if  no  person  shall  be  appointed  by  the  respective  States  to 
receive  them,  they  must  be  delivered  '  to  the  overseers  of  the  poor  of 
the  port  or  place  where  such  ship  or  vessel  may  be  brought  or  found,' 
and  an  account  of  your  proceedings,  together  with  the  number  and 
-descriptive  list  of  such  negroes,  mulattoes,  or  persons  of  color,  must  be 
immediately  transmitted  to  the  governor  or  chief  magistrate  of  the 
State.  You  will  communicate  to  me,  minutely,  all  your  proceedings. 

"  I  am,  sir,  respectfully,  etc. 

PAUL  HAMILTON. 

"H.  G.  CAMPBELL,  Commanding  Naval  Officer, 
Charleston,  S.  C." 

On  the  I7th  of  December,  1819,  President  Monroe  sent  the 
following  message  to  Congress  on  the  subject  of  the  slave-trade : 


"  To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the    United  States  : 

"Some  doubt  being  entertained  respecting  the  true  intent  and  mean 
ing  of  the  act  of  the  last  session,  entitled  '  An  Act  in  addition  to  the 
Acts  prohibiting  the  slave-trade,'  as  to  the  duties  of  the  agents,  to  be 
appointed  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  I  think  it  proper  to  state  the  interpre 
tation  which  has  been  given  of  the  act,  and  the  measures  adopted  to 
carry  it  into  effect,  that  Congress  may,  should  it  be  deemed  advisable, 
amend  the  same,  before  further  proceeding  is  had  under  it. 

"  The  obligation  to  instruct  the  commanders  of  all  our  armed  ves 
sels  to  seize  and  bring  into  port  all  ships  or  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  wheresoever  found,  having  on  board  any  negro,  mulatto,  or  per 
son  of  color,  in  violation  of  former  acts  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave- 
trade,  being  imperative,  was  executed  without  delay.  No  seizures 
have  yet  been  made,  but,  as  they  were  contemplated  by  the  law,  and 
might  be  presumed,  it  seemed  proper  to  make  the  necessary  regulations 
applicable  to  such  seizures  for  carrying  the  several  provisions  of  the 
act  into  effect. 

"  It  is  enjoined  on  the  executive  to  cause  all  negroes,  mulattoes,  or 
persons  of  color,  who  may  be  taken  under  the  act,  to  be  removed  to 
Africa.  It  is  the  obvious  import  of  the  law,  that  none  of  the  persons 
thus  taken  should  remain  within  the  United  States  ;  and  no  place  other 
than  the  coast  of  Africa  being  designated,  their  removal  or  delivery, 
whether  carried  from  the  United  States  or  landed  immediately  from 
the  vessels  in  which  they  were  taken,  was  supposed  to  be  confined  to 
that  coast.  No  settlement  or  station  being  specified,  the  whole  coast 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  1 3 

was  thought  to  be  left  open  for  the  selection  of  a  proper  place,  at  which 
the  persons  thus  taken  should  be  delivered.  The  executive  is  author 
ized  to  appoint  one  or  more  agents,  residing  there,  to  receive  such  per 
sons  ;  and  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  are  appropriated  for  the 
general  purposes  of  the  law. 

"  On  due  consideration  of  the  several  sections  of  the  act,  and  of  its 
humane  policy,  it  was  supposed  to  be  the  intention  of  Congress,  that 
all  the  persons  above  described,  who  might  be  taken  under  it,  and 
landed  in  Africa,  should  be  aided  in  their  return  to  their  former  homes, 
or  in  their  establishment  at  or  near  the  place  where  landed.  Some 
shelter  and  food  would  be  necessary  for  them  there,  as  soon  as  landed, 
let  their  subsequent  disposition  be  what  it  might.  Should  they  be 
landed  without  such  provision  having  been  previously  made,  they 
might  perish.  It  was  supposed,  by  the  authority  given  to  the  executive 
to  appoint  agents  residing  on  that  coast,  that  they  should  provide  such 
shelter  and  food,  and  perform  the  other  beneficent  and  charitable 
offices  contemplated  by  the  act.  The  coast  of  Africa  having  been  little 
explored,  and  no  persons  residing  there  who  possessed  the  requisite 
qualifications  to  entitle  them  to  the  trust  being  known  to  the  execu 
tive,  to  none  such  could  it  be  committed.  It  was  believed  that  citi 
zens  only,  who  would  go  hence,  well  instructed  in  the  views  of  their 
government,  and  zealous  to  give  them  effect,  would  be  competent  to 
these  duties,  and  that  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the  law  to  preclude 
their  appointment.  It  was  obvious  that  the  longer  these  persons  should 
be  detained  in  the  United  States  in  the  hands  of  the  marshals,  the 
greater  would  be  the  expense,  and  that  for  the  same  term  would  the 
main  purpose  of  the  law  be  suspended.  It  seemed,  therefore,  to  be 
incumbent  on  me  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  for  carrying 
this  act  into  effect  in  Africa,  in  time  to  meet  the  delivery  of  any 
persons  who  might  be  taken  by  the  public  vessels,  and  landed  there 
under  it. 

"  On  this  view  of  the  policy  and  sanctions  of  the  law,  it  has  been  de 
cided  to  send  a  public  ship  to  the  coast  of  Africa  with  two  such 
agents,  who  will  take  with  them  tools  and  other  implements  necessary 
for  the  purposes  above  mentioned.  To  each  of  these  agents  a  small 
salary  has  been  allowed — fifteen  hundred  dollars  to  the  principal,  and 
twelve  hundred  to  the  other.  All  our  public  agents  on  the  coast 
of  Africa  receive  salaries  for  their  services,  and  it  was  understood  that 
none  of  our  citizens  possessing  the  requisite  qualifications  would  accept 
these  trusts,  by  which  they  would  be  confined  to  parts  the  least  fre 
quented  and  civilized,  without  a  reasonable  compensation.  Such  allow 
ance,  therefore,  seemed  to  be  indispensable  to  the  execution  of  the  act. 
It  is  intended,  also,  to  subject  a  portion  of  the  sum  appropriated,  to  the 
order  of  the  principal  agent,  for  the  special  objects  above  stated, 


14      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

amounting  in  the  whole,  including  the  salaries  of  the  agents  for  one 
year,  to  rather  less  than  one  third  .of  the  appropriation.  Special  in 
structions  will  be  given  to  these  agents,  defining,  in  precise  terms,  their 
duties  in  regard  to  the  persons  thus  delivered  to  them  ;  the  disburse 
ment  of  the  money  by  the  principal  agent  ;  and  his  accountability  for 
the  same.  They  will  also  have  power  to  select  the  most  suitable  place 
on  the  coast  of  Africa,  at  which  all  persons  who  may  be  taken  under 
this  act  shall  be  delivered  to  them,  with  an  express  injunction  to  exer 
cise  no  power  founded  on  the  principle  of  colonization,  or  other  power 
than  that  of  performing  the  benevolent  offices  above  recited,  by  the 
permission  and  sanction  of  the  existing  government  under  which  they 
may  establish  themselves.  Orders  will  be  given  to  the  commander  of 
the  public  ship  in  which  they  will  sail,  to  cruise  along  the  coast,  to  give 
the  more  complete  effect  to  the  principal  object  of  the  act. 

"JAMES  MONROE. 
"WASHINGTON,  December,    17,  1819." 

In  March,  1818,  the  delegate  from  Missouri  presented  petitions 
from  the  inhabitants  of  that  territory,  praying  to  be  admitted 
into  the  Union  as  a  State.  They  were  referred  to  a  select  com 
mittee,  and  a  bill  was  reported  for  the  admission  of  Missouri  as 
a  State  on  equal  footing  with  the  other  States.  The  bill  was 
read  twice,  when  it  was  sent  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
where  it  was  permitted  to  remain  during  the  entire  session.  Dur 
ing  the  next  session,  on  the  I3th  of  February,  1819,  the  House 
went  into  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  with  Gen.  Smith,  of 
Maryland,  in  the  chair.  The  committee  had  two  sittings  during 
which  they  discussed  the  bill.  Gen.  Tallmadge,  of  New  York, 
offered  the  following  amendment  directed  against  the  life  of  the 
clause  admitting  slavery  : 

"And  provided  that  the  introduction  of  slavery,  or  involuntary  servi, 
tude,  be  prohibited,  except  for  the  punishment  of  crimes  whereof  the 
party  has  been  duly  convicted,  and  that  all  children  born  within  the  said 
State,  after  the  admission  thereof  into  the  Union,  shall  be  declared  free 
at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years." 

A  long  and  an  able  discussion  followed,  in  which  the  author 
ity  of  the  government  to  prohibit  slavery  under  new  State  gov 
ernments  was  affirmed  and  denied.  On  coming  out  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  the  Whole,  the  yeas  and  nays  were  demanded  on  the 
amendment  prohibiting  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  Mis 
souri,  and  resulted  as  follows :  yeas,  87, — only  one  vote  from  the 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  1 5 

South,  Delaware ;  nays,  76, — ten  votes  from  Northern  States. 
Upon  the  latter  clause  of  the  amendment — "  and  that  all  chil 
dren  of  slaves,  born  within  the  said  State,  after  the  admission 
thereof  into  the  Union,  shall  be  declared  free  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five  years":  yeas,  82, — one  vote  from  Maryland;  nays, 
yg, — fourteen  from  Northern  States.  And  thus  the  entire  amend 
ment  of  Gen.  Tallmadge  was  sustained,  and  being  reported  to 
the  House,  passed  by  a  vote  98  to  56. 

The  bill  reached  the  Senate  on  the  1 7th  of  February,  and 
after  its  second  reading  was  referred  to  a  select  committee.  On 
the  22d  of  February,  the  chairman,  Mr.  Tait,  of  Georgia,  re 
ported  the  bill  back  with  amendments,  striking  out  the  Tall 
madge  restriction  clauses.  The  House  went  into  the  Committee 
of  the  Whole  on  the  27th  of  February,  to  consider  the  bill,  when 
Mr.  Wilson,  of  New  Jersey,  moved  to  postpone  the  further  con 
sideration  of  the  bill  until  the  5th  of  March.  It  was  rejected. 
The  committee  then  began  to  vote  upon  the  recommendations  of 
the  select  committee.  Upon  striking  out  the  House  amendment, 
providing  that  all  the  children  of  slaves  born  within  said  State 
should  be  free,  etc.,  it  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  27  to  7,  eleven 
Northern  Senators  voting  to  strike  out.  The  seven  votes  against 
striking  out  were  all  from  free  States. 

Upon  the  clause  prohibiting  servitude  except  for  crimes,  etc., 
22  votes  were  cast  for  striking  out, — five  being  from  Northern 
States  ;  against  striking  out,  16, — and  they  were  all  from  North 
ern  States. 

Thus  amended,  the  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed,  and  on 
the  2d  of  March — the  last  day  but  one  of  the  session — was  read 
a  third  time  and  passed.  It  was  returned  to  the  House,  where 
the  amendments  were  read,  when  Mr.  Tallmadge  moved  that  the 
bill  be  indefinitely  postponed.  His  motion  was  rejected  by  a 
vote  of :  yeas,  69  ;  nays,  74.  But  upon  a  motion  to  concur  in  the 
Senate  amendments,  the  House  refused  to  concur:  yeas,  76; 
nays,  78.  The  Senate  adhered  to  their  amendments,  and  the 
I  louse  adhered  to  their  disagreement  by  a  vote  of  76  to  66  ;  and 
thus  the  bill  fell  between  the  two  Houses  and  was  lost. 

The  southern  portion  of  the  territory  of  Missouri,  which  was 
not  included  within  the  limits  of  the  proposed  State,  was 
organized  as  a  separate  territory,  under  the  designation  of  the 
Arkansas  Territory.  After  considerable  debate,  and  several 
attempts  to  insert  an  amendment  for  the  restriction  of  slavery, 


16      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  bill  creating  the  territory  of  Arkansas  passed  without  any 
reference  to  slavery,  and  thus  the  territory  was  left  open  to 
slavery,  and  also  the  State  some  years  later. 

The  Congressional  discussion  of  the  slavery  question  aroused 
the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  North,  which  found  expression 
in  large  and  earnest  meetings,  in  pungent  editorials,  and  numer 
ous  memorials.  At  Trenton,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Boston,, 
and  other  places,  the  indignation  against  slavery  was  great.  On 
December  3,  1819,  a  large  meeting  was  held  in  the  State  House 
at  Boston,  when  a  resolution  was  adopted  to  memorialize  Con 
gress  on  the  subject  of  "restraining  the  increase  of  slavery  in 
new  States  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union."  The  memorial  was 
drawn  by  Daniel  Webster,  and  signed  by  himself,  George  Blake, 
Josiah  Quincy,  James  T.  Austin,  and  others.  The  New  York 
Legislature  passed  resolutions  against  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  the  territories  and  new  States ;  and  requested  the  Congress 
men  and  instructed  the  Senators  from  that  State  not  to  vote  for 
the  admission  of  any  State  into  the  Union,  except  such  State 
should  pledge  itself  to  unqualified  restriction  in  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  ordinance  of  1787.  These  resolutions  were  signed 
on  January  17,  1820. 

On  the  24th  of  January  the  New  Jersey  Legislature  followed 
in  the  sa^me  strain,  with  six  pertinent  resolves,  a  copy  of  which 
the  governor  was  requested  to  forward  "  to  each  of  the  senators, 
and  representatives  of  this  State,  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States." 

Pennsylvania  had  taken  action  on  the  I  ith  of  December,  1819 ; 
but  the  resolves  were  not  signed  by  Gov.  William  Findlay  until 
the  i6th  of  the  month.  The  Legislature  was  composed  of  fifty- 
four  Democrats  and  twenty  Whigs,  and  yet  there  was  not  a  dis 
senting  vote  cast. 

Two  Southern  States  passed  resolutions, — Delaware  and  Ken 
tucky  :  the  first  in  favor  of  restriction,  the  last  opposed  to  re 
striction. 

The  effort  to  secure  the  admission  of  Missouri  with  a  slave 
constitution  was  not  dead,  but  only  sleeping.  The  bill  was 
called  up  as  a  special  order  on  the  24th  of  January,  1820.  It 
occupied  most  of  the  time  of  the  House  from  the  25th  of 
January  till  the  I9th  of  February,  when  a  bill  came  from  the 
Senate  providing  for  the  admission  of  Maine  into  the  Union,, 
but  containing  a  rider  authorizing  the  people  of  Missouri  to 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  17 

adopt  a  State  constitution,  etc.,  without  restrictions  respecting 
slavery.  The  bill  providing  for  the  admission  of  Maine  had 
passed  the  House  during  the  early  days  of  the  session,  and  now 
returned  to  the  House  for  concurrence  in  the  rider.  The  debate 
on  the  bill  and  amendments  had  occupied  much  of  the  time  of 
the  Senate.  In  the  Judiciary  Committee  on  the  i6th  of 
February,  the  question  was  taken  on  amendments  to  the  Maine 
admission  bill,  authorizing  Missouri  to  form  a  State  constitu 
tion,  making  no  mention  of  slavery :  and  twenty-three  votes 
were  cast  against  restriction, — three  from  Northern  States ; 
twenty-one  in  favor  of  restriction, — but  only  two  from  the 
South. 

Mr.  Thomas  offered  a  resolution  reaffirming  the  doctrine  of 
the  sixth  article  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  and  declaring  its 
applicability  to  all  that  territory  ceded  to  the  United  States  by 
France,  under  the  general  designation  of  Louisiana,  which  lies 
north  of  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  etc. 
But  on  the  following  day  he  withdrew  his  original  amendment, 
and  submitted  the  following : 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  in  all  the  territory  ceded  by  France 
to  the  United  States,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of 
thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes,  north  latitude,  excepting  only  such 
part  thereof  as  is  included  within  the  limits  of  the  State  contemplated 
by  this  act,  slavery  and  involuntary  servitude,  otherwise  than  in  the  pun 
ishment  of  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted, 
shall  be  and  is  hereby  forever  prohibited.  Provided  always,  that  any 
person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  where  labor  or  service  is  lawfully 
claimed  in  any  State  or  territory  of  the  United  States,  such  fugitive  may 
be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her 
labor  or  service  as  aforesaid." 

Mr.  Trimble,  of  Ohio,  offered  a  substitute,  but  it  was  rejected. 
The  question  recurring  upon  the  passage  of  the  amendment  of 
Mr.  Thomas,  excluding  slavery  from  all  the  territory  north  and 
west  of  Missouri,  it  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  34  to  20. 

Thus  amended,  the  bill  was  ordered  to  engrossment  by  a  vote 
of  24  to  20.  On  the  i8th  of  February  the  bill  passed,  and  this 
was  its  condition  when  it  came  to  the  House.  By  a  vote  of  93 
to  72  the  House  agreed  not  to  leave  the  Missouri  question  on  the 
Maine  bill  as  a  rider ;  but  immediately  thereafter  struck  out  the 
Thomas  Senate  amendment  by  a  vote  of  159  to  18.  The  House 


:i8      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

•disagreed  to  the  remaining  Senate  amendments,  striking  out  the 
•clause  restricting  slavery  in  Missouri  by  a  vote  of  102  to  68. 

Thus  rejected,  the  bill  was  returned  to  the  Senate  shorn  of 
its  amendments.  After  four  days  of  debate  in  the  Senate  it  was 
decided  not  to  recede  from  the  attachment  of  the  Missouri  subject 
to  the  Maine  bill ;  not  to  recede  from  the  amendment  prohibiting 
slavery  west  of  Missouri,  and  north  of  36°  30' north  latitude,  and 
insisted  upon  the  remaining  amendments  without  division. 

When  the  bill  was  returned  to  the  House  a  motion  was  made 
to  insist  upon  its  disagreement  to  all  but  section  nine  of  the 
Senate  amendments,  and  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  97  to  76. 

The  Senate  asked  for  a  committee  of  conference  upon  differ 
ences  between  the  two  Houses,  which  was  cheerfully  granted  by 
the  House.  On  the  2d  of  March,  Mr.  Holmes,  of  Massachusetts, 
as  chairman,  made  the  following  report : 

"  i.  The  Senate  should  give  up  the  combination  of  Missouri  in  the 
same  bill  with  Maine. 

"  2.  The  House  should  abandon  the  attempt  to  restrict  Slavery  in 
Missouri. 

"  3.  Both  Houses  should  agree  to  pass  the  Senate's  separate  Missouri 
bill,  with  Mr.  Thomas's  restriction  or  compromising  proviso,  excluding 
Slavery  from  all  territory  north  and  west  of  Missouri. 

"  The  report  having  been  read, 

"  The  first  and  most  important  question  was  put,  viz.  : 

"  Will  the  House  concur  with  the  Senate  in  so  much  of  the  said 
amendments  as  proposes  to  strike  from  the  fourth  section  of  the  [Mis 
souri]  bill  -the  provision  prohibiting  Slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  in 
the  contemplated  State,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes  ? " 

The  vote  resulted  as  follows :  For  giving  up  restriction  on 
Missouri,  yeas,  90 ;  against  giving  up  restriction  of  slavery  in 
Missouri,  87. 

Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  offered  an  amendment  to  include 
Arkansas  Territory  under  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  terri 
tory  west  and  north  of  Missouri,  but  his  amendment  was  cut  off 
by  a  call  for  the  previous  question.  Then  the  House  concurred 
in  the  Senate  amendment  excluding  forever  slavery  from  the  ter 
ritory  west  and  north  of  Missouri  by  a  vote  of  134  to  42  !  And 
on  the  following  day  the  bill  admitting  Maine  into  the  Union 
was  passed  without  opposition. 

Thus  the  Northern  delegates  in  Congress  were  whipped  into 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  19 

line,  and  thus  did  the  South  gain  her  point  in  the  extension  of 
slavery  in  violation  of  the  sacred  compact  between  the  States 
contained  in  the  ordinance  of  1787. 

But  the  struggle  was  opened  afresh  when  Missouri  presented 
herself  for  admission  on  the  i6th  of  November,  1820.  The  con 
stitution  of  this  new  State,  adopted  by  her  people  on  the  iQth 
of  July,  1820,  contained  the  following  resolutions  which  greatly 
angered  the  Northern  members,  who  so  keenly  felt  the  defeat 
and  humiliation  they  had  suffered  so  recently: 

"  The  General  Assembly  shall  have  no  power  to  pass  laws,  first,  for 
the  emancipation  of  Slaves  without  the  consent  of  their  owners,  or  with 
out  paying  them,  before  such  emancipation,  a  full  equivalent  for  such 
slaves  so  emancipated  ;  and  second,  to  prevent  bona-fide  emigrants  to 
this  State,  or  actual  settlers  therein,  from  bringing  from  any  of  the 
United  States,  or  from  any  of  their  Territories,  such  persons  as  may 
there  be  deemed  to  be  Slaves,  so  long  as  any  persons  of  the  same  de 
scription  are  allowed  to  be  held  as  Slaves  by  the  laws  of  this  State. 

.  .  .  "  It  shall  be  their  duty,  as  soon  as  may  be,  to  pass  such 
laws  as  may  be  necessary, 

"  First,  to  prevent  free  negroes  and  mulattoes  from  coming  to,  and 
settling  in,  this  State,  under  any  pretext  whatever." 

Upon  the  motion  to  admit  the  State  the  vote  stood :  yeas,  79; 
nays,  93.  Upon  a  second  attempt  to  admit  her,  with  the  under 
standing  that  the  resolution  just  quoted  should  be  expunged, 
the  vote  was  worse  than  before,  standing:  yeas,  6;  nays,  146! 

The  House  now  rested,  until  a  joint  resolve,  admitting  her 
with  but  a  vague  and  ineffective  qualification,  came  down  from 
the  Senate,  where  it  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  26  to  18 — six  Sena 
tors  from  Free  States  in  the  affirmative.  Mr.  Clay,  who  had 
resigned  in  the  recess,  and  been  succeeded,  as  Speaker,  by  John 
W.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  now  appeared  as  the  leader  of  the  Mis 
souri  admissionists,  and  proposed  terms  of  compromise,  which 
were  twice  voted  down  by  the  Northern  members,  aided  by  John 
Randolph  and  three  others  from  the  South,  who  would  have  Mis 
souri  admitted  without  condition  or  qualification.  At  last,  Mr. 
Clay  proposed  a  joint  committee  on  this  subject,  to  be  chosen 
by  ballot — which  the  House  agreed  to  by  a  vote  of  101  to  55  ;  and 
Mr.  Clay  became  its  chairman.  By  this  committee  it  was  agreed, 
that  a  solemn  pledge  should  be  required  of  the  Legislature  of 
Missouri,  that  the  constitution  of  that  State  should  not  be  con- 


26     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

strued  to  authorize  the  passage  of  any  act,  and  that  no  act 
should  be  passed  "  by  which  any  of  the  citizens  of  either  of  the 
States  should  be  excluded  from  the  enjoyment  of  the  privileges 
and  immunities  to  which  they  are  entitled  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States."  The  joint  resolution,  amended  by  the 
addition  of  this  proviso,  passed  the  House  by  86  yeas  to  82  nays ;, 
the  Senate  concurred  (Feb.  27,  1821)  by  26  yeas  to  15  nays — 
(all  Northern  but  Macon,  of  N.  C).  Missouri  complied  with  the 
condition,  and  became  an  accepted  member  of  the  Union.  Thus 
closed  the  last  stage  of  the  fierce  Missouri  controversy,  which 
for  a  time  seemed  to  threaten — as  so  many  other  controversies 
have  harmlessly  threatened — the  existence  of  the  Union. 

By  this  time  there  was  scarcely  a  State  in  the  North  but  that 
had  organized  anti-slavery,  or  abolition,  societies.  Pennsylvania 
boasted  of  a  society  that  was  accomplishing  a  great  work. 
Where  it  was  impossible  to  secure  freedom  for  the  enslaved, 
religious  training  was  imparted,  and  many  excellent  efforts  made 
for  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  Negroes,  bond  and 
free.  A  society  for  promoting  the  "Abolition  of  Slavery "  was 
formed  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  on  the  2d  of  March,  1786.  It 
adopted  an  elaborate  constitution,  which  was  amended  on  the 
26th  of  November,  1788.  It  did  an  effective  work  throughout 
the  State  ;  embraced  in  its  membership  some  of  the  ablest  men 
of  the  State  ;  and  changed  public  sentiment  for  the  better  by  the 
methods  it  adopted  and  the  literature  it  circulated.  On  the  I5th 
of  February,  1804,  it  secured  the  passage  of  the  following  Act  for 
the  gradual  emancipation  of  the  slaves  in  the  State  : 

"  AN  ACT  FOR  THE  GRADUAL  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY. 

"  SECTION  i.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Council  and  General  Assembly  of  this- 
State,  and  it  is  hereby  enacted  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  every 
child  born  of  a  slave  within  this  State,  after  the  fourth  day  of  July 
next,  shall  be  free ;  but  shall  remain  the  servant  of  the  owner  of  his  or 
her  mother,  and  the  executors,  administrators,  or  assigns  of  such  owner, 
in  the  same  manner  as  if  such  child  had  been  bound  to  service  by  the 
trustees  or  overseers  of  the  poor,  and  shall  continue  in  such  service,  if 
a  male,  until  the  age  of  twenty- five  years,  and  if  a  female,  until  the  age 
of  twenty-one  years. 

"  2.  And  be  it  enacted,  That  every  person  being  an  inhabitant  of  this 
State,  who  shall  be  entitled  to  the  service  of  a  child  born  as  aforesaid, 
after  the  said  fourth  day  of  July  next,  shall  within  nine  months  after 


RESTRICTION  AND  EXTENSION.  21 

die  birth  of  such  child,  cause  to  be  delivered  to  the  clerk  of  the  county 
whereof  such  person  shall  be  an  inhabitant,  a  certificate  in  writing,  con 
taining  the  name  and  station  of  such  person,  and  the  name,  age,  and 
sex  of  the  child  so  born  ;  which  certificate,  whether  the  same  be 
delivered  before  or  after  the  said  nine  months,  shall  be  by  the  said 
clerk  recorded  in  a  book  to  be  by  him  provided  for  that  purpose  ; 
and  such  record  thereof  shall  be  good  evidence  of  the  age  of  such  child  ; 
and  the  clerk  of  such  county  shall  receive  from  said  person  twelve 
cents  for  every  child  so  registered  ;  and  if  any  person  shall  neglect  to 
deliver  such  certificate  to  the  said  clerk  within  said  nine  months,  such 
person  shall  forfeit  and  pay  for  every  such  offence,  five  dollars,  and  the 
further  sum  of  one  dollar  for  every  month  such  person  shall  neglect  to 
deliver  the  same,  to  be  sued  for  and  recovered  by  any  person  who  will 
sue  for  the  same,  the  one  half  to  the  use  of  such  prosecutor,  and  the 
residue  to  the  use  of  the  poor  of  the  township  in  which  such  delinquent 
shall  reside. 

"  3.  And  be  it  enacted,  That  the  person  enitled  to  the  service  of 
any  child  born  as  aforesaid,  may,  nevertheless,  within  one  year  after 
the  birth  of  such  child,  elect  to  abandon  such  right  ;  in  which  case  a 
notification  of  such  abandonment,  under  the  hand  of  such  person,  shall 
be  filed  with  the  clerk  of  the  township,  or  where  there  may  be  a  county 
poor-house  established,  then  with  the  clerk  of  the  board  of  trustees  of 
said  poor-house  of  the  county  in  which  such  person  shall  reside  ;  but 
every  child  so  abandoned  shall  be  maintained  by  such  person  until  such 
child  arrives  to  the  age  of  one  year,  and  thereafter  shall  be  considered 
as  a  pauper  of  such  township  or  county,  and  liable  to  be  bound  out 
by  the  trustees  or  overseers  of,  the  poor  in  the  same  manner  as  other 
poor  children  are  directed  to  be  bound  out,,  until,  if  a  male,  the  age  of 
twenty-five,  and  if  a  female,  the  age  of  twenty-one  ;  and  such  child, 
while  such  pauper,  until  it  shall  be  bound  out,  shall  be  maintained  by 
the  trustees  or  overseers  of  the  poor  of  such  county  or  township,  as  the 
case  may  be,  at  the  expense  of  this  State  ;  and  for  that  purpose  the 
director  of  the  board  of  chosen  freeholders  of  the  county  is  hereby 
required,  from  time  to  time,  to  draw  his  warrant  on  the  treasurer  in 
favor  of  such  trustees  or  overseers  for  the  amount  of  such  expense,  not 
exceeding  the  rate  of  three  dollars  per  month  ;  provided  the  accounts  for 
the  same  be  first  certified  and  approved  by  such  board  of  trustees,  or  the 
town  committee  of  such  township  ;  and  every  person  who  shall  omit  to 
notify  such  abandonment  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  considered  as  having  elected! 
to  retain  the  service  of  such  child,  and  be  liable  for  its  maintenance  un 
til  the  period  to  which  its  servitude  is  limited  as  aforesaid. 

"A.     Passed  at  Trenton,  Feb.  15,  1804." 

The  public  journals  of  the  larger  Northern  cities  began  to 


22        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

take  a  lively  interest  in  the  paramount  question  of  the  day, 
which,  without  doubt,  was  the  slavery  question.  Gradual  eman 
cipation  was  doing  an  excellent  work  in  nearly  all  the  Northern 
States,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  census  of  1820.  When  the  entire 
slave  population  was  footed  up  it  showed  an  increase  of  30  per 
cent,  during  the  previous  ten  years,  but  when  examined  by  States 
it  was  found  to  be  on  the  decrease  in  all  the  Northern  or  free 
States,  except  Illinois,  The  slave  population  of  Virginia  had 
increased  only  8  per  cent. ;  North  Carolina  21  per  cent.;  Soutfh 
Carolina  31  per  cent.;  Tennessee  79  per  cent.;  Mississippi  92  per 
cent. ;  and  Louisiana  99  per  cent.  The  slave  population  by 
States  was  as  follows: 

CENSUS  OF  T82O SLAVE  POPULATION. 

Alabama 41,879 

District  of  Columbia     ...                 .  6,377 

Connecticut 97 

Delaware     .         .         .        .         ,         .         .         .4,509 

Georgia i49,654 

Illinois 917 

Indiana    ........  190 

Kentucky     ........  126,732 

Louisiana          .......  69,064 

Maryland     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  107,397 

Mississippi        .         .     •    .    .,.-  .         .         .         .  32,814 

Missouri       ........  10,222 

New  Jersey      . 7,557 

New  York 10,088 

North  Carolina         ......  205,017 

Pennsylvania        .         .         ...         .         .         .  211 

Rhode  Island 48 

South  Carolina     .......  258,475 

Tennessee        .......  80,107 

Virginia 425,153 

Arkansas  Territory 1,617 

Aggregate         ....  1,538,125 

The  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  Northern  States  was  grow 
ing,  but  no  organization  with  a  great  leader  at  its  head  had  yet 
announced  its  platform  or  unfurled  its  banner  in  a  holy  war  for 
the  emancipation  of  the  Bondmen  of  the  Free  Republic  of  North 
America. 


NEGRO  TROOPS  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812.  23 


CHAPTER  II. 

NEGRO   TROOPS   IN  THE   WAR  OF    1 8 12. 

EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812.  —  THE  NEW  YORK  LEGISLATURE 
AUTHORIZES  THE  ENLISTMENT  OF  A  REGIMENT  OF  COLORED  SOLDIERS.  —  GEN.  ANDREW  JACK- 
SON'S  PROCLAMATION  TO  THE  FREE  COLORED  INHABITANTS  OF  LOUISIANA  CALLING  THEM  TO 
ARMS.  —  STIRRING  ADDRESS  TO  THE  COLORED  TROOPS  THE  SUNDAY  BEFORE  THE  BATTLE  OF 
NEW  ORLEANS.  —  GEN.  JACKSON  ANTICIPATES  THE  VALOR  OF  HIS  COLORED  SOLDIERS.  — TERMS 
OF  PEACE  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR  BY  THE  COMMISSIONERS  AT  GHENT.  —  NEGROES  PLACED 
AS  CHATTEL  PROPERTY.  —  THEIR  VALOR  IN  WAR  SECURES  THEM  NO  IMMUNITY  IN  PEACE. 

WHEN  the  war-clouds  gathered  in  1812,  there  was  no  time 
wasted  in  discussing  whether  it  would  be  prudent  to 
arm  the  Negro,  nor  was  there  a  doubt  expressed  as  to 
his  valor.  His  brilliant  achievements  in  the  war  of  the  Revo 
lution,  his  power  of  endurance,  and  martial  enthusiasm,  were 
the  golden  threads  of  glory  that  bound  his  memory  to  the  vic 
torious  cause  of  the  American  Republic.  A  lack  of  troops  and 
an  imperiled  cause  led  to  the  admission  of  Negroes  into  the 
American  army  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  But  it  was 
the  Negro's  eminent  fitness  for  military  service  that  made  him  a 
place  under  the  United  States  flag  during  the  war  in  Louisiana. 
The  entire  country  had  confidence  in  the  Negro's  patriotism  and 
effectiveness  as  a  soldier.  White  men  were  willing  to  see  Ne 
groes  go  into  the  army  because  it  reduced  their  chances  of  being 
sent  forth  to  the  tented  field  and  dangerous  bivouac. 

New  York  did  not  hesitate  to  offer  a  practical  endorsement  of 
the  prevalent  opinion  that  Negroes  were  both  competent  and 
worthy  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Nation.  Accordingly,  the  fol 
lowing  Act  was  passed  authorizing  the  organization  of  two  regi 
ments  of  Negroes. 

"AN  ACT  TO  AUTHORIZE  THE  RAISING  OF  Two  REGIMENTS  OF 
MEN  OF  COLOR;  PASSED  OCT.  24,  1814. 

"  SECT.  i.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
represented  in  Senate  and  Assembly,  That  the  Governor  of  the  State  be, 


24      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  to  raise,  by  voluntary  enlistment,  two  regi 
ments  of  free  men  of  color,  for  the  defence  of  the  State  for  three 
years,  unless  sooner  discharged. 

"  SECT.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  each  of  the  said  regiments 
shall  consist  of  one  thousand  and  eighty  able-bodied  men  ;  and  the  said 
regiments  shall  be  formed  into  a  brigade,  or  be  organized  in  such  man 
ner,  and  shall  be  employed  in  such  service,  as  the  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York  shall  deem  best  adapted  to  defend  the  said  State. 

"  SECT.  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  the  commissioned 
officers  of  the  said  regiments  and  brigade  shall  be  white  men  ;  and  the 
Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York  shall  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  author 
ized  to  commission,  by  brevet,  all  the  officers  of  the  said  regiments  and 
brigade,  who  shall  hold  their  respective  commissions  until  the  council  of 
appointment  shall  have  appointed  the  officers  of  the  said  regiments  and 
brigade,  in  pursuance  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  said  State. 

"  SECT.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  commissioned  officers 
of  the  said  regiments  and  brigade  shall  receive  the  same  pay,  rations, 
forage,  and  allowances,  as  officers  of  the  same  grade  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States  ;  and  the  non-commissioned  officers,  musicians,  and  pri 
vates  of  the  said  regiments  shall  receive  the  same  pay,  rations,  clothing, 
and  allowances,  as  the  non-commissioned  officers,  musicians,  and  privates 
of  the  army  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  sum  of  twenty-five  dollars 
shall  be  paid  to  each  of  the  said  non-commissioned  officers,  musicians, 
and  privates,  at  the  time  of  enlistment,  in  lieu  of  all  other  bounty. 

"  SECT.  5.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  troops  to  be  raised 
as  aforesaid  may  be  transferred  into  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
if  the  Government  of  the  United  States  shall  agree  to  pay  and  subsist 
them,  and  to  refund  to  this  State  the  moneys  expended  by  this  State  in 
clothing  and  arming  them  ;  and,  until  such  transfer  shall  be  made,  may 
be  ordered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States  in  lieu  of  an  equal 
number  of  militia,  whenever  the  militia  of  the  State  of  New  York  shall 
be  ordered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

"  SECT.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  any 
able-bodied  slave,  with  the  written  assent  of  his  master  or  mistress,  to 
enlist  into  the  said  corps  ;  and  the  master  or  mistress  of  such  slave  shall 
be  entitled  to  the  pay  and  bounty  allowed  him  for  his  service  ;  and, 
further,  that  the  said  slave,  at  the  time  of  receiving  his  discharge,  shall 
be  deemed  and  adjudged  to  have  been  legally  manumitted  from  that 
time,  and  his  said  master  or  mistress  shall  not  thenceforward  be  liable 
for  his  maintenance. 

"  SECT.  7.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  every  such  enrolled  per 
son,  who  shall  have  become  free  by  manumission  or  otherwise,  if  he 
shall  thereafter  become  indigent,  shall  be  deemed  to  be  settled  in  the 
town  in  which  the  person  who  manumitted  him  was  settled  at  the  time 


NEGRO  TROOPS  IN  THE   WAR  OF  1812.  25 

of  such  manumission,  or  in  such  other  town  where  he  shall  have  gained 
a  settlement  subsequent  to  his  discharge  from  the  said  service  ;  and 
the  former  owner  or  owners  of  such  manumitted  person,  and  his  legal 
representatives,  shall  be  exonerated  from  his  maintenance,  any  law  to 
the  contrary  hereof  notwithstanding. 

"  SECT.  8.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That,  when  the  troops  to  be 
raised  as  aforesaid  shall  be  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  they 
shall  be  subject  to  the  rules  and  articles  which  have  been  or  may  be 
hereafter  established  by  the  By-laws  of  the  United  States  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  army  of  the  United  States  ;  that,  when  the  said  troops 
shall  be  in  the  service  of  the  State  of  New  York,  they  shall  be  subject 
to  the  same  rules  and  regulations  ;  and  the  Governor  of  the  said  State 
shall  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  and  directed  to  exercise  all  the 
power  and  authority  which,  by  the  said  rules  and  articles,  are  required 
to  be  exercised  by  the  President  of  the  United  States."  1 

Gen.  Andrew  Jackson  believed  in  the  fighting  capacity  of  the 
Negro,  as  evidenced  by  the  subjoined  proclamation  : 

"HEADQUARTERS  OF  ;TH  MILITARY  DISTRICT, 

"MOBILE,  September  21,  1814. 

*  To  THE  FREE  COLORED  INHABITANTS  OF  LOUISIANA  : 

"  Through  a  mistaken  policy  you  have  heretofore  been  deprived 
of  a  participation  in  the  glorious  struggle  for  national  rights  in  which 
our  country  is  engaged.  This  no  longer  shall  exist. 

"As  sons  of  freedom,  you  are  now  called  upon  to  defend  our  most 
inestimable  blessing.  As  Americans,  your  country  looks  with  con 
fidence  to  her  adopted  children  for  a  valorous  support,  as  a  faithful 
return  for  the  advantages  enjoyed  under  her  mild  and  equitable  gov 
ernment.  As  fathers,  husbands,  and  brothers,  you  are  summoned  to 
rally  around  the  standard  of  the  eagle,  to  defend  all  which  is  dear  in 
•existence. 

"  Your  country,  although  calling  for  your  exertions,  does  not  wish 
you  to  engage  in  her  cause  without  amply  remunerating  you  for  the 
services  rendered.  Your  intelligent  minds  are  not  to  be  led  away  by 
false  representations.  Your  love  of  honor  would  cause  you  to  despise 
the  man  who  should  attempt  to  deceive  you.  In  the  sincerity  of  a  sol 
dier  and  the  language  of  truth  I  address  you. 

"  To  every  noble-hearted,  generous  freeman  of  color,  volunteering  to 
serve  during  the  present  contest  with  Great  Britain,  and  no  longer,  there 

1  Laws  of  the  State  of  New  York,  passed  at  the  Thirty-eighth  Session  of  the  Legis 
lature,  chap,  xviii. 


26       HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

will  be  paid  the  same  bounty  in  money  and  lands,  now  received  by  the 
white  soldiers  of  the  United  States,  viz.:  one  hundred  and  twenty-four 
dollars  in  money,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land.  The  non 
commissioned  officers  and  privates  will  also  be  entitled  to  the  same 
monthly  pay  and  daily  rations,  and  clothes,  furnished  to  any  American 
soldier. 

"  On  enrolling  yourselves  in  companies,  the  major-general  com 
manding  will  select  officers  for  your  government  from  your  white  fel 
low-citizens.  Your  non-commissioned  officers  will  be  appointed  from 
among  yourselves. 

"  Due  regard  will  be  paid  to  the  feelings  of  freemen  and  soldiers.. 
You  will  not,  by  being  associated  with  white  men  in  the  same  corps,  be- 
exposed  to  improper  comparisons  or  unjust  sarcasm.  As  a  distinct,  in 
dependent  battalion  or  regiment,  pursuing  the  path  of  glory,  you  will,, 
undivided,  receive  the  applause  and  gratitude  of  your  countrymen. 

"  To  assure  you  of  the  sincerity  of  my  intentions,  and  my  anxiety  to 
engage  your  invaluable  services  to  our  country,  I  have  communicated 
my  wishes  to  the  Governor  of  Louisiana,  who  is  fully  informed  as  to 
the  manner  of  enrollment,  and  will  give  you  every  necessary  information, 
on  the  subject  of  this  address. 

"  ANDREW  JACKSON,  Major-General  Commanding"  ' 

Just  before  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  General  Jackson  re 
viewed  his  troops,  white  and  black,  on  Sunday,  December  18, 
1814.  At  the  close  of  the  review  his  Adjutant-General,  Edward 
Livingston,  rode  to  the  head  of  the  column,  and  read  in  rich  andt 
sonorous  tones  the  following  address  : 

"  To  THE  MEN  OF  COLOR. — Soldiers  !  From  the  shores  of  Mobile  I 
collected  you  to  arms  ;  I  invited  you  to  share  in  the  perils  and  to  divide- 
the  glory  of  your  white  countrymen.  I  expected  much  from  you,  for  I 
was  not  uninformed  of  those  qualities  which  must  render  you  so  for 
midable  to  an  invading  foe.  I  knew  that  you  could  endure  hunger  andi 
thirst  and  all  the  hardships  of  war.  I  knew  that  you  loved  the  land  of 
your  nativity,  and  that,  like  ourselves,  you  had  to  defend  all  that  is 
most  dear  to  man.  But  you  surpass  my  hopes.  I  have  found  in  you, 
united  to  these  qualities,  that  noble  enthusiasm  which  impels  to  great 
deeds. 

"  Soldiers  !  The  President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  informed  of 
your  conduct  on  the  present  occasion  ;  and  the  voice  of  the  representa 
tives  of  the  American  nation  shall  applaud  your  valor,  as  your  general 
now  praises  your  ardor.  The  enemy  is  near.  His  sails  cover  the  lakes. 

1  Niles's  Register,  vol.  vii.  p.  205. 


NEGRO  TROOPS  IN  THE   WAR  OF  1812.  27 

But  the  brave  are  united  ;  and  if  he  finds  us  contending  among  our 
selves,  it  will  be  for  the  prize  of  valor,  and  fame,  its  noblest  reward."  * 

But  in  this  war,  as  in  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  the  com- 
missioners  who  concluded  the  terms  of  peace,  armed  with  ample 
and  authentic  evidence  of  the  Negro's  valorous  services,  placed 
him  among  chattel  property. 

And  in  no  State  in  the  South  were  the  laws  more  rigidly 
enforced  against  Negroes,  both  free  and  slave,  than  in  Louisiana. 
The  efficient  service  of  the  Louisiana  Negro  troops  in  the  war  of 
1812  was  applauded  on  two  continents  at  the  time,  but  the  noise 
of  the  slave  marts  soon  silenced  the  praise  of  the  "  Black  heroes 
of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans." 

1Niles's  Register,  vol.  vii.  pp.  345,  346. 


28      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  III. 

NEGROES   IN   THE   NAVY. 

No  PROSCRIPTION  AGAINST  NEGROES  AS  SAILORS.  —  THEY  ARE  CARRIED  UPON  THE  ROLLS  IN  THE 
NAVY  WITHOUT  REGARD  TO  THEIR  NATIONALITY. — THEIR  TREATMENT  AS  SAILORS.  —  COMMO 
DORE  PERRY'S  LETTER  TO  COMMODORE  CHAUNCEY  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  MEN  SENT  HIM. — 
COMMODORE  CHAUNCEY'S  SPIRITED  REPLY.  — THE  HEROISM  OF  THE  NEGRO  SET  FORTH  IN  THE 
PICTURE  OF  PERRY'S  VICTORY  ON  LAKE  ERIE.  —  EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  NATHANIEL 
SHALER,  COMMANDER  OF  A  PRIVATE  VESSEL.  —  HE  CITES  SEVERAL  INSTANCES  OF  THE  HEROIC 
CONDUCT  OF  NEGRO  SAILORS. 

IT  is  rather  a  remarkable  fact  of  history  that  Negroes  were 
carried  upon  the  rolls  of  the  navy  without  reference  to  their 
nationality.      About   one  tenth   of  the   crews  of  the   fleet 
that  sailed  to  the  Upper  Lakes  to  co-operate  with  Col.  Croghan 
at   Mackinac,  in   1814,  were  Negroes.     Dr.  Parsons  says:— 

"In  1816,  I  was  surgeon  of  the  'Java,'  under  Commodore  Perry. 
The  white  and  colored  seamen  messed  together.  About  one  in  six  or 
eight  were  colored. 

"  In  1819,  I  was  surgeon  of  the  '  Guerriere,'  under  Commodore  Mac- 
donough  ;  and  the  proportion  of  blacks  was  about  the  same  in  her 
crew.  There  seemed  to  be  an  entire  absence  of  prejudice  against  the 
blacks  as  messmates  among  the  crew.  What  I  have  said  applies  to  the 
crews  of  the  other  ships  that  sailed  in  squadrons."  1 

This  ample  and  reliable  testimony  as  to  the  treatment  of 
Negroes  as  sailors,  puts  to  rest  all  doubts  as  to  their  status  in  the 
United  States  navy. 

In  the  summer  of  1813,  Captain  (afterwards  Commodore)  Perry 
wrote  a  letter  to  Commodore  Chauncey  in  which  he  complained 
that  an  indifferent  lot  of  men  had  been  sent  him.  The  following 
is  the  letter  that  he  wrote. 

**  SIR  : — I  have  this  moment  received,  by  express,  the  enclosed  letter 
from  General  Harrison.  If  I  had  officers  and  men — and  I  have  no 

1  Livermore,  pp.  159,  160. 


NEGROES  JN  THE  NA  VY.  29 

•doubt  you  will  send  them — I  could  fight  the  enemy,  and  proceed  up 
the  lake  ;  but,  having  no  one  to  command  the  '  Niagara,'  and  only  one 
commissioned  lieutenant  and  two  acting  lieutenants,  whatever  my 
wishes  may  be,  going  out  is  out  of  the  question.  The  men  that  came 
by  Mr.  Champlin  are  a  motley  set — blacks,  soldiers,  and  boys.  I  can 
not  think  you  saw  them  after  they  were  selected.  I  am,  however, 
pleased  to  see  any  thing  in  the  shape  of  a  man."  ' 

Commodore  Chauncey  replied  in  the  following  sharp  letter,  in 
which  he  gave  Captain  Perry  to  understand  that  the  color  of  the 
skin  had  nothing  to  do  with  a  man's  qualifications  for  the  navy: 

"  SIR  : — I  have  been  duly  honored  with  your  letters  of  the  twenty- 
third  and  twenty-sixth  ultimo,  and  notice  your  anxiety  for  men  and 
officers.  I  am  equally  anxious  to  furnish  you  ;  and  no  time  shall  be 
lost  in  sending  officers  and  men  to  you  as  soon  as  the  public  service  will 
allow  me  to  send  them  from  this  lake.  I  regret  that  you  are  not 
pleased  with  the  men  sent  you  by  Messrs.  Champlin  and  Forrest  ;  for, 
to  my  knowledge,  a  part  of  them  are  not  surpassed  by  any  seamen  we 
have  in  the  fleet ;  and  I  have  yet  to  learn  that  the  color  of  the  skin,  or 
the  cut  and  trimmings  of  the  coat,  can  affect  a  man's  qualifications  or 
usefulness.  I  have  nearly  fifty  blacks  on  board  of  this  ship,  and  many 
cf  them  are  among  my  best  men  ;  and  those  people  you  call  soldiers 
have  been  to  sea  from  two  to  seventeen  years  ;  and  I  presume  that  you 
will  find  them  as  good  and  useful  as  any  men  on  board  of  your  vessel ;  at 
least,  if  I  can  judge  by  comparison  ;  for  those  which  we  have  on  board 
•of  this  ship  are  attentive  and  obedient,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  many 
of  them  excellent  seamen  :  at  any  rate,  the  men  sent  to  Lake  Erie  have 
been  selected  with  a  view  of  sending  a  fair  proportion  of  petty  officers 
and  seamen  ;  and,  I  presume,  upon  examination  it  will  be  found  that 
they  are  equal  to  those  upon  this  lake."  * 

Perry  was  not  long  in  discovering  that  the  Negroes  whom 
Commodore  Chauncey  had  sent  him  were  competent,  faithful, 
and  brave  ;  and  his  former  prejudice  did  not  prevent  him  from 
speaking  their  praise. 

"  Perry  speaks  highly  of  the  bravery  and  good  conduct  of  the  ne 
groes,  who  formed  a  considerable  part  of  his  crew.  They  seemed  to 
be  absolutely  insensible  to  danger.  When  Captain  Barclay  came  on 
board  the  '  Niagara,'  and  beheld  the  sickly  and  party-colored  beings 

1  Mackenzie's  Life  of  Perry,  vol.  i.  pp.  165,  166. 
a  Mackenzie's  Life  of  Perry,  vol.  i.  pp.  186,  187. 


30      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA, 

around  him,  an  expression  of  chagrin  escaped  him  at  having  been  con 
quered  by  such  men.  The  fresh-water  service  had  very  much  impaired 
the  health  of  the  sailors,  and  crowded  the  sick-list  with  patients.'' 1 

These  brave  Negro  sailors  served  faithfully  through  all  the 
battles  on  the  Lakes,  and  in  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie  rendered 
most  effective  service.  Once  more  the  artist  has  rescued  from 
oblivion  the  heroism  of  the  Negroes  ;  for  in  the  East  Senate 
stairway  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  and  in  the  rotunda  of 
the  Capitol  at  Columbus,  in  the  celebrated  picture  of  Perry's 
Victory  on  Lake  Erie,  a  Negro  sailor  has  a  place  among  the  im 
mortalized  crew. 

The  following  testimony  to  the  bravery  of  Colored  sailors  is 
of  the  highest  character. 

"  EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  NATHANIEL  SHALER,  COMMANDER  OF 
THE  PRIVATE-ARMED  SCHOONER  '  GOV.  TOMPKINS,'  TO  HIS  AGENT 
IN  NEW  YORK,  DATED — 

"  AT  SEA,  Jan.  i,  1813. 

"Before  I  could  get  our  light  sails  in,  and  almost  before  I  could  turn 
round,  I  was  under  the  guns,  not  of  a  transport,  but  of  a  large  frigate  / 
and  not  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  her.  .  .  .  Her  first 
broadside  killed  two  men,  and  wounded  six  others.  .  .  .  My  officers 
conducted  themselves  in  a  way  that  would  have  done  honor  to  a  more 
permanent  service.  .  .  .  The  name  of  one  of  my  poor  fellows  who 
was  killed  ought  to  be  registered  in  the  book  of  fame,  and  remembered 
with  reverence  as  long  as  bravery  is  considered  a  virtue.  He  was  a 
black  man,  by  the  name  of  John  Johnson.  A  twenty-four-pound  shot 
struck  him  in  the  hip,  and  took  away  all  the  lower  part  of  his  body.  In 
this  state,  the  poor  brave  fellow  lay  on  the  deck,  and  several  times  ex 
claimed  to  his  shipmates  :  ' Fire  away,  my  boys  ;  no  haul  a  color  down* 
The  other  was  also  a  black  man,  by  the  name  of  John  Davis,  and  was 
struck  in  much  the  same  way.  He  fell  near  me,  and  several  times  re 
quested  to  be  thrown  overboard,  saying  he  was  only  in  the  way  of 
others. 

'When  America  has  such  tars,  she  has  little  to  fear  from  the  tyrants. 
of  the  ocean."  a 

After  praise  of  such  a  nature  and  from  such  a  source,  eulogy 
is  superfluous. 

JAnalectic  Magazine,  vol.  iii.  p.  255. 

8  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  Saturday,  Feb.  26,  1814.     . 


RETROSPECTION  AND  REFLECTION  31 


5. 

ANTI-SLAVERY  AGITATION. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RETROSPECTION   AND    REFLECTION. 
1825-1850. 

THE  SECURITY  OF  THE  INSTITUTION  OF  SLAVERY  AT  THE  SOUTH.  —  THE  RIGHT  TO  HOLD  SLAVES 
QUESTIONED.  —  RAPID  INCREASE  OF  THE  SLAVE  POPULATION.  —  ANTI-SLAVERY  SPEECHES  IN  THE 
LEGISLATURE  OF  VIRGINIA,  —  THE  QUAKERS  OF  MARYLAND  AND  DELAWARE  EMANCIPATE  THEIR 
SLAVES.  — THE  EVIL  EFFECT  OF  SLAVERY  UPON  SOCIETY.  —  THE  CONSCIENCE  AND  HEART  OF 
THE  SOUTH  DID  NOT  RESPOND  TO  THE  VOICE  OP  REASON  OR  DICTATES  OF  HUMANITY. 

« 

AN  awful  silence  succeeded  the  stormy  struggle  that  ended 
in  the  violation  of  the  ordinance  of   1787.      It  was  now 
time  for  reflection.     The  Southern  statesmen  had  proven 
themselves   the   masters   of  the   situation.      The    institution   of 
slavery  was  secured  to  them,  with  many  collateral  political  ad 
vantages.     And,  in  addition  to  this,  they  had  secured  the  inocu 
lation  of  the    free  territory  beyond    the   Mississippi   and  Ohio 
rivers  with  the  virus  of  Negro-slavery. 

If  the  mother-country  had  forced  slavery  upon  her  colonial 
dependencies  in  North  America,  and  if  it  were  difficult  and  in 
convenient  to  part  with  slave-labor,  who  were  now  responsible 
for  the  extension  of  the  slave  area?  Southern  men,  of  course. 
What  principle  or  human  law  was  strong  enough  to  support  an 
institution  of  such  cruel  proportions?  The  old  law  of  European 
pagans  born  of  bloody  and  destroying  wars?  No;  for  it  was 
now  the  nineteenth  century.  Abstract  law  ?  Certainly  not ;  for 
law  is  the  perfection  of  reason — it  always  tends  to  conform 
thereto — and  that  which  is  not  reason  is  not  law.  Well  did  Jus 
tinian  write :  "  Live  honestly,  hurt  nobody,  and  render  to  every 


32      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

one  his  just  dues."  The  law  of  nations?  Verily  not ;  for  it  is  a 
system  of  rules  deducible%  from  reason  and  natural  justice,  and 
established  by  universal  consent,  to  regulate  the  conduct  and 
mutual  intercourse  between  independent  States.  The  Declara 
tion  of  Independence?  Far  from  it;  because  the  prologue  of 
that  incomparable  instrument  recites :  "  We  hold  these  truths  to 
be  self-evident — that  all  MEN  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  en 
dowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  Rights  ;  that  among 
these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that,  to  se 
cure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving 
their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed."  And  the 
peerless  George  Bancroft  has  added  :  "  The  heart  of  Jefferson  in 
writing  the  Declaration,  and  of  Congress  in  adopting  it,  beat  for 
all  humanity  ;  the  assertion  of  right  was  made  for  all  mankind 
and  all  coming  generations,  without  any  exception  whatever; 
for  the  proposition  which  admits  of  exceptions  can  never  be  self- 
evident."  There  was  but  one  authority  for  slavery  left,  and  that 
was  the  Bible. 

Many  slave-holders  thought  deeply  on  the  question  of  their 
right  to  hold  slaves.  A  disturbed  conscience  cried  aloud  for  a 
"Thus  saith  the  Lord,"  and  the  pulpit  was  charged  with  the 
task  of  quieting  the  general  disquietude.  The  divine  origin  of 
slavery  was  heard  from  a  thousand  pulpits.  God,  who  never 
writes  a  poor  hand,  had  written  upon  the  brow  of  every  Negro, 
the  word  "Slave";  slavery  was  their  normal  condition,  and  the 
white  man  was  God's  agent  in  the  United  States  to  carry  out  the 
prophecy  of  Noah  respecting  the  descendants  of  Ham  ;  while 
St.  Paul  had  sent  Onesimus  back  to  his  owner,  and  had  written, 
"  Servants,  obey  your  masters." 

But  apologetic  preaching  did  not  seem  to  silence  T:he  gnaw 
ing  of  a  guilty  conscience.  Upon  the  battle-fields  of  two  great 
wars;  in  the  army  and  in  the  navy,  the  Negroes'  had  demon 
strated  their  worth  and  manhood.  They  had  stood  with  the 
undrilled  minute-men  along  the  dusty  roads  leading  from  Lex^ 
ington  and  Concord  to  Boston,  against  the  skilled  redcoats 
of  boastful  Britain.  They  were  among  the  faithful  little  band 
that  held  Bunker  Hill  against  overwhelming  odds ;  at  Long 
Island,  Newport,  and  Monmouth,  they  had  held  their  ground 
against  the  stubborn  columns  of  the  Ministerial  army.  They 
had  journeyed  with  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  through  eight  years  of 
despair  and  hope,  of  defeat  and  victory;  had  shared  their  suf- 


RETROSPECTION  AND  REFLECTION.  33; 

ferings  and  divided  their  glory.  These  recollections  made  difficult 
an  unqualified  acceptance  of  the  doctrine  of  the  divine  nature  of 
perpetual  slavery.  Reason  downed  sophistry,  and  human  sym 
pathy  shamed  prejudice.  And  against  prejudice,  custom,  and 
political  power,  the  thinking  men  of  the  South  launched  their 
best  thoughts.  Jefferson  said:  "The  hour  of  emancipation  is 
advancing  in  the  march  of  time.  It  will  come,  and  whether 
brought  on  by  the  generons  energy  of  our  own  minds,  or  by  the 
bloody  process  of  St.  Domingo,  excited  and  conducted  by  the 
power  of  our  present  enemy  [Great  Britain],  if  once  stationed 
permanently  within  our  country  and  offering  asylum  and  arms  to- 
the  oppressed  [Negro],  is  a  leaf  in  our  history  not  yet  turned  over" 
These  words,  written  to  Edward  Coles,  in  August,  1814,  were 
still  ample  food  for  the  profound  meditation  of  the  slave-holders. 
In  his  "  Notes  on  Virginia  "  Mr.  Jefferson  had  written  the  follow 
ing  words :  "  Indeed,  I  tremble  for  my  country  when  I  reflect  tliai 
God  is  just ;  tJiat  His  justice  cannot  sleep  forever.  That,  consider 
ing  numbers,  nature,  and  natural  means,  only  a  revolution  of 
the  wheel  of  fortune,  an  exchange  of  situation,  is  among  possi 
ble  events.  That  it  may  become  probable  by  supernatural  inter 
ference.  The  Almighty  has  no  attribute  which  can  take  side  with 
its  in  such  a  contest" 

The  eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry  and  the  logic  and  philosophy 
of  Madison  and  Jefferson  rang  in  the  ears  of  the  people  of  the 
slave-holding  States,  and  they  paused  to  think.  In  forty  years 
the  Negro  population  of  Virginia  had  increased  186  per  cent. — 
from  1790  to  1830, — while  the  white  had  increased  only  51  per 
cent.  The  rapid  increase  of  the  slave  population  winged  the 
fancy  and  produced  horrid  dreams  of  insurrection  ;  while  the 
pronounced  opposition  of  the  Northern  people  to  slavery  seemed 
to  proclaim  the  weakness  of  the  government  and  the  approach  of 
its  dissolution.  In  1832,  Thomas  Jefferson  Randolph,  a  grandson 
of  Thomas  Jefferson,  lifted  up  his  voice  in  the  Legislature  ot 
Virginia  against  the  institution  of  slavery. 

Said  Mr.  Jefferson  : — "  There  is  one  circumstance  to  which  we  are 
to  look  as  inevitable  in  the  fulness  of  time — a  dissolution  of  this  Union. 
God  grant  it  may  not  happen  in  our  time  or  that  of  our  children  ;  but, 
sir,  it  must  come  sooner  or  later,  and  when  it  does  come,  border  war 
follows  it,  as  certain  as  the  night  follows  the  day.  An  enemy  upon 

1  Jefferson's  Writings,  vol.  viii,  p.  404. 


34      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

your  frontier  offering  arms  and  asylum  to  this  population,  tampering 
with  it  in  your  bosom,  when  your  citizens  shall  march  to  repel  the  in 
vader,  their  families  butchered  and  their  homes  desolated  in  the  rear, 
the  spear  will  fall  from  the  warrior's  grasp  ;  his  heart  may  be  of  steel, 
but  it  must  quail.  Suppose  an  invasion  in  part  with  black  troops,  speak 
ing  the  same  language,  of  the  same  nation,  burning  with  enthusiasm  for 
the  liberation  of  their  race  ;  if  they  are  not  crushed  the  moment  they 
•put- foot  upon  your  soil,  they  roll  forward,  an  hourly  swelling  mass  ;  your 
energies  are  paralyzed,  your  power  is  gone  ;  the  morasses  of  the  low 
lands,  the  fastnesses  of  the  mountains,  cannot  save  your  wives  and 
.children  from  destruction.  Sir,  we  cannot  war  with  these  disadvan 
tages  ;  peace,  ignoble,  abject  peace, — -peace  upon  any  conditions  that  an  enemy 
may  offer,  must  be  accepted.  Are  we,  then,  prepared  to  barter  the  liberty 
-of  our  children  for  slaves  for  them  ?  .  .  .  Sir,  it  is  a  practice,  and 
.an  increasing  practice  in  parts  of  Virginia  to  rear  slaves  for  market. 
How  can  an  honorable  mind,  a  patriot  and  a  lover  of  his  country,  bear  to 
see  this  ancient  Dominion,  rendered  illustrious  by  the  noble  devotion 
.and  patriotism  of  her  sons  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  converted  into  one 
:grand  managerie,  where  men  are  to  be  reared  for  market  like  oxen  for 
the  shambles.  Is  this  better,  is  it  not  worse,  than  the  Slave-Trade,  that 
trade  which  enlisted  the  labor  of  the  good  and  the  wise  of  every  creed  and 
.every  clime  to  abolish  it?" 

Mr.  P.  A.  Boiling  said  :— 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  vain  for  gentlemen  to  deny  the  fact,  the  feelings 
of  society  are  fast  becoming  adversed  to  slavery.  The  moral  causes 
which  produce  that  feeling  are  on  the  march,  and  will  on  until  the 
groans  of  slavery  are  Jicard  no  more  in  this  else  happy  country.  Look 
over  this  world's  wide  page — see  the  rapid  progress  of  liberal  feelings — 
see  the  shackles  falling  from  nations  who  have  long  writhed  under  the 
galling  yoke  of  slavery.  Liberty  is  going  over  the  whole  earth — hand- 
in-hand  with  Christianity.  The  ancient  temples  of  slavery,  rendered 
venerable  alone  by  their  antiquity,  are  crumbling  into  dust.  Ancient 
prejudices  are  flying  before  the  light  of  truth — are  dissipated  by  its 
rays,  as  the  idle  vapor  by  the  bright  sun.  The  noble  sentiment  of 
Burns  : 

1  Then  let  us  pray  that  come  it  may, 

As  come  it  will  for  a'  that, 
That  man  to  man,  the  warld  o'er, 

Shall  brothers  be  for  a'  that  ' — 

is  rapidly  spreading.  The  day-star  of  human  liberty  has  risen  above 
the  dark  horizon  of  slavery,  and  will  continue  its  bright  career,  until  it 
.smiles  alike  on  all  men." 


RETROSPECTION  AND  REFLECTION.  35 

Mr.  C.  J.  Faulkner  said  : — 

"  Sir,  I  am  gratified  that  no  gentleman  has  yet  risen  in  this  hall,  the 
advocate  of  slavery.  *  *  *  Let  me  compare  the  condition  of  the 
slave-holding  portion  of  this  commonwealth,  barren,  desolate,  and 
scarred,  as  it  were,  by  the  avenging  hand  of  Heaven,  with  the  descrip 
tions  which  we  have  of  this  same  country  from  those  who  first  broke 
its  virgin  soil.  To  what  is  this  change  ascribable  ?  Alone  to  the 
withering,  blasting  effects  of  slavery.  If  this  does  not  satisfy  him,  let  me 
request  him  to  extend  his  travels  to  the  Northern  States  of  this  Union, 
and  beg  him  to  contrast  the  happiness  and  contentment  which  prevail 
throughout  that  country — the  busy  and  cheerful  sound  of  industry,  the 
rapid  and  swelling  growth  of  their  population,  their  means  and  institu 
tions  of  education,  their  skill  and  proficiency  in  the  useful  arts,  their 
enterprise  and  public  spirit,  the  monuments  of  their  commercial  and 
manufacturing  industry,  and,  above  all,  their  devoted  attachment  to  the 
government  from  which  they  derive  their  protection,  with  the  division, 
discontent,  indolence,  and  poverty  of  the  Southern  country.  To  what, 
sir,  is  all  this  ascribable  ?  'T  is  to  that  vice  in  the  organization  of  so 
ciety  by  which  one  half  of  its  inhabitants  are  arrayed  in  interest  and  feel 
ing  against  the  other  half ;  to  that  unfortunate  state  of  society  in  which 
free  men  regard  labor  as  disgraceful,  and  slaves  shrink  from  it  as  a  bur 
den  tyrannically  imposed  upon  them.  '  To  that  condition  of  things  in 
which  half  a  million  of  your  population  can  feel  no  sympathy  with  the  so 
ciety  in  the  prosperity  of  which  they  are-  forbidden  to  participate,  and  no 
attachment  to  a  government  at  whose  hands  they  receive  nothing  but  injus 
tice.'  In  the  language  of  the  wise,  prophetic  Jefferson,  'you  must 
approach  this  subject,  YOU  MUST  ADOPT  SOME  PLAN  OF  EMANCIPA* 

"TION,   OR    WORSE    WILL    FOLLOW.'  " 

In  Maryland  and  Delaware  the  Quakers  were  rapidly  eman 
cipating  their  slaves,  and  the  strong  reaction  that  had  set  in 
among  the  thoughtful  men  of  the  South  began  to  threaten  the 
institution.  Men  felt  that  it  was  a  curse  to  the  slave,  and  poi 
soned  the  best  white  society  of  the  slave-holding  States.  As 
<early  as  1781,  Mr.  Jefferson,  with  his  keen,  philosophical  insight, 
beheld  with  alarm  the  demoralizing  tendency  of  slavery.  "The 
whole  commerce,"  says  Mr.  Jefferson,  "  between  master  and 
slave  is  a  perpetual  exercise  of  the  most  boisterous  passions ;  the 
most  unrelenting  despotism  on  the  one  part,  and  degrading  sub 
mission  on  the  other.  Our  children  see  this,  and  learn  to  imi 
tate  it — for  man  is  an  imitative  animal.  This  quality  is  the 
germ  of  all  education  in  him.  From  his  cradle  to  his  grave  he 


36      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

is  learning  to  do  what  he  sees  others  do.  If  a  parent  could  find 
no  motive,  either  in  his  philanthropy  or  his  self-love,  for  restrain 
ing  the  intemperance  of  passion  toward  his  slave,  it  should 
always  be  a  sufficient  one  that  his  child  is  present.  But  gener 
ally,  it  is  not  sufficient.  The  parent  storms  ;  the  child  looks  on, 
catches  the  lineaments  of  wrath,  puts  on  the  same  airs  in  the 
circle  of  smaller  slaves,  gives  a  loose  tongue  to  the  worst  of  pas 
sions,  and,  thus  nursed,  educated,  and  daily  exercised  in  tyranny,, 
cannot  but  be  stamped  with  odious  peculiarities.  The  man  must 
be  a  prodigy  who  can  retain  his  manners  and'  morals  undepraved 
by  such  circumstances.  And  with  what  execration  should  the 
statesman  be  loaded,  who,  permitting  one  half  the  citizens  thus 
to  trample  on  the  rights  of  the  other,  transforms  those  into 
despots  and  these  into  enemies,  destroys  the  morals  of  the  one 
part,  and  the  amor  pat  rice  of  the  other!  " 

And  what  was  true  in  Virginia,  as  coming  under  the  observa 
tion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  true  in  all  the  other  States  where 
slavery  existed.  And  indeed  it  was  difficult  to  tell  whether  the 
slave  or  master  was  injured  the  more.  The  ignorance  of  the 
former  veiled  from  him  the  terrible  evils  of  his  condition,  while 
the  intelligence  of  the  latter  revealed  to  him,  in  detail,  the  bale 
ful  effects  of  the  institution  upon  all  who  came  within  its  area. 
It  was  at  war  with  social  order  ;  it  contracted  the  sublime  ideas 
of  national  unity;  it  made  men  sectional,  licentious,  profligate, 
cruel, — and  selfishness  paled  the  holy  fires  of  patriotism. 

But  notwithstanding  the  profound  reflection  of  the  greatest 
minds  in  the  South,  and  the  philosophic  prophecies  of  Jeffer 
son,  the  conscience  and  heart  of  the  South  did  not  respond  to 
the  dictates  of  humanity.  Cotton  and  cupidity  led  captive  the 
reason  of  the  South,  and,  once  more  joined  to  their  idols,  the 
slave-holders  no  longer  heard  the  voice  of  prudence  or  justice  in 
the  slave  marts  of  their  "  section." 

1  Jefferson's  Writings,  vol.  viii.  p.  403. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ANTI-SLAVERY    METHODS. 
THE  ANTIQUITY  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  SENTIMENT.  —  BENJAMIN  LUNDY'S  OPPOSITION  TO  SLAVERY  IN 

THE  SOUTH  AND  AT  THE  NORTH.  —  HE  ESTABLISHES  THE  "  GENIUS  OF  UNIVERSAL  EMAN 
CIPATION." —  His  GREAT  SACRIFICES  AND  MARVELLOUS  WORK  IN  THE  CAUSE  OF  EMANCIPA 
TION. — WILLIAM  LLOYD  GARRISON  EDITS  A  PAPER  AT  BENNINGTON,  VERMONT.  —  HE  PENS  A 
PETITION  TO  CONGRESS  FOR  THE  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA.— 
GARRISON  THE  PEERLESS  LEADER  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  AGITATION.  — EXTRACT  FROM  A  SPEECH 

DELIVERED  BY  DANIEL  O'CoNNELL  AT  CORK,  IRELAND.  —  INCREASE  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIE 
TIES  IN  THE  COUNTRY.  —  CHARLES  SUMNER  DELIVERS  A  SPEECH  ON  THE  "ANTI-SLAVERY  DUTIES 
OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY."  —  MARKED  EVENTS  OF  1846.  —  SUMNER  THE  LEADER  OF  THE  POLITI 
CAL  PARTY.  —  HETERODOX  ANTI-SLAVERY  PARTY.  —  ITS  SENTIMENTS.  —  HORACE  GREELEY  THE 
LEADER  OF  THE  ECONOMIC  ANTI-SLAVERY  PARTY.  —  THE  AGGRESSIVE  ANTI-SLAVERY  PARTY. — 
ITS  LEADERS.  — THE  COLONIZATION  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY.  — AMERICAN  COLONIZATION  SOCIETY. 

—  MANUMITTED  NEGROES  COLONIZE  ON  THE  WEST  COAST  OF  AFRICA.  — A  BILL  ESTABLISHING 
A  LINE  OF  MAIL  STEAMERS  TO  THE  COAST  OF  AFRICA.  —  IT  PROVIDES  FOR  THE  SUPPRESSION  OF 
THE  SLAVE-TRADE,  PROMOTION  OF  COMMERCE,  AND  THE  COLONIZATION  OF  FREE  NEGROES. — 
EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  PRESS  WARMLY  URGING  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  BILL.  —  THE  UNDERGROUND. 
RAILROAD  ORGANIZATION.  —  ITS  EFFICIENCY  IN  FREEING  SLAVES.  —  ANTI-SLAVERY  LITERATURE. 

—  IT    EXPOSES   THE   TRUE    CHARACTER   OF     SLAVERY.  —  '"  UNCLE     TOM'S    CABIN,"      BY     HARRIET 

BEECHER  STOWE,  PLEADED  THE  CAUSE  OF  THE  SLAVE  IN  TWENTY  DIFFERENT  LANGUAGES. — 
THE  INFLUENCE  OF  "  IMPENDING  CRISIS." 

ANTI-SLAVERY  sentiment  is  as  old  as  the  human  family. 
It  antedates  the  Bible  ;  it  was  eloquent  in  the  days  of 
GUI'  Saviour;  it  preached  the  Gospel  of  Humanity  in  the 
palaces  of  the  Caesars  and  Antonies  ;  its  arguments  shook  the 
thrones  of  Europe  during  the  Mediaeval  ages.  And  when  the 
doctrine  of  property  in  man  was  driven  out  of  Europe  as  an  exile, 
and  found  a  home  in  this  New  World  in  the  West,  the  ancient 
and  time-honored  anti-slavery  sentiment  combined  all  that  was. 
good  in  brain,  heart,  and  civilization,  and  hurled  itself,  with 
righteous  indignation,  against  the  institution  of  slavery,  the  per 
fected  curse  of  the  ages  !  And  how  wonderful  that  God  should 
have  committed  the  task  of  blotting  out  this  terrible  curse  to 
Americans  !  And  what  "  vessels  of  honor  "  they  were  whom  the 
dear  Lord  chose  "  to  proclaim  liberty  to  the  captives,  and  the 
opening  of  the  prison  to  them  that  are  bound  !  "  Statesmen  like 
Franklin,  Rush,  Hamilton,  and  Jay  ;  divines  like  Hopkins,  Ed 
wards,  and  Stiles ;  philanthropists  like  Woolman,  Lay,  and 


38      HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Benezet  !  And  the  good  Quakers — God  bless  them  ! — or 
Friends,  which  has  so  much  tender  meaning  in  it,  did  much 
to  hasten  the  morning  of  freedom.  In  the  poor  Negro  slave  they 
saw  Christ  *'  an  hungered,"  and  they  gave  Him  meat  ;  "  thirsty/' 
and  they  gave  Him  drink  ;  "a  stranger,"  and  they  took  Him  in  ; 
"  naked,"  and  they  clothed  Him  ;  "  sick,"  and  they  visited  Him  ; 
"  in  prison,"  and  they  came  unto  Him.  Verily  they  knew  their 
"  neighbor." 

They  began  their  work  of  philanthropy  as  early  as  1780.  In 
Maryland,1  Pennsylvania,  and  New  Jersey  the  Friends  emanci 
pated  all  their  slaves.  At  a  single  monthly  meeting  in  Pennsyl 
vania  eleven  hundred  slaves  were  set  at  liberty.  Nearly  every 
Northern  State  had  its  anti-slavery  society.  They  were  charged 
with  the  humane  task  of  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  Negro, 
and  scattering  modest  literary  documents  that  breathed  the  spirit 
of  Christian  love. 

But  the  first  apostle  of  Abolition  Agitation  was  Benjamin 
Lundy.  He  was  the  John  Baptist  to  the  new  era  that  was  to 
witness  the  doing  away  of  the  law  of  bondage  and  the  ushering 
in  of  the  dispensation  of  universal  brotherhood.  He  raised  his 
voice  against  slave-keeping  in  Virginia,  Ohio,  Tennessee,  and 
Maryland.  In  1821  he  established  an  anti-slavery  paper  called 
"The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  which  he  successively 
published  in  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  and  Washington  City, — and 
frequently  en  route  during  the  tours  he  took  through  the  country, 
wherever  he  could  find  a  press.  Once  he  made  a  tour  of  the  free 
States,  like  another  Apostle  Paul,  stirring  up  the  love  of  the 
brethren  for  those  who  were  in  bonds,  lecturing,  obtaining  sub 
scribers,  writing  editorials,  getting  them  printed  where  he  could, 
stopping  by  the  wayside  to  read  his  "  proof,"  arid  directing  and 
mailing  his  papers  at  the  nearest  post-office.  Then,  packing  up 
his  "  column-rules,"  type,  "  heading,"  and  "  directing-book,"  he 
would  journey  on,  a  lone,  solitary  "  Friend."  He  said  in  1830: — 

"  I  have,  within  the  period  above  mentioned  (ten  years),  sacrificed 
several  thousands  of  dollars  of  my  own  hard  earnings ;  I  have  travelled 

1  In  the  Library  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society  there  is  "An  Oration  Upon 
the  Moral  and  Political  Evil  of  Slavery.  Delivered  at  a  Public  Meeting  of  the  Mary 
land  Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  and  the  Relief  of  Free  Negroes 
and  Others  Unlawfully  Held  in  Bondage,  Baltimore,  July  4,  1791.  By  George 
Buchanan,  M.D.,  Member  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society.  Baltimore  :  Printed 
by  Phillip  Edwards,  MDCCXCIII." 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  39 

upwards  of  five  thousand  miles  on  foot  and  more  than  twenty  thousand 
in  other  ways  ;  have  visited  nineteen  States  of  this  Union,  and  held 
more  than  two  hundred  public  meetings  ;  have  performed  two  voyages 
to  the  West  Indies,  by  which  means  the  emancipation  of  a  considerable 
number  of  slaves  has  been  effected,  and  I  hope  the  way  paved  for  the 
enfranchisement  of  many  more." 

He  was  a  slight-built,  wiry  figure  ;  but  inflamed  by  a  holy  zeal 
for  the  cause  of  the  oppressed,  he  was  almost  unconscious  of  the 
vast  amount  of  work  he  was  accomplishing.  As  a  Quaker  his 
methods  were  moderate.  His  journalistic  voice  was  not  a  whirl 
wind  nor  the  fire,  but  the  still,  small  voice  of  persuasiveness. 
Though  it  was  published  in  a  slave  mart,  his  paper,  a  monthly, 
was  regarded  as  perfectly  harmless.  But  away  up  in  Vermont 
there  was  being  edited,  at  Bennington,  a  paper  called  "  The 
Journal  of  the  Times."  It  was  started  chiefly  to  advocate  the 
claims  of  John  Quincy  Adams  to  the  Presidency,  but  much  space 
was  devoted  to  the  subject  of  anti-slavery.  The  young  editor 
of  the  above-named  journal  had  had  experience  with  several 
other  papers  previous  to  this — "The  Free  Press,"  of  Newburyport, 
Mass.,  and  "The  National  Philanthropist,"  of  Boston.  "The 
Genuis  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  was  among  the  exchanges  of 
"The  Journal  of  the  Times,"  and  its  sentiments  greatly  enthused 
the  heart  of  the  Vermont  editor,  who,  under  God,  was  destined  to 
become  the  indefatigable  leader  of  the  Anti-slavery  Movement  in 
America,  William  Lloyd  Garrison  !  To  his  advocacy  of  "  temper 
ance  and  peace  "  young  Garrison  added  another  excellent  princi 
ple,  intense  hatred  of  slavery.  He  penned  a  petition  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  he  sent  to 
all  the  postmasters  in  Vermont,  beseeching  them  to  secure  signa 
tures.  As  the  postmasters  of  those  days  paid  no  postage  for 
their  letters,  many  names  were  secured.  The  petition  created  a 
genuine  sensation  in  Congress.  The  "  Journal  of  Commerce  " 
about  this  time  said: 

"It  appears  from  an  article  in  'The  Journal  of  the  Times,'  a  news 
paper  of  some  promise,  just  established  in  Bennington,  Vt.,  that  a  peti 
tion  to  Congress  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
is  about  to  be  put  in  circulation  in  that  State. 

"  The  idea  is  an  excellent  one,  and  we  hope  it  will  meet  with  suc 
cess.  That  Congress  has  a  right  to  abolish  slavery  in  that  District 
seems  reasonable,  though  we  fear  it  will  meet  with  some  opposition,  sc 


40     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

very  sensitive  are  the  slave-holding  community  to  every  movement  re 
lating  to  the  abolition  of  slavery.'  At  the  same  time,  it  would  furnish  to 
the  world  a  beautiful  pledge  of  their  sincerity  if  they  would  unite  with 
the  non-slave-holding  States,  and  by  a  unanimous  vote  proclaim  freedom 
to  every  soul  within  sight  of  the  capital  of  this  free  government.  We 
could  then  say,  and  the  world  would  then  admit  our  pretence,  that  the 
voice  of  the  nation  is  against  slavery,  and  throw  back  upon  Great  Brit 
ain  that  disgrace  which  is  of  right  and  justice  her  exclusive  property." 

Charmed  by  the  originality,  boldness,  and  humanity  of  Gar 
rison,  the  meek  little  Quaker  went  to  Boston  by  stage  ;  and  then, 
with  staff  in  hand,  walked  to  Bennington,  Vt.,  to  see  the  young 
man  whose  great  heart-throbs  for  the  slave  he  had  felt  in  "The 
Journal  of  the  Times."  There,  in  the  Green  Mountains  of  Ver 
mont,  swept  by  the  free  air,  and  mantled  by  the  pure  snow,  the 
meek  Quaker  communed  with  the  strict  Baptist,  and  they  both 
took  sweet  counsel  together.  The  bright  torch  that  Garrison 
had  held  up  to  the  people  in  Vermont  was  to  be  transferred  to 
the  people  of  Baltimore,  who  were  "  sitting  in  darkness."  So, 
as  a  result  of  this  conference,  Garrison  agreed  to  join  Lundy  in 
conducting  "The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation."  Accord 
ingly,  in  September,  1829,  Garrison  took  the  principal  charge  of 
the  Journal,  enlarged  it,  and  issued  it  as  a  weekly.  Lundy  was  to 
travel,  lecture,  and  solicit  subscribers  in  its  interest,  and  contrib 
ute  to  its  editorial  columns  as  he  could  from  time  to  time. 

Both  men  were  equally  against  slavery  :  Lundy  for  gradual 
emancipation  and  colonization ;  but  Garrison  for  immediate  and 
unconditional  emancipation.  Garrison  said  of  this  difference : 
"But  I  was  n't  much  help  to  him,  for  he  had  been  all  for  gradual 
emancipation,  and  as  soon  as  I  began  to  look  into  the  matter,  I 
became  convinced  that  immediate  abolition  was  the  doctrine  to 
be  preached,  and  I  scattered  his  subscribers  like  pigeons." 

But  the  good  "  Friend  "  contemplated  the  destructive  zeal 
of  his  young  helper  with  the  complacency  so  characteristic  of  his 
class,  standing  by  his  doctrine  that  every  one  should  follow  "his 
own  light."  But  it  was  not  long  before  Garrison  made  a  bold 
attack  upon  one  of  the  vilest  features  of  the  slave-trade,  which 
put  an  end  to  his  paper,  and  resulted  in  his  arrest,  trial  for  libel, 
conviction,  and  imprisonment.  The  story  runs  as  follows: 

"  A  certain  ship,  the  '  Francis  Todd,'  from  Newburyport,  came  to 
Baltimore  and  took  in  a  load  of  slaves  for  the  New  Orleans  market. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  41 

All  the  harrowing  cruelties  and  separations  which  attend  the  rending 
.asunder  of  families  and  the  sale  of  slaves,  were  enacted  under  the 
eyes  of  the  youthful  philanthropist,  and  in  a  burning  article  he  de 
nounced  the  inter-State  slave-trade  as  piracy,  and  piracy  of  an  aggra 
vated  and  cruel  kind,  inasmuch  as  those  born  and  educated  in  civilized 
and  Christianized  society  have  more  sensibility  to  feel  the  evils  thus 
inflicted  than  imbruted  savages.  He  denounced  the  owners  of  the 
ship  and  all  the  parties  in  no  measured  terms,  and  expressed  his  deter 
mination  to  'cover  with  thick  infamy  all  who  were  engaged  in  the  trans 
action.'" 

Then,  to  be  sure,  the  sleeping  tiger  was  roused,  for  there  was  a 
vigor  and  power  in  the  young  editor's  eloquence  that  quite  dis 
sipated  the  good-natured  contempt  which  had  hitherto  hung 
round  the  paper.  He  was  intlicted  for  libel,  found  guilty,  of 
course,  condemned,  imprisoned  in  the  cell  of  a  man  who  had 
been  hanged  for  murder.  His  mother  at  this  time  was  not  liv 
ing,  but  her  heroic,  undaunted  spirit  still  survived  in  her  son, 
who  took  the  baptism  of  persecution  and  obloquy  not  merely 
with  patience,  but  with  the  joy  which  strong  spirits  feel  in  en 
durance.  He  wrote  sonnets  on  the  walls  of  his  prison,  and  by 
his  cheerful  and  engaging  manners  made  friends  of  his  jailer  and 
family,  vyho  did  everything  to  render  his  situation  as  comfortable 
as  possible.  Some  considerable  effort  was  made  for  his  release, 
and  much  interest  was  excited  in  various  quarters  for  him.1 

Finally,  the  benevolent  Arthur  Tappan  came  forward  and 
paid  the  exorbitant  fine  imposed  upon  Garrison,  and  he  went 
forth  a  more  inveterate  foe  of  slavery.  This  incident  gave  the 
•world  one  of  the  greatest  reformers  since  Martin  Luther.  With 
out  money,  social  influence,  or  friends,  Garrison  lifted  again  the 
standard  of  liberty.  He  began  a  lecture  tour  in  which  God 
taught  him  the  magnitude  of  his  work.  Everywhere  mouths 
were  sealed  and  public  halls  closed  against  him.  At  length,  on 
January  I,  1831,  he  issued  the  first  number  of  "The  Liberator," 
which  he  continued  to  edit  for  thirty-five  years,  and  discontinued 
it  only  when  every  slave  in  America  was  free  !  His  methods  of 
assailing  the  modern  Goliath  of  slavery  were  thus  tersely  put : 

"  I  determined,  at  every  hazard,  to  lift  up  the  standard  of  emancipa 
tion  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  within  sight  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  in  the 
birthplace  of  liberty.  That  standard  is  now  unfurled  ;  and  long  may  it 

1  Men  of  our  Times,  pp.  162,  163. 


42      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

float,  unhurt  by  the  spoilations  of  time  or  the  missiles  of  a  desperate- 
foe  ;  yea,  till  every  chain  be  broken,  and  every  bondman  set  free  !  Let 
Southern  oppressors  tremble  ;  let  their  secret  abettors  tremble  ;  let  all 
the  enemies  of  the  persecuted  Black  tremble.  Assenting  to  the  self- 
evident  truths  maintained  in  the  American  Declaration  of  Independence,. 
' — *  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  and  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness,'  I  shall  strenuously  contend  for  the  immediate  enfranchise 
ment  of  our  slave  population. 

"  I  am  aware  that  many  object  to  the  severity  of  my  language ;  but 
is  there  not  cause  for  severity  ?  I  will  be  as  harsh  as  truth,  and  as- 
uncompromising  as  justice.  On  this  subject  I  do  not  wish  to  think,. 
or  speak,  or  write  with  moderation.  No  !  No  !  Tell  a  man  whose 
house  is  on  fire  to  give  a  moderate  afcirm  ;  tell  him  to  moderately  rescue 
his  wife  from  the  hands  of  the  ravisher  ;  tell  the  mother  to  gradually 
extricate  her  babe  from  the  fire  into  which  it  has  fallen  ;  but  urge  me 
not  to  use  moderation  in  a  cause  like  the  present !  I  am  in  earnest. 
I  will  not  equivocate — I  will  not  excuse — I  will  not  retreat  a  single  inch. 
AND  I  WILL  BE  HEARD.  The  apathy  of  the  people  is  enough  to  make 
every  statue  leap  from  its  pedestal,  and  to  hasten  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead. 

"It  is  pretended  that  I  am  retarding  the  cause  of  emancipation  by 
the  coarseness  of  my  invective  and  the  precipitancy  of  my  measures. 
The  charge  is  not  true.  On  this  question,  my  influence,  humble  as  it 
is,  is  felt  at  this  moment  to  a  considerable  extent  ;  and  it  shall  be  felt 
in  coming  years — not  perniciously,  but  beneficially, — not  as  a  curse,  but 
as  a  blessing;  and  POSTERITY  WILL  BEAR  TESTIMONY  THAT  I  YVA& 
RIGHT.  I  desire  to  thank  God  that  He  enables  me  to  disregard  *  the  fear 
of  man  which  bringeth  a  snare,'  and  to  speak  truth  in  its  simplicity  ancL 
power  ;  and  I  here  close  with  this  dedication  : 

"  Oppression  !  I  have  seen  thee,  face  to  face, 
And  met  thy  cruel  eye  and  cloudy  brow  ; 
By  thy  soul-withering  glance  I  fear  not  now — 
For  dread  to  prouder  feelings  doth  give  place, 
Of  deep  abhorrence  !     Scorning  the  disgrace 
Of  slavish  knees  that  at  thy  footstool  bow, 
I  also  kneel — but  with  far  other  vow 
Do  hail  thee  and  thy  herd  of  hirelings  base  ; 
I  swear,  while  life-blood  warms  my  throbbing  veins, 
Still  to  oppose  and  thwart,  with  heart  and  hand, 
Thy  brutalizing  sway — till  Afric's  chains 
Are  burst,  and  Freedom  rules  the  rescued  land, 
Trampling  Oppression  and  his  iron  rod  ; 
Such  is  the  vow  I  take — so  help  me,  God  !  " 


ANTI-*SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  43; 

There  never  was  a  grander  declaration  of  war  against  slavery. 
There  never  was  a  more  intrepid  leader  than  William  Lloyd  Gar 
rison.  Words  more  prophetic  were  never  uttered  by  human 
voice.  His  paper  did  indeed  make  "  Southern  oppression 
tremble,"  while  its  high  resolves  and  sublime  sentiments  found 
a  response  in  the  hearts  of  many  people.  It  is  pleasant  to- 
record  that  this  first  impression  of  "The  Liberator"  brought  a 
list  of  twenty-five  subscribers  from  Philadelphia,  backed  by  $50. 
in  cash,  sent  by  James  Forten,  a  Colored  man  ! 

One  year  from  the  day  he  issued  the  first  number  of  his  paper,, 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  at  the  head  of  eleven  others,  organized 
The  American  Anti-Slavery  Society.  It  has  been  indicated  al 
ready  that  he  was  in  favor  of  immediate  emancipation ;  but,  in 
addition  to  that  principle,  he  took  the  ground  that  slavery  was 
supported  by  the  Constitution  ;  that  it  was  "  a  covenant  with 
death  and  an  agreement  with  hell"  ;  that  as  a  Christian  it  was  his 
duty  to  obey  God  rather  than  man  ;  that  his  conscience  was  para 
mount  to  the  Constitution,  and,  therefore,  his  duty  was  to  work 
outside  of  the  Constitution  for  the  destruction  of  slavery.  Thus 
did  Garrison  establish  the  first  Anti-slavery  Society  in  this  coun 
try  to  adopt  aggressive  measures  and  demand  immediate  and  un 
conditional  emancipation.  It  is  not  claimed  that  his  methods 
were  original.  Daniel  O'Connell  was  perhaps  the  greatest  agitator 
of  the  present  century.  In  a  speech  delivered  at  Cork,  he  said  : — 

"  I  speak  of  liberty  in  commendation.  Patriotism  is  a  virtue,  but 
it  can  be  selfish.  Give  me  the  great  and  immortal  Bolivar,  the  savior 
and  regenerator  of  his  country.  He  found  her  a  province,  and  he  has 
made  her  a  nation.  His  first  act  was  to  give  freedom  to  the  slaves, 
upon  his  own  estate.  (Hear,  hear.)  In  Colombia,  all  castes  and  all 
colors  are  free  and  unshackled.  But  how  I  like  to  contrast  him  with, 
the  far-famed  Northern  heroes  !  George  Washington  !  That  great  and 
enlightened  character — the  soldier  and  the  statesman — had  but  one 
blot  upon  his  character.  He  had  slaves,  and  he  gave  them  liberty  when* 
he  wanted  them  no  longer.  (Loud  cheers.)  Let  America,  in  the  ful 
ness  of  her  pride  wave  on  high  her  banner  of  freedom  and  its  blazing 
stars.  I  point  to  her,  and  say  :  There  is  one  foul  blot  upon  it  :  you 
have  negro  slavery.  They  may  compare  their  struggles  for  freedom  to 
Marathon  and'Leuctra,  and  point  to  the  rifleman  with  his  gun,  amidst 
her  woods  and  forests,  shouting  for  liberty  and  America.  In  the  midst 
of  their  laughter  and  their  pride,  I  point  them  to  the  negro  children 
screaming  for  the  mother  from  whose  bosom  they  have  been  torn. 


44      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RAcE  IN  AMERICA. 

America,  it  is  a  foul  stain  upon  your  character  !  (Cheers.)  This  con 
duct  kept  up  by  men  who  had  themselves  to  struggle  for  freedom,  is 
doubly  unjust.  Let  them  hoist  the  flag  of  liberty,  with  the  whip  and 
rac:k  on  one  side,  and  the  star  of  freedom  upon  the  other.  The  Ameri 
cans  are  a  sensitive  people  ;  in  fifty-four  years  they  have  increased  their 
population  from  three  millions  to  twenty  millions  ;  they  have  many 
glories  that  surround  them,  but  their  beams  are  partly  shorn,  for  they 
have  slaves.  (Cheers.)  Their  hearts  do  not  beat  so  strong  for  liberty 
:as  mine.  ...  I  will  call  for  justice,  in  the  name  of  the  living  God, 
and  I  shall  find  an  echo  in  the  breast  of  every  human  being.  (Cheers.)"  1 

But  while  Garrison's  method  of  agitation  was  not  original,  it 
•was  new  to  this'country.  He  spoke  as  one  having  authority,  and 
his  fiery  earnestness  warmed  the  frozen  feeling  of  the  Northern 
people,  and  startled  the  entire  South.  One  year  from  the  for 
mation  of  the  society  above  alluded  to  (December  4,  5,  and  6, 
1833),  a  National  Anti-Slavery  Convention  was  held  in  Philadel 
phia,  with  sixty  delegates  from  ten  States!  In  1836  there  were 
250  auxiliary  anti-slavery  societies  in  thirteen  States  ;  and  eigh 
teen  months  later  they  had  increased  to  1,006.  Money  came 
to  these  societies  from  every  direction,  and  the  good  work  had 
been  fairly  started. 

William  Lloyd  Garrison  created  a  party,  and  it  will  be  known 
in  history  as  the  Garrisonian  Party. 

While  Mr.  Garrison  had  taken  the  position  that  slavery  was 
constitutional,  there  were  those  who  held  the  other  view,  that 
slavery  was  unconstitutional,  and,  therefore,  upon  constitutional 
grounds  should  be  abolished. 

The  Whig  party  was  the  nearest  to  the  anti-slavery  society 
of  any  of  the  political  organizations  of  the  time.  It  had  prom 
ised,  in  convention  assembled,  "  to  promote  all  constitutional 
measures  for  the  overthrow  of  slavery,  and  to  oppose  at  all  times, 
with  uncompromising  zeal  and  firmness,  any  further  addition  of 
slave-holding  States  to  this  Union,  out  of  whatever  territory 
formed.2  But  the  party  never  got  beyond  this.  Charles  Sumner 
was  a  member  of  the  Whig  party,  but  was  greatly  disturbed 
about  its  indifference  on  the  question  of  slavery.  In  1846  he  de 
livered  a  speech  before  the  Whig  convention  of  Massachusetts 
on  "  The  Anti-Slavery  Duties  of  the  Whig  Party."  He  declared 

1  Speech  delivered  at  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Cork  Anti-Slavery  Society,  1829. 
*  Sumner's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  336. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  45 

liis  positive  opposition  to  slavery ;  said  that  he  intended  to  attack 
the  institution  on  constitutional  grounds;  that  slavery  was  not  a 
" covenant  with  death  or  an  agreement  with  hell";  that  he  in 
tended  to  do  his  work  for  the  slave  inside  of  the  Constitution. 
He  said : — 

"  There  is  in  the  Constitution  no  compromise  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  of  a  character  not  to  be  reached  legally  and  constitutionally, 
which  is  the  only  way  in  which  I  propose  to  reach  it.  Wherever  power 
and  jurisdiction  are  secured  to  Congress,  they  may  unquestionably  be 
exercised  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution.  And  even  in  matters 
beyond  existing  powers  and  jurisdiction  there  is  a  constitutional  mode 
of  action.  The  Constitution  contains  an  article  pointing  out  how  at 
any  time  amendments  may  be  made  thereto.  This  is  an  important 
article,  giving  to  the  Constitution  a  progressive  character,  and  allowing 
it  to  be  moulded  to  suit  new  exigencies  and  new  conditions  of  feeling. 
The  wise  framers  of  this  instrument  did  not  treat  the  country  as  a  Chi 
nese  foot,  never  to  grow  after  its  infancy,  but  anticipated  the  changes 
incident  to  its  growth." 

He  proppsed  to  the  Whigs  as  their  rallying  watchword,  the 
"  REPEAL  OF  SLAVERY  UNDER  THE  CONSTITUTION  AND  LAWS 
OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT."  Discussing  the  methods,  he 
continued  : — 

"  The  time  has  passed  when  this  can  be  opposed  on  constitutional 
grounds.  It  will  not  be  questioned  by  any  competent  authority  that 
Congress  may  by  express  legislation  abolish  slavery,  first,  in  the  District 
of  Columbia  ;  second,  in  the  territories,  if  there  should  be  any ;  third, 
that  it  may  abolish  the  slave-trade  on  the  high  seas  between  the  States  ; 
fourth,  that  it  may  refuse  to  admit  any  new  State  with  a  constitution 
sanctioning  slavery.  Nor  can  it  be  doubted  that  the  people  of  the  free 
States  may,  in  the  manner  pointed  out  by  the  Constitution,  proceed  to 
its  amendment." 

Thus  did  Charles  Sumner  lay  down  a  platform  for  a  Political 
Abolition  Party,  and  of  such  a  party  he  became  the  laurelled 
champion  and  leader. 

The  year  1846  was  marked  by  the  most  bitter  political  discus 
sion  ;  Garrison  the  Agitator,  the  Mexican  war,  and  other  issues 
had  greatly  exercised  the  people.  At  a  meeting  held  in  Tre- 
mont  Temple,  Boston,  on  the  5th  of  November,  1846,  Mr.  Sum 
ner  took  occasion  to  give  his  reasons  for  bolting  the  nominee  of 


46       HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  Whig"  party  for  Congress,  Mr.  Winthrop.1  Mr.  Sumner  said 
that  he  had  never  heard  Mr.  Winthrop's  voice  raised  for  the 
slave;  and  that,  judging  from  the  past,  he  never  expected  to 
hear  it.  "  Will  he  oppose,"  asked  Mr.  Sumner,  "  at  all  times, 
without  compromise,  any  further  addition  of  slave-holding 
States?  Here,  again,  if  we  judge  him  by  the  past,  he  is  want 
ing.  None  can  forget  that  in  1845,  on  the  4tn  °f  Ju^y>  a  day 
ever  sacred  to  memories  of  freedom,  in  a  speech  at  Faneuil  Hall, 
he  volunteered,  in  advance  of  any  other  Northern  Whig,  to  re 
ceive  Texas  with  a  welcome  into  the  family  of  States,  although 
on  that  very  day  she  was  preparing  a  constitution  placing  slavery 
beyond  the  reach  of  Legislative  change."2 

Here,  then,  was  another  party  created — a  Political  Abolition 
Party — for  the  suppression  of  slavery. 

In  1848,  Mr.  Sumner  left  the  Whig  party,  and  gave  his  mag 
nificent  energies  and  splendid  talents  to  the  organization  of  the 
Free-Soil  Party,  upon  the  principles  he  had  failed  to  educate  the 
Whigs  to  accept. 

Charles  Sumner  was  in  the  United  States  Senate,  where  "  his 
words  were  clothed  with  the  majesty  of  Massachusetts."  The 
young  lawyer  who  had  upbraided  Winthrop  for  his  indifference 
respecting  the  slave,  and  opposed  the  Mexican  war,  was  consis 
tent  in  the  Senate,  and  in  harmony  with  his  early  love  for  humani 
ty.  He  closed  his  great  speech  on  FREEDOM  NATIONAL,  SLAVERY 
SECTIONAL,  in  the  following  incisive  language: — 

"  At  the  risk  of  repetition,  but  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  review  now 
this  argument,  and  gather  it  together.  Considering  that  slavery  is  of 
such  an  offensive  character  that  it  can  find  sanction  only  in  positive 
law,  and  that  it  has  no  such  'positive  '  sanction  in  the  Constitution  ;  that 
the  Constitution,  according  to  its  Preamble,  was  ordained  to  '  establish 
justice,'  and  'secure  the  blessings  of  liberty'  ;  that  in  the  convention 
which  framed  it,  and  also  elsewhere  at  the  time,  it  was  declared  not  to 
'  sanction  '  ;  that  according  to  the  Declaration  ot  Independence,  and  the 
address  of  the  Continental  Congress,  the  nation  was  dedicated  to  'Lib- 
erty'  and  the  'rights  of  human  nature';  that  according  to  the  principles 
of  common  law,  the  Constitution  must  be  interpreted  openly,  actively,  and 

1  At  the  election  that  took  place  on  the  gth  of  November,  1846,  the  vote  stood  as 
follows:  Winthrop  (Whig),  5,980  ;  Howe  (Anti- Slavery),  1,334;  Homer  (Democrat), 
I,  688  ;  Whiton  (Independent),  331.  The  number  of  tickets  in  the  field  indicated  the. 
state  of  public  feeling. 

*  Sumner's  Works,  vol.  I.  p.  337. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  47 

perpetually  for  Freedom  ;  that  according  to  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  it  acts  upon  slaves,  not  as  property,  but  as  persons  ;  that  at  the 
first  organization  of  the  national  government  under  Washington,  slavery 
had  no  national  favor,  existed  nowhere  on  the  national  territory, 
beneath  the  national  flag,  but  was  openly  condemned  by  the  nation,  the 
Church,  the  colleges,  and  literature  of  the  times  ;  and  finally,  that  accord 
ing  to  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  the  national  government  can 
only  exercise  powers  delegated  to  it,  among  which  there  is  none  to  sup 
port  slavery  ; — considering  these  things,  sir,  it  is  impossible  to  avoid  the 
single  conclusion  that  slavery  is  in  no  respect  a  national  institution,  and 
that  the  Constitution  nowhere  upholds  property  in  man." 

This  speech  set  men  in  the  North  to  thinking.  Sumner  was 
now  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  only  political  party  in  the 
country  that  had  a  wholesome  anti-slavery  plank  in  its  platform. 

Daniel  Webster  and  the  Whig  party  were  in  their  grave. 
After  the  Democratic  Convention  had  met  and  adjourned  with 
out  mentioning  Webster,  a  Northern  farmer  exclaimed  when  he 
had  read  the  news,  "  The  South  never  pay  tlicir  slaves  /  " 

During  all  these  years  of  agitation  and  struggle,  the  pulpit  of 
New  England  maintained  an  unbroken  silence  on  the  slavery 
question.  Doctor  Lyman  Beecher  was  the  acknowledged  leader 
of  the  orthodox  pulpit.  Dr.  William  E.  Channing  was  the 
champion  of  Unitarianism  and  the  leader  of  the  heterodox 
pulpit.  Dr.  Beecher  was  fond  of  controversy,  enjoyed  a  battle 
•of  words  upon  every  thing  but  the  slavery  question.  He  pro 
claimed  the  doctrine  of  "  immediate  repentance" ;  was  earnest  in 
ihis  entreaties  to  men  to  quit  their  "cups"  at  once ;  but  on  the 
slavery  question  was  a  slow  coach.  He  was  for  gradual  emanci 
pation.  He  frowned  not  a  little  upon  the  vigorous  editorials 
in  "The  Liberator."  He  regarded  Mr.  Garrison  as  a  hot-head; 
"having  zeal,  but  not  according  to  knowledge."  Abolitionism 
received  no  encouragement  from  this  venerable  divine. 

Dr.  Channing  was  a  gentle,  pure-hearted,  and  humane  sort  of 
a  man.  He  dreaded  controversy,  and  shunned  the  agitation 
and  agitators  of  anti-slavery. 

The  lesser  lights  followed  the  example  of  these  bright  stars  in 
the  churches. 

But  all  could  not  keep  silent,— for  slavery  needed  apologists 
in  the  North.  Stewart,  of  Andover ;  Alexander,  of  Princeton ; 
Pisk,  of  Wilberham,  and  many  other  leading  ministers  endeav 
ored  to  prove  the  Divine  Origin  and  Biblical  Authority  of  Slavery. 


48       HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  silence  of  the  pulpit  drove  out  many  anti-slavery  men- 
who,  up  to  this  time,  had  been  hoping  for  aid  from  this  quarter. 
Many  went  out  of  the  Church  temporarily,  hoping  that  the  scales 
would  drop  from  the  eyes  of  the  preachers  ere  long;  but  others 
never  returned — were  driven  to  infidelity  and  bitter  hatred  of 
the  Christian  Church.  Dr.  Albert  Barnes  said  :  "  That  there  was 
no  power  out  of  the  Church  that  would  sustain  slavery  an  hour 
if  it  were  not  sustained  in  it." 

Among  the  leaders  of  the  HETERODOX  ANTI-SLAVERY  PARTY 
— those  who  attacked  the  reticency,  silent  acquiescence,  or  act 
of  support  the  Church  gave  slavery, — were  Parker  Pillsbury, 
James  G.  Birney,  Stephen  S.  Foster,  and  Samuel  Brooke.  The 
platform  of  this  party  was  clearly  defined  by  Mr.  Pillsbury : — 

"  That  slavery  finds  its  surest  and  sternest  defence  in  the  prevailing, 
religion  of  the  country,  is  no  longer  questionable.  Let  it  be  driven  from 
the  Church,  with  the  burning  seal  of  its  reprobation  and  execration 
stamped  on  its  iron  brow,  and  its  fate  is  fixed  forever.  Only  while  its- 
horrors  are  baptized  and  sanctified  in  the  name  of  Christianity,  can  it 
maintain  an  existence. 

"  The  Anti-Slavery  movement  has  unmasked  the  character  of  the- 
American  Church.  Our  religion  has  been  found  at  war  with  the  interests 
of  humanity  and  the  laws  of  God.  And  it  is  more  than  time  the  world 
was  awakened  to  its  unhallowed  influence  on  the  hopes  and  happiness 
of  man,  while  it  makes  itself  the  palladium  of  the  foulest  iniquity  ever 
perpetrated  in  the  sight  of  heaven." 

This  was  a  bold  movement,  but  it  was  doubtless  a  sword  that 
was  as  dangerous  to  those  who  essayed  to  handle  it,  as  to  the 
Church  whose  destruction  it  was  intended  to  effect.  The  doc 
trine  that  was  to  sustain  and  inspire  this  party  can  be  briefly 
stated  in  a  sentence:  THE  FATHERHOOD  OF  GOD,  AND  THE. 
BROTHERHOOD  OF  MAN. 

Once  outside  the  orthodox  church,  Theodore  Parker  gave 
himself  wholly  to  this  idea.  He  preached  the  "  Gospel  of  Hu 
manity  " ;  and,  standing  upon  a  broad  platform,  preaching  a 
broad  doctrine,  bound  by  no  ecclesiastical  law,  his  claims  to  a 
place  in  the  history  of  his  county,  and  in  the  gratitude  of  his 
countrymen  can  be  fairly  audited  when  his  work  for  the  emanci 
pation  of  evangelical  churches  from  the  thraldom  of  slavery  is 

1  Church  As  It  Is,  etc.,  Introduction. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  49 

considered.  He  did  more  in  his  day  to  rupture  the  organic  and 
sympathetic  relation  existing  between  the  Northern  and  Southern 
churches,  and,  thereby,  hasten  the  struggle  between  the  sections 
for  the  extension  or  extinction  of  domestic  slavery,  than  any  other 
man  in  America.  The  men  who  found  themselves  on  the  out 
side  of  the  Church  gathered  about  Parker,  and  applauded  his 
invective  and  endorsed  his  arraignment  of  the  churches  that  had 
placed  their  hands  upon  their  mouths,  and  their  mouths  in  the 
dust,  before  the  slave  power.  He  touched  a  chord  in  the  human 
heart,  and  it  yielded  rich  music.  He  educated  the  pew  until  an 
occasional  voice  broke  the  long  silence  respecting  the  bondman 
of  the  land.  First,  the  ministers  were  not  so  urgent  in  their 
invitations  to  Southern  ministers  to  occupy  their  pulpits.  This 
coldness  was  followed  by  feeble  prayer  and  moderate  speech  on 
behalf  of  those  who  were  bound.  And  the  churches  themselves 
began  to  feel  that  they  were  "  an  offence  "  to  the  world.  Every 
note  of  sympathy  that  fell  from  the  pulpit  was  amplified  into  a 
grand  chorus  of  pity  for  the  slave.  And  thus  the  leaven  of  human 
sympathy  hid  in  the  orthodox  church  of  New  England,  leavened 
the  whole  body  until  a  thousand  pulpit^  were  ablaze  with  a 
righteous  condemnation  of  the  wrongs  of  the  slaves.  Even  Dr. 
Channing  came  to  the  conclusion  that  something  should  be  "  So 
done  as  not  to  put  in  jeopardy  the  peace  of  the  slave-holding 
States !  "  ' 

THE  ECONOMIC  ANTI-SLAVERY  PARTY  was  headed  by  the 
industrious  and  indomitable  Horace  Greeley.  His  claim  to  the 
feelings  of  humanity  should  never  be  disputed  ;  but  as  a  prac 
tical  man  who  sought  to  solve  the  riddle  of  every-day  life  he 
placed  his  practical  views  in  the  foreground.  As  a  political 
economist  he  reasoned  that  slave  labor  was  degrading  to  free 
labor  ;  that  free  labor  was  better  than  slave  labor,  and,  therefore,, 
he  most  earnestly  desired  its  abolition.  Wherever  you  turn  in 
his  writings  this  idea  gives  the  edge  to  all  his  arguments  concern 
ing  slavery.  "  But  slavery,"  wrote  Mr.  Greeley,  "  primarily  con 
sidered,  has  still  another  aspect — that  of  a  natural  relation  of 
simplicity  to  cunning,  of  ignorance  to  knowledge,  of  weakness  to 
power.  Thomas  Carlyle,  before  his  melancholy  decline  and  fall 
into  devil-worship,  truly  observed,  that  the  capital  mistake  of 
Rob  Roy  was  his  failure  to  comprehend  that  it  was  cheaper 

1  Channing's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  10,  sq. 


^50      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

to  buy  the  beef  he  required  in  the  Grassmarket  at  Glasgow 
"than  to  obtain  it  without  price,  by  harrying  the  lowland 
farms.  So  the  first  man  whoever  imbibed  or  conceived  the  fatal 
delusion  that  it  was  more  advantageous  to  him,  or  to  any  human 
being,  to  procure  whatever  his  necessities  or  his  appetites  re 
quired  by  address  and  scheming  than  by  honest  work — by  the 
unrequited  rather  than  the  fairly  and  faithfully  recompensed  toil 
•of  his  fellow-preachers — was,  in  essence  and  in  heart,  a  slave 
holder,  and  only  awaited  opportunity  to  become  one  in  deed  and 
practice.  .  .  .  It  is  none  the  less  true,  however,  that  ancient 
'civilization,  in  its  various  national  developments,  was  habitually 
corrupted,  debauched,  and  ultimately  ruined  by  slavery,  which 
•rendered  labor  dishonorable,  and  divided  society  horizontally 
into  a  small  caste  of  the  wealthy,  educated,  refined,  and  inde- 
-pendent,  and  a  vast  hungry,  sensual,  thriftless,  and  worthless 
populace  ;  rendered  impossible  the  preservation  of  republican 
liberty  and  of  legalized  equality,  even  among  the  nominally  free. 
Diogenes,  with  his  lantern,  might  have  vainly  looked,  through 
many  a  long  day,  among  the  followers  of  Marius,  or  Catiline,  or 
'Caesar,  for  a  specimen  of  the  poor  but  virtuous  and  self-respect 
ing  Roman  citizen  of  the  days  of  Cincinnatus,  or  even  of 
Regulus."  ' 

But  Mr.  Greeley's  philosophy  was  as  destructive  as  his  logic 
^was  defective.  He  wished  the  slave  free,  not  because  he  loved 
him  ;  but  because  of  the  deep  concern  he  had  for  the  welfare  of 
the  free,  white  working-men  of  America.  He  was  willing  the 
Negro  should  be  free,  but  never  suggested  any  plan  of  relief 
for  his  social  condition,  or  prescribed  for  his  spiritual  and  intel- 
'•lectual  health.  He  handled  the  entire  Negro  problem  with  the 
icy  fingers  of  the  philosopher,  and  always  applied  the  flinty  logic 
of  abstract  political  economy.  He  was  an  anti-slavery  advocate, 
but  not  an  abolitionist.  He  was  opposed  to  slavery,  as  a  system 
at  war  with  the  social  and  commercial  prosperity  of  the  nation  ; 
but  so  far  as  the  humanity  of  the  question,  in  reaching  out  after 
the  slave  as  an  injured  member  of  society,  was  concerned,  he 
was  silent. 

THE  AGGRESSIVE  ANTI-SLAYERY  PARTY  had  its  birth  in  the 
pugnacious  brains  of  E.  P.  Lovejoy,  James  G.  Birney,  Cassius 
M.  Clay,  and  John  Brown.  All  of  the  anti-slavery  parties  had 

1  American  Conflict,  vol.  i.  pp.  25,  26. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  5  * 

taught  the  doctrine  of  non-resistance ;  that  if  "  thy  enemy  smite 
thee  on  thy  cheek,  turn  the  other  also."  But  there  were  a  few 
men  who  believed  they  were  possessed  of  sacred  rights,  and  that 
it  was  their  duty  to  defend  them,  even  with  their  lives.  It  was 
not  a  popular  doctrine  ;  and  yet  a  conscientious  few  practised  it 
with  sublime  courage  whenever  occasion  required.  In  1836 
James  G.  Birney,  editor  of  The  Philanthropist,  published  at  Cin 
cinnati,  Ohio,  defended  his  press,  as  best  he  could,  against  a 
mob,  who  finally  destroyed  it.  And  on  the  /th  of  November, 
1837,  tne  RGV-  Mr.  Lovejoy  sealed  the  sacred  doctrine  of  the 
liberty  of  the  press  with  his  precious  blood  in  the  defence  of  his 
printing-press  at  Alton,  Illinois.  Cassius  M.  Clay  went  armed, 
and  insisted  upon  his  right  to  freely  and  peaceably  discuss  the 
cause  of  anti-slavery. 

But  these  men  only  laid  down  a  great,  fundamental  truth  ;  it 
was  given  to  John  Brown  to  write  the  lesson  upon  the  hearts  of 
the  American  people,  so  that  they  were  enabled,  a  few  years 
later,  to  practise  the  doctrine  of  resistance,  and  preserve  the  Na 
tion  against  the  bloody  aggressions  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

THE  COLONIZATION  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY  ante-dated  any 
of  the  other  organizations.  Benjamin  Lundy  was  one  of  the 
earliest  advocates  of  colonization.  The  object  of  colonizationists 
was  to  transport  to  Liberia,  on  the  West  Coast  of  Africa,  all 
manumitted  slaves.  Only  free  Negroes  were  to  be  colonized. 
It  was  claimed  by  the  advocates  of  the  scheme  that  this  was  the 
only  hope  of  the  free  Negro  ;  that  the  proscription  everywhere 
directed  against  his  social  and  intellectual  endeavors  cramped 
and  lamed  him  in  the  race  of  life  ;  that  in  Liberia  he  could  build 
his  own  government,  schools,  and  business;  and  there  would  be 
nothing  to  hinder  him  in  his  ambition  for  the  highest  places  in 
Church  or  State.  Moreover,  they  claimed  that  the  free  Negro 
owed  something  to  his  benighted  brethren  who  were  still  in 
pagan  darkness  ;  that  a  free  Negro  government  on  the  West 
Coast  of  Africa  could  exert  a  missionary  influence  upon  the 
natives,  and  thus  the  evangelization  of  Africa  could  be  effected 
by  the  free  Negro  himself.1 

J  The  following  were  the  objects  of  the  Colonization  Society  : 

"  1st.  To  rescue  the  free  colored  people  of  the  United  States  from  their  political 
and  social  disadvantages. 

"  2d.  To  place  them  in  a  country  where  they  may  enjoy  the  benefits  of  free  govern« 
roent,  with  all  the  blessings  which  it  brings  in  its  train. 


52      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

To  this  method  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  Horace  Mann,  of 
Massachusetts ;  Rev.  Howard  Malcom,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Rev.  R. 
R.  Gurley,  of  New  York  ;  and  many  other  persons  of  distinction, 
grave  their  endorsement  and  assistance.  The  American  Coloni- 

o 

zation  Society  was  organized  in  1817.  Its  earliest  supporters 
were  from  the  Southern  and  Middle  States.  A  fair  idea  can  be 
had  of  the  character  of  the  men  who  sustained  the  cause  of  col 
onization  by  an  examination  of  the  following  list  of  officers 
elected  in  March,  1834. 

"  President. — JAMES  MADISON,  of  Virginia. 

4<  Vice- Presidents. — Chief-Justice  MARSHALL  ;  General  LAFAYETTE, 
of  France  ;  Hon.  WM.  H.  CRAWFORD,  of  Georgia  ;  Hon.  HENRY  CLAY, 
of  Lexington,  Kentucky;  Hon.  JOHN  C.  HERBERT,  of  Maryland;  ROBERT 
RALSTON,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia  ;  Gen.  JOHN  MASON,  of  George 
town,  D.  C.  ;  SAMUEL  BAYARD,  Esq.,  of  New  Jersey  ;  ISAAC  McKiM, 
Esq.,  of  Maryland  ;  Gen.  JOHN  HARTWELL  COCKE,  of  Virginia  ;  Rt. 
Rev.  Bishop  WHITE,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Hon.  DANIEL  WEBSTER,  of  Bos 
ton  ;  Hon.  CHARLES  F.  MERCER,  of  Virginia  ;  JEREMIAH  DAY,  D.D., 
of  Yale  College  ;  Hon.  RICHARD  RUSH,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Bishop  Mc- 
KENDREE  ;  PHILIP  E.  THOMAS,  Esq.,  of  Maryland  ;  Dr.  THOMAS  C. 
JAMES,  of  Philadelphia  ;  Hon.  JOHN  COTTON  SMITH,  of  Connecticut  ; 
Hon.  THEODORE  FRELINGHUYSEN,  of  New  Jersey  ;  Hon.  Louis  Mc- 
LANE,  of  Washington  City  ;  GERRIT  SMITH,  of  New  York  ;  J.  H. 
M'CLURE,  Esq.,  of  New  Jersey  ;  Gen.  ALEXANDER  MACOMB,  of  Wash 
ington  City  ;  MOSES  ALLEN,  Esq.,  of  New  York  ;  Gen.  WALTER  JONES, 
of  Washington  City  ;  F.  S.  KEY,  Esq.,  of  Georgetown,  D.  C.  ;  SAMUEL 
H.  SMITH,  Esq.,  of  Washington  City  ;  JOSEPH  GALES,  Jr.,  Esq.,  of 
Washington  City  ;  Rt.  Rev.  WM.  MEADE,  D.D.,  Assistant  Bishop  of 
Virginia  ;  Hon.  ALEXANDER  PORTER,  of  Louisiana  ;  JOHN  McDoN- 
OUGH,  Esq.,  of  Louisiana  ;  Hon.  SAMUEL  L.  SOUTHARD,  of  New  Jersey. 

"Managers. — Rev.  JAMES  LAURIE,  D.D.  ;  Gen.  WALTER  JONES; 
FRANCIS  S.  KEY  ;  Rev.  WM.  HALEY  ;  JOHN  UNDERWOOD  ;  WILLIAM 
W.  SEATON  ;  WALTER  LOWRIE  •  Dr.  PHINEAS  BRADLEY  ;  Dr.  THOMAS 
SEWALL. 

"  Secretaries. — Rev.  RALPH  R.  GURLEY,  WILLIAM  H.  MACFARLAND. 

"  Treasurer. — JOSEPH  GALES,  Senior. 

"  Recorder. — PHILLIP  R.  FENDALL." 

"  3d.  To  spread  civilization,  sound  morals,  and  true  religion  through  the  continent 
of  Africa. 

"  4.   To  arrest  and  destroy  the  slave-trade. 

"5.  To  afford  slave-owners  who  wish,  or  are  willing,  to  liberate  their  slaves  an 
asylum  for  their  reception." 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  5 3 

The  Colonization  Society  was  never  able  to  secure  the  sym 
pathy  of  the  various  anti-slavery  societies  of  the  country ;  and 
was  unable  to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  Colored  people  to  any 
great  extent.  But  it  had  the  advantage  of  being  in  harmony 
with  what  little  humane  sentiment  there  was  at  the  South.  It 
did  not  attempt  to  agitate.  It  only  sought  to  colonize  on  the 
West  Coast  of  Africa  all  Negroes  who  could  secure  legal  manu 
mission.  Nearly  all  the  Southern  States  had  laws  upon  their 
statute-books  requiring  all  emancipated  slaves  to  leave  the  State. 
The  question  as  to  where  they  should  go  was  supposed  to  be 
answered  by  the  Colonization  Society.  It  had  much  influence 
with  Congress,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  use  it.  A  Mr.  Joseph 
Bryan,  of  Alabama,  petitioned  Congress  for  the  establishment 
"  of  a  line  of  Mail  Steam-ships  to  the  Western  Coast  of  Africa," 
in  the  summer  of  1850.  The  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  re 
ported  favorably  the  following  bill: 

"A  BILL  TO  ESTABLISH  A  LINE  OF  WAR  STEAMERS  TO  THE 
COAST  OF  AFRICA.     [Report  No.  438.] 

"In  the  House  of  Representatives,  August  i,  1850.     Read  twice,  and  com 
mitted  to  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House  on  the  State  of  the  Union. 

"  Mr.  F.  P.  Stanton,  from  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  reported 
the  following  bill  : — A  bill  to  establish  a  line  of  war  steamers  to  the 
coast  of  Africa,  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave-trade,  and  the  promo 
tion  of  commerce  and  colonization  : 

SEC.  i  "Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  immediately  after  the  passage 
of  this  act,  to  enter  into  contract  with  Joseph  Bryan,  of  Alabama,  and 
George  Nicholas  Saunders,  of  New  York,  and  their  associates,  for  the 
building,  equipment,  and  maintenance  of  three  steam-ships  to  run 
between  the  United  States  and  the  coast  of  Africa,  upon  the  following, 
terms  and  conditions,  to  wit  : 

"The  said  ships  to  be  each  of  not  less  than  four  thousand  tons  bur 
den,  to  be  so  constructed  as  to  be  convertible,  at  the  least  possible 
expense,  into  war  steamers  of  the  first  class,  and  to  be  built  and 
equipped  in  accordance  with  plans  to  be  submitted  to  and  approved  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  under  the  superintendence  of  an  officer 
to  be  appointed  by  him  ,  two  of  said  ships  to  be  finished  and  ready  for 
sea  in  two  and  a  half  years,  and  the  other  within  three  years  after  the 
date  of  the  contract,  and  the  whole  to  be  kept  up  by  alterations,  re- 


54      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

pairs,  or  additions,  to  be  approved  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  so  as 
to  be  fully  equal  to  the  exigencies  of  the  service  and  the  faithful  per 
formance  of  the  contract.  The  said  Secretary,  at  all  times,  to  exercise 
such  control  over  said  ships  as  may  not  be  inconsistent  with  the  pro 
visions  of  this  act,  and  especially  to  have  the  power  to  direct,  at  the 
expense  of  the  Government,  such  changes  in  the  machinery  and 
internal  arrangements  of  the  ships  as  he  may  at  any  time  deem  ad 
visable. 

"  Each  of  said  ships  to  be  commanded  by  an  officer  of  the  Navy, 
who  with  four  Passed  Midshipmen  to  act  as  watch  officers,  and  any  mail 
agents  who  may  be  sent  by  the  Government,  shall  be  accommodated 
and  provided  for  in  a  manner  suitable  to  their  rank,  at  the  expense  of 
the  contractors.  Each  of  said  ships,  if  required  by  the  Secretary,  shall 
receive  two  guns  of  heavy  calibre,  and  the  men  from  the  United  States 
Navy  necessary  to  serve  them,  who  shall  be  provided  for  as  aforesaid. 
In  the  event  of  war  the  Government  to  have  the  right  to  take  any  or 
all  of  said  ships  for  its  own  exclusive  use  on  payment  of  the 
value  thereof  ;  such  value  not  exceeding  the  cost,  to  be  ascertained 
by  appraisers  chosen  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and  the  con 
tractors. 

"  Each  of  said  ships  to  make  four  voyages  per  annum  ;  one  shall 
leave  New  Orleans  every  three  months  ;  one  shall  leave  Baltimore  every 
three  months,  touching  at  Norfolk  and  Charleston  ;  and  one  shall 
leave  New  York  every  three  months,  touching  at  Savannah  ;  all  having 
liberty  to  touch  at  any  of  the  West  India  Islands  ;  and  to  proceed 
thence  to  Liberia,  touching  at  any  of  the  islands  or  ports  on  the  coast 
of  Africa  :  thence  to  Gibraltar,  carrying  the  Mediterranean  mails ; 
thence  to  Cadiz,  or  some  other  Spanish  port  to  be  designated  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  ;  thence  to  Lisbon  ;  thence  to  Brest,  or  some 
other  French  port  to  be  designated  as  above  ;  thence  to  London,  and 
back  to  the  place  of  departure,  bringing  and  carrying  the  mails  to  and 
from  said  ports. 

"  The  said  contractors  shall  further  agree  to  carry  to  Liberia  so  many 
emigrants  being  free  persons  of  color,  and  not  exceeding  twenty-five 
hundred  for  each  voyage,  as  the  American  Colonization  Society  may 
require,  upon  the  payment  by  said  Society  of  ten  dollars  for  each  emi 
grant  over  twelve  years  of  age,  and  five  dollars  for  each  one  under  that 
age  ,  these  sums,  respectively,  to  include  all  charges  for  baggage  of  emi 
grants  and  the  daily  supply  of  sailors'  rations.  The  contractors,  also, 
to  carry,  bring  back,  and  accommodate,  free  from  charge,  all  necessary 
agents  of  the  said  Society. 

''The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  shall  further  stipulate  to  advance  to 
said  contractors,  as  the  building  of  said  ships  shall  progress,  two  thirds 
of  the  amount  expended  thereon  ;  such  advances  to  be  made  in  the 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  5  5 

bands  of  the  United  States,  payable  thirty  years  after  date,  and  bearing 
five  per  cent,  interest,  and  not  to  exceed  six  hundred  thousand  dollars 
for  each  ship.  And  the  said  contractors  shall  stipulate  to  repay  the 
said  advances  in  equal  annual  instalments,  with  interest  from  the  date 
of  the  completion  of  said  ships  until  the  termination  of  the  contract, 
which  shall  continue  fifteen  years  from  the  commencement  of  the  ser 
vice.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  require  ample  security  for  the 
faithful  performance  of  the  contract,  and  to  reserve  a  lien  upon  the 
ships  for  the  sum  advanced.  The  Government  to  pay  said  contractors 
forty  thousand  dollars  for  each  trip,  or  four  hundred  and  eighty  thou 
sand  dollars  per  annum. 

"SEC.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President  of  the  United 
States  shall  cause  to  be  issued  the  bonds  of  the  United  States,  as  the 
same  may,  from  time  to  time,  be  required  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
to  carry  out  the  contract  aforesaid." 

Public  sentiment,  North  and  South,  was  greatly  in  favor  of 
the  measure.  T.  J.  Durant,  Esq.,  of  New  Orleans,  in  an  elabor 
ate  letter  addressed  to  the  "  Commercial  Bulletin "  of  New 
Orleans,  under  date  of  September  12,  1850,  answered  objections, 
and  warmly  urged  the  passage  of  the  bill.  The  Chaplain  of  the 
U.  S.  Senate,  Rev.  R.  R.  Gurley,  wrote  a  letter  on  the  loth  of 
October,  1850,  to  George  N.  Saunders,  Esq.,  urging  the  measure 
as  of  paramount  importance  to  both  America  and  Africa.  The 
press  of  the  country  generally  endorsed  the  bill,  and  commented 
upon  the  general  good  to  follow  in  numerous  editorials.  A 
scheme  of  such  gigantic  proportions  poorly  set  forth  the  profound 
thought  that  harassed  the  public  mind  in  regard  to  the  crime  of 
keeping  men  in  slavery.  A  few  extracts  from  the  papers  will 
suffice  to  show  how  the  matter  was  regarded. 

EXTRACTS    FROM    THE    PRESS. 

"  The  Report  of  the  Naval  Committee  to  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  a  line  of  mail  steam-ships  to  the 
Western  Coast  of  Africa,  and  thence  via  the  Mediterranean  to  London, 
has  been  received  by  the  public  press  throughout  the  Union  with  the 
warmest  expressions  of  approbation.  The  Whig,  Democratic,  and  neu 
tral  papers  of  the  North  and  South,  in  the  slave-holding  and  non-slave- 
holding  States,  with  a  very  few  exceptions,  appear  to  vie  with  each 
other  in  pressing  its  consideration  upon  the  public  attention.  This 
earnest  and  almost  unanimous  support  of  the  measure  by  the  organs  of 
public  opinion,  without  respect  to  party  or  section,  shows  the  deep  hold 


56      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

which  the  objects  it  proposes  to  effect  have  upon  the  public  favor 
Those  objects  are  to  promote  the  emigration  of  free  persons  of  color 
from  this  country  to  Liberia  ;  also  to  increase  the  steam  navy,  and  to  ex 
tend  the  commerce  of  the  United  States, — all,  it  will  be  almost  univer 
sally  conceded,  desirable  objects.  The  desirableness  of  the  objects 
being  admitted,  the  question  is,  does  the  mode  proposed  for  promoting 
them  recommend  itself  to  the  sanction  of  Congress  ?  We  are  forced  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  does.  We  are  aware  that  while  all  agree  as  to 
the  expediency  of  increasing  our  steam  navy — some  are  in  favor  of  the 
Government's  building  its  own  steam-ships,  and  others  advocate  the  en 
couragement  of  lines  of  steam-packets,  to  be  established  by  private  en 
terprise  under  the  auspices  of  Government.  .  .  . 

44  The  considerations,  however,  which  in  our  opinion  should  commend 
this  measure  to  the  favorable  attention  of  Congress  are  so  obvious,  and 
have  been  so  clearly  and  strongly  presented  in  the  report  of  the  com 
mittee,  that  we  need  not  here  repeat  them.  If  the  voice  of  the  press, 
of  all  sections  and  of  all  parties,  be  any  indication  of  popular  opinion, 
we  are  free  to  say,  that  it  would  be  difficult  for  Congress  to  pass  a 
measure  which  would  be  received  with  more  general  satisfaction  by  the 
people  of  the  United  States."  ' 

"  AFRICAN  STEAM-LINES. — The  entertainment  by  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain  of  a  project  for  the  establishment  of  a  powerful  line  of 
steam- vessels  between  that  country  and  the  African  coast,  ostensibly 
for  the  conveyance  of  a  monthly  mail,  and  the  more  effectual  checking 
of  the  slave-traffic,  is  strong  proof,  we  think,  of  the  value  that  the  com 
merce  between  the  two  countries  is  capable  of  becoming.  It  may,  in 
addition,  be  regarded  as  corroborative  of  the  justness  of  the  position 
taken  by  the  advocates  of  a  mail-steamer  line  between  this  country  and 
Africa,  We  are  by  no  means  disposed  to  look  invidiously  on  the  en 
terprising  spirit  exhibited  abroad  for  securing  a  closer  connection  with  a 
country,  the  great  mercantile  wealth  of  which  is  yet,  comparatively 
speaking,  untouched.  This  spirit  should  have  on  us  no  other  than  a 
stimulating  effect.  Besides,  for  years,  if  not  ages,  to  come,  the  trade 
with  Africa  can  admit  of  no  very  close  competition.  The  promised 
vastness  of  this  trade,  whilst  excluding  all  idea  of  monopoly,  must  con 
tinue  to  excite  the  new  enterprise  by  its  unlimited  rewards.  It  is  un 
necessary  that  we  should  exhibit  statistics  to  show  her  how  largely 
England  has  been  benefited  by  persevering  though  frequently  inter 
rupted  communication  with  the  interior  parts  of  that  great  continent  ; 
nor  to  make  plain  how,  with  better  knowledge  and  more  ready  means 
of  access,  mercantile  risks  will  be  lessened  and  mercantile  profits  en 
larged.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Congressional  committee  to 

1  The  Republic,  Sept.  n,  1850. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.  57 

whom  the  question  of  establishing  mail  steamers  between  this  country 
and  Africa  was  referred,  adverted  in  their  report  to  the  aid  its  adoption 
would  afford  in  the  consummation  of  the  plans  of  the  Colonization 
Society.  On  the  intimate  relation  between  the  one  and  the  other,  it 
was  supposed  that  a  good  part  of  the  required  success  was  dependent. 
It  is  something  singular  that  the  colored  race — those  in  reality  most 
interested  in  the  future  destinies  of  Africa — should  be  so  lightly  affected 
by  the  evidences  continually  being  presented  in  favor  of  colonization. 
He  will  do  a  service  to  this  country  as  well  as  Africa  who  shall  do  any 
thing  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  colored  race  to  the  advantages  of  emigra 
tion  to  the  fertile  and,  to  them,  congenial  shores  of  Africa."1 

"  AFRICA  AND  STEAM-SHIPS. — If  but  a  single  line  of  steam-ships  is  to 
be  authorized  this  Session — and  the  state  and  prospects  of  the  finances 
must  counsel  frugality  and  caution, — we  think  a  line  to  Africa  fairly 
entitled  to  the  preference.  That  continent  on  its  western  side  is  com 
paratively  proximate  and  accessible  ;  it  is  filled  with  inhabitants  who 
need  the  articles  we  can  abundantly  fabricate,  and  it  is  the  ancestral 
soil  of  more  than  three  millions  of  our  people — of  a  race  on  whose  ac 
count  we  are  deeply  debtors  to  justice  and  to  heaven.  That  race  is 
more  plastic  and  less  conservative  than  the  Chinese  ;  their  soil  pro 
duces  in  spontaneous  profusion  many  articles  which  are  to  us  comforts 
and  luxuries,  while  nearly  every  thing  we  produce  is  in  eager  demand 
among  its  inhabitants,  if  they  can  but  find  the  wherewithal  to  pay  for 
them.  Instead  of  being  a  detriment  and  a  depression  to  our  own 
manufacturing  and  mechanical  industry,  as  the  trade  induced  by  our 
costly  steam-ship  lines  to  Liverpool,  Bremen,  and  Havre  mainly  is,  ail 
the  commerce  with  Africa  which  a  more  intimate  communication  with 
her  would  secure,  would  be  advantageous  to  every  department  of  Amer 
ican  labor.  Her  surplus  products  are  so  diverse  from  ours,  that  no  col 
lision  of  interests  between  her  producers  and  ours  could  ever  be  real 
ized,  while  millions'  worth  of  her  tropical  products  which  will  not 
endure  the  slow  and  capricious  transportation  which  is  now  their  only 
recourse,  would  come  to  us  in  good  order  by  steam-ships,  and  richly 
reward  the  labor  of  the  gatherers  and  the  enterprise  of  the  importers. 

"  But  the  social  and  moral  aspects  of  this  subject  are  still  more  im 
portant.  We  are  now  expending  life  and  treasure,  in  concert  with 
other  nations,  to  suppress  the  African  slave-trade,  and  it  is  now  gener 
ally  conceded  that  such  suppression  can  never  be  effected  by  the 
means  hitherto  relied  on.  The  colonization  of  the  Slave  Coast,  with 
direct  reference  to  its  Christianization  and  civilization,  is  the  only  sure 
means  of  putting  an  end  to  this  inhuman  traffic.  And  this  coloni 
zation,  all  who  are  interested  in  the  work  seem  heartily  to  agree,  would 

1  National  Intelligencer,  October  23,  1850. 


58      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

be  immensely  accelerated  by  the  establishment  of  a  line  of  Africans 
steam-ships.  Liberia,  now  practically  distant  as  Buenos  Ayres,  would, 
by  such  a  line,  be  brought  as  near  us  as  Bremen,  and  the  ports  regu 
larly  visited  by  our  steamers  could  not  fail  rapidly  to  assume  impor 
tance  as  centres  of  commerce  and  of  increasing  intelligence  and  iiv 
dustry."  ' 

"THE  COLONY  OF  LIBERIA  AND  ITS  PROSPECTUS. — By  every  ar 
rival  from  Liberia  we  learn  that  the  colony  of  free  negroes  from  the 
United  States  is  progressing  at  a  rate  truly  astonishing,  and  that  before 
many  years  it  promises  to  be  a  strong  and  powerful  republic.  The 
experiment  of  self-government  has  been  completely  successful  ;  the 
educational  interests  of  the  inhabitants  are  duly  cared  for  ;  civilization  is 
making  great  headway  among  the  aborigines  ;  and,  by  means  of  Liberia, 
there  is  a  very  flattering  prospect  of  the  slave-trade  on  the  coast  of  Africa 
being  entirely  destroyed.  Governor  Roberts,  a  very  intelligent  colored 
man,  of  mixed  blood,  goes  even  so  far  as  to  say  that  Liberia  is  destined 
to  rival  the  United  States,  and  that  both  republics,  by  a  unity  of  action,, 
can  civilize  and  Christianize  the  world,  and  especially  benighted  Africa. 
We  are  pleased  to  hear  such  good  accounts  from  Liberia,  and  we  shall 
always  be  pleased  to  hear  of  its  success,  and  of  the  progress  and  wel 
fare  of  its  inhabitants.  Founded,  as  it  has  been,  by  American  philan 
thropists,  and  peopled  by  our  emancipated  slaves,  the  United  States 
will  ever  watch  its  progress  with  interest,  and  aid  and  assist  it  as  far  as 
it  possibly  can."  a 

But  notwithstanding  the  apparent  favor  the  cause  of  coloni 
zation  received  from  the  press,  it  was  an  impractical,  impossible, 
wild,  and  visionary  scheme  that  could  not  be  carried  to  the  ex 
tent  its  projectors  designed.  It  lost  strength  yearly,  until  all 
were  convinced  that  the  Negro  would  be  emancipated  here  and 
remain  here  ;  that  it  was  as  impossible  to  colonize  a  race  of  peo 
ple  as  to  colonize  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars. 

THE  UNDERGROUND  RAILROAD  organization  was  perhaps 
one  of  the  most  useful  auxiliaries  the  cause  of  agitation  had. 
It  could  scarcely  be  called  an  organization.  Unlike  the  other 
societies,  it  did  not  print  its  reports.3  Like  good  Samaritans,  its 
conductors  did  not  ask  passengers  their  creed  ;  but  wherever 
they  found  human  beings  wounded  in  body  and  mind  by  slavery, 

1  Tribune,  December  25,  1850.  2  Herald,  December,  17,  1850. 

8  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  William  Still,  the  author  of  the  U.  G.  R.  R.,  failed  to 
give  any  account  of  its  origin,  organization,  workings,  or  the  number  of  persons 
helped  to  freedom.  It  is  an  interesting  narrative  of  many  cases,  but  is  shorn  of  that 
minuteness  of  detail  so  indispensable  to  authentic  historical  memorials. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  METHODS.        .  59 

they  gave  them  passage  to  the  "  Inn  "..of  Freedom  on  Canadian 
soil. 

In  a  sense,  the  Underground  Railroad  was  a  secret  organi 
zation.  This  was  necessary,  as  the  fugitive-slave  law  gave  the 
master  the  right  to  pursue  his  slave  when  "  fleeing  from  labor 
and  service  in  one  State  into  another,"  and  apprehend  him  by 
due  process  of  Federal  law.  The  men  who  managed  this  road 
felt  that  they  should  obey  God  rather  than  man  ;  that  the  slave's 
right  to  his  freedom  was  greater  than  any  law  the  nation  could 
make  through  its  representatives.  So  the  Underground  Rail 
road  was  made  up  of  a  company  of  godly  men  who  stretched 
themselves  across  the  land,  from  the  borders  of  the  sunny  slave 
States  to  the  snow-white  shores  of  Canada.  When  men  came 
up  out  of  the  hell  of  slavery  gasping  for  a  breath  of  free  air,, 
these  good  friends  sheltered  and  fed  them ;  and  then  hastened 
them  off  in  the  stillness  of  the  night,  with  the  everlasting  stars 
as  their  ministers,  toward  Canada.  The  fugitives  would  be 
turned  over  to  another  conductor,  who  would  conceal  them  until 
nightfall,  when  he  would  load  his  living  freight  into  a  covered 
conveyance,  and  drive  all  night  to  reach  the  next  "  station  " ;  and 
so  on  until  the  fugitives  found  themselves  free  and  safe  under 
the  English  flag  in  Canada. 

This  was  the  safety-valve  to  the  institution  of  slavery.  As 
soon  as  leaders  arose  among  the  slaves,  refusing  to  endure  the 
yoke,  they  came  North.  Had  they  remained,  the  direful  scenes 
of  St.  Domingo  would  have  been  enacted,  and  the  hot,  vengeful 
breath  of  massacre  would  have  swept  the  South  as  a  tornado, 
and  blanched  the  cheek  of  the  civilized  world. 

ANTI-SLAVERY  LITERATURE  wrought  mightily  for  God  in  its. 
field.1  Frederick  Douglass's  book,  "  My  Bondage  and  My  Free 
dom  "  ;  Bishop  Loguen's,  "  As  a  Slave  and  As  a  Freeman  "  ;  Au 
tobiography  of  a  Fugitive  Negro,"  by  the  Rev.  Samuel  Ringgold 
Ward  ;  "  Twenty-two  Years  a  Slave,  and  Forty  Years  a  Free 
man,"  by  the  Rev.  Austin  Stewart  ;  "  Narrative  of  Solomon 
Northup,"  '•  Walker's  Appeal," — all  by  eminent  Negroes,  ex 
posed  the  true  character  of  slavery,  informed  the  public  mind, 
stimulated  healthy  thought,  and  touched  the  heart  of  two  conti 
nents  with  a  sympathy  almost  divine. 

But  the  uncounted  millions  of  anti-slavery  tracts,  pamphlets, 

1  Judge  Stroud,  William  Goodell,  Wendell  Phillips,  William  Jay,  and  hundreds  of 
other  white  men  contributed  to  the  anti-slavery  literature  of  the  period. 


<X>     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

journals,  and  addresses  of- the  entire  period  of  agitation  were  little 
more  than  a  paper  wad  compared  with  the  solid  shot  "  Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin  "  was  to  slavery.  Written  in  vigorous  English,  in 
scintillating,  perspicuous  style  ;  adorned  with  gorgeous  imagery, 
bristling  with  living  "facts' ';  going  to  the  lowest  depths,  mount 
ing  to  the  greatest  altitudes,  moving  with  panoramic  grandeur, 
picturing  humanity  forlorn  and  outraged  ;  giving  forth  the  shrill 
est,  most  despairing  cries  of  the  afflicted,  and  the  sublimest 
strains  of  Christian  faith  ;  the  struggle  of  innocent,  defenceless 
womanhood,  the  subdued  sorrow  of  chattel-babyhood,  the  yearn 
ings  of  fettered  manhood,  and  the  piteous  sobs  of  helpless  old 
age, — made  Mrs.  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe's  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin  " 
the  magnifying  wonder  of  enlightened  Christendom  !  It  pleaded 
the  cause  of  the  slave  in  twenty  different  languages ;  it  engrossed 
the  thought  of  philosophers,  and  touched  the  heart  of  youth  with 
a  strange  pity  for  the  slave.  It  covered  audiences  with  the  sun 
light  of  laughter,  wrapt  them  in  sorrow,  and  veiled  them  in  tears. 
It  illustrated  the  power  of  the  Gospel  of  Love,  the  gentleness  of 
Negro  character,  and  the  powers  and  possibilities  of  the  race.  It 
was  God's  message  to  a  people  who  had  refused  to  listen  to  his 
anti-slavery  prophets  and  priests  ;  and  its  sad,  wierd,  and  heart- 
touching  descriptions  and  dialogues  restored  the  milk  of  human 
kindness  to  a  million  hearts  that  had  grown  callous  in  an  age  of 
self-seeking  and  robbery  of  the  poor. 

In  a  political  and  sectional  sense,  the  "  Impending  Crisis,"  by 
Helper,  exerted  a  wide  influence  for  good.  It  was  read  by  mer- 
•chants  and  politicians. 

Diverse  and  manifold  as  were  the  methods  of  the  friends  of 
universal  freedom,  and  sometimes  apparently  conflicting,  under 
God  no  honest  effort  to  rid  the  Negro  and  the  country  of  the 
curse  of  slavery  was  lost.  All  these  agencies,  running  along  dif 
ferent  lines,  converged  at  a  common  centre,  and  aimed  at  a 
common  end — the  ultimate  extinction  of  the  foreign  and  domes 
tic  slave-trade. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  EFFORTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.       6l 


CHAPTER.  VI. 

ANTI-SLAVERY   EFFORTS   OF   FREE  NEGROES. 

INTELLIGENT  INTEREST  OF%FREE  NEGROES  IN  THE  AGITATION  MOVEMENT.  — il  FIRST  ANNUAL  CON 
VENTION  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  COLOR"  HELD  AT  PHILADELPHIA.  —  REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE 

ON   THE    ESTABLISHMENT  OF   A    COLLEGE  FOR  YOUNG  MEN  OF  COLOR.  —  PROVISIONAL  COMMITTEE 

APPOINTED  IN  EACH  ClTY.  —  CONVENTIONAL  ADDRESS.  —  SECOND  CONVENTION  HELD  AT  BENE- 
ZET  HALL,  PHILADELPHIA.  — RESOLUTIONS  OF  THE  MEETING.  —  CONVENTIONAL  ADDRESS. — 
THE  MASSACHUSETTS  GENERAL  COLORED  ASSOCIATION.  —  CONVENTION  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  WOMEN 
OF  AMERICA  AT  NEW  YORK.  —  PREJUDICE  AGAINST  ADMITTING  NEGROES  INTO  WHITE  SOCIE 
TIES. —  COLORED  ORATORS.  —  THEIR  ELOQUENT  PLEAS  FOR  THEIR  ENSLAVED  RACE. 

THE  free  Negroes  throughout  the  Northern  States  were  not 
passive  during  the   agitation   movement.      They  took  a 
lively  interest  in  the  cause  that  had  for  its  ultimate  end 
the    freedom  of   the    slave.      They  did  not  comfort  themselves 
with  the  consciousness  that  they  were  free;  but  thought  of  their 
brethren  who  were  bound,  and  sympathized  with  them. 

u  The  First  Annual  Convention  of  the  People  of  Color"  was  held 
in  Philadelphia  from  the  6th  to  the  i  ith  of  June,  1831.  Its  sessions 
were  held  "  in  the  brick  Wesleyan  Church,  Lombard  Street," 
"pursuant  to  public  notice,  .  .  .  signed  by  Dr.  Belfast  Burton 
and  William  Whipper."  The  following  delegates  were  present: 

Philadelphia — John  Bowers,  Dr.  Belfast  Burton,  James  Cornish, 
Junius  C.  Morel,  William  Whipper. 

New  York — Rev.  Wm.  Miller,  Henry  Sipkins,  Thos.  L.  Jennings, 
Wm.  Hamilton,  James  Pennington. 

Maryland — Rev.  Abner  Coker,  Robert  Cowley. 

Delaware — Abraham  D.  Shad,  Rev.  Peter  Gardiner. 

Virginia — Wm.  Duncan. 

The  following  officers  were  chosen  : 

President — John  Bowers. 

Vice- Presidents — Abraham  D.  Shad,  William  Duncan. 
Secretary — William  Whipper. 
Assistant  Secretary — Thos.  L.  Jennings. 


62      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  first  concern  of  this  convention  was  the  condition  of  that 
class  which  it  directly  represented — the  "free  persons  of  color " 
in  the  United  States.  A  committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Morel, 
Shad,  Duncan,  Cowley,  Sipkins,  and  Jennings,  made  the  follow 
ing  report  on  the  condition  of  the  free  persons  of  color  in  the 
United  States: 

"  Brethren  ana  Fellow-Citizens  : 

"  We,  the  Committee  of  Inquiry,  would  suggest  to  the  Convention 
the  propriety  of  adopting  the  following  resolutions,  viz.  : 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Convention,  it  is  highly  nec 
essary  that  the  different  societies  engaged  in  the  Canadian  Settlement 
be  earnestly  requested  to  persevere  in  their  praiseworthy  and  philan 
thropic  undertaking  ;  firmly  believing  that,  at  a  future  period,  their 
labors  will  be  crowned  with  success. 

"  The  Committee  would  also  recommend  this  Convention  to  call  on 
the  free  people  of  color  to  assemble  annually  by  delegation  at  such 
place  as  may  be  designated  as  suitable. 

"  They  would  also  respectfully  submit  to  your  wisdom  the  necessity 
of  your  deliberate  reflection  on  the  dissolute,  intemperate,  and  ignorant 
condition  of  a  large  portion  of  the  colored  population  of  the  United 
States.  They  would  not,  however,  refer  to  their  unfortunate  circum 
stances  to  add  degradation  to  objects  already  degraded  and  miserable  • 
nor,  with  some  others,  improperly  class  the  virtuous  of  our  color  with 
the  abandoned,  but  with  the  most  sympathizing  and  heartfelt  commiser 
ation,  show  our  sense  of  obligation  as  the  true  guardians  of  our  inter 
ests,  by  giving  wholesome  advice  and  good  counsel. 

"  The  Committee  consider  it  as  highly  important  that  the  Conven 
tion  recommend  the  necessity  of  creating  a  general  fund,  to  be  denomi 
nated  the  CONVENTIONAL  FUND,  for  the  purpose  of  advancing  the 
objects  of  this  and  future  conventions,  as  the  public  good  may  require. 

"  They  would  further  recommend,  that  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  be  read  in  our  Conven 
tions  ;  believing,  that  the  truths  contained  in  the  former  are  incontro 
vertible,  and  that  the  latter  guarantees  in  letter  and  spirit  to  every  free 
man  born  in  this  country,  all  the  rights  and  immunities  of  citizenship. 

"Your  Committee  with  regret  have  witnessed  the  many  oppressive, 
unjust,  and  unconstitutional  laws  which  have  been  enacted  in  the  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  Union  against  the  free  people  of  color,  and  they 
would  call  upon  this  Convention,  as  possessing  the  rights  of  freemen, 
to  recommend  to  the  people,  through  their  delegation,  the  propriety  of 
memorializing  the  proper  authorities,  whenever  they  may  feel  them 
selves  aggrieved,  or  their  rights  invaded,  by  any  cruel  or  oppressive  laws. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  EFFOR  TS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.      63 

"And  your  Committee  would  further  report,  that,  in  their  opinion, 
Education,  Temperance,  and  Economy  are  best  calculated  to  promote 
the  elevation  of  mankind  to  a  proper  rank  and  standing  among  men,  as 
they  enable  him  to  discharge  all  those  duties  enjoined  on  him  by  his 
Creator.  We  would,  therefore,  respectfully  request  an  early  attention 
to  those  virtues  among  our  brethren  who  have  a  desire  to  be  useful. 

"And  lastly,  your  Committee  view  with  unfeigned  regret,  and 
respectfully  submit  to  the  wisdom  of  this  Convention,  the  operations 
and  misrepresentations  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  in  these 
United  States. 

"  We  feel  sorrowful  to  see  such  an  immense  and  wanton  waste  of 
lives  and  property,  not  doubting  the  benevolent  feelings  of  some  indi 
viduals  engaged  in  that  cause.  But  we  cannot  for  a  moment  doubt,  but 
that  the  cause  of  many  of  our  unconstitutional,  unchristian,  and  un 
heard-of  sufferings  emanate  from  that  unhallowed  source  ;  and  we 
would  call  on  Christians  of  every  denomination  firmly  to  resist  it."  : 

The  convention  was  in  session  for  several  days.  It  attracted 
public  attention  on  account  of  the  intelligence,  order,  and  excel 
lent  judgment  which  prevailed.  It  deeply  touched  the  young 
white  men  who  had,  but  a  few  months  previous,  enlisted  under 
the  broad  banner  Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison  had  given  to  the  breeze. 
They  called  to  see  Colored  men  conduct  a  convention.  The 
Rev.  S.  S.  Jocelyn,  of  New  Haven,  Connecticut ;  Arthur  Tappan, 
of  New  York  ;  Benjamin  Lundy,  of  Washington,  D.  C. ;  William 
Lloyd  Garrison,  of  Boston,  Massachusetts  ;  Thomas  Shipley  and 
Charles  Pierce,  of  Philadelphia,  visited  the  convention  and  were 
cordially  received.  Messrs.  Jocelyn,  Tappan,  and  Garrison  were 
invited  to  address  the  convention,  They  delivered  stirring  ad 
dresses,  and  especially  urged  the  necessity  of  establishing  a  col 
lege  for  the  education  of  "  Young  Men  of  Color."  At  the  sug 
gestion  of  the  speaker  the  convention  appointed  a  committee 
with  whom  the  speaker  conferred.  The  report  of  the  committee 
was  as  follows  : 

"  That  a  plan  had  been  submitted  to  them  by  the  above-named 
gentlemen,  for  the  liberal  education  of  Young  Men  of  Color,  on  the 
Manual- Laboi;  System,  all  of  which  they  respectfully  submit  to  the  con: 
sideration  of  the  Convention,  are  as  follow  : 

"  The  plan  proposed  is,  that  a  College  be  established  at  New  Haven, 
Conn.,  as  soon  as  $20,000  are  obtained,  and  to  be  on  the  Manual- Labor 

The  Minutes,  in  possession  of  the  author. 


64        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

System,  by  which,  in  connection  with  a  scientific  education,  they  may  also 
obtain  a  useful  Mechanical  or  Agricultural  profession  ;  and  (they  further 
report,  having  received  information)  that  a  benevolent  individual  has 
offered  to  subscribe  one  thousand  dollars  toward  this  object,  provided 
that  a  farther  sum  of  nineteen  thousand  dollars  can  be  obtained  in  one 
year. 

"  After  an  interesting  discussion,  the  above  report  was  unanimously 
adopted  ;  one  of  the  inquiries  by  the  Convention  was  in  regard  to  the 
place  of  location.  On  interrogating  the  gentlemen  why  New  Haven 
should  be  the  place  of  location,  they  gave  the  following  as  their  rea 
sons  '• — 

"  i st.     The  site  is  healthy  and  beautiful. 

"  2d.     Its  inhabitants  are  friendly,  pious,  generous,  and  humane. 

"  3d.  Its  laws  are  salutary  and  protecting  to  all,  without  regard  to 
complexion. 

"  4th.     Boarding  is  cheap  and  provisions  are  good. 

"  5th.  The  situation  is  as  central  as  any  other  that  can  be  obtained 
with  the  same  advantages. 

"  6th.  The  town  of  New  Haven  carries  on  an  extensive  West  India 
trade,  and  many  of  the  wealthy  colored  residents  in  the  Islands,  would, 
no  doubt,  send  their  sons  there  to  be  educated,  and  thus  a  fresh  tie  of 
friendship  would  be  formed,  which  might  be  productive  of  much  real 
good  in  the  end. 

"  And  last,  though  not  the  least,  the  literary  and  scientific  character 
of  New  Haven,  renders  it  a  very  desirable  place  for  the  location  of  the 
college." 

The  report  of  the  Committee  was  received  and  adopted.  The 
Rev.  Samuel  E.  Cornish  was  appointed  general  agent  to  solicit 
funds,  and  Arthur  Tappan  was  selected  as  treasurer.  A  Pro 
visional  Committee  was  appointed  in  each  city,  as  follows : 

"  Boston — Rev.  Hosea  Easton,  Robert  Roberts,  James  G.  Barbadoes, 
and  Rev.  Samuel  Snowden. 

"  New  York— Rev.  Peter  Williams,  Boston  Cromwell,  Philip  Bell, 
Thomas  Downing,  Peter  V.oglesang. 

"  Philadelphia — Joseph  Cassey,  Robert  Douglass,  Sr.,  James  For- 
ten,  Richard  Howell,  Robert  Purvis. 

"  'Baltimore — Thomas  Green,  James  P.  Walker,  Samuel  G.  Mathews, 
Isaac  Whipper,  Samuel  Hiner. 

"  New  Haven — Biars  Stanley,  John  Creed,  Alexander  C.  Luca. 

"  Brooklyn,  L.  I. — Jacob  Deyes,  Henry  Thomson,  Willis  Jones. 

"  Wilmington,  Del. — Rev.  Peter  Spencer,  Jacob  Morgan,  William  S. 
Thomas. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  EFFORTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.        6$; 

"  Albany — Benjamin  Latimore,  Captain  Schuyler,  Captain  Francis, 
March. 

"  Washington,  D.  C. — William  Jackson,  Arthur  Waring,  Isaac  Carey. 

"  Lancaster,  Pa. — Charles  Butler  and  Jared  Grey. 

"  Carlisle,  Pa. — John  Peck  and  Rowland  G.  Roberts. 

"  Chambersburg,  Pa. — Dennis  Berry. 

"  Pittsburgh — John  B.  Vashon,  Lewis  Gardiner,  Abraham  Lewis.. 

"  Newark,  N.  J. — Peter  Petitt,  Charles  Anderson,  Adam  Ray. 

"  Trenton — Samson  Peters,  Leonard  Scott." 

The  proceedings  of  the  convention  were  characterized  by  a 
deep  solemnity  and  a  lively  sense  of  the  gravity  of  the  situation. 
The  delegates  were  of  the  ablest  Colored  men  in  the  country,  and 
were  conversant  with  the  wants  of  their  people.  The  subjoined 
address  shows  that  the  committee  that  prepared  it  had  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  public  sentiment  of  America  on  the  subject  of 
race  prejudice. 

"CONVENTIONAL  ADDRESS. 
"  Respected  Brethren  and  Fellow -Citizens  : 

"  Our  attention  has  been  called  to  investigate  the  political  standing 
of  our  brethren  wherever  dispersed,  but  more  particularly  the  situation 
of  those  in  this  great  Republic. 

"  Abroad,  we  have  been  cheered  with  pleasant  views  of  humanity, 
and  the  steady,  firm,  and  uncompromising  march  of  equal  liberty  to  the 
human  family.  Despotism,  tyranny,  and  injustice  have  had  to  retreat,. 
in  order  to  make  way  for  the  unalienable  rights  of  man.  Truth  has 
conquered  prejudice,  and  mankind  are  about  to  rise  in  the  majesty  and 
splendor  of  their  native  dignity. 

"  The  cause  of  general  emancipation  is  gaining  powerful  and  able 
friends  abroad.  Britain  and  Denmark  have  performed  such  deeds  as 
will  immortalize  them  for  their  humanity,  in  the  breasts  of  the  philan 
thropists  of  the  present  day  ;  whilst,  as  a  just  tribute  to  their  virtues, 
after-ages  will  yet  erect  unperishable  monuments  to  their  memory. 
(Would  to  God  we  could  say  thus  of  our  own  native  soil  !) 

"  And  it  is  only  when  we  look  to  our  own  native  land,  to  the  birth 
place  of  our  fathers,  to  the  land  for  whose  prosperity  their  blood  and 
our  sweat  have  been  shed  and  cruelly  extorted,  that  the  Convention  has 
had  cause  to  hang  its  head  and  blush.  Laws,  as  cruel  in  themselves  as 
they  were  unconstitutional  and  unjust,  have  in  many  places  been  en 
acted  against  our  poor  unfriended  and  unoffending  brethren  ;  laws,, 
(without  a  shadow  of  provocation  on  our  part,)  at  whose  bare  recital 


^56       HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  very  savage  draws  him  up  for  fear  of  the  contagion, — looks  noble, 
and  prides  himself  because  he  bears  not  the  name  of  a  Christian. 

"  But  the  Convention  would  not  wish  to  dwell  long  on  this  subject, 
-as  it  is  one  that  is  too  sensibly  felt  to  need  description. 

"  We  would  wish  to  turn  you  from  this  scene  with  an  eye  of  pity, 
,and  a  breast  glowing  with  mercy,  praying  that  the  recording  angel  may 
drop  a  tear,  which  shall  obliterate  forever  the  remembrance  of  so  foul  a 
-stain  upon  the  national  escutcheon  of  this  great  Republic. 

'*  This  spirit  of  persecution  was  the  cause  of  our  Convention.  It 
•was  that  first  induced  us  to  seek  an  asylum  in  the  Canadas  ;  and  the 
-Convention  feels  happy  to  report  to  its  brethren,  that  our  efforts  to 
establish  a  settlement  in  that  province  have  not  been  made  in  vain. 
Our  prospects  are  cheering  ;  our  friends  and  funds  are  daily  increasing  ; 
wonders  have  been  performed  far  exceeding  our  most  sanguine  expecta 
tions  ;  already  have  our  brethren  purchased  eight  hundred  acres  of 
land — and  two  thousand  of  them  have  left  the  soil  of  their  birth,  crossed 
the  lines,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  a  structure  which  promises  to 
prove  an  asylum  for  the  colored  population  of  these  United  States. 
They  have  erected  two  hundred  log-houses,  and  have  five  hundred  acres 
amder  cultivation. 

"  And  now  it  is  to  your  fostering  care  the  Convention  appeals,  and 
we  appeal  to  you  as  to  men  and  brethren,  yet  to  enlarge  their  borders. 

"  We  therefore  ask  of  you,  brethren, — we  ask  of  you,  philanthropists 
of  every  color  and  of  every  kindred, — to  assist  us  in  this  undertaking. 
We  look  to  a  kind  Providence  and  to  you  to  say  whether  our  desires 
shall  be  realized  and  our  labors  crowned  with  success. 

"  The  Convention  has  done  its  duty,  and  it  now  remains  for  you, 
brethren,  to  do  yours.  Various  obstacles  have  been  thrown  in  our  way 
by  those  opposed  to  the  elevation  of  the  human  species  ;  but,  thanks  to 
an  all-wise  Providence,  his  goodness  has  as  yet  cleared  the  way,  and 
our  advance  has  been  slow  but  steady.  The  only  thing  now  wanted,  is 
;an  accumulation  of  funds,  in  order  to  enable  us  to  make  a  purchase 
agreeable  to  the  direction  of  the  first  Convention  ;  and,  to  effect  that 
purpose,  the  Convention  has  recommended,  to  the  different  Societies 
engaged  in  that  cause,  to  preserve  and  prosecute  their  designs  with 
•double  energy  ;  and  we  would  earnestly  recommend  to  every  colored 
man  (who  feels  the  weight  of  his  degradation),  to  consider  himself  in 
duty  bound  to  contribute  his  mite  toward  this  great  object.  We  would 
say  to  all,  that  the  prosperity  of  the  rising  generation  mainly  depends 
aipon  our  active  exertions. 

"  Yes,  it  is  with  us  to  say  whether  they  shall  assume  a  rank  and  stand- 
•ing  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  as  men  and  freemen,  or  whether 
they  shall  still  be  prized  and  held  at  market-price.  Oh,  then,  by  a 
brother's  love,  and  -by  all  that  makes  man  dear  to  man,  awake  in  time ! 


ANTI-SLAVERY  EFFORTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.       67 

Be  wise  !  Be  free !  Endeavor  to  walk  with  circumspection  ;  be  obe 
dient  to  the  laws  of  our  common  country  ;  honor  and  respect  its  law 
makers  and  law-givers  ;  and,  through  all,  let  us  not  forget  to  respect 
ourselves. 

"  During  the  deliberations  of  this  Convention,  we  had  the  favor  of 
advising  and  consulting  with  some  of  our  most  eminent  and  tried  phil 
anthropists — men  of  unblemished  character  and  of  acknowledged  rank 
and  standing.  Our  sufferings  have  extited  their  sympathy  ;  our  igno 
rance  appealed  to  their  humanity  ;  and,  brethren,  we  feel  that  gratitude 
is  due  to  a  kind  and  benevolent  Creator,  that  our  excitement  and  appeal 
have  neither  been  in  vain.  A  plan  has  been  proposed  to  the  Convention 
for  the  erection  of  a  college  for  the  instruction  of  young  men  of  color, 
on  the  manual-labor  system,  by  which  the  children  of  the  poor  may  re 
ceive  a  regular  classical  education,  as  well  as  those  of  their  more  opulent 
brethren,  and  the  charge  will  be  so  regulated  as  to  put  it  within  the 
reach  of  all.  In  support  of  this  plan,  a  benevolent  individual  has 
offered  the  sum  of  one  thousand  dollars,  provided  that  we  can  obtain 
subscriptions  to  the  amount  of  nineteen  thousand  dollars  in  one  year. 

"  The  Convention  has  viewed  the  plan  with  considerable  interest,  and, 
after  mature  deliberation,  on  a  candid  investigation,  feels  strictly  justified 
in  recommending  the  same  to  the  liberal  patronage  of  our  brethren,  and 
respectfully  solicits  the  aid  of  those  philanthropists  who  feel  an  interest 
in  sending  light,  knowledge,  and  truth  to  all  of  the  human  species. 

"  To  the  friends  of  general  education,  we  do  believe  that  our  appeal 
will  not  be  in  vain.  For  the  present  ignorant  and  degraded  condition 
of  many  of  our  brethren  in  these  United  States  (which  has  been  a  subject 
•of  much  concern  to  the  Convention)  can  excite  no  astonishment  (al 
though  used  by  our  enemies  to  show  our  inferiority  in  the  scale  of  hu 
man  beings)  ;  for,  what  opportunities  have  they  possessed  for  mental 
cultivation  or  improvement  ?  Mere  ignorance,  however,  in  a  people 
divested  of  the  means  of  acquiring  information  by  books,  or  an  exten 
sive  connection  with  the  world,  is  no  just  criterion  of  their  intellectual 
incapacity  ;  and  it  had  been  actually  seen,  in  various  remarkable  in 
stances,  that  the  degradation  of  the  mind  and  character,  which  has  been 
too  hastily  imputed  to  a  people  kept,  as  we  are,  at  a  distance  from  those 
sources  of  knowledge  which  abound  in  civilized  and  enlightened  com 
munities,  has  resulted  from  no  other  causes  than  our  unhappy  situation 
and  circumstances. 

"True  philanthropy  disdains  to  adopt  those  prejudices  against  any 
people  which  have  no  better  foundation  than  accidental  diversities  of 
color,  and  refuses  to  determine  without  substantial  evidence  and  incon- 
testible  fact  as  the  basis,  of  her  judgment.  And  it  is  in  order  to  remove 
these  prejudices,  which  are  the  actual  causes  of  our  ignorance,  that  we 
have  appealed  to  our  friends  in  support  of  the  contemplated  institution. 


68        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  The  Convention  has  not  been  unmindful  of  the  operations  of  th% 
American  Colonization  Society,  and  it  would  respectfully  suggest  to  that 
august  body  of  learning,  talent,  and  worth,  that,  in  our  humble  opinion, 
strengthened,  too,  by  the  opinions  of  eminent  men  in  this  country,  as 
well  as  in  Europe,  that  they  are  pursuing  the  direct  road  to  perpetuate 
slavery,  with  all  its  unchristianlike  concomitants,  in  this  boasted  land  of 
freedom  ;  and,  as  citizens  and  men  whose  best  blood  is  sapped  to  gain 
popularity  for  that  institution,  we  would,  in  the  most  feeling  manner, 
beg  of  them  to  desist ;  or,  if  we  must  be  sacrificed  to  their  philan 
thropy,  we  would  rather  die  at  home.  Many  of  our  fathers,  and  some 
of  us,  have  fought  and  bled  for  the  liberty,  independence,  and  peace 
which  you  now  enjoy  ;  and,  surely,  it  would  be  ungenerous  and  unfeel 
ing  in  you  to  deny  us  an  humble  and  quiet  grave  in  that  country  which 
gave  us  birth  ! 

"  In  conclusion,  the  Convention  would  remind  our  brethren  that 
knowledge  is  power,  and  to  that  end,  we  call  on  you  to  sustain  and  sup 
port,  by  all  honorable,  energetic,  and  necessary  means,  those  presses 
which  are  devoted  to  our  instruction  and  elevation,  to  foster  and  encour 
age  the  mechanical  arts  and  sciences  among  our  brethren,  to  encourage 
simplicity,  neatness,  temperance,  and  economy  in  our  habits,  taking  due 
care  always  to  give  the  preference  to  the  production  of  freemen  wherever 
it  can  be  had.  Of  the  utility  of  a  General  Fund,  the  Convention  be 
lieves  there  can  exist  but  one  sentiment,  and  that  is  for  a  speedy  estab 
lishment  of  the  same.  Finally,  we  trust  our  brethren  will  pay  due  care 
to  take  such  measures  as  will  ensure  a  general  and  equal  representation 
in  the  next  Convention 

[Signed]  "  BELFAST  BURTON, 

"  JUNIUS  C.  MOREL, 
"  WILLIAM  WHIPPER, 

"Publishing  Committee." 

Encouraged  by  the  good  results  that  followed  the  first  con 
vention,  another  one  was  called,  and  assembled  in  Philadelphia, 
at  Benezet  Hall,  Seventh  Street,  June  4,  1832.  The  following 
delegates  were  admitted  to  seats  in  the  convention : 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Pittsburgh — John  B.  Vashon. 

Philadelphia — John  Bowers,  William  Whipper,  J.  C.  Morel,  Benjamin 
Paschal,  F.  A.  Hinton. 
Carlisle — John  Peck. 
Lewistown,  Miffin  County — Samuel  Johnson. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  EFFOR  TS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.       69 

NEW    YORK. 

New  York  City — William  Hamilton,  Thomas  L.  Jennings,  Henry 
Sipkins,  Philip  A.  Bell. 

Brooklyn — James  Pennington. 

DELAWARE. 

Wilmington — Joseph  Burton,  Jacob  Morgan,  Abm.  D.  Shad,  William 
Johnson,  Peter  Gardiner. 

MARYLAND. 

Baltimore — Samuel  Elliott,  Robert  Cowley,  Samuel  Hiner. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

Gloucester — Thomas  D.  Coxsin,  Thomas  Banks. 
Trenton — Aaron  Roberts. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Boston — Hosea  Easton. 

New  Bedford — Nathan  Johnson. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Hartford — Paul  Dray  ton. 

New  Haven — Scipio  C.  Augustus. 

/ 

RHODE    ISLAND. 

Providence — Ichabod  Northrop. 

On  the  following  day  the  convention  adjourned  to  the 
"  First  African  Presbyterian  Church."  The  following  report  was 
adopted : 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  Committee,  the  plan  suggested 
by  the  first  General  Convention,  of  purchasing  land  or  lands  in  Upper 
Canada,  for  the  avowed  object  of  forming  a  settlement  in  that  province, 
for  such  colored  persons  as  may  choose  to  emigrate  there,  still  merits 
and  deserves  our  united  support  and  exertions  ;  and  further,  that  the 
appearances  of  the  times,  in  this  our  native  land,  demand  an  immediate 
action  on  that  subject.  Adopted. 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  we  still  solemnly 
and  sincerely  protest  against  any  interference,  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri 
can  Colonization  Society,  with  the  free  colored  population  in  these 
United  States,  so  long  as  they  shall  countenance  or  endeavor  to  use 
coercive  measures  (either  directly  or  indirectly)  to  colonize  us  in  any 
place  which  is  not  the  object  of  our  choice.  And  we  ask  of  them  re 
spectfully,  as  men  and  as  Christians,  to  cease  their  unhallowed  persecu- 


70      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tions  of  a  people  already  sufficiently  oppressed,  or  if,  as  they  profess  to 
have  our  welfare  and  prosperity  at  heart,  to  assist  us  in  the  object  of 
our  choice. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  committee  would  recommend  to  the  members 
of  this  Convention,  to  discountenance,  by  all  just  means  in  their  power, 
any  emigration  to  Liberia  or  Hayti,  believing  them  only  calculated  to 
distract  and  divide  the  whole  colored  family." 

In  accordance  with  a  resolution  of  the  previous  day  the  Rev. 
R.  R.  Gurley,  Secretary  of  the  American  Colonization  Society, 
was  invited  to  address  the  convention.  He  endeavored  to  offer 
an  acceptable  explanation  of  the  Society,  and  to  advocate  its 
principles.  But  the  Colored  people,  almost  to  a  man,  were  op 
posed  to  colonization ;  and  most  of  the  anti-slavery  societies  re 
garded  colonization  as  impracticable  and  hurtful  to  the  cause  of 
emancipation.  William  Lloyd  Garrison  happened  to  be  present, 
and  followed  Gurley  in  a  speech  that  destroyed  the  hopes  of  the 
friends  of  colonization,  and  greatly  delighted  the  convention. 

While  the  Colored  people  opposed  colonization  they  regarded 
Canada  as  a  proper  place  to  go.  They  felt  that  as  citizens  they 
had  the  right  to  decide  where  to  go,  and,  when  they  got  ready, 
to  go  on  their  own  account.  Canada  had  furnished  an  asylum 
to  their  flying,  travel-soiled,  foot-sore,  and  needy  brethren, — was 
not  so  very  far  away,  and,  therefore,  it  was  preferred  to  the  West 
Coast  of  Africa.  The  committee  having  under  consideration 
this  subject,  made  the  following  comprehensive  report : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  members  of  this  Convention  take  into  consider 
ation  the  propriety  of  effecting  the  purchase  of  lands  in  the  province  of 
Upper  Canada,  as  an  asylum  for  those  of  our  bretheren  who  may  be 
compelled  to  remove  from  these  United  States,  beg  leave,  most  respect 
fully  to  report : 

"  That,  after  due  consideration,  they  believe  the  resolution  em 
braces  three  distinct  inquiries  for  the  consideration  of  this  Convention, 
which  should  be  duly  weighed  before  they  can  adopt  the  sentiments 
contained  in  the  above-named  resolution.  Therefore,  your  Committee 
conceive  the  resolution  premature,  and  now  proceed  to  state  the  en 
quiries  separately. 

"  First. — Is  it  proper  for  the  Free  people  of  color  in  this  country, 
under  existing  circumstances,  to  remove  to  any  distant  territory  beyond 
these  United  States  ? 

"  Secondly. — Does  Upper  Canada  possess  superior  advantages  and 
conveniences  to  those  held  out  in  these  United  States  or  elsewhere  ? 


ANTI-SLAVERY  EFFORTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.      71 

"  Thirdly. — Is  there  any  certainty  that  the  people  of  color  will  be 
compelled  by  oppressive  legislative  enactments  to  abandon  the  land  of 
their  birth  for  a  home  in  a  distant  region  ? 

"Your  Committee,  before  examining  those  enquiries,  would  most 
respectfully  take  a  retrospective  view  of  the  object  for  which  the  Con 
vention  was  first  associated,  and  the  causes  which  have  actuated  their 
deliberations. 

"  The  expulsory  laws  of  Ohio,  in  1829,  which  drove  our  people  to 
seek  a  new  home  in  Upper  Canada,  and  their  impoverished  situation 
afterward,  excited  a  general  burst  of  sympathy  for  their  situation,  by 
the  wise  and  good,  over  the  whole  country.  This  awakened  public 
feeling  on  their  behalf,  and  numerous  meetings  were  called  to  raise 
funds  to  alleviate  their  present  miseries.  The  bright  prospects  that 
then  appeared  to  dawn  on  the  new  settlement,  awakened  our  people  to 
the  precariousness  of  their  situations,  and,  in  order  more  fully  to  be 
prepared  for  future  exigencies,  and  to  extend  the  system  of  benevolence 
still  further  to  those  who  should  remove  to  Upper  Canada,  a  circular 
was  issued  by  five  individuals,  viz.: — the  Rev.  Richard  Allen,  Cyrus 
Black,  Junius  C.  Morel,  Benjamin  Pascal,  and  James  C.  Cornish,  in 
behalf  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  calling  a  convention  of  the  col 
ored  delegates  from  the  several  States,  to  meet  on  the  2oth  day  of  Sep 
tember,  1830,  to  devise  plans  and  means  for  the  establishment  of  a 
colony  in  Upper  Canada,  under  the  patronage  of  the  general  Conven 
tion,  then  called. 

"  That  Convention  met,  pursuant  to  public  notice,  and  recom 
mended  the  formation  of  a  parent  society,  to  be  established,  with  auxil 
iaries  in  the  different  towns  where  they  had  been  represented  in  general 
convention,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  moneys  to  defray  the  object  of 
purchasing  a  colony  in  the  province  of  Upper  Canada,  for  those  who 
should  hereafter  wish  to  emigrate  thither,  and  that  immediately  after 
its  organization,  a  corresponding  agent  should  be  appointed  to  reside 
at  or  near  the  intended  purchase. 

"  Our  then  limited  knowledge  of  the  manners,  customs,  and  privi 
leges,  and  rights  of  aliens  in  Upper  Canada,  together  with  the  climate, 
soil,  and  productions  thereof,  rendered  it  necessary  to  send  out  agents 
to  examine  the  same,  who  returned  with  a  favorable  report,  except  that 
citizens  of  these  United  States  could  not  purchase  lands  in  Upper 
Canada,  and  legally  transfer  the  same  to  other  individuals. 

"  The  Convention  resolved  to  reassemble  on  the  first  Monday  in 
June,  1831,  during  which  time  the  order  of  the  Convention  had  been 
carried  into  operation,  relative  to  establishing  Societies  for  the  promo 
tion  of  said  object  ;  and  the  sum  and  total  of  their  proceedings  were, 
that  the  Convention  recommended  to  the  colored  people  generally, 
when  persecuted  as  were  our  brethren  in  Ohio,  to  seek  an  Asylum  in 


72      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Upper  Canada.  During  which  time,  information  having  been  received 
that  a  part  of  the  white  inhabitants  of  said  province  had,  through 
prejudice  and  the  fear  of  being  overburthened  with  an  ejected  population, 
petitioned  the  provincial  parliament  to  prohibit  the  general  influx  of 
colored  population  from  entering  their  limits,  which  threw  some  con 
sternation  on  the  prospect.  The  Convention  did  not  wholly  abandon 
the  subject,  but  turned  its  attention  more  to  the  elevation  of  our  people 
in  this,  our  native  home. 

"  The  recent  occurrences  at  the  South  have  swelled  the  tide  of  preju 
dice  until  it  has  almost  revolutionized  public  sentiment,  which  has 
given  birth  to  severe  legislative  enactments  in  some  of  the  States,  and 
almost  ruined  our  interests  and  prospects  in  others,  in  which,  in  the 
opinion  of  your  Committee,  our  situation  is  more  precarious  than  it 
has  been  at  any  other  period  since  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

"  The  events  of  the  past  year  have  been  more  fruitful  in  persecu 
tion,  and  have  presented  more  inducements  than  any  other  period  of 
the  history  of  our  country,  for  the  men  of  color  to  fly  from  the  graves 
of  their  fathers,  and  seek  new  homes  in  a  land  where  the  roaring  bil 
lows  of  prejudice  are  less  injurious  to  their  rights  and  privileges. 

"  Your  Committee  would  now  approach  the  present  Convention  and 
examine  the  resolution  under  consideration,  beginning  with  the  first 
interrogatory,  viz.  :  Is  it  proper  for  the  Free  people  of  color  in  this 
country,  under  existing  circumstances,  to  remove  to  any  distant  ter 
ritory  beyond  the  United  States  ? 

"  If  we  admit  the  first  interrogatory  to  be  true,  as  it  is  the  exact 
spirit  of  the  language  of  this  resolution,  now  under  consideration,  it  is 
altogether  unnecessary  for  us  to  make  further  preparation  for  either 
our  moral,  intellectual,  or  political  advancement  in  this  our  own,  our 
native  land. 

"  Your  Committee  also  believe  that  if  this  Convention  shall  adopt 
a  resolution  that  will,  as  soon  as  means  can  be  obtained,  remove  our 
colored  population  to  the  province  of  Upper  Canada,  the  best  and 
brightest  prospect  of  the  philanthropists  who  are  laboring  for  our  eleva 
tion  in  this  country  will  be  thwarted,  and  they  will  be  brought  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  great  object  which  actuated  their  labors  would 
now  be  removed,  and  they  might  now  rest  from  their  labors  and 
have  the  painful  feeling  of  transmitting  to  future  generations,  that  an 
oppressed  people,  in  the  land  of  their  birth,  supported  by  the  genuine 
philanthropists  of  the  age,  amidsts  friends,  companions,  and  their  nat 
ural  attachments,  a  genial  clime,  a  fruitful  soil, — amidst  the  rays  of  as 
proud  institutions  as  ever  graced  the  most  favored  spot  that  has  ever 
received  the  glorious  rays  of  a  meridian  sun, — have  abandoned  their 
homes  on  account  of  their  persecutions,  for  a  home  almost  similarly 
precarious,  for  an  abiding-place  among  strangers  ! 


ANTI-SLAVERY  EFFORTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.      73 

"  Your  Committee  further  believe  that  any  express  plan  to  colonize 
our  people  beyond  the  limits  of  these  United  States,  tends  to  weaken 
the  situation  of  those  who  are  left  behind,  without  any  peculiar  ad 
vantage  to  those  who  emigrate.  But  it  must  be  admitted,  that  the 
•rigid  oppression  abroad  in  the  land  is  such,  that  a  part  of  our  suffer 
ing  brethren  cannot  live  under  it,  and  that  the  compulsory  laws  and 
the  inducements  held  out  by  the  American  Colonization  Society  are 
such  as  will  cause  them  to  alienate  all  their  natural  attachments  to 
their  homes,  and  accept  of  the  only  mode  left  open,  which  is  to  re 
move  to  a  distant  country  to  receive  those  rights  and  privileges  of 
which  they  have  been  deprived.  And  as  this  Convention  is  associated 
for  the  purpose  of  recommending  to  our  people  the  best  mode  of  al 
leviating  their  present  miseries, 

"  Therefore,  your  Committee  would,  most  respectfully,  recommend 
to  the  general  Convention,  now  assembled,  to  exercise  the  most  vigor 
ous  means  to  collect  monies  through  their  auxiliaries,  or  otherwise,  to 
be  applied  in  such  manner,  as  will  advance  the  interests,  and  contribute 
to  the  wants  of  the  free  colored  population  of  this  country  generally. 

"  Your  Committee  would  now  most  respectfully  approach  the  second 
inquiry,  viz.  : — Does  Upper  Canada  possess  superior  advantages  and 
-conveniences  to  those  held  out  in  the  United  States  or  elsewhere  ? 

"  Your  Committee,  without  summing  up  the  advantages  and  disad 
vantages  of  other  situations,  would,  most  respectfully  answer  in  the 
affirmative.  At  least  they  are  willing  to  assert  that  the  advantage  is 
much  in  favor  of  those  who  are  obliged  to  leave  their  present  homes. 
For  your  more  particular  information  on  that  subject  we  would,  most 
respectfully,  refer  you  to  the  interesting  account  given  by  our  real  and 
indefatigable  friend,  Benjamin  Lundy,  in  a  late  number  of  the  "  Genius 
•of  Universal  Emancipation."  Vide  "  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipa 
tion,"  No.  10,  vol.  12. 

"  From  the  history  there  laid  down,  your  Committee  would,  most 
respectfully,  request  the  Convention  to  aid,  so  far  as  in  their  power  lies, 
those  who  are  obliged  to  seek  an  asylum  in  the  province  of  Upper 
Canada ;  and,  in  order  that  they  may  more  effectually  carry  their  views 
into  operation,  they  would  respectfully  request  them  to  appoint  an  Agent 
in  Upper  Canada,  to  receive  such  funds  as  may  be  there  transmitted 
f<3r  their  use. 

"Your  Committee  have  now  arrived  at  the  third  and  last  inquiry, 
TIZ.  : — Is  there  any  certainty  that  we,  as  a  people,  will  be  compelled  to 
leave  this  our  native  land,  for  a  home  in  a  distant  region  ?  To  this  in- 
•quiry  your  Committee  are  unable  to  answer  ;  it  belongs  to  the  fruitful 
events  of  time  to  determine.  The  mistaken  policy  of  some  of  the 
friends  of  our  improvement,  that  the  same  could  be  effected  on  the 
.-shore  of  Africa,  has  raised  the  tide  of  our  calamity  until  it  has  over- 


74       HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

flowed  the  valleys  of  peace  and  tranquillity — the  dark  clouds  of  prejudice 
have  rained  persecution — the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed  have  suffered 
together — and  we  have  yet  been  protected  by  that  Almighty  arm,  who 
holds  in  his  hands  the  destinies  of  nations,  and  whose  presence  is  a 
royal  safeguard,  should  we  place  the  utmost  reliance  on  his  wisdom  and 
power. 

"  Your  Committee,  while  they  rejoice  at  the  noble  object  for  which 
the  Convention  was  first  associated,  have  been  unable  to  come  to  any 
conclusive  evidence  that  lands  can  be  purchased  by  this  Convention 
and  legally  transferred  to  individuals,  residents  of  said  colony,  so  long 
as  the  present  laws  exist.  But,  while  they  deem  it  inexpedient  for  the 
Convention  to  purchase  lands  in  Upper  Canada  for  tne  purpose  of 
erecting  a  colony  thereon,  do  again,  most  respectfully,  hope  that  they 
will  exercise  the  same  laudable  exertions  to  collect  funds  for  the  com 
fort  and  happiness  of  our  people  there  situated,  and  those  who  may 
hereafter  emigrate,  and  pursue  the  same  judicious  measures  in  the  ap^ 
propriation  of  said  funds,  as  they  would  in  procuring  a  tract  of  land,  as 
expressed  by  the  resolution. 

"  Your  Committee,  after  examining  the  various  circumstances  con 
nected  with  our  situation  as  a  people,  have  come,  unanimously,  to  the 
conclusion  to  recommend  to  this  Convention  to  adopt  the  following 
resolution,  as  the  best  mode  of  alleviating  the  miseries  of  our  oppressed 
brethren  : 

"  'Resolved,  That  this  Convention  recommend  the  establishment  of  a 
Society,  or  Agent,  in  Upper  Canada,  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing 
lands  and  contributing  to  the  wants  of  our  people  generally,  who  may 
be,  by  oppressive  legislative  enactments,  obliged  to -flee  from  these 
United  States  and  take  up  residence  within  her  borders.  And  that 
this  Convention  will  employ  its  auxiliary  societies,  and  such  other 
means  as  may  lie  in  its  power,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  monies,  and 
remit  the  same  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  proposed  object. 

[Signed]         "  ROBERT  COWLEY,  BENJ.  PASCHAL, 

"  JOHN  PECK,  THOS.  D.  COXSIN,  ,    _        .       „. 

"  WM.  HAMILTON,  J.  C.  MOREL, 
"  WM.  WHIPPER, 

This  convention's  work  was  carefully  done,  its  plans  were 
laid  upon  a  broader  scale,  and  the  Colored  people,  beholding  its 
proceedings,  took  heart,  and  went  forward  with  zeal  and  courage 
seeking  to  increase  their  intelligence  and  wealth,  and  improve 
their  social  condition.  In  their  address  the  convention  did  not 
fail  to  give  the  Colonization  Society  a  parting  shot. 


ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  EFFOR  TS  OF  FREE  NEGROES. 


"  To  the  Free  Colored  Inhabitants  of  these  United  States : 

"  FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  We  have  again  been  permitted  to  associate  m 
our  representative  character,  from  the  different  sections  of  this  Unionr 
to  pour  into  one  common  stream,  the  afflictions,  the  prayers,  and  sym 
pathies  of  our  oppressed  people  ;  the  axis  of  time  has  brought  around 
this  glorious,  annual  event.  And  we  are  again  brought  to  rejoice  that 
the  wisdom  of  Divine  Providence  has  protected  us  during  a  year  whose 
autumnal  harvest  has  been  a  reign  of  terror  and  persecution,  and  whose 
winter  has  almost  frozen  the  streams  of  humanity  by  its  frigid  legis 
lation.  It  is  under  the  influence  of  times  and  feelings  like  these,  that  we 
now  address  you.  Of  a  people  situated  as  we  are,  little  can  be  said, 
except  that  it  becomes  our  duty  strictly  to  watch  those  causes  that 
operate  against  our  interests  and  privileges  ;  and  to  guard  against  what 
ever  measures  that  will  either  lower  us  in  the  scale  of  being,  or  per 
petuate  our  degradation  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world. 

"  The  effects  of  Slavery  on  the  bond  and  Colonization  on  the  free. 
Of  the  first  we  shall  say  but  little,  but  will  here  repeat  the  language  of 
a  high-minded  Virginian  in  the  Legislature  of  that  State,  on  the  recent 
discussion  of  the  slave  question  before  that  honorable  body,  who  de 
clared,  that  man  could  not  hold  property  in  man,  and  that  the  master 
held  no  right  to  the  slave,  either  by  a  law  of  nature  or  a  patentee  from 
God,  but  by  the  will  of  society  ;  which  we  declare  to  be  an  unjust 
usurpation  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  men. 

"  But  how  beautiful  must  the  prospect  be  to  the  philanthropist,  to 
view  us,  the  children  of  persecution,  grown  to  manhood,  associating  in 
our  delegated  character  to  devise  plans  and  means  for  our  moral  eleva 
tion,  and  attracting  the  attention  of  the  wise  and  good  over  the  whole 
country,  who  are  anxiously  watching  our  deliberations. 

"  We  have  here  to  inform  you,  that  we  have  patiently  listened  to  the 
able  and  eloquent  arguments  produced  by  the  Rev.  R.  R.  Gurley,  Sec 
retary  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  in  behalf  of  the  doings  of 
said  Society,  and  Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Esq.,  in  opposition  to  its  action. 

"  A  more  favorable  opportunity  to  arrive  at  truth  seldom  has  been 
witnessed,  but  while  we  admire  the  distinguished  piety  and  Christian  feel 
ings  with  which  he  so  solemnly  portrayed  the  docrines  of  that  institution, 
we  do  now  assert,  that  the  result  of  the  same  has  tended  more  deeply  to 
rivet  our  solid  conviction,  that  the  doctrines  of  said  Society  are  at  enmity 
with  the  principles  and  precepts  of  religion,  humanity,  and  justice,  and 
should  be  regarded  by  every  man  of  color  in  these  United  States  as  an 
evil,  for  magnitude,  unexcelled,  and  whose  doctrines  aim  at  the  entire 
extinction  of  the  free  colored  population  and  the  riveting  of  slavery. 


.76      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  We  might  here  repeat  our  protest  against  that  institution,  but  it  is 
unnecessary  ;  your  views  and  sentiments  have  long  since  gone  to  the 
world  ;  the  wings  of  the  wind  have  borne  your  disapprobation  to  that 
institution.  Time  itself  cannot  erase  it.  You  have  dated  your  oppo 
sition  from  its  beginning,  and  your  views  are  strengthened' by  time  and 
circumstances,  and  they  hold  the  uppermost  seat  in  your  affections. 
We  have  not  been  unmindful  of  the  compulsory  laws  which  caused  our 
brethren  in  Ohio  to  seek  new  homes  in  a  distant  land,  there  to  share 
and  suffer  all  the  inconveniences  of  exiles  in  an  uncultivated  region  ; 
which  has  led  us  to  admire  the  benevolent  feelings  of  a  rival  govern 
ment  in  its  liberal  protection  to  strangers  ;  which  has  induced  us  to 
recommend  to  you,  to  exercise  your  best  endeavors,  to  collect  monies 
to  secure  the  purchase  of  lands  in  the  Canadas,  for  those  who  may  by 
oppressive  legislative  enactments  be  obliged  to  move  thither. 

"  In  contributing  to  our  brethren  that  aid  which  will  secure  them  a 
refuge  in  a  storm,  we  would  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  possessing 
any  inclination  to  remove,  nor  in  the  least  to  impoverish,  that  noble 
-sentiment  which  we  rejoice  in  exclaiming— 

"  This  is  our  own, 
Our  native  land. 

"All  that  we  have  done,  humanity  dictated  it ;  neither  inclination  nor 
alienated  feelings  to  our  country  prescribed  it,  but  that  power  which 
is  above  all  other  considerations,  viz.  :  the  law  of  necessity. 

"  We  yet  anticipate  in  the  moral  strength  of  this  nation,  a  final  re 
demption  from  those  evils  that  have  been  illegitimately  entailed  on  us  as 
a  people.  We  yet  expect,  by  due  exertions  on  our  part,  together  with 
the  aid  of  the  benevolent  philanthropists  of  our  country,  to  acquire  a 
moral  and  intellectual  strength  that  will  unshaft  the  calumnious  darts 
•of  our  adversaries,  and  present  to  the  world  a  general  character  that 
'they  will  feel  bound  to  respect  and  admire. 

"  It  will  be  seen  by  a  reference  to  our  proceedings,  *hat  we  have 
again  recommended  the  further  prosecution  of  the  contemplated  col 
lege,  proposed  by  the  last  Convention,  to  be  established  a-t  New  Haven, 
under  the  rules  and  regulations  then  established.  A  place  for  its 
•location  will  be  selected  in  a  climate  and  neighborhood  where  the 
inhabitants  are  less  prejudiced  to  our  rights  and  privileges.  The 
proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  New  Haven,  with  regard  to  the  erec 
tion  of  the  college,  were  a  disgrace  to  them,  and  cast  a  stigma  on 
the  reputed  fame  of  New  England  and  the  country.  We  are  unwill 
ing  that  the  character  of  the  whole  country  should  sink  by  the  pro 
ceedings  of  a  few.  We  are  determined  to  present  to  another  portion 
of  the  country  not  far  distant,  and  at  no  very  remote  period,  the 


ANTI-SLAVERY  EFFORTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.      77 

opportunity  of  gaining  for  them  the  character  of  a  truly  philanthropic 
spirit,  and  of  retrieving  the  character  of  the  country,  by  the  disreputable 
proceedings  of  New  Haven.  We  must  have  colleges  and  high-schools 
on  the  manual-labor  system,  where  our  youth  may  be  instructed  in  all 
the  arts  of  civilized  life.  If  we  ever  expect  to  see  the  influence  of 
prejudice  decrease,  and  ourselves  respected,  it  must  be  by  the  bless 
ings  of  an  enlightened  education.  It  must  be  by  being  in  posses 
sion  of  that  classical  knowledge  which  promotes  genius,  and  causes  man 
to  soar  up  to  those  high  intellectual  enjoyments  and  acquirements, 
which  place  him  in  a  situation  to  shed  upon  a  country  and  a  people 
that  scientific  grandeur  which  is  imperishable  by  time,  and  drowns  in 
oblivion's  cup  their  moral  degradation.  Those  who  think  that  our  pri 
mary  schools  are  capable  of  effecting  this,  are  a  century  behind  the  age 
when  to  have  proved  a  question  in  the  rule  of  three  was  considered 
a  higher  attainment  than  solving  the  most  difficult  problem  in  Euclid  is 
now.  They  might  have  at  that  time  performed  what  some  people  ex 
pect  of  them  now,  in  the  then  barren  state  of  science ;  but  they  are  now 
no  longer  capable  of  reflecting  brilliancy  on  our  national  character, 
which  will  elevate  us  from  our  present  situation.  If  we  wish  to  be  re 
spected,  we  must  build  our  moral  character  on  a  base  as  broad  and 
high  as  the  nation  itself  ;  our  country  and  our  character  require  it  ;  we 
have  performed  all  the  duties  from  the  menial  to  the  soldier, — our 
fathers  shed  their  blood  in  the  great  struggle  for  independence.  In  the 
late  war  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  a  proclama 
tion  was  issued  to  the  free  colored  inhabitants  of  Louisiana,  Septem 
ber  21,  1814,  inviting  them  to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  their  coun 
try,  by  Gen.  Andrew  Jackson.  And  in  order  that  you  may  have  an 
idea  of  the  manner  in  which  they  acquitted  themselves  on  that  peril 
ous  occasion,  'we  will  refer  you  to  the  proclamation  of  Thomas  But 
ler,  Aid-de-Camp. 

"You  there  see  that  your  country  expects  much  from  you,  and  that 
you  have  much  to  call  you  into  action,  morally,  religiously,  and  scien 
tifically.  Prepare  yourselves  to  occupy  the  several  stations  to  which 
the  wisdom  of  your  country  may  promote  you.  We  have  been  told  in 
this  Convention,  by  the  Secretary  of  the  American  Colonization  Society, 
that  there  are  causes  which  forbid  our  advancement  in  this  country, 
which  no  humanity,  no  legislation,  and  no  religion  can  control.  Believe 
it  not.  Is  not  humanity  susceptible  of  all  the  tender  feelings  of  benev 
olence  ?  Is  not  legislation  supreme— and  is  not  religion  virtuous  ?  Our 
oppressed  situation  arises  from  their  opposite  causes.  There  is  an 
awakening  spirit  in  our  people  to  promote  their  elevation,  which  speaks 
volumes  in  their  behalf.  We  anticipated  at  the  close  of  the  last  Con 
vention,  a  larger  representation  and  an  increased  number  of  delegates  ; 
we  were  not  deceived,  the  number  has  been  tenfold.  And  we  have  a 


78      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

right  to  expect  that  future  Conventions  will  be  increased  by  a  geometri 
cal  ratio,  until  we  shall  present  a  body  not  inferior  in  numbers  to  our 
State  Legislatures,  and  the  phenomenon  of  an  oppressed  people,  deprived  of 
the  rights  of  citizenship,  in  the  midst  of  an  elightened  nation,  devising 
plans  and  measures  for  their  personal  and  mental  elevation,  by  moral 
suasion  alone. 

"  In  recommending  you  a  path  to  pursue  for  our  present  good  and 
future  elevation,  we  have  taken  into  consideration  the  circumstances  of 
the  free  colored  population,  so  far  as  it  was  possible  to  ascertain  their 
views  and  sentiments,  hoping  that  at  a  future  Convention,  you  will  all 
come  ably  represented,  and  that  your  wishes  and  views  may  receive  that 
deliberation  and  attention  for  which  this  body  is  particularly  associated. 

"  Finally,  before  taking  our  leave,  we  would  admonish  you,  by  all 
that  you  hold  dear,  beware  of  that  bewitching  evil,  that  bane  of  society, 
that  curse  of  the  world,  that  fell  destroyer  of  the  best  prospects  and  the 
last  hope  of  civilized  man, — INTEMPERANCE. 

"  Be  righteous,  be  honest,  be  just,  be  economical,  be  prudent,  offend 
not  the  laws  of  your  country, — in  a  word,  live  in  that  purity  of  life,  by 
both  precept  and  example, — live  in  the  constant  pursuit  of  that  moral  and 
intellectual  strength  which  will  invigorate  your  understandings  and  ren 
der  you  illustrious  in  the  eyes  of  civilized  nations,  when  they  will  assert 
that  all  that  illustrious  worth  which  was  once  possessed  by  the  Egyp 
tians,  and  slept  for  ages,  has  now  arisen  in  their  descendents,  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  New  World." 

Excellent  as  was  the  work  of  these  conventions  of  men  of 
color,  they  nevertheless  became  the  magazines  from  which  the 
pro-slavery  element  secured  dangerous  ammunition  with  which  to 
attack  the  anti-slavery  movement.  The  white  anti-slavery  socie 
ties  were  charged  with  harboring  a  spirit  of  race  prejudice  ;  with 
inconsistency,  in  that  while  seeking  freedom  for  the  Negro  by 
means  of  agitation,  separate  efforts  were  put  forth  by  the  white 
and  black  anti-slavery  people  of  the  North.  And  this  had  its  due 
effect.  Massachusetts  and  other  States  had  abolition  societies 
composed  entirely  of  persons  of  Color.  "  The  Massachusetts  Gen 
eral  Colored  Association  "  organized  in  the  early  days  of  the  agi 
tation  movement.  It  had  among  its  leading  men  the  most  in 
telligent  and  public-spirited  Colored  citizens  of  Boston.  James  G. 
Barbadoes,  Coffin  Pitts,  John  E.  Scarlett,  the  Eastons,  Hosea 
and  Joshua ;  Wm.  C.  Nell,  Thomas  Cole,  Thomas  Dalton,  Fred 
erick  Brimley,  Walker  Lewis,  and  John  T.  Hilton  were  a  few  of 
"  the  faithful."  In  January,  1833,  the  following  communication 
was  sent  to  the  white  anti-slavery  society  of  New  England. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  EFFORTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.      7$ 

"  BOSTON,  January  15,  1833. 
**  To  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  N ew- England  Anti- Slavery  Society  : 

"  The  Massachusetts  General  Colored  Association,  cordially  approv 
ing  the  objects  and  principles  of  the  New-England  Anti-Slavery  Socie 
ty,  would  respectfully  communicate  their  desire  to  become  auxiliary 
thereto.  They  have  accordingly  chosen  one  of  their  members  to  attend 
the  annual  meeting  of  the  Society  as  their  delegate  (Mr.  JOSHUA  EAS- 
TON,  of  North  Bridgewater),  and  solicit  his  acceptance  in  that  capacity. 

"  THOMAS  DALTON,   President, 
"  WILLIAM  C.  NELL,  Vice-President. 
41  JAMES  G.  BARBADOES,  Secretary." 

The  request  was  granted,  but  a  few  hints  among  friends  on 
the  outside  sufficed  to  demonstrate  the  folly  and  hurtfulness  of 
anti-slavery  societies  composed  exclusively  of  men  of  color. 
Within  the  next  two  years  Colored  organizations  perished,  and 
their  members  took  their  place  in  the  white  societies.  Such  Col 
ored  men  as  John  B.  Vashon  and  Robert  Purvis,  of  Pennsyl 
vania  ;  David  Ruggles  and  Philip  A.  Bell,  of  New  York  ;  and 
Charles  Lenox  Remond  and  Wm.  Wells  Brown,  of  Massachusetts, 
were  soon  seen  as  orators  and  presiding  officers  in  the  different 
anti-slavery  societies  of  the  free  States.  Frederick  Douglass,  the 
Rev.  Samuel  Ringgold  Ward,  James  McCune  Smith,  M.D. ; 
James  W.  C.  Pennington,  D.D.  ;  Henry  Highland  Garnett,  D.D. ; 
Alexander  Crummell,  D.D.;  and  other  Colored  men  were  eloquent, 
earnest,  and  effective  in  their  denunciation  of  the  institution 
that  enslaved  their  brethren.  In  England  and  in  Europe  a 
corps  of  intelligent  Colored  orators  was  kept  busy  painting,  to 
interested  audiences,  the  cruelties  and  iniquities  of  American 
slavery.  By  association  and  sympathy  these  Colored  orators 
took  on  the  polish  of  Anglo-Saxon  scholarship.  Of  the  influence 
of  the  American  Anti-slavery  Society  upon  the  Colored  man, 
Maria  Weston  Chapman  once  said,  it  is  "  church  and  university, 
high  school  and  common  school,  to  all  who  need  real  instruction 
and  true  religion.  Of  it  what  a  throng  of  authors,  editors,  law 
yers,  orators,  and  accomplished  gentlemen  of  color  have  taken 
their  degree  !  It  has  equally  implanted  hopes  and  aspirations, 
noble  thoughts,  and  sublime  purposes,  in  the  hearts  of  both 
races.  It  has  prepared  the  white  man  for  the  freedom  of  the 
black  man,  and  it  has  made  the  black  man  scorn  the  thought  of 
enslavement,  as  does  a  white  man,  as  far  as  its  influence  has  ex- 


80        HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tended.  Strengthen  that  noble  influence  !  Before  its  organiza 
tion,  the  country  only  saw  here  and  there  in  slavery  some  '  faith 
ful  Cudjoe  or  Dinah,'  whose  strong  natures  blossomed  even  in 
bondage,  like  a  fine  plant  beneath  a  heavy  stone.  Now,  under 
the  elevating  and  cherishing  influence  of  the  American  Anti- 
slavery  Society,  the  colored  race,  like  the  white,  furnishes  Corin 
thian  capitals  for  the  noblest  temples.  Aroused  by  the  American 
Anti-slavery  Society,  the  very  white  men  who  had  forgotten  and 
denied  the  claim  of  the  black  man  to  the  rights  of  humanity, 
now  thunder  that  claim  at  every  gate,  from  cottage  to  capitol, 
from  school-house  to  university,  from  the  railroad  carriage  to  the 
house  of  God.  He  has  a  place  at  their  firesides,  a  place  in  their 
hearts — the  man  whom  they  once  cruelly  hated  for  his  color.  So 
feeling,  they  cannot  send  him  to  Coventry  with  a  horn-book  in 
his  hand,  and  call  it  instruction  !  They  inspire  him  to  climb  to 
their  side  by  a  visible,  acted  gospel  of  freedom.  Thus,  instead 
of  bowing  to  prejudice,  they  conquer  it." 

In  January,  1836,  Rev.  Mr.  Pollen  offered  the  following  reso 
lution  in  a  meeting  of  the  New  England  Anti-slavery  Society : 

"  Resolved,  That  we  consider  the  Anti-slavery  cause  the  cause  of 
philanthropy,  with  regard  to  which  all  human  beings,  white  men  and 
colored  men,  citizens  and  foreigners,  men  and  women,  have  the  same 
duties  and  the  same  rights." 

In  support  of  his  resolution,  he  said : 

"  We  have  been  advised,  if  we  really  wished  to  benefit  the  slave  and 
the  colored  race  generally,  not  unnecessarily  to  shock  the  feelings,, 
though  they  were  but  prejudices,  of  the  white  people,  by  admitting  col 
ored  persons  to  our  Anti-slavery  meetings  and  societies.  We  have  been 
told  that  many  who  would  otherwise  act  in  unison  with  us  were  kept 
away  by  our  disregard  of  the  feelings  of  the  community  in  this  respect. 
.  .  .  But  what,  I  would  ask,  is  the  great,  the  single  object  of  all  our 
meetings  and  societies  ?  Have  we  any  other  object  than  to  impress 
upon  the  community  this  one  principle,  that  the  colored  man  is  a  man  ? 
And,  on  the  other  hand,  is  not  the  prejudice  which  would  have  us  ex 
clude  colored  people  from  our  meetings  and  societies  the  same  which, 
in  our  Southern  States,  dooms  them  to  perpetual  bondage  ?  " 

In  May,  1837,  tne  Anti-slavery  Women  of  America  met  in 
convention  in  New  York.  In  a  circular  issued  by  the  authority 
of  the  convention,  and  signed  by  Mary  S.  Parker,  President,, 


ANTI-SLAVERY  EFFORTS  OF  FREE  NEGROES.      8 1 

Angelina  E.  Grimkie,  Secretary,  another  attack  was  made  upon, 
proscription  in  anti-slavery  societies.  There  was  a  Colored  lady 
named  Sarah  Douglass  on  the  Central  Committee.  The  follow 
ing  paragraphs  from  the  circular  are  specimens  sufficient  to  show 
the  character  of  the  circular;  and  the  poetry  at  the  end,  written 
by  a  Colored  member,  Miss  Sarah  Forten,  justified  the  hopes  of 
her  white  sisters  concerning  the  race  : 

"  Those  Societies  that  reject  colored  members,  or  seek  to  avoid 
them,  have  never  been  active  or  efficient.  The  blessing  of  God  does, 
not  rest  upon  them,  because  they  'keep  back  a  part  of  the  price  of  the 
land,' — they  do  not  lay  all  at  the  apostle's  feet. 

"  The  abandonment  of  prejudice  is  required  of  us  as  a  proof  of  our 
sincerity  and  consistency.  How  can  we  ask  our  Southern  brethren  to 
make  sacrifices,  if  we  are  not  even  willing  to  encounter  inconveniences? 
First  cast  the  beam  from  thine  own  eye,  then  wilt  thou  see  clearly  to 
cast  it  from  his  eye. 

"  We  are  thy  sisters.     God  has  truly  said 
That  of  one  blood  the  nations  He  has  made. 
O  Christian  woman  !  in  a  Christian  land, 
Canst  thou  unblushing  read  this  great  command  ? 
Suffer  the  wrongs  which  wring  our  inmost  heart, 
To  draw  one  throb  of  pity  on  thy  part  ? 
Our  Skins  may  differ,  but  from  thee  we  claim 
A  sister's  privilege  and  a  sister's  name." 

Every  barrier  was  now  broken  down  inside  of  anti-slavery 
organizations;  and  having  conquered  the  prejudice  that  crippled 
their  work,  they  enjoyed  greater  freedom  in  the  prosecution  of 
their  labors. 

The  Colored  orators  wrought  a  wonderful  change  in  public 
sentiment.  In  the  inland  white  communities  throughout  the 
Northern  States  Negroes  were  few,  and  the  majority  of  them 
were  servants ;  some  of  them  indolent  and  vicious.  From  these 
few  the  moral  and  intellectual  photograph  of  the  entire  race  was 
taken.  So  it  was  meet  that  Negro  orators  of  refinement  should  go 
from  town  to  town.  The  North  needed  arousing  and  educating  on 
the  anti-slavery  question,  and  no  class  did  more  practical  work  in 
this  direction  than  the  little  company  of  orators,  with  the  peer 
less  Douglass  at  its  head,  that  pleaded  the  cause  of  their  brethren 
in  the  flesh  before  the  cultivated  audiences  of  New  England,  the 
Middle  and  Western  States, — yea,  even  in  the  capital  cities  of 
conservative  Europe. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

NEGRO   INSURRECTIONS. 

THE  NEGRO  NOT  so  DOCILE  AS  SUPPOSED.  —  THE  REASON  WHY  HE  WAS  KEPT  IN  BONDAGE.  — 
NEGROES  POSSESSED  COURAGE  BUT  LACKED  LEADERS.  —  INSURRECTION  OF  SLAVES.  —  GEN. 
GABRIEL  AS  A  LEADER.  —  NEGRO  INSURRECTION  PLANNED  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  —  EVILS  OF 
SLAVERY  REVEALED. —THE  "NAT.  TURNER"  INSURRECTION  IN  SOUTH  HAMPTON  COUNTY, 
VIRGINIA.  —  THE  WHITES  ARM  THEMSELVES  TO  REPEL  THE  INSURRECTIONISTS.  —  CAPTURE  AND 
TRIAL  OF  "NAT.  TURNER."  —  His  EXECUTION.  —  EFFECT  OF  THE  INSURRECTION  UPON  SLAVES 
AND  SLAVE-HOLDERS. 

THE  supposed  docility  of  the  American  Negro  was  counted 
among  the  reasons  why  it  was  thought  he  could  never  gain 
his  freedom  on  this  continent.  But  this  was  a  misinter- 
•pretation  of  his  real  character.  Besides,  it  was  next  to  impossi 
ble  to  learn  the  history  of  the  Negro  during  the  years  of  his 
enslavement  at  the  South.  The  question  was  often  asked  :  Why 
don't  the  Negroes  rise  at  the  South  and  exterminate  their  en 
slavers  ?  Negatively,  not  because  they  lacked  the  courage,  but 
because  they  lacked  leaders  [as  has  been  stated  already,  they 
sought  the  North  and  their  freedom  through  the  Underground 
R.  R.]  to  organize  them.  But  notwithstanding  this  great  disad 
vantage  the  Negroes  did  rise  on  several  different  occasions, 
and  did  effective  work. 

"  Three  times,  at  intervals  of  thirty  years,  has  a  wave  of  unutterable 
terror  swept  across  the  Old  Dominion,  bringing  thoughts  of  agony  to  every 
Virginian  master,  and  of  vague  hope  to  every  Virginian  slave.  Each  time 
has  one  man's  name  become  a  spell  of  dismay  and  a  symbol  of  deliver 
ance.  Each  time  has  that  name  eclipsed  its  predecessor,  while  recalling 
it  for  a  moment  to  fresher  memory  ;  John  Brown  revived  the  story 
of  Nat.  Turner,  as  in  hu's  day  Nat.  Turner  recalled  the  vaster  schemes 
of  Gabriel."  1 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  insurrection  of  slaves  in  South 
Carolina  in  the  last  century.  Upon  the  very  threshold  of  the 

1  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  x.  p.  337. 


NEGRO  INSURRECTIONS.  83 

•nineteenth  century,  "  General  Gabriel  "  made  the  master-class  of 
Virginia  quail  with  mortal  dread.  He  was  a  man  of  more  than 
ordinary  intelligence  ;  and  his  plans  were  worthy  of  greater  suc 
cess.  The  following  newspaper  paragraph  reveals  the  condition 
of  the  minds  of  Virginians  respecting  the  Negroes  : 

"  For  the  week  past,  we  have  been  under  momentary  expectation 
of  a  rising  among  the  negroes,  who  have  assembled  to  the  number  of 
nine  hundred  or  a  thousand,  and  threatened  to  massacre  all  the  whites. 
They  are  armed  with  desperate  weapons,  and  secrete  themselves  in  the 
woods.  God  only  knows  our  fate  ;  we  have  strong  guards  every  night 
tinder  arms." 

The  above  was  communicated  to  the  "  United  States  Gazette," 
printed  in  Philadelphia,  under  date  of  September  8,  1800,  by  a 
Virginia  correspondent.  The  people  felt  that  they  were  sleeping 
over  a  magazine.  The  movement  of  Gabriel  was  to  have  taken 
place  on  Saturday,  September  1st.  The  rendezvous  of  the  Negro 
troops  was  a  brook,  about  six  miles  from  Richmond.  The  force 
was  to  comprise  eleven  hundred  men,  divided  into  three  divi 
sions.  Richmond — then  a  town  of  eight  thousand  inhabitants 
— was  the  point  of  attack,  which  was  to  be  effected  under  cover 
of  night.  The  right  wing  was  to  fall  suddenly  upon  the  peniten 
tiary,  lately  improvised  into  an  arsenal  ;  the  left  wing  was  to 
seize  the  powder-house ;  and,  thus  equipped  and  supplied  with  the 
munitions  of  war,  the  two  columns  were  to  assign  the  hard  fight 
ing  to  the  third  column.  This  column  was  to  have  possession 
of  all  the  guns,  swords,  knives,  and  other  weapons  of  modern 
warfare.  It  was  to  strike  a  sharp  blow  by  entering  the  town 
from  both  ends,  while  the  other  two  columns,  armed  with  shov 
els,  picks,  clubs,  etc.,  were  to  act  as  a  reserve.  The  white  troops 
were  scarce,  and  the  situation,  plans,  etc.,  of  the  Negroes  were 
admirable. 

".  .  .  the  penitentiary  held  several  thousand  stand  of  arms  ; 
ihe  powder-house  was  well-stocked  ;  the  capitol  contained  the  State 
treasury  ;  the  mills  would  give  them  bread  ;  the  control  of  the  bridge 
across  James  River  would  keep  off  enemies  from  beyond.  Thus  se 
cured  and  provided,  they  planned  to  issue  proclamations  summoning  to 
their  standard  '  their  fellow-negroes  and  the  friends  of  humanity 
throughout  the  continent.'  In  a  week,  it  was  estimated,  they  would 
have  fifty  thousand  men  on  their  side,  with  which  force  they  could  easily 


84       HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

possess  themselves  of  other  towns  ;  and,  indeed,  a  slave  named  John; 
Scott — possibly  the  dangerous  possessor  of  ten  dollars — was  already 
appointed  to  head  the  attack  on  Petersburg.  But  in  case  of  final  fail 
ure,  the  project  included  a  retreat  to  the  mountains,  with  their  new 
found  property.  John  Brown  was  therefore  anticipated  by  Gabriel 
sixty  years  before,  in  believing  the  Virginia  mountains  to  have  been 
4  created,  from  the  foundation  of  the  world,  as  a  place  of  refuge  for 
fugitive  slaves.'  " 1 

The  plot  failed,  but  everybody,  and  the  newspapers  also,  said 
the  plan  was  well  conceived. 

In  1822  another  Negro  insurrection  was  planned  in  Charles 
ton,  S.  C.  The  leader  of  this  affair  was  Denmark  Vesey.3  This 
plot  for  an  insurrection  extended  for  forty-five  or  fifty  miles 
around  Charleston,  and  intrusted  its  secrets  to  thousands.  Den 
mark  Vesey,  assisted  by  several  other  intelligent  and  trusty 
Negroes,  had  conceived  the  idea  of  slaughtering  the  whites  in  and 
about  Charleston,  and  thus  securing  liberty  for  the  blacks.  A 
recruiting  committee  was  formed,  and  every  slave  enlisted  was 
sworn  to  secrecy.  Household  servants  were  rarely  trusted.. 
Talkative  and  intemperate  slaves  were  not  enlisted.  Women, 
were  excluded  from  the  affair  that  they  might  take  care  of  the 
children.  Peter  Poyas,  it  was  said,  had  enlisted  six  hundred 
without  assistance.  There  were  various  opinions  respecting  the 
number  enlisted.  Some  put  it  at  hundreds,  others  thousands; 
one  witness  at  the  trial  said  there  were  nine  thousand,  another 
six  thousand.  But  no  white  person  ever  succeeded  in  gaining 
the  confidence  of  the  black  conspirators.  Never  was  a  plot  so 
carefully  guarded  for  so  long  a  time. 

"  During  the  excitement  and  the  trial  of  the  supposed  conspirators, 
rumor  proclaimed  all,  and  doubtless  more  than  all,  the  horrors  of  the 
plot.  The  city  was  to  be  fired  in  every  quarter,  the  arsenal  in  the  im 
mediate  vicinity  was  to  be  broken  open,  and  the  arms  distributed  to 
the  insurgents,  and  an  universal  massacre  of  the  white  inhabitants  to- 
take  place.  Nor  did  there  seem  to  be  any  doubt  in  the  rnind  of  the 
people  that  such  would  actually  have  been  the  result,  had  not  the  plot 
fortunately  been  detected  before  the  time  appointed  for  the  outbreak. 
It  was  believed,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  every  black  in  the  city  would 
join  in  the  insurrection,  and  that,  if  the  original  design  had  been  at- 

1  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  x.  p.  339. 

3  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  vii.  pp.  728,  744. 


NEGRO  INSURRECTIONS.  85 

tempted,  and  the  city  taken  by  surprise,  the  negroes  would  have 
achieved  a  complete  and  easy  victory.  Nor  does  it  seem  at  all  impos 
sible  that  such  might  have  been  or  yet  may  be  the  case,  if  any  well- 
arranged  and  resolute  rising  should  take  place."  ] 

This  bold  plot  failed  because  a  Negro  named  William  Paul 
began  to  make  enlistments  without  authority.  He  revealed  the 
secret  to  a  household  servant,  just  the  very  man  he  should  have 
left  to  the  skilful  manipulations  of  Peter  Poyas  or  Denmark 
Vesey.  As  an  evidence  of  the  perfection  of  the  plot  it  should 
be  stated  that  after  a  month  of  official  investigation  only  fifteen 
out  of  the  thousands  had  been  apprehended  ! 

"The  leaders  of  this  attempt  at  insurrection  died  as  bravely 
as  they  had  lived  ;  and  it  is  one  of  the  marvels  of  the  remarkable 
affair,  that  none  of  this  class  divulged  any  of  their  secrets  to  the 
court.  The  men  who  did  the  talking  were  those  who  knew  but 
little." 

The  effect  was  to  reveal  the  evils  of  slavery,  to  stir  men  to 
tho'ught,  and  to  hasten  the  day  of  freedom. 

"  Nat."  Turner  combined  the  lamb  and  lion.  He  was  a 
Christian  and  a  man.  He  was  conscious  that  he  was  a  man  and 
not  a  "  thing  "  ;  therefore,  driven  by  religious  fanaticism,  he 
undertook  a  difficult  and  bloody  task.  Nathaniel  Turner  was 
born  in  Southampton  County,  Virginia,  October  2,  1800.  His 
master  was  one  Benjamin  Turner,  a  very  wealthy  and  aristocratic 
man.  He  owned  many  slaves,  and  was  a  cruel  and  exacting 
master.  Young  "  Nat."  was  born  of  slave  parents,  and  carried 
to  his  grave  many  of  the  superstitions  and  traits  of  his  father 
and  mother.  The  former  was  a  preacher ;  the  latter  a  "  mother 
in  Israel."  Both  were  unlettered,  but,  nevertheless,  very  pious 
people.  The  mother  began  when  Nat.  was  quite  young  to  teach 
him  that  he  was  born,  like  Moses,  to  be  the  deliverer  of  his  race. 
She  would  sing  to  him  snatches  of  wild,  rapturous  songs,  and  re 
peat  portions  of  prophecy  she  had  learned  from  the  preachers  of 
those  times.  Nat.  listened  with  reverence  and  awe,  and  believed 
every  thing  his  mother  said.  He  imbibed  the  deep  religious 
character  of  his  parents,  and  soon  manifested  a  desire  to  preach. 
He  was  solemnly  set  apart  to  "  the  Gospel  Ministry  "  by  his. 
father,  the  Church,  and  visiting  preachers.  He  was  quite  low  in 
stature,  dark,  and  had  the  genuine  African  features.  His  eyes. 

1  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  vii.  p.  737. 


86       HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

were  small,  but  sharp,  and  gleamed  like  fire  when  he  was  talking 
about  his  "  mission,"  or  preaching  from  some  prophetic  passage 
of  Scripture.  It  is  said  that  he  never  laughed.  He  was  a  dreamy 
sort  of  a  man,  and  avoided  the  crowd.  Like  Moses,  he  lived  in 
the  solitudes  of  the  mountains  and  brooded  over  the  condition 
of  his  people  There  was  something  grand  to  him  in  the  rugged 
scenery  that  nature  had  surrounded  him  with.  He  believed  that 
he  was  a  prophet,  a  leader  raised  up  by  God  to  burst  the  bolts 
of  the  prison-house  and  set  the  oppressed  free.  The  thunder, 
the  hail,  the  storm-cloud,  the  air,  the  earth,  the  stars,  at  which 
he  would  sit  and  gaze  half  the  night,  all  spake  the  language  of 
the  God  of  the  oppressed.  He  was  seldom  seen  in  a  large  com 
pany,  and  never  drank  a  drop  of  ardent  spirits.  Like  John4  the 
Baptist,  when  he  had  delivered  his  message,  he  would  retire  to 
the  fastness  of  the  mountain,  or  seek  the  desert,  where  he  could 
meditate  upon  his  great  work. 

At  length  he  declared  that  God  spake  to  him.  He  began  to 
dream  dreams  and  to  see  visions.  His  grandmother,  a  very  old 
and  superstitious  person,  encouraged  him  in  his  dreaming.  But, 
notwithstanding,  he  believed  that  he  had  communion  with  God, 
and  saw  the  most  remarkable  visions,  he  denounced  in  the 
severest  terms  the  familiar  practices  among  slaves,  known  as  "  con 
juring,"  "gufering,"  and  fortune-telling.  The  people  regarded 
him  with  mixed  feelings  of  fear  and  reverence.  He  preached 
with  great  power  and  authority.  He  loved  the  prophecies,  and 
drew  his  illustrations  from  nature.  He  presented  God  as  the 
"  A ll-Po^verful "/  he  regarded  him  as  a  great  "  Warrior."  His 
master  soon  discovered  that  Nat.  was  the  acknowledged  leader 
among  the  slaves,  and  that  his  fame  as  "prophet"  and  "  leader" 
was  spreading  throughout  the  State.  The  poor  slaves  on  distant 
plantations  regarded  the  name  of  Nat.  Turner  as  very  little 
removed  from  that  of  God.  Though  having  n-ever  seen  him, 
yet  they  believed  in  him  as  the  man  under  whose  lead  they 
would  some  time  march  out  of  the  land  of  bondage.  His  in 
fluence  was  equally  great  among  the  preachers,  while  many 
white  people  honored  and  feared  him.  His  master  thought  it 
necessary  to  the  safety  of  his  property,  to  hire  Nat.  out  to  a 
most  violent  and  cruel  man.  Perhaps  he  thought  to  have  him 
"  broke."  If  so,  he  was  mistaken.  Nat.  Turner  was  the  last 
slave  to  submit  to  an  insult  given  by  a  white  man.  His  new 
master  could  do  nothing  with  him.  He  ran  off,  and  spent  thirty 


NEGRO  INSURRECTIONS.  87 

days  in  the  swamps — but  returned.  He  was  upbraided  by  some 
of  his  fellow-slaves  for  not  seeking,  as  he  certainly  could  have 
done,  "  the  land  of  the  free."  He  answered  by  saying,  that  a 
voice  said  to  him  :  "  Return  to  your  earthly  master  ;  for  he  who 
knoweth  his  Master's  will  and  doeth  it  not,  shall  be  beaten  with 
many  stripes."  It  was  no  direction  to  submit  to  an  earthly 
master,  but  to  return  to  him  in  order  to  carry  out  the  will  of  his 
Heavenly  Master.  He  related  some  of  the  visions  he  saw  during 
his  absence.  "About  that  time  I  had  a  vision,  and  saw  white 
spirits  and  black  spirits  engaged  in  battle;  and  the  sun  was 
darkened,  the  thunder  rolled  in  the  heavens,  and  blood  flowed  in 
streams  ;  and  I  heard  a  voice  saying :  '  Such  is  your  luck,  such  are 
you.  called  on  to  see;  and  let  it  come,  rough  or  smooth,  you 
must  surely  bear  it.'  "  It  was  not  long  after  this  when  he  saw 
another  vision.  He  says  a  spirit  appeared  unto  him  and  spake 
as  follows  :  "  The  serpent  is  loosened,  and  Christ  has  laid  down 
the  yoke  he  has  borne  for  the  sins  of  men  ;  and  you  must  take 
it  up  and  fight  against  the  serpent,  for  the  time  is  fast  approach 
ing  when  the  first  shall  be  last,  and  the  last  shall  be  first."  These 
visions  and  many  others  enthused  Nat.,  and  led  him  to  believe 
that  the  time  was  near  when  the  Blacks  would  be  "  first  "  and 
the  whites  "  last." 

The  plot  for  a  general  uprising  was  laid  in  the  month  of 
February,  1831.  He  had  seen  the  last  vision.  He  says:  "  I  was 
told  I  should  arise  and  prepare  myself,  and  slay  my  enemies  with 
their  own  weapons."  He  was  now  prepared  to  arrange  the  de 
tails  of  his  plot.  He  appointed  a  meeting,  to  which  he  invited 
four  trusted  friends,  Sam.  Edwards,  Hark  Travis,  Henry  Porter, 
and  Nelson  Williams.  A  wild  and  desolate  glen  was  chosen  as 
the  place  of  meeting,  and  night  the  time  when  they  could  per 
fect  their  plans  without  being  molested  by  the  whites.  They 
brought  with  them  provisions,  and  ate  while  they  debated  among 
themselves  the  methods  by  which  to  carry  out  their  plan  of  blood 
and  death.  The  main  difficulty  that  confronted  them  was  how 
to  get  arms.  Nat.  remembered  that  a  spirit  had  instructed  him 
to  "  slay  my  enemies  with  their  own  weapons,"  so  they  decided 
to  follow  these  instructions.  After  they  had  decided  upon  a 
plan,  "  the  prophet  Nat."  arose,  and,  like  a  great  general,  made  a 
speech  to  his  small  but  brave  force.  "  Friends  and  brothers," 
said  he,  "  we  are  to  commence  a  great  work  to-night !  Our  race 
is  to  be  delivered  from  slavery,  and  God  has  appointed  us  as  the 


88      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA, 

men  to  do  his  bidding;  and  let  us  be  worthy  of  our  calling.  I 
am  told  to  slay  all  the  whites  we  encounter,  without  regard  to 
age  or  sex.  We  have  no  arms  or  ammunition,  but  we  will  find 
these  in  the  houses  of  our  oppressors ;  and,  as  we  go  on,  others 
can  join  us.  Remember,  we  do  not  go  forth  for  the  sake  of 
blood  and  carnage  ;  but  it  is  necessary  that,  in  the  commence 
ment  of  this  revolution,  all  the  whites  we  meet  should  die,  until 
we  have  an  army  strong  enough  to  carry  on  the  war  upon  a  Chris 
tian  basis.  Remember  that  ours  is  not  a  war  for  robbery,  nor  to 
satisfy  our  passions;  it  is  a  struggle  for  freedom.  Ours  must  be 
deeds,  not  words.  Then  let  's  away  to  the  scene  of  action  ! " 

The  blow  was  struck  on  the  night  of  the  2ist  of  August, 
1831,  in  Southampton  County,  near  Jerusalem  Court-House.  The 
latter  place  is  about  seventy  miles  from  Richmond.  Not  only 
Southampton  County  but  old  Virginia  reeled  under  the  blow  ad 
ministered  by  the  heavy  hand  of  Nat.  Turner.  On  their  way  to 
the  first  house  they  were  to  attack,  that  of  a  planter  by  the  name 
of  Joseph  Travis,  they  were  joined  by  a  slave  belonging  to  a 
neighboring  plantation.  We  can  find  only  one  name  for  him, 
"  Will."  He  was  the  slave  of  a  cruel  master,  who  had  sold  his 
wife  to  the  "  nigger  traders."  He  was  nearly  six  feet  in  height, 
well  developed,  and  the  most  powerful  and  athletic  man  in  the 
county.  He  was  marked  with  an  ugly  scar,  extending  from  his 
right  eye  to  the  extremity  of  the  chin.  He  hated  his  master, 
hated  slavery,  and  was  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  wreak  his  ven 
geance  upon  the  whites.  He  armed  himself  with  a  sharp  broad- 
axe,  under  whose  cruel  blade  many  a  white  man  fell.  Nat.'s 
speech  gives  us  a  very  clear  idea  of  the  scope  and  spirit  of  his 
plan.  We  quote  from  his  confession  at  the  time  of  the  trial,  and 
will  let  him  tell  the  story  of  this  terrible  insurrection. 

"  On  returning  to  the  house,  Hark  went  to  the  door  with  an  axe,  for 
the  purpose  of  breaking  it  open,  as  we  knew  we  were  strong  enough  to 
murder  the  family  should  they  be  awakened  by  the  noise  ;  but,  reflect 
ing  that  it  might  create  an  alarm  in  the  neighborhood,  we  determined  to 
enter  the  house  secretly,  and  murder  them  whilst  sleeping.  Hark  got  a 
ladder  and  set  it  against  the  chimney,  on  which  I  ascended,  and,  hoist 
ing  a  window,  entered  and  came  down  stairs,  unbarred  the  doors,  and 
removed  the  guns  from  their  places.  It  was  then  observed  that  I  must 
spill  the  first  blood,  on  which,  armed  with  a  hatchet  and  accompanied 
by  Will.,  I  entered  my  master's  chamber.  It  being  dark,  I  could  not 
give  a  death-blow.  The  hatchet  glanced  from  his  head  ;  he  sprang 


NEGRO  INSURRECTIONS.  89 

from  his  bed  and  called  his  wife.     It  was  his  last  word.    Will,  laid  him 
dead  with  a  blow  of  his  axe." 

After  they  had  taken  the  lives  of  this  family,  they  went  from 
plantation  to  plantation,  dealing  death-blows  to  every  white 
man,  woman,  or  child  they  found.  They  visited  vengeance  upon 
every  white  household  they  came  to.  The  excitement  spread 
rapidly,  and  the  whites  arose  and  armed  themselves  in  order  to 
repel  these  insurrectionists. 

"  The  first  news  concerning  the  affair  was  in  the  shape  of  a  letter 
from  Col.  Trezvant,  which  reached  Richmond  Tuesday  morning,  too 
late  for  the  columns  of  the  (Richmond)  "Enquirer,"  which  was  a  tri 
weekly.  The  letter  was  written  on  the  2ist  of  August,  and  lacked 
definiteness,  which  gave  rise  to  doubts  in  reference  to  the  'insurrection.' 
It  was  first  sent  to  Petersburgh,  and  was  then  immediately  dispatched  to 
the  Mayor  of  Richmond. 

"  Arms  and  ammunition  were  dispatched  in  wagons  to  the  county  of 
Southampton.  The  four  volunteer  companies  of  Petersburgh,  the 
dragoons  and  Lafayette  artillery  company  of  Richmond,  one  volunteer 
company  from  Norfolk  and  one  from  Portsmouth,  and  the  regiments  of 
Southampton  and  Sussex,  were  at  once  ordered  out.  -The  cavalry  and 
infantry  took  up  their  line  of  march  on  Tuesday  evening,  while  the  ar 
tillery  embarked  on  the  steamer  '  Norfolk,'  and  landed  at  Smithfield. 
.  .  .  A  member  of  the  Richmond  dragoons,  writing  from  Peters 
burgh,  under  date  of  the  23d,  after  careful  examination,  thought  that 
'  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  negroes  from  a  camp-meeting  about  the 
'Dismal  Swamp  had  murdered  about  sixty  persons,  none  of  them  families 
much  known.' " 1 

Will.,  the  revengeful  slave,  proved  himself  the  most  destruc 
tive  and  cruel  of  Nat.'s  followers.  A  hand  to  hand  battle  came. 
The  whites  were  well  armed,  and  by  the  force  of  their  superior 
numbers  overcame  the  army  of  the  "  Prophet,"' — five  men.  Will, 
would  not  surrender.  He  laid  three  white  men  dead  at  his  feet, 
when  he  fell  mortally  wounded.  His  last  words  were  :  "  Bury 
my  axe  with  me,"  believing  that  in  the  next  world  he  would  need 
it  for  a  similar  purpose.  Nat.  fought  with  great  valor  and  skill 
with  a  short  sword,  and  finding  it  useless  to  continue  the  struggle, 
escaped  with  some  of  his  followers  to  the  swamps,  where  he  de 
ified  the  vigilance  of  the  military  and  the  patient  watching  of  the 

1  Richmond  Enquirer,  August  26,  1831. 


90      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

citizens  for  more  than  two  months.  He  was  finally  compelled  to* 
surrender.  When  the  Court  asked  :  "  Guilty  or  not  guilty?  "  he 
pleaded  :  "Not  guilty."  He  was  sustained  during  his  trial  by  his 
unfaltering  faith  in  God.  Like  Joan  of  Arc,  he  "heard  the 
spirits,"  the  "voices,"  and  believed  that  God  had  "  sent  him  to 
free  His  people." 

In  the  impression  of  the  "  Enquirer  "  of  the  3oth  of  August,. 
1831,  the  first  editorial,  or  leader,  is  under  the  caption  of  THR 
BANDITTE.  The  editor  says  : 

"  They  remind  one  of  a  parcel  of  blood-thirsty  wolves  rushing  down 
from  the  Alps  ;  or,  rather  like  a  former  incursion  of  the  Indians  upon  the 
white  settlements.  Nothing  is  spared  :  neither  age  nor  sex  respected — 
the  helplessness  of  women  and  children  pleads  in  vain  for  mercy  .  .  .. 
The  case  of  Nat.  Turner  warns  us.  No  black-man  ought  to  be  per 
mitted  to  turn  a  Preacher  through  the  country.  The  law  must  be  en 
forced — or  the  tragedy  of  Southampton  appeals  to  us  in  vain."1 

A  remarkable  prophecy  was  made  by  Nat.  The  trial  was- 
hurried,  and,  like  a  handle  on  a  pitcher,  was  on  one  side  only. 
He  was  sentenced  to  die  on  the  gallows.  He  received  the  an 
nouncement  with  stoic  indifference,  and  was  executed  at  Jeru 
salem,  the  county  seat  of  Southampton,  in  April,  1831.  He 
died  like  a  man,  bravely,  calmly ;  looking  into  eternity,  made 
radiant  by  a  faith  that  had  never  faltered.  He  prophesied  that 
on  the  day  of  his  execution  the  sun  would  be  darkened,  and 
other  evidences  of  divine  disapprobation  would  be  seen.  The 
sheriff  was  much  impressed  by  Nat.'s  predictions,  and  conse 
quently  refused  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  the  hanging.  Na 
Colored  man  could  be  secured  to  cut  the  rope  that  held  the  trap.. 
An  old  white  man,  degraded  by  drink  and  other  vices,  was 
engaged  to  act  as  executioner,  and  was  brought  forty  miles. 
Whether  it  was  a  fulfilment  of  Nat.'s  prophecy  or  not,  the  sun 
was  hidden  behind  angry  clouds,  the  thunder  rolled,  the  light 
ning  flashed,  and  the  most  terrific  storm  visited  that  county  ever 
known.  All  this,  in  connection  with  Nat.'s  predictions,  made  a 
wonderful  impression  upon  the  minds  of  the  Colored  people,  and 
not  a  few  white  persons  were  frightened,  and  regretted  the  death, 
of  the  "  Prophet." 

The  results  of  this  uprising,  led  by  a  lone  man — he  was  alone,. 

1  Richmond  Enquirer,  August  26  and  30,  1831. 


NEGRO  INSURRECTIONS.  91- 

and  yet  he  was  not  alone, — are  apparent  when  we  consider  that 
fifty-seven  whites  and  seventy-three  Blacks  were  killed  and  many 
were  wounded. 

The  first  reliable  list  of  the  victims  of  the  "  tragedy  "  was 
written  on  the  24th  of  August,  1831. 

"  List  of  the  dead  that  have  been  buried  : — At  Mrs.  Whiteheads',  7  ;; 
Mrs.  Waller's,  13  ;  Mr.  Williams',  3  ;  Mr.  Barrows',  2  ;  Mr.  Vaughn's,  5  ;. 
Mrs.  Turner's,  3  ;  Mr.  Travis's,  5  ;  Mr.  J.  Williams^',  5  ;  Mr.  Reice's,  4  ; 
Names  unknown,  10  ;  Total,  57." 

Then  there  was  a  feeling  of  unrest  among  the  slaves  and  a 
fear  among  the  whites  throughout  the  State.  Even  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  trial  of  Nat.  were  suppressed  for  fear  of  evil  conse 
quences  among  the  slaves.  But  now  all  are  free,  and  the  ex- 
planters  will  not  gnash  their  teeth  at  this  revelation.  Nat. 
Turner's  insurrection,  like  all  other  insurrections  led  by  op 
pressed  people,  lacked  detail  and  method.  History  records  but 
one  successful  uprising — San  Domingo  has  the  honor.  Even 
France  failed  in  1789,  and  in  1848.  There  is  always  a  zeal  for 
freedom,  but  not  according  to  knowledge.  No  stone  marks  the 
resting-place  of  this  martyr  to  freedom,  this  great  religious, 
fanatic,  this  Black  John  Brown.  And  yet  he  has  a  prouder  and 
more  durable  monument  .than  was  ever  erected  of  stone  or  brass.. 
The  image  of  Nat.  Turner  is  carved  on  the  fleshy  tablets  of  four 
million  hearts.  His  history  has  been  kept  from  the  Colored  peo 
ple  at  the  South,  but  the  women  have  handed  the  tradition  to. 
their  children,  and  the  "  Prophet  Nat."  is  still  marching  on. 

Of  the  character  of  this  remarkable  man,  Mr.  Gray,  the  gentle 
man  to  whom  he  made  his  confession,  had  the  following  to  say  : — 

"  It  has  been  said  that  he  was  ignorant  and  cowardly,  and  that  his 
object  was  to  murder  and  rob,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  money  to> 
make  his  escape.  It  is  notorious  that  he  was  never  known  to  have  a 
dollar  in  his  life,  to  swear  an  oath,  or  drink  a  drop  of  spirits.  As  to 
his  ignorance,  he  certainly  never  had  the  advantages  of  education  ;. 
but  he  can  read  and  write,  and  for  natural  intelligence  and  quickness 
of  apprehension,  is  surpassed  by  few  men  I  have  ever  seen.  As  to  his 
being  a  coward,  his  reason,  as  given,  for  not  resisting  Mr.  Phipps, 
shows  the  decision  of  his  character.  When  he  saw  Mr.  Phipps  present 
his  gun,  he  said  he  knew  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  escape,  as  the 
woods  were  full  of  men  ;  he  therefore  thought  it  was  better  for  him 
to  surrender,  and  trust  to  fortune  for  his  escape. 


92      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

.  "  He  is  a  complete  fanatic,  or  plays  his  part  most  admirably.  On 
other  subjects  he  possesses  an  uncommon  share  of  intelligence,  with  a 
mind  capable  of  attaining  any  thing,  but  warped  and  perverted  by  the 
influence  of  early  impressions.  He  is  below  the  ordinary  stature, 
though  strong  and  active,  having  the  true  negro  face,  every  feature 
of  which  is  strongly  marked.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  describe  the  effect 
of  his  narrative,  as  told  and  commented  on  by  himself,  in  the  con 
demned  hole  of  the  prison  :  the  calm,  deliberate  composure  with  which 
he  spoke  of  his  late  deeds  and  intentions  ;  the  expression  of  his 
fiend-like  face,  when  excited  by  enthusiasm  ;  still  bearing  the  stains 
of  the  blood  of  helpless  innocence  about  him,  clothed  with  rags  and 
covered  with  chains,  yet  daring  to  raise  his  manacled  hands  to  Heaven, 
with  a  spirit  soaring  above  the  attributes  of  man.  I  looked  on  him, 
and  the  blood  curdled  in  my  veins." 

In  the  "Richmond  Enquirer,"  of  September  2,  1831,  appeared 
the  following:  "  It  is  reported  that  a  map  was  found,  and  said 
to  have  been  drawn  by  Nat.  Turner,  with  polk-berry  juice,  which 
was  a  description  of  the  county  of  Southampton." 

The  influence  of  this  bloody  insurrection  spread  beyond  the 
Old  Dominion,  and  for  years  afterward,  in  nearly  every  Southern 
State  the  whites  lived  in  a  state  of  dread.  To  every  dealer  in 
flesh  and  blood  the  "  Nat.  Turner  Insurrection  "  was  a  stroke  of 
poetic  justice. 


THE  "  AMISTAD"  CAPTIVES.  93 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   "  AMISTAD  "   CAPTIVES. 

THE  SPANISH  SLAVER  "AMISTAD"  SAILS  FROM  HAVANA,  CUBA,  FOR  PORTO  PRINCIPE.  —  FIFTY- 
FOUR  NATIVE  AFRICANS  ON  BOARD.  —  JOSEPH  CINQUEZ,  THE  SON  OF  AN  AFRICAN  PRINCE.— 
THE  "  AMISTAD"  CAPTURED  AND  TAKEN  INTO  NEW  LONDON,  CONN.  —  TRIAL  AND  RELEASE 
OF  THE  SLAVES.  —  TOUR  THROUGH  THE  UNITED  STATES.  —  RETURN  TO  THEIR  NATIVE  COUNTKY 
IN  COMPANY  WITH  MISSIONARIES.  —  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CAUSE  BENEFITED  BY  THEIR  STAY  IN 
THE  UNITED  STATES.  —  THEIR  APPRECIATION  OF  CHRISTIAN  CIVILIZATION. 


ON  the  28th  of  June,  1839,  the  "  Amistad,"  a  Spanish  slaver 
(schooner),  with  Captain  Ramon  Ferrer  in  command,  sailed 
from  Havana,  Cuba,  for  Porto  Principe,  a  place  in  the  island  of 
Cuba,  about  100  leagues  distant.  The  passengers  were  Don  Pedro 
Montes  and  Jose  Ruiz,  with  fifty-four  Africans  just  from  their  native 
country,  Lemboko,  as  slaves.  Among  the  slaves  was  one  man, 
called  in  Spanish,  Joseph  Cinquez,1  said  to  be  the  son  of  an  Afri 
can  prince.  He  was  possessed  of  wonderful  natural  abilities,  and 
was  endowed  with  all  the  elements  of  an  intelligent  and  intrepid 
leader.  The  treatment  these  captives  received  was  very  cruel. 
They  were  chained  down  between  the  decks  —  space  not  more 
than  four  feet  —  by  their  wrists  and  ankles  ;  forced  to  eat  rice, 
sick  or  well,  and  whipped  upon  the  slightest  provocation.  On 
the  fifth  night  out,  Cinquez  chose  a  few  trusty  companions  of  his 
misfortunes,  and  made  a  successful  attack  upon  the  officers  and 
crew.  The  captain  and  cook  struck  down,  two  sailors  put  ashore, 
the  Negroes  were  in  full  possession  of  the  vessel.  Montes  was 
•compelled,  under  pain  of  death,  to  navigate  the  vessel  to  Africa. 
He  steered  eastwardly  during  the  daytime,  but  at  night  put 
about  hoping  to  touch  the  American  shore.  Thus  the  vessel 
wandered  until  it  was  cited  off  of  the  coast  of  the  United  States 
-during  the  month  of  August.  It  was  described  as  a  "  long,  low, 
black  schooner."  Notice  was  sent  to  all  the  collectors  of  the 
ports  along  the  Atlantic  Coast,  and  a  steamer  and  several  revenue 

1  Sometimes  written  Cinque. 


94      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

cutters  were  dispatched  after  her.  Finally,  on  the  26th  of  Au 
gust,  1839,  Lieut.  Gedney,  U.  S.  Navy,  captured  the  "  Amistad," 
and  took  her  into  New  London,  Connecticut. 

The  two  Spaniards  and  a  Creole  cabin  boy  were  examined 
before  Judge  Andrew  T.  Judson,  of  the  United  States  Court, 
who,  without  examining  the  Negroes,  bound  them  over  to  be 
tried  as  pirates.  The  poor  Africans  were  cast  into  the  prison  at. 
New  London.  Public  curiosity  was  at  a  high  pitch  ;  and  for  a 
long  time  the  "  Amistad  captives"  occupied  a  large  place  in  pub 
lic  attention.  The  Africans  proved  to  be  natives  of  the  Mendi 
country,  and  quite  intelligent.  The  romantic  story  of  their  suf 
ferings  and  meanderings  was  given  to  the  country  through  a 
competent  interpreter;  and  many  Christian  hearts  turned  toward 
them  in  their  lonely  captivity  in  a  strange  land.  The  trial  was 
continued  several  months.  During  this  time  the  anti-slavery 
friends  provided  instruction  for  the  Africans.  Their  minds  were 
active  and  receptive.  They  soon  learned  to  read,  write,  and  do 
sums  in  arithmetic.  They  cultivated  a  garden  of  some  fifteen 
acres,  and  proved  themselves  an  intelligent  and  industrious 
people. 

The  final  decision  of  the  court  was  that  the  "  Amistad  cap 
tives  "  were  not  slaves,  but  freemen,  and,  as  such,  were  entitled  to 
their  liberty.  The  good  and  liberal  Lewis  Tappan  had  taken  a 
lively  interest  in  these  people  from  the  first,  and  now  that  they 
were  released  from  prison,  felt  that  they  should  be  sent  back  to 
their  native  shores  and  a  mission  started  amongst  their  country 
men.  Accordingly  he  took  charge  of  them  and  appeared  before 
the  public  in  a  number  of  cities  of  New  England.  An  admission 
fee  of  fifty  cents  was  required  at  the  door,  and  the  proceeds  were 
devoted  to  leasing  a  vessel  to  take  them  home.  Large  audiences 
greeted  them  everywhere,  and  the  impression  they  made  was  of 
the  highest  order.  Mr.  Tappan  would  state  the  desire  of  the 
people  to  return  to  their  native  land,  appeal  to  the  philanthropic 
to  aid  them,  and  then  call  upon  the  people  to  read  the  Script 
ures,  sing  songs  in  their  own  language,  and  then  in  the  English. 
Cinquez  would  then  deliver  an  account  of  their  capture,  the 
horrors  of  the  voyage,  how  he  succeeded  in  getting  his  mana 
cles  off,  how  he  aided  his  brethren  to  loose  their  fetters,  how  he 
invited  them  to  follow  him  in  an  attempt  to  gain  their  liberty,  the 
attack,  and  their  rescue,  etc.,  etc.  He  was  a  man  of  magnificent 
physique,  commanding  presence,  graceful  manners,  and  effective 


THE  "  AMISTAD"  CAPTIVES.  95 

oratory.     His  speeches  were  delivered  in  Mendi,  and  translated 
into  English  by  an  interpreter. 

"  It  is  impossible,"  wrote  Mr.  Tappan  from  Boston,  "to  describe  the 
novel  -and  deeply  interesting  manner  in  which  he  acquitted  himself. 
The  subject  of  his  speech  was  similar  to  that  of  his  countrymen  who 
had  spoken  in  English  ;  but  he  related  more  minutely  and  graphically  the 
occurrences  on  board  the  "Amistad."  The  easy  manner  of  Cinquez, 
his  natural,  graceful,  and  energetic  action,  the  rapidity  of  his  utterance, 
and  the  remaikable  and  various  expressions  of  his  countenance,  ex 
cited  admiration  and  applause.  He  was  pronounced  a  powerful  natural 
orator,  and  one  born  to  sway  the  minds  of  his  fellow-men.  Should  he 
be  converted  and  become  a  preacher  of  the  cross  in  Africa  what  de 
lightful  results  may  be  anticipated  !  " 

A  little  fellow  called  Kali,  only  eleven  years  of  age,  pleased 
the  audience- every  where  he  went  by  his  ability  not  only  to  spell 
any  word  in  the  Gospels,  but  sentences,  without  blundering.  For 
example,  he  would  spell  out  a  sentence  like  the  following  sen 
tence,  naming  each  letter  and  syllable,  and  recapitulating  as  he 
went  along,  until  he  pronounced  the  whole  sentence  :  "  Blessed  are 
the  meek,  for  they  shall  inherit  the  earth." 

Of  their  doings  in  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Joseph  Sturge  wrote: 

"  On  this  occasion,  a  very  crowded  and  miscellaneous  assembly  col 
lected  to  see  and  hear  the  Mendians,  although  the  admission  had  been 
fixed  as  high  as  half  a  dollar,  with  the  view  of  raising  a  fund  to  carry 
them  to  their  native  country.  Fifteen  of  them  were  present,  including 
one  little  boy  and  three  girls.  Cinque,  their  chief,  spoke  with  great 
fluency  in  his  native  language  ;  and  his  action  and  manner  were  very 
animated  and  graceful.  Not  much  of  his  speech  was  translated,  yet  he 
greatly  interested  his  audience.  The  little  boy  could  speak  our  lan 
guage  with  facility  ;  and  each  of  them  read,  without  hesitation,  one  or 
two  verses  in  the  New  Testament.  It  was  impossible  for  any  one  to  go 
.away  with  the  impression,  that  in  native  intellect  these  people  were  in 
ferior  to  the  whites.  The  information  which  I  privately  received  from 
their  tutor,  and  others  who  had  full  opportunities  of  appreciating  their 
capacities  and  attainments,  fully  confirmed  my  own  very  favorable  im 
pressions." 

But  all  the  while  their  sad  hearts  were  turning  toward  their 
home  and  the  dear  ones  so  far  away.  One  of  them  eloquently 
declared  :  "  If  Merica  men  offer  me  as  much  gold  as  fill  this  cap 


96     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

full  up,  and  give  me  houses,  land,  and  every  ting,  so  dat  I  stay 
in  this  country,  I  say:  'No!  no!  I  want  to  see  my  father,  my 
mother,  my  brother,  my  sister.'"  Nothing  could  have  been  more 
tender  and  expressive.  They  were  willing  to  endure  any  hard 
ships  short  of  life  that  they  might  once  more  see  their  own,  their 
native  land.  The  religious  instruction  they  had  enjoyed  made  a 
wonderful  impression  on  their  minds.  One  of  them  said  :  "  We 
owe  every  thing  to  God  ;  he  keeps  us  alive,  and  makes  us  free. 
When  we  go  to  home  to  Mendi  we  tell  our  brethren  about  God, 
Jesus  Christ,  and  heaven."  Another  one  was  asked  :  "  What 
is  faith  ?"  and  replied  :  "  Believing  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  trusting 
in  him."  Reverting  to  the  murder  of  the  captain  and  cook  of 
the  "  Amistad,"  one  of  the  Africans  said  that  if  it  were  to  be 
done  over  again  he  would  pray  for  rather  than  kill  them.  Cinquez, 
hearing  this,  smiled  and  shook  his  head.  When  asked  if  he 
would  not  pray  for  them,  said  :  "  Yes,  I  would  pray  for  'em,  an* 
kill  'em  too." 

These  captives  were  returned  to  their  native  country  in  the 
fall  of  1841,  accompanied  by  five  missionaries.  Their  objective 
point  was  Sierra  Leone,  from  which  place  the  British  Govern 
ment  assisted  them  to  their  homes.  Their  stay  in  the  United 
States  did  the  anti-slavery  cause  great  good.  Here  were  poor, 
naked,  savage  pagans,  unable  to  speak  English,  in  less  than  three 
years  able  to  speak  the  English  language  and  appreciate  the 
blessings  of  a  Christian  civilization. 


NOR  THERN  S  YMPA  TH  Y.  9? 


f  art  6, 

THE  PERIOD   OF  PREPARATION. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

NORTHERN   SYMPATHY  AND    SOUTHERN   SUBTERFUGES. 
1850-1860. 

VIOLENT  TREATMENT  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  ORATORS.  —  THE  SOUTH  MISINTERPRETS  THE  MOBOCRATIC 
SPIRIT  OF  THE  NORTH.  —  THE  "  GARRISONIANS"  AND  "CALHOUNITES." —  SLAVE  POPULATION 
OF  1830-1850. —  THE  THIRTY-FIRST  CONGRESS.  — MOTION  FOR  THE  ADMISSION  OF  NEW  MEXICO 
AND  CALIFORNIA. —  THE  DEMOCRATIC  AND  WHIG  PARTIES  ON  THE  TREATMENT  OF  THE  SLAVE 
QUESTION.  —  CONVENTION  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  AT  BALTIMORE,  MARYLAND.  —  NOMI 
NATION  OF  FRANKLIN  PIERCE  FOR  PRESIDENT.  —  WHIG  PARTY  CONVENTION.  —  NOMINATION 
OF  GEN.  WINFIELD  SCOTT  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY  BY  THE  WHIGS.  —  MR.  PIERCE  ELECTED 
PRESIDENT  IN  1853.  —  A  BILL  INTRODUCED  TO  REPEAL  THE  ll  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE."  — 
SPEECH  BY  STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLASS.  —  MR.  CHASE'S  REPLY. —  AN  ACT  TO  ORGANIZE  THE 
TERRITORIES  OF  KANSAS  AND  NEBRASKA.  — STATE  MHLITIA  IN  THE  SOUTH  MAKE  PREPARATIONS 
FOR  WAR.  —  PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN  IN  SYMPATHY  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 

r  I  ^HE  arguments  of  anti-slavery  orators  were  answered 
everywhere  throughout  the  free  States  by  rotten  eggs, 
clubs,  and  missiles.  The  public  journals,  as  a  rule,  were 
unfriendly  and  intolerant.  Even  Boston  could  contemplate, 
with  unruffled  composure,  a  mob  of  her  most  "  reputable  citizens  " 
dragging  Mr.  Garrison  through  the  streets  with  a  halter  about 
his  neck.  Public  meetings  were  broken  up  by  pro-slavery  mobs ; 
owners  of  public  halls  required  a  moneyed  guarantee  against  the 
destruction  of  their  property,  when  such  halls  were  used  for 
anti-slavery  meetings.  Colored  schools  were  broken  up,  the 
teachers  driven  away,  and  the  pupils  maltreated. 

The  mobocratic  demonstrations  in  the  Northern  States  were 
the  thermometer  of  public  feeling  upon  the  subject  of  slavery. 
The  South  was,  therefore,  emboldened  ;  for  the  political  leaders, 
in  that  section  thought  they  saw  a  light  from  the  distance  that 


98      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

encouraged  them  to  entertain  the  belief  and  indulge  the  hope 
that  their  present  sectional  institution  could  be  made  national. 
-Southerners  thought  slavery  would  grow  in  the  cold  climate  of 
the  North,  excited  into  a  lively  existence  by  the  warmth  of  a 
generous  sympathy.  But  the  South  misinterpreted  the  real 
motive  that  inspired  opposition  to  anti-slavery  agitation  in  the 
'North.  The  violent  opposition  came  from  the  mercantile  class 
and  foreign  element  who  believed  that  the  agitation  of  the  slav- 
•ery  question  was  a  practical  disturbance  of  their  business  affairs. 
The  next  class,  more  moderate  in  opposition  to  agitation,  be- 
•lieved  slavery  constitutional,  and,  therefore,  argued  that  anti- 
slavery  orators  were  traitors  to  the  government.  The  third 
class,  conservative,  did  not  take  sides,  because  of  the  unpopular 
ity  of  agitation  on  the  one  hand,  and  because  of  an  harassing 
conscience  on  the  other. 

There  were  two  classes  of  men  who  were  seeking  the  dissolu 
tion  of  the  Union.  The  Garrisonians  sought  this  end  in  the 
-hope  of  forming  another  Union  without  slavery. 

In  an  address  delivered  by  Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  July  20, 
1860,  at  the  Framingham  celebration,  he  declares: 

"  Our  object  is  the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  land  ;  and 
whether  in  the  prosecution  of  our  object  this  party  goes  up  or  the  other 
party  goes  down,  it  is  nothing  to  us.  We  cannot  alter  our  course  one 
hair's  breadth,  nor  accept  a  compromise  of  our  principles  for  the  hearty 
adoption  of  our  principles.  I  am  for  meddling  with  slavery  everywhere 
—  attacking  it  by  night  and  by  day,  in  season  and  out  of  season  (no, 
it  can  never  be  out  of  season) — in  order  to  effect  its  overthrow.  (Loud 
applause.)  Higher  yet  will  be  my  cry.  Upward  and  onward  !  No 
union  with  slave-holders  !  Down  with  this  slave-holding  government  ! 
Let  this  'covenant  with  death  and  agreement  with  hell'  be  annulled  ! 
Let  there  be  a  'free,  independent,  Northern  republic,  and  the  speedy  abo 
lition  of  slavery  will  inevitably  follow  !  (Loud  applause.)  So  I  am 
laboring  to  dissolve  this  blood-stained  Union  as  a  work  of  paramount 
importance.  Our  mission  is  to  regenerate  public  opinion." 

The  Calhounites  sought  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  in  order 
that  another  Union  might  be  formed  with  slavery  as  its  chief 
corner-stone.  Inspired  by  this  hope  and  misguided  by  the  appa 
rent  sympathy  of  the  North,  Southern  statesmen  began  prepara 
tions  to  dissolve  the  Union  of  the  United  States. 

During  these  years  of  agitation  and  discussion,  although  the 


NORTHERN  SYMPATHY.  99 

foreign  slave-trade  had  been  suppressed,  the  slave  population  in 
creased  at  a  wonderful  ratio. 

CENSUS  OF  1830. — SLAVE  POPULATION. 

District  of  Columbia           .         .         .         .         .  6,119 

Delaware 3,292 

Florida T5,501 

'Georgia 217,531 

Illinois       ........  747 

Kentucky        .......  165,213 

Louisiana 109,588 

Maryland        .         .         .         .         .         .         .  102,994 

Alabama     ........  117,549 

Mississippi 65,659 

Missouri 25,091 

New  Jersey             .         .         .        .         .         .  2,254 

North  Carolina           ......  245,601 

South  Carolina       ......  315,401 

Tennessee 141,603 

Virginia 469,757 

Arkansas    ........  4,576 


Aggregate        .         .       2,008,476 

Now,  this  was  the  year  the  agitation  movement  began.  In 
stead  of  the  slave  population  decreasing  during  the  first  decade 
of  anti-slavery  discussion  and  work,  it  really  increased  478,412  I1 

CENSUS   OF    1840. — SLAVE    POPULATION. 

Alabama 253,532 

Arkansas       .......  I9»935 

District  of  Columbia         .....  4,694 

Delaware 2,605 

Florida 25,717 

Georgia           .......  280,944 

Illinois       .         .                  .         .         .         .         .  331 

Kentucky 182,258 

Louisiana 168,452 

Maryland 89,737 

Mississippi          .......  195,211 

Missouri         .......  58,240 

New  Jersey         .......  674 

New  York       .......  4 

1  There  were  nearly  500  slaves  held  in  Northern  States  not  placed  in  this  census. 


100      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

CENSUS  OF  1840. — SLAVE  POPULATION. — (Continued?) 
Pennsylvania      .......  64 

North  Carolina       ......         245,817 

South  Carolina  .         .         .         .         .  327,038 

Tennessee       . 183,059 

Virginia 449,087 

Aggregate         .         .      2,487,399 

During  the  next  decade  the  slave  population  swept  forward 
to  an  increase  of  716,858.  The  entire  population  of  slaves  was 
3,204,313  ;  2,957,657  were  unmixed  Africans,  and  246,656  were 
Mulattoes.  The  free  Colored  population  amounted  to  434,495, 
of  whom  275,400  were  unmixed,  and  159,095  mixed  or  Mulatto. 
The  total  number  of  families  owning  slaves  in  1850  was  347,525. 

CENSUS    OF    1850. — -SLAVE    POPULATION. 

Alabama             .       '  .         .                  .         .         .  342,844 

Arkansas         .                            .         .                  .  47,100 

District  of  Columbia          .  *               .         .         .  3,687 

Delaware        .'.".'.         .         .         .  2,290 

Florida       .         .         .                  .                  .         .  39,310 

Georgia           .         .         .         .         .         .         .  381,682 

Kentucky            ...                  ...  210,981 

Louisiana 244,809 

Maryland            .         .         .         .         .         .         .  90,368 

Mississippi      .         .         .•        .         .         .         .  309,878 

Missouri     ........  87,422 

New  Jersey     .......  236 

North  Carolina           ......  288,548 

South  Carolina 384,984 

Tennessee          .        .        .                 .        .         .  239,459 

Texas 58,161 

Virginia     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  472,528 

Utah  Territory    - 26 

Total          .         .         .  3,204,313 

The  Thirty-first  Congress  was  three  weeks  attempting  an  or 
ganization,  and  at  last  effected  it  by  the  election  of  a  Southerner 
to  the  Speakership,  the  Hon.  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia.  Presi 
dent  Zachary  Taylor  had  called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the 
admission  of  California  and  New  Mexico  into  the  Union,  in  his 
message  to  that  body  upon  its  assembling.  On  the  4th  of  Janu 
ary,  1850,  Gen.  Sam.  Houston,  United  States  Senator  from 
Texas,  submitted  the  following  proposition  to  the  Senate  : 


NORTHERN  SYMPATHY.  101 

"WHEREAS,  The  Congress  of  the  United  States,  possessing  only  a 
delegated  authority,  has  no  power  over  the  subject  of  negro  slavery 
within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  either  to  prohibit  or  to  interfere 
with  it  in  the  States,  territories,  or  districts,  where,  by  municipal  law, 
it  now  exists,  or  to  establish  it  in  any  State  or  territory  where  it  does 
not  exist ;  but  as  an  assurance  and  guarantee  to  promote  harmony, 
quiet  apprehension,  and  remove  sectional  prejudice,  which  by  possi 
bility  might  impair  or  weaken  love  and  devotion  to  the  Union  in  any 
part  of  the  country,  it  is  hereby 

"  Resolved,  That,  as  the  people  in  territories  have  the  same  in 
herent  rights  of  self-government  as  the  people  in  the  States,  if,  in  the 
exercise  of  such  inherent  rights,  the  people  in  the  newly  acquired  ter 
ritories,  by  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  acquisition  of  California 
and  New  Mexico,  south  of  the  parallel  of  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty 
minutes  of  north  latitude,  extending  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  shall  .estab 
lish  negro  slavery  in  the  formation  of  their  State  governments,  it  shall 
be  deemed  no  objection  to  their  admission  as  a  State  or  States  into  the 
Union,  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

On  the  2Qth  of  January,  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  submitted 
to  the  United  States  Senate  the  following  propositions  looking 
toward  an  amicable  adjustment  of  the  entire  slavery  question  : 

"  i.  Resolved,  That  California,  with  suitable  boundaries,  ought, 
upon  her  application,  to  be  admitted  as  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union, 
without  the  imposition  by  Congress  of  any  restriction  in  respect  to  the 
exclusion  or  introduction  of  slavery  within  those  boundaries. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  as  slavery  does  not  exist  by  law,  and  is  not 
likely  to  be  introduced  into  any  of  the  territory  acquired  by  the  United 
States  from  the  republic  of  Mexico,  it  is  inexpedient  for  Congress  to 
provide  by  law  either  for  its  introduction  into,  or  exclusion  from,  any 
part  of  the  said  territory  ;  and  that  appropriate  territorial  governments 
ought  to  be  established  by  Congress  in  all  the  said  territory  not  as 
signed  as  within  the  boundaries  of  the  proposed  State  of  California,, 
without  the  adoption  of  any  restriction  or  condition  on  the  subject  of 
slavery. 

"  3.  Resolved,  That  the  western  boundary  of  the  State  of  Texas 
ought  to  be  fixed  on  the  Rio  del  Norte,  commencing  one  marine  league 
from  its  mouth,  and  running  up  that  river  to  the  southern  line  of  New 
Mexico,  thence  with  that  line  eastwardly,  and  so  continuing  in  the 
same  direction  to  the  line  as  established  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain,  excluding  any  portion  of  New  Mexico,  whether  lying  on  the  east, 
or  west  of  that  river. 


102     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  4.  Resolved,  That  it  be  proposed  to  the  State  of  Texas,  that  the 
United  States  will  provide  for  the  payment  of  all  that  portion  of  the 
legitimate  and  bona-fide  public  debt  of  that  State  contracted  prior  to 
its  annexation  to  the  United  States,  and  for  which  the  duties  on  foreign 
imports  were  pledged  by  the  said  State  to  its  creditors,  not  exceeding 

the  sum  of dollars,  in  consideration  of  the  said  duties  so  pledged 

having  been  no  longer  applicable  to  that  object  after  the  said  annex 
ation,  but  having  thenceforward  become  payable  to  the  United  States  ; 
and  upon  the  condition,  also,  that  the  said  State  of  Texas  shall,  by 
some  solemn  and  authentic  act  of  her  Legislature,  or  of  a  convention, 
relinquish  to  the  United  States  any  claim  which  she  has  to  any  part  of 
New  Mexico. 

"5.  Resolved,  That  it  is  inexpedient  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  whilst,  that  institution  continues  to  exist  in  the  State  of 
Maryland,  without  the  consent  of  that  State,  without  the  consent  of  the 
people  of  the  District,  and  without  just  compensation  to  the  owners  of 
slaves  within  the  District. 

"  6.  But  Resolved,  That  it  is  expedient  to  prohibit  within  the  Dis 
trict,  the  slave-trade  in  slaves  brought  into  it  from  States  or  places 
beyond  the  limits  of  the  District,  either  to  be  sold  therein  as  mer 
chandise,  or  to  be  transported  to  other  markets  without  the  District  of 
Columbia. 

"  7.  Resolved,  That  more  effectual  provision  ought  to  be  made  by 
law,  according  to  the  requirement  of  the  Constitution,  for  the  restitu 
tion  and  delivery  of  persons  bound  to  service  or  labor  in  any  State, 
who  may  escape  into  any  other  State  or  territory  in  the  Union.  And 

"  8.  Resolved,  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  prohibit  or  obstruct 
the  trade  in  slaves  between  the  slave-holding  States,  but  that  the  admis 
sion  or  exclusion  of  slaves  brought  from  one  into  another  of  them,  de 
pends  exclusively  upon  their  own  particular  laws." 

Senator  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  offered  a  series  of  resolutions  on 
the  same  question  on  the  28th  of  February,  containing  nine  re 
solves.  As  usual,  on  all  propositions  respecting  slavery,  the 
debate  was  protracted,  earnest,  and  able.  The  Clay  resolutions 
attracted  most  attention.  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  said: 

"  Sir,  we  are  called  upon  to  receive  this  as  a  measure  of  compro 
mise  !  As  a  measure  in  which  we  of  the  minority  are  to  receive  nothing. 
A  measure  of  compromise  !  I  look  upon  it  as  but  a  modest  mode  of 
taking  that,  the  claim  to  which  has  been  more  boldly  asserted  by  others  ; 
and,  that  I  may  be  understood  upon  this  question,  and  that  my  position 
may  go  forth  to  the  country  in  the  same  columns  that  convey  the  senti- 


NORTHERN  SYMPATHY.  103 

ments  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  I  here  assert,  that  never  will  I 
take  less  than  the  Missouri  compromise  line  extended  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  with  the  specific  recognition  of  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  the 
territory  below  that  line  ;  and  that,  before  such  territories  are  admitted 
into  the  Union  as  States,  slaves  may  be  taken  there  from  any  of  the 
United  States  at  the  option  of  the  owners.  I  can  never  consent  to  give 
additional  power  to  a  majority  to  commit  further  aggressions  upon  the 
minority  in  this  Union,  and  will  never  consent  to  any  proposition  which 
will  have  such  a  tendency,  without  a  full  guaranty  or  counteracting 
measure  is  connected  with  it." 

A  number  of  very  able  speeches  were  made  on  the  resolu 
tions  of  Mr.  Clay,  but  the  most  characteristic  one — the  one  most 
thoroughly  representing  the  sentiment  of  the  South — was  made 
by  John  C.  Calhoun.  He  said  : 

"  The  Union  was  in  danger.  The  cause  of  this  danger  was  the  dis 
content  at  the  South.  And  what  was  the  cause  of  this  discontent  ?  It 
was  found  in  the  belief  which  prevailed  among  them  that  they  could 
not,  consistently  with  honor  and  safety,  remain  in  the  Union.  And 
what  had  caused  this  belief  ?  One  of  the  causes  was  the  long-continued 
agitation  of  the  slave  question  at  the  North,  and  the  many  aggressions 
they  had  made  on  the  rights  of  the  South.  But  the  primary  cause  was 
in  the  fact,  that  the  equilibrium  between  the  two  sections  at  the  time 
of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  had  been  destroyed.  The  first  of 
the  series  of  acts  by  which  this  had  been  done,  was  the  ordinance  of 
1787,  by  which  the  South  had  been  excluded  from  all  the  northwestern 
region.  The  next  was  the  Missouri  compromise,  excluding  them  from 
all  the  Louisiana  territory  north  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes, 
except  the  State  of  Missouri, — in  all  1,238,025  square  miles,  leaving  to 
the  South  the  southern  portion  of  the  original  Louisiana  territory,  with 
Florida,  to  which  had  since  been  added  the  territory  acquired  with 
Texas, — making  in  all  but  609,023  miles.  And  now  the  North  was  en 
deavoring  to  appropriate  to  herself  the  territory  recently  acquired 
from  Mexico,  adding  526,078  miles  to  the  territory  from  which  the  South 
was,  if  possible,  to  be  excluded.  Another  cause  of  the  destruction  of 
this  equilibrium  was  our  system  of  revenue  (the  tariff),  the  duties  fall 
ing  mainly  upon  the  Southern  portion  of  the  LTnion,  as  being  the 
greatest  exporting  States,  while  more  than  a  due  proportion  of  the  reve 
nue  had  been  disbursed  at  the  North.  . 

"  But  while  these  measures  were  destroying  the  equilibrium  between 
the  two  sections,  the  action  of  the  government  was  leading  to  a  radical 
change  in  its  character.  It  was  maintained  that  the  government  it- 


-04     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

self  had  the  right  to  decide,  in  the  last  resort,  as  to  the  extent  of  its 
powers,  and  to  resort  to  force  to  maintain  the  power  it  claimed.  The 
doctrines  of  General  Jackson's  proclamation,  subsequently  asserted  and 
maintained  by  Mr.  Madison,  the  leading  framer  and  expounder  of  the 
Constitution,  were  the  doctrines  which,  if  carried  out,  would  change 
the  character  of  the  government  from  a  federal  republic,  as  it  came 
from  the  hands  of  its  framers,  into  a  great  national  consolidated  de 
mocracy." 

Mr.  Calhoun  also  spoke  of  the  anti-slavery  agitation,  whicli,  if  not 
arrested,  would  destroy  the  Union  ;  and  he  passed  a  censure  upon 
Congress  for  receiving  abolition  petitions.  Had  Congress  in  the 
beginning  adopted  the  course  which  he  had  advocated,  which  was  to 
refuse  to  take  jurisdiction,  by  the  united  voice  of  all  parties,  the  agita 
tion  would  have  been  prevented.  He  charged  the  North  with  false 
professions  of  devotion  to  the  Union,  and  with  having  violated  the 
Constitution.  Acts  had  been  passed  in  Northern  States  to  set  aside 
and  annul  the  clause  of  the  slavery  question,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of 
abolishing  slavery  in  the  States,  which  was  another  violation  of  the  Consti 
tution.  And  during  the  fifteen  years  of  this  agitation,  in  not  a  single 
instance  had  the  people  of  the  North  denounced  these  agitators.  How 
then  could  their  professions  of  devotion  to  the  Union  be  sincere  ? 

Mr.  Calhoun  disapproved  both  the  plan  of  Mr.  Clay  and  that  of 
President  Taylor,  as  incapable  of  saving  the  Union.  He  would  pass 
by  the  former  without  remark,  as  Mr.  Clay  had  been  replied  to  by 
several  Senators.  The  Executive  plan  could  not  save  the  Union,  be 
cause  it  could  not  satisfy  the  South  that  it  could  safely  or  honorably 
remain  in  the  Union.  It  was  a  modification  of  the  Wilmot  proviso, 
proposing  to  effect  the  same  object,  the  exclusion  of  the  South  from 
the  new  territory.  The  Executive  proviso  was  more  objectionable  than 
the  Wilmot.  Both  inflicted  a  dangerous  wound  upon  the  Constitution, 
by  depriving  the  Southern  States  of  equal  rights  as  joint  partners  in 
these  territories  ;  but  the  former  inflicted  others  equally  great.  It 
claimed  for  the  inhabitants  the  right  to  legislate  for  the  territories, 
which  belonged  to  Congress.  The  assumption  of  this  right  was  utterly 
unfounded,  unconstitutional,  and  without  example.  Under  this  as 
sumed  right,  the  people  of  California  had  formed  a  constitution  and  a 
State  government,  and  appointed  Senators  and  Representatives.  If 
the  people  as  adventurers  had  conquered  the  territory  and  established 
their  independence,  the  sovereignty  of  the  country  would  have  been 
vested  in  them.  In  that  case  they  would  have  had  the  right  to  form  a 
State  government,  and  afterward  they  might  have  applied  to  Congress 
for  admission  into  the  Union.  But  the  United  States  had  conquered 
nnd  acquired  California  ;  therefore,  to  them  belonged  the  sovereignty 


NORTHERN  SYMPATHY.  105 

and  the  powers  of  government  over  the  territory.  Michigan  was  the 
first  case  of  departure  from  the  uniform  rule  of  acting.  Hers,  however, 
was  a  slight  departure  from  established  usage.  The  ordinance  of  1787 
secured  to  her  the  right  of  becoming  a  State  when  she  should  have 
60,000  inhabitants.  Congress  delayed  taking  the  census.  The  people 
became  impatient  ;  and  after  her  population  had  increased  to  twice 
that  number,  they  formed  a  constitution  without  waiting  for  the  taking 
of  the  census  ;  and  Congress  waived  the  omission,  as  there  was  no 
doubt  of  the  requisite  number  of  inhabitants.  In  other  cases  there  had 
existed  territorial  governments. 

Having  shown  how  the  Union  could  not  be  saved,  he  then  pro 
ceeded  to  answer  the  question  how  it  could  be  saved.  There  was 
but  one  way  certain.  Justice  must  be  done  to  the  South,  by  a  full  and 
final  settlement  of  all  the  questions  at  issue.  The  North  must  con 
cede  to  the  South  an  equal  right  to  the  acquired  territory,  and  ful 
fil  the  stipulations  respecting  fugitive  slaves  ;  must  cease  to  agitate 
the  slave  question,  and  join  in  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  re 
storing  to  the  South  the  power  she  possessed  of  protecting  herself, 
before  the  equilibrium  between  the  two  sections  had  been  destroyed 
by  the  action  of  the  government. 

Here  was  a  clear  statement  of  the  position  and  feelings  of  the 
South  respecting  slavery.  The  ordinance  of  1787  and  the  Mis 
souri  compromise  of  1820  "  were  destroying  the  equilibrium  be 
tween  the  two  sections  !  "  And  the  anti-slavery  agitation,  "  if 
not  arrested,  would  destroy  the  Union  !"  The  sophistry  of  Cal- 
houn  sought  a  reasonable  excuse  for  the  South  to  dissolve  the 
Union.  In  a  speech  of  his,  written  during  a  spell  of  sickness,  and 
read  by  Mr.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  he  referred  to  Washington  as 
"  the  illustrious  Southerner."  When  it  was  read  in  the  Senate 
Mr.  Cass  said  : 

"  Our  Washington — the  Washington  of  our  whole  country — receives 
in  this  Senate  the  epithet  of  '  Southerner,'  as  if  that  great  man, 
whose  distinguished  characteristic  was  his  attachment  to  his  country, 
and  his  whole  country,  who  was  so  well  known,  and  who,  more  than 
any  one,  deprecated  all  sectional  feeling  and  all  sectional  action, 
loved  Georgia  better  than  he  loved  New  Hampshire,  because  he  hap 
pened  to  be  born  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Potomac.  I  repeat, 
sir,  that  I  heard  with  great  pain  that  expression  from  the  distin 
guished  Senator  from  South  Carolina." 

There  was  certainly  no  ground  for  reasonable  complaint  on 
the  part  of  the  South.  From  the  convention  that  framed  the 


106     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Federal  Constitution,  through  all  Congressional  struggle,  and  in 
national  politics  as  well,  the  South  had  secured  nearly  all  meas 
ures  asked  for.  And  the  discussion  in  Congress  at  this  time  was 
intended  to  divert  attention  from  the  real  object  of  the  South. 
Another  fugitive-slave  law  was  demanded  by  the  South,  and 
the  Northern  members  voted  them  the  right  to  hunt  slaves 
upon  free  soil.  The  law  passed,  and  was  approved  on  the  i8th 
of  September,  1850. 

It  was  difficult  to  choose  between  the  Democratic  and  Whig 
parties  by  reading  the  planks  in  their  platforms  referring  to  the 
subject  of  slavery.  On  the  1st  of  June,  1852,  the  Democratic 
Convention,  at  Baltimore,  Maryland,  nominated  Franklin  Pierce, 
of  New  Hampshire,  for  the  Presidency,  on  the  forty-ninth  bal 
lot.  This  plank  defined  the  position  of  that  party  on  the  question 
of  slavery. 

"  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  inter 
fere  with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  States, 
and  that  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  every  thing 
appertaining  to  their  own  affairs,  not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution  ; 
that  all  efforts  of  the  abolitionists,  or  others,  made  to  induce  Con 
gress  to  interfere  with  questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps 
in  relation  thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dan 
gerous  consequences  ;  and  that  all  such  efforts  have  an  inevitable  ten 
dency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  endanger  the  stabil 
ity  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to  be  countenanced 
by  any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

"  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  was  intended  to  embrace, 
the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress  ;  and  therefore  the 
Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national  platform,  will 
abide  by  and  adhere  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts  known  as  the 
c(  mpr  >mise  measures  settled  by  the  last  Congress — the  act  for  reclaim 
ing  fugitives  from  service  or  labor  included  ;  which  act  being  designed  to 
carry  out  an  express  provision  of  the  Constitution,  can  not  with  fidelity 
thereto  be  repealed, nor  so  changed  as  to  destroyer  impair  its  efficiency. 

"  That  the  Democratic  party  will,  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing,  in 
Congress  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  under  what 
ever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be  made." 

The  Whig  party,  at  the  same  city,  in  convention  assembled,, 
on  the  i6th  of  June,  1852,  nominated  Gen.  Winfield  Scott,  for 
the  Presidency,  on  the  fifty-third  ballot.  The  Whig  party  de 
clared  its  position  on  the  slavery  question  as  follows : 


NORTHERN  SYMPATHY.  107 

"  That  the  series  of  acts  of  the  Thirty-first  Congress — the  act  known 
as  the  fugitive-slave  law  included — are  received  and  acquiesced  in  by 
the  Whig  party  of  the  United  States,  as  a  settlement  in  principle  and 
substance  of  the  dangerous  and  exciting  question  which  they  embrace ; 
and  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  we  will  maintain  them  and  insist  on 
their  strict  enforcement,  until  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate 
the  necessity  of  further  legislation,  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  the 
laws  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  abuse  of  their  powers  on  the  other,  not 
impairing  their  present  efficiency  ;  and  we  deprecate  all  agitation  of  the 
question  thus  settled,  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  ;  and  will  discounte 
nance  all  efforts  to  continue  or  renew  such  agitation  whenever,  wher 
ever,  or  however  the  attempt  may  be  made  ;  and  we  will  maintain  this, 
system  as  essential  to  the  nationality  of  the  Whig  party  of  the  Union." 

The  political  contest  ended  in  the  autumn  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Pierce.  The  public  journals  in  many  parts  of  the  country  thought 
the  end  of  the  "  slavery  question  "  had  come,  and  that  as  the 
Whigs  were  determined  to  "  discountenance  all  efforts  to  con 
tinue  or  renew  "  the  agitation  of  the  subject,  there  was  no  fear 
of  sectional  strife. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  March  4,  1853,  President  Pierce  said:: 

"  I  believe  that  involuntary  servitude  is  recognized  by  the  Constitu 
tion.  I  believe  that  the  States  where  it  exists  are  entitled  to  efficient 
remedies  to  enforce  the  constitutional  provisions.  I  hold  that  the 
compromise  measures  of  1850  are  strictly  constitutional,  and  to  be  un 
hesitatingly  carried  into  effect.  And  now,  I  fervently  hope  that  the 
question  is  at  rest,"  etc. 

In  the  month  of  December,  upon  the  assembling  of  Congress, 
the  President,  in  his  message  to  that  body,  again  referred  to 
slavery  as  "  a  subject  which  had  been  set  at  rest  by  the  deliber- 
ate  judgment  of  the  people."  But  on  the  i$th  of  December^ 
nine  days  after  the  message  of  the  President  had  been  received 
by  Congress,  Mr.  Dodge,  of  Iowa,  submitted  to  the  Senate  a  bill 
to  organize  the  territory  of  Nebraska,  which  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Territories.  After  some  discussion  in  the  commit- 
.tee,  it  was  finally  reported  back  to  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Douglass,  of 
Illinois,  with  amendments.  The  report  was  elaborate,  and  raised 
considerable  doubt  as  to  whether  the  amendments  did  not  repeal 
the  Missouri  compromise.  A  special  report  was  made  on  the 
4th  of  January,  1854,50  amending  the  bill  as  to  remove  all  doubt; 
and,  contemplating  the  opening  of  all  the  vast  territory  secured 


108      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

forever  to  freedom,  startled  the  nation  from  the  "  repose  "  it  had 
apparently  taken  from  agitation  on  the  slavery  question,  and 
opened  an  interminable  controversy. 

On  the  i6th  of  January,  Mr.  Dixon,  of  Kentucky,  gave  notice 
that  he  would  introduce  a  bill  clearly  repealing  the  Missouri 
compromise.  The  first  champion  of  the  repeal  of  the  compro 
mise  of  1820  was  a  Northern  Senator,  Stephen  A.  Douglass,  of 
Illinois.  He  hung  a  massive  argument — excelling  rather  in  quan 
tity  than  in  quality— upon  the  following  propositions: 

"  From  these  provisions,  it  is  apparent  that  the  compromise  measures 
of  1850  affirm,  and  rest  upon,  the  following  propositions  : 

"First. — That  all  questions  pertaining  to  slavery  in  the  territories, 
and  the  new  States  to  be  formed  therefrom,  are  to  be  left  to  the  de 
cision  of  the  people  residing  therein,  by  their  appropriate  representa 
tives,  to  be  chosen  by  them  for  that  purpose. 

^Second. — That  'all  cases  involving  title  to  slaves,'  and  'questions 
of  personal  freedom/  are  to  be  referred  to  the  adjudication  of  the  local 
tribunals,  with  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States. 

"  Third. — That  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  in  respect  to  fugitives  from  service,  is  to  be  carried  into  faithful 
execution  in  all  '  the  original  territories,'  the  same  as  in  the  States. 

"  The  substitute  for  the  bill  which  your  committee  have  prepared, 
and  which  is  commended  to  the  favorable  action  of  the  Senate,  pro 
poses  to  carry  these  propositions  and  principles  into  practical  opera 
tion,  in  the  precise  language  of  the  compromise  measures  of  1850." 

Mr.  Douglass  said  : 

"  The  legal  effect  of  this  bill,  if  passed,  was  neither  to  legislate 
slavery  into  nor  out  of  these  territories,  but  to  leave  the  people  to  do 
as  they  pleased.  And  why  should  any  man,  North  or  South,  object  to 
this  principle  ?  It  was  by  the  operation  of  this  principle,  and  not  by 
any  dictation  from  the  Federal  government,  that  slavery  had  been  abol 
ished  in  half  of  the  twelve  States  in  which  it  existed  at  the  time  of  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution." 

On  the  3d  of  February,  Mr.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  moved  to  amend 
by  striking  out  the  words,  "  was  superseded  by  the  principles  of 
the  legislation  of  1850,  commonly  called  the  compromise  meas 
ures,  and,"  so  that  the  clause  would  read  :  "  That  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  all  laws  of  the  United  States  which  are  not  locally  in- 


NORTHERN  SYMPATHY.  109 

applicable,  shall  have  the  same  force  and  effect  within  the  said 
territory  of  Nebraska  as  elsewhere  within  the  United  States,  ex 
cept  the  eighth  section  of  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admission 
of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  approved  March  6,  1820,  which  is 
hereby  declared  inoperative." 

Mr.  Chase  then  proceeded  to  reply  to  Mr.  Douglass.  He 
called  attention  to  that  part  of  the  President's  message  which 
referred  to  the  " repose"  of  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  then  said: 

"  The  agreement  of  the  two  old  political  parties,  thus  referred  to  by 
the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  country,  was  complete,  and  a  large  majority 
of  the  American  people  seemed  to  acquiesce  in  the  legislation  of  which 
he  spoke.  A  few  of  us,  indeed,  doubted  the  accuracy  of  these  state 
ments,  and  the  permanency  of  this  repose.  We  never  believed  that  the 
acts  of  1850  would  prove  to  be  a  permanent  adjustment  of  the  slavery 
question.  But,  sir,  we  only  represented  a  small,  though  vigorous  and 
growing  party  in  the  country.  Our  number  was  small  in  Congress.  By 
some  we  were  regarded  as  visionaries,  by  some  as  factionists;  while  almost 
all  agreed  in  pronouncing  us  mistaken.  And  so,  sir,  the  country  was  at 
peace.  As  the  eye  swept  the  entire  circumference  of  the  horizon  and 
upward  to  mid-heaven,  not  a  cloud  appeared  ;  to  common  observation 
there  was  no  mist  or  stain  upon  the  clearness  of  the  sky.  But  suddenly 
all  is  changed  ;  rattling  thunder  breaks  from  the  cloudless  firmament. 
The  storm  bursts  forth  in  fury.  And  now  we  find  ourselves  in  the 
midst  of  an  agitation,  the  end  and  issue  of  which  no  man  can  foresee. 

"  Now,  sir,  who  is  responsible  for  this  renewal  of  strife  and  contro 
versy  ?  Not  we,  for  we  have  introduced  no  question  of  territorial 
slavery  into  Congress ;  not  we,  who  are  denounced  as  agitators  and 
factionists.  No,  sir  ;  the  quietists  and  the  finalists  have  become  agita 
tors  ;  they  who  told  us  that  all  agitation  was  quieted,  and  that  the 
resolutions  of  the  political  conventions  put  a  final  period  to  the 
discussion  of  slavery.  This  will  not  escape  the  observation  of  the 
country.  It  is  slavery  that  renews  the  strife.  It  is  slavery  that  again 
wants  room.  It  is  slavery  with  its  insatiate  demand  for  more  slave  terri 
tory  and  more  slave  States.  And  what  does  slavery  ask  for  now  ? 
Why,  sir,  it  demands  that  a  time-honored  and  sacred  compact  shall  be 
rescinded — a  compact  which  has  endured  through  a  whole  generation 
— a  compact  which  has  been  universally  regarded  as  inviolable,  North 
and  South — a  compact,  the  constitutionality  of  which  few  have  doubted, 
and  by  which  all  have  consented  to  abide." 

But  notwithstanding  the  able  and  eloquent  speech  of  Mr. 
Chase,  his  amendment  only  received  thirteen  votes.  The  debate 


1 10     HISTOR  Y  OF  THE-  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

went  on  until  the  3<d  of  March,  when  the  bill  was  placed  upon 
its  passage,  and  even  then  the  discussion  went  on.  When  the 
vote  was  finally  taken,  the  bill  passed  by  a  vote  of  37  yeas  to  14 
nays.  The  bill  went  to  the  House,  where  it  was  made  a  substi 
tute  to  a  bill  already  introduced,  and  passed  by  a  vote  of  113  yeas 
to  100  nays  as  follows : 

"  Representatives  from  free  States  in  favor  of  the  bill,  44. 
"  Representatives  from  slave  States  in  favor  of  the  bill,  69. 

—113- 

"  Representatives  from  free  States  against  the  bill,  91. 

"  Representatives  from  slave  States  against  the  bill,    9. 

—100." 

And  thus,  approved  by  the  President,  the  measure  became  a 
law  under  the  title  of  "An  Act  to  Organize  the  Territories  of 
Kansas  and  Nebraska" 

Congress  had  violated  the  sublimest  principles  of  law,  had 
broken  faith  with  the  people ;  had  opened  a  wide  door  to  slavery; 
had  blotted  from  the  map  of  the  United  States  the  last  asylum 
where  the  oppressed  might  seek  protection  ;  had  put  the  country 
in  a  way  to  be  reddened  with  a  fratricidal  war,  and  made  our 
flag  a  flaunting  lie  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world.  There  was 
nothing  to  be  done  now  but  to  let  the  leaven  of  sectional  malice 
work,  that  had  been  hurled  into  the  slavery  discussions  in  Con 
gress.  The  bloodless  war  of  words  was  now  transferred  to  the 
territory  of  Kansas,  where  a  conflict  of  political  parties,  election 
frauds,  and  assassination  did  their  hateful  work. 

The  South  began  to  put  her  State  militia  upon  a  war  footing, 
and  to  make  every  preparation  for  battle.  The  Administration 
of  President  Buchanan  was  in  the  interest  of  the  South  from 
beginning  to  end.  He  refused  to  give  Gov.  John  W.  Geary,  of 
Kansas,  the  military  support  the  "  border  ruffians  "  made  neces 
sary  ;  allowed  the  public  debt  to  increase,  our  precious  coin  to 
go  abroad,  our  treasury  to  become  depleted,  our  navy  to  go  to 
the  distant  ports  of  China  and  Japan,  our  army  to  our  extremest 
frontiers,  the  music  of  our  industries  to  cease  ;  and  the  faith  of 
a  loyal  people  in  the  perpetuity  of  the  republic  was  allowed  to 
faint  amid  the  din  of  mobs  and  the  threats  of  secession. 


THE  "BLACK  LAWS"  OF  "BORDER  STATES."     Ill 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   "  BLACK   LAWS  '" 

STRINGENT  LAWS  ENACTED  AGAINST  FREE  NEGROES  AND  MULATTOES.  —  FUGITIVE-SLAVE  LAW 
RESPECTED  IN  OHIO.  —  A  LAW  TO  PREVENT  KIDNAPPING.  —  THE  FlRST  CONSTITUTION  OF 
OHIO.  —  HISTORY  OF  THE  DRED  SCOTT  CASE. — JUDGE  TANEY'S  OPINION  IN  THIS  CASE. — OHIO 
CONSTITUTION  OF  1851  DENIED  FREE  NEGROES  THE  RIGHT  TO  VOTE.  —  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF 
COLORED  SCHOOLS.  —  LAW  IN  INDIANA  TERRITORY  IN  REFERENCE  TO  EXECUTIONS.  —  AN  ACT 
FOR  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  AND  MULATTOES  INTO  THE  TERRITORY.  —  FIRST  CONSTI 
TUTION  OF  INDIANA. — THE  ILLINOIS  CONSTITUTION  OF  1818.  —  CRIMINAL  CODE  ENACTED. —  ILLI 
NOIS  LEGISLATURE  PASSES  AN  ACT  TO  PREVENT  THE  EMIGRATION  OF  FREE  NEGROES  INTO  THE 
STATE.  —  FREE  NEGROES  OF  THE  NORTHERN  STATES  ENDURE  RESTRICTION  AND  PROSCRIPTION. 

A  LTHOUGH  slavery  was  excluded  from  all  the  new  States 
y~^  northwest  of  the  Ohio  River,  the  free  Negro  was  but 
little  better  off  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois  than  in  any  of 
the  Southern  States.  From  the  earliest  moment  of  the  organic 
existence  of  the  border  free  States,  severe  laws  were  enacted 
against  free  Negroes  and  Mulattoes.  At  the  second  session  of 
the  first  Legislature  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  "  An  Act  to  Regulate 
Black  and  Mulatto  Persons  "  1  was  passed. 

Sec.  i.  That  no  black  or  mulatto  person  shall  be  permitted  to 
settle  or  reside  in  this  State  "  without  a  certificate  of  his  or  her  actual 
freedom." 

2.  Resident  blacks  and  mulattoes  to  have  their  names  recorded,  etc. 
(Amended  in  1834,  Jan.  5  i,  Curwen,  126.)  Proviso,  "That  nothing  in 
this  act  contained  shall  bar  the  lawful  claim  to  any  black  or  mulatto 
person." 

3.  Residents  prohibited  from  hiring  black  or  mulatto  persons  not 
having  a  certificate. 

4.  Forbids,  under   penalty,   to  "  harbor  or  secrete   any   black  or 
mulatto  person  the  property  of  any  person  whatever,"  or  to  "  hinder  or 
prevent  the  lawful  owner  or  owners  from  re-taking,"  etc. 

5.  Black  or  mulatto  persons  coming  to  reside  in  the  State  with  a 
legal  certificate,  to  record  the  same. 

1  i,  Chase,  p.  393,  sects.  1-7. 


112     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

6.  "  That    in  case  any  person  •  or    persons,  his  or  their  agent  or 
agents,  claiming  any  black  or  mulatto  person  or  persons  that  now  are  or 
hereafter  may  be  in  this  State,  may  apply,  upon  making  satisfactory  proof 
that  such  black  or  mulatto  person  or  persons  are  the  property  of  him  or 
her  who  applies,  to  any  associate  judge  or  justice  of  the  peace  within  the 
State,  the  associate  judge  or  justice  is  hereby  empowered  and  required, 
by  his  precept,  to  direct  the  sheriff  or  constable  to   arrest  such  black 
or  mulatto  person  or  persons,  and  deliver  the  same,  in  the  county  or 
township  where  such  officers  shall  reside,  to  the  claimant  or  claimants, 
or  his  or  their  agent  or  agents,  for  which  service  the  sheriff  or  con 
stable  shall  receive  such  compensation  as  he   is  entitled  to   receive  in 
other  cases  for  similar  services." 

7.  "  That  any  person  or  persons  who  shall  attempt  to  remove  or  shall 
remove  from  this  State,  or  who  shall  aid   and   assist  in  removing,  con 
trary  to  the  provisions  of  this   act,  any  black  or  mulatto  person  or  per 
sons,  without  first  proving,  as  herein  before  directed,  that  he,  she,  or 
they  is  or  are  legally  entitled  so  to  do,  shall,  on  conviction   thereof  be 
fore  any  court  having  cognizance  of  the  same,  forfeit   and  pay  the  sum 
of  one  thousand  dollars,  one  half  to  the  use  of  the  informer  and  the 
other  half  to  the  use  of  the  State,  to  be  recovered  by  the  action  of  debt 
quitam  or  indictment,  and  shall   moreover  be   liable  to  the  action  of 
the  party  injured  " 

So  here  upon  free  soil,  under  a  State  government  that  did 
not  recognize  slavery  in  its  constitution,  the  Negro  was  compelled 
to  produce  a  certificate  of  freedom.  Thus  the  fugitive-slave  law 
was  recognized,  but  at  the  same  time  an  unlawful  removal  of 
free  Negroes  from  the  State  was  forbidden. 

At  the  session  of  1806-7,  "  An  Act  to  Amend  the  Act  Entitled 
'  an  Act  Regulating  Black  and  Mulatto  Persons,'  "  was  passed 
amending  the  old  law.  The  first  act  simply  required  "  a  certificate 
of  freedom  "  ;  the  amended  law  required  Negroes  and  Mulattoes 
intending  to  settle  in  Ohio  to  give  a  bond  not  to  become  a  charge 
upon  the  county  in  which  they  settled.  Section  four  reads  as 
follows : 

"  4.  That  no  black  or  mulatto  person  or  persons  shall  hereafter  be 
permitted  to  be  sworn  or  give  evidence  in  any  court  of  record  or  else 
where  in  this  State,  in  any  cause  depending  or  matter  of  controversy 
where  either  party  to  the  sale  is  a  white  person,  or  in  any  prosecution 
which  shall  be  instituted  in  behalf  of  this  State,  against  any  white 
person."1 

1  i,  Chase,  p.  555. 


THE  "BLACK  LAWS"  OF  "BORDER  STATES."       113 

But  this  law  did  not  apply  to  persons  a  shade  nearer  white 
than  Mulatto  [the  seven-eighths  law].1  Their  testimony  was  ad 
missible,  while  that  of  Negroes  and  Mulattoes  was  not  admitted 
against  them.  In  Jordan  vs.  Smith  [1846],  14,  Ohio,  p.  199 : 
"  A  black  person  sued  by  a  white,  may  make  affidavit  to  a  plea 
so  as  to  put  the  plaintiff  to  proof." 

Attention  has  been  called  to  the  fact  that  the  fugitive-slave 
law  was  respected  in  Ohio.  In  1818-19,  a  law  was  passed  to 
prevent  the  unlawful  kidnapping  of  free  Negroes,  which,  in  its 
preamble,  recites  the  provisions  of  the  law  of  Congress,  passed 
February  12,  1793,  respecting  fugitives  from  service  and  labor.2 
And  in  1839  tne  Legislature  passed  anpther  act  relating  to 
"  fugitives  from  labor,"  etc.,  paving  the  way  by  the  following 
recital : 

"  WHEREAS,  The  second  section  of  the  fourth  article  of  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  declares  that '  no  person'  [etc.,  reciting  it]  ; 
and  whereas  the  laws  now  in  force  within  the  State  of  Ohio  are  wholly 
inadequate  to  the  protection  pledged  by  this  provision  of  the  Constitu 
tion  to  the  Southern  States  of  this  Union  ;  and  whereas  it  is  the  duty 
of  those  who  reap  the  largest  measure  of  benefits  conferred  by  the  Con 
stitution  to  recognize  to  their  full  extent  the  obligations  which  that  in 
strument  imposes  ;  and  whereas  it  is  the  deliberate  conviction  of  this 
General  Assembly  that  the  Constitution  can  only  be  sustained  as  it  was-. 
framed  by  a  spirit  of  just  compromise  ;  therefore." 

Sec.  i.  Authorizes  judges  of  courts  of  record,  "  or  any  justice  of 
the  peace,  or  the  mayor  of  any  city  or  town  corporate,"  on  application, 
etc.,  of  claimant,  to  bring  the  fugitive  before  a  judge  within  the  county 
where  the  warrant  was  issued,  or  before  some  State  judge  with  certain 
cautions  as  to  proving  the  official  character  of  the  officer  issuing  the 
warrrant  ;  gives  tne  lorm  of  warrant,  directing  the  fugitive  to  be 
brought  before,  etc.,  "  to  be  be  dealt  with  as  the  law  directs/'  * 

J.  Peck,  Esq.  [9,  Ohio,  p.  212],  refers  to  the  laws  of  1818-19, 
and  1830-31,  as  a  recognition  by  the  State  of  Ohio  of  the  power 
of  Congress  to  pass  the  act  of  1793,  though  that  the  act  was  not 
specially  mentioned. 

The  first  constitution  of  Ohio  [1802]  restricted  the  right  of 
suffrage  to  "  all  white  male  inhabitants."  "  In  all  elections,  all 
white  male  inhabitants  above  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  hav- 

1  Jeffries  vs.  Ankeny,  n,  Ohio,  p.  375.  32,  Chase  L.,  p.  1052. 

3  Curwen,  p.  533. 


114     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

ing  resided  in  the  State  one  year  next  preceding  the  election,  and 
who  have  paid  or  are  charged  with  a  State  or  county  tax,  shall 
•enjoy  the  right  of  an  elector,"  etc. l  This  was  repeated  in  the 
Bill  of  Rights  adopted  in  1851." 

Article  iv.,  Section  2,  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  says :  "  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to 
-all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States." 
The  question  as  to  whether  free  Negroes  were  included  in  the 
above  was  discussed  at  great  length  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  where 
Chief-Justice  Taney  took  the  ground  that  a  Negro  was  not  a 
citizen  under  the  fourth  article  of  the  Constitution.  But  the 
fourth  article  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  [1778]  recognized 
free  Negroes  as  citizens.  It  is  given  here  : 

"  ART.  4. — The  better  to  secure  and  perpetuate  mutual  friendship 
and  intercourse  among  the  people  of  the  different  States  in  this  Union, 
the  free  inhabitants  of  each  of  these  States — paupers,  vagabonds,  and 
fugitives  from  justice  excepted — shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and 
immunities  of  free  citizens  in  the  several  States  ;  and  the  people  of  each 
State  shall  have  free  ingress  and  regress  to  and  from  any  other  State, 
and  shall  enjoy  therein  all  the  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce,  sub 
ject  to  the  same  duties,  impositions,  and  restrictions  as  the  inhabitants 
thereof,  respectively  ;  provided  that  such  restrictions  shall  not  extend 
so  far  as  to  prevent  the  removal  of  property  imported  into  any  State, 
from  any  other  State,  of  which  the  owner  is  an  inhabitant  ;  provided, 
also,  that  no  imposition,  duty,  or  restriction  shall  be  laid  by  any  State 
on  the  property  of  the  United  States,  or  either  of  them."3 

By  this  it  is  evident  that  "  paupers,  vagabonds,  and  fugitives 
from  justice"  were  the  only  persons  excluded  from  the  right  of 
citizenship.  The  following  is  the  history  of  the  Dred  Scott  case: 

"  In  the  year  1834,  the  plaintiff  was  a  negro  slave  belonging  to  Dr. 
Emerson,  who  was  a  surgeon  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  In  that 
year,  1834,  said  Dr.  Emerson  took  the  plaintiff  from  the  State  of  Mis 
souri  to  the  military  post  at  Rock  Island,  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  and 
held  him  there  as  a  slave  until  the  month  of  April  or  May,  1836.  At 
the  time  last  mentioned,  said  Dr.  Emerson  removed  the  plaintiff  from 
said  military  post  at  Rock  Island  to  the  military  post  at  Fort  Snelling, 
situate  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  River,  in  the  territory 
known  as  Upper  Louisiana,  acquired  by  the  United  States  of  France, 

1Revised  Statutes  of  Ohio,  vol.  i.  p.  60.  a  Ibid.,  p.  in. 

8  Elliot's  Debates,  vol.  i.  p.  79 


THE  "BLACK  LAWS"  OF  "BORDER  STATES."      115 

•and  situate  north  of  the  latitude  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes 
north,  and  north  of  the  State  of  Missouri.  Said  Dr.  Emerson  held  the 
plaintiff  in  slavery  at  said  Fort  Snelling,  from  said  last-mentioned  date 
until  the  year  1838. 

"  In  the  year  1835,  Harriet,  who  is  named  in  the  second  count  of 
the  plaintiff's  declaration,  was  the  negro  slave  of  Major  Taliaferro, 
who  belonged  to  the  army  of  the  United  States.  In  that  year,  1835, 
said  Major  Taliaferro  took  said  Harriet  to  said  Fort  Snelling,  a  military 
post,  situated  as  herein  before  stated,  and  kept  her  there  as  a  slave  until 
the  year  1836,  and  then  sold  and  delivered  her  as  a  slave  at  said  Fort 
Snelling  unto  the  said  Dr.  Emerson  herein  before  named.  Said  Dr. 
Emerson  held  said  Harriet  in  slavery  at  said  Fort  Snelling  until  the 
year  1838. 

"  In  the  year  1836,  the  plaintiff  and  said  Harriet  at  said  Fort  Snell 
ing,  with  the  consent  of  said  Dr.  Emerson,  who  then  claimed  to  be 
their  master  and  owner,  intermarried,  and  took  each  other  for  husband 
and  wife.  Eliza  and  Lizzie,  named  in  the  third  count  of  the  plaintiff's 
declaration,  are  the  fruit  of  that  marriage.  Eliza  is  about  fourteen 
years  old,  and  was  born  on  board  the  steamboat  '  Gipsey/  north  of  the 
north  line  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  upon  the  river  Mississippi. 
Lizzie  is  about  seven  years  old,  and  was  born  in  the  State  of  Missouri, 
at  the  military  post  called  Jefferson  Barracks. 

"  In  the  year  1838,  said  Dr.  Emerson  removed  the  plaintiff  and  said 
Harriet  and  their  said  daughter  Eliza  from  said  Fort  Snelling  to  the 
State  of  Missouri,  where  they  have  ever  since  resided. 

"  Before  the  commencement  of  this  suit,  said  Dr.  Emerson  sold  and 
conveyed  the  plaintiff,  said  Harriet,  Eliza,  and  Lizzie  to  the  defendant, 
as  slaves,  and  ine  defendant  has  ever  since  claimed  to  hold  them  and 
each  of  them  as  slaves. 

"  At  the  time  mentioned  in  the  plaintiff's  declaration,  the  defendant, 
claiming  to  be  owner  as  aforesaid,  laid  his  hands  upon  said  plaintiff,  Har 
riet,  Eliza,  and  Lizzie,  and  imprisoned  them,  doing  in  this  respect, 
however,  no  more  than  what  he  might  lawfully  do  if  they  were  of  right 
his  slaves  at  such  times. 

"  It  is  agreed  that  Dred  Scott  brought  suit  for  his  freedom  in  the 
Circuit  Court  of  St.  Louis  County  ;  that  there  was  a  verdict  and  judg 
ment  in  his  favor ;  that  on  a  writ  of  error  to  the  Supreme  Court  the 
judgment  below  was  reversed,  and  the  same  remanded  to  the  Circuit 
Court,  where  it  has  been  continued  to  await  the  decision  of  this  case. 

"In  May,  1854,  the  cause  went  before  a  jury,  who  found  the  follow 
ing  verdict,  viz.  :  'As  to  the  first  issue  joined  in  this  case,  we  of  the 
jury  find  the  defendant  not  guilty  ;  and  as  to  the  issue  secondly  above 


Ii6      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

joined,  we  of  the  jury  find  that  before  and  at  the  time  when,  etc.,  in  the 
first  count  mentioned,  the  said  Dred  Scott  was  a  negro  slave,  the  lawful 
property  of  the  defendant  ;  and  as  to  the  issue  thirdly  above  joined, 
we,  the  jury,  find  that  before  and  at  the  time  when,  etc.,  in  the  second 
and  third  counts  mentioned,  the  said  Harriet,  wife  of  said  Dred  Scott, 
and  Eliza  and  Lizzie,  the  daughters  of  the  said  Dred  Scott,  were  negro- 
slaves,  the  lawful  property  of  the  defendant.' 

"  Whereupon,  the  court  gave  judgment  for  the  defendant. 

"  After  an  ineffectual  motion  for  a  new  trial,  the  plaintiff  filed  the 
following  bill  of  exceptions. 

"  On  the  trial  of  this  cause  by  the  jury,  the  plaintiff,  to  maintain  the 
issues  on  his  part,  read  to  the  jury  the  following  agreed  statement  of 
facts  (see  agreement  above).  No  further  testimony  was  given  to  the 
jury  by  either  party.  Thereupon  the  plaintiff  moved  the  court  to  give 
to  the  jury  the  following  instructions,  viz.  : 

"  '  That,  upon  the  facts  agreed  to  by  the  parties,  they  ought  to  find 
for  the  plaintiff.'  The  court  refused  to  give  such  instruction  to  the 
jury,  and  the  plaintiff,  to  such  refusal,  then  and  there  duly  excepted. 

The  court  then  gave  the  following  instruction  to  the  jury,  on  motion 
of  the  defendant  : 

"  *  The  jury  are  instructed,  that  upon  the  facts  in  this  case,  the  law  is 
with  the  defendant.'  The  plaintiff  excepted  to  this  instruction. 

"  Upon  these  exceptions,  the  case  came  up  to  the  Supreme  Court,. 
December  term,  1856. >J1 1 

Judge  Taney  gave  the  following  opinion: 

"  The  question  is  simply  this  :  Can  a  negro,  whose  ancestors  were 
imported  into  this  country  and  sold  as  slaves,  become  a  member  of  the 
political  community  formed  and  brought  into  existence  by  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States,  and  as  such  become  entitled  to  all  the  rights 
and  privileges  and  immunities  guaranteed  by  that  instrument  to  the 
citizen  ?  One  of  which  rights  is  the  privilege  of  suing  in  a  court  of  the 
United  States  in  the  cases  specified  in  the  Constitution. 

"  It  will  be  observed  that  the  plea  applies  to  that  class  of  persons 
only  whose  ancestors  were  negroes  of  the  African  race,  and  imported 
into  this  country,  and  sold  and  held  as  slaves.  The  only  matter  in 
issue  before  the  court,  therefore,  is,  whether  the  descendants  of  such 
slaves,  when  they  shall  be  emancipated,  or  who  are  born  of  parents  who 
had  become  free  before  their  birth,  are  citizens  of  a  State,  in  the  sense 
in  which  the  word  citizen  is  used  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  And  this  being  the  only  matter  in  dispute  on  the  pleadings,  the 

1  Sanford's  Dred  Scott  Case,  pp.  397-399. 


THE  "BLACK  LAWS"  OF  "BORDER  STATES."      1 17 

court  must  be  understood  as  speaking  in  this  opinion  of  that  class  only, 
that  is,  of  those  persons  who  are  the  descendants  of  Africans  who  were 
imported  into  this  country  and  sold  as  slaves. 

"We  proceed  to  examine  the  case  as  presented  by  the  pleadings. 

"  The  words  *  people  of  the  United  States'  and  'citizens  '  are  synony 
mous  terms,  and  mean  the  same  thing.  They  both  describe  the  political 
body  who,  according  to  our  republican  institutions,  form  the  sovereignty, 
and  who  hold  the  power  and  conduct  the  government  through  their 
representatives.  They  are  what  we  familiarly  call  the  '  sovereign . 
people,  and  every  citizen  is  one  of  this  people,  and  a  constituent 
member  of  this  sovereignty.  The  question  before  us  is,  whether 
the  class  of  persons  described  in  the  plea  in  abatement  compose  a 
portion  of  this  people,  and  are  constituent  members  of  this  sover 
eignty.  We  think  they  are  not,  and  that  they  are  not  included,  and 
were  not  intended  to  be  included,  under  the  word  'citizen'  in  the 
Constitution,  and  can  therefore  claim  none  of  the  rights  and  privileges 
which  that  instrument  provides  for  and  secures  to  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  at  that  time  considered  as  a  subor 
dinate  [405]  and  inferior  class  of  beings,  who  had  been  subjugated  by 
the  dominant  race,  and,  whether  emancipated  or  not,  yet  remained  sub 
ject  to  their  authority,  and  had  no  rights  or  privileges  but  such  as  those 
who  held  the  power  and  the  government  might  choose  to  grant  them. 

"  It  is  not  the  province  of  the  court  to  decide  upon  the  justice  or 
injustice,  the  policy  or  impolicy,  of  these  laws.  .  .  . 

"  In  discussing  this  question,  we  must  not  confound  the  rights  of 
citizenship  which  a  State  may  confer  within  its  own  limits,  and  the 
rights  of  citizenship  as  a  member  of  the  Union.  It  does  not  by  any 
means  follow,  because  he  has  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  citizen 
of  a  State,  that  he  must  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  He  may 
have  all  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  citizen  of  a  State,  and  yet  not 
be  entitled  to  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  citizen  of  any  other  State. 
For,  previous  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
every  State  had  the  undoubted  right  to  confer  on  whomsoever  it  pleased 
the  character  of  citizen,  and  to  endow  him  with  all  its  rights.  But  this 
character  of  course  was  confined  to  the  boundaries  of  the  State,  and 
gave  him  no  rights  or  privileges  in  other  States  beyond  those  secured  to 
him  by  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  comity  of  States.  Nor  have  the 
several  States  surrendered  the  power  of  conferring  these  rights  and 
privileges  by  adopting  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Each 
State  may  still  confer  them  upon  an  alien,  or  any  one  it  thinks  proper,. 
or  upon  any  class  or  description  of  persons  ;  yet  he  would  not  be  a  citi 
zen  in  the  sense  in  which  that  word  is  used  in  the  Constitution  of  the 


II 8      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

United  States,  nor  entitled  to  sue  as  such  in  one  of  its  courts,  nor  to 
the  privileges  and  immunities  of  a  citizen  in  the  other  States.  The 
rights  which  he  would  acquire  would  be  restricted  to  the  State  which 
gave  them.  The  Constitution  has  conferred  on  Congress  the  right  to 
establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  this  right  is  evidently 
exclusive,  and  has  always  been  held  by  this  court  to  be  so.  Conse 
quently  no  State,  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  can,  by  na 
turalizing  an  alien,  invest  him  with  the  rights  and  privileges  secured  to 
a  citizen  of  a  State  under  the  Federal  Government,  although,  so  far  as 
the  State  alone  was  concerned,  he  would  undoubtedly  be  entitled  to  the 
rights  of  a  citizen,  and  clothed  with  all  the  [406]-  rights  and  immunities 
which  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  State  attached  to  that  char 
acter. 

"  It  is  very  clear,  therefore,  that  no  State  can,  by  any  act  or  law  of 
its  own,  passed  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  introduce  a  new 
member  into  the  political  community  created  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  It  cannot  make  him  a  member  of  this  community  by 
making  him  a  member  of  its  own.  And,  for  the  same  reason,  it  cannot 
introduce  any  person  or  description  of  persons  who  were  not  intended 
to  be  embraced  in  this  new  political  family,  which  the  Constitution 
brought  into  existence,  but  were  intended  to  be  excluded  from  it. 

"  The  question  then  arises,  whether  the  provisions  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  in  relation  to  the  personal  rights  and  privileges  to  which  the  citi 
zen  of  a  State  should  be  entitled,  embraced  the  negro  African  race,  at 
that  time  in  this  country,  or  who  might  afterwards  be  imported,  who 
had  then  or  should  afterwards  be  made  free  in  any  State  ;  and  to  put  it 
in  the  power  of  a  single  State  to  make  him  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
and  indue  him  with  the  full  rights  of  citizenship  in  every  other  State 
without  their  consent.  Does  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  act 
upon  him  whenever  he  shall  be  made  free  under  the  laws  of  a  State, 
and  raised  there  to  the  rank  of  a  citizen,  and  immediately  clothe  him 
with  all  the  privileges  of  a  citizen  in  every  other  State  and  in  its  own 
courts  ? 

"  The  court  think  the  affirmative  of  these  propositions  cannot  be 
maintained.  And  if  it  cannot,  the  plaintiff  in  error  could  not  be  a  citi 
zen  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and,  consequently,  was  not  entitled  to  sue  in  its 
courts."  ] 

This  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  plea  in  abatement 
that  the  plaintiff  (a  Negro,  Dred  Scott)  was  not  a  citizen  in  the 
sense  of  the  word  in  Article  iii,  Sec.  2  of  the  Constitution,  was 

1  Howard's  Reports,  vol.  xix.  pp.  403-405,  sq. 


THE  "BLACK  LAWS"  OF  "BORDER  STATES."'     119 

based  upon  an  erroneous  idea  respecting  the  location  of  the  word 
citizen  in  the  instrument.  The  premise  of  the  court  was  wrong, 
and  hence  the  feebleness  of  the  reasoning  and  the  false  conclu 
sions.  Article  iii,  Section  2  of  the  Constitution,  extends  judicial 
power  to  all  cases,  in  law  and  equity,  "between  citizens  of  differ 
ent  States,  between  citizens  of  the  same  State,"  etc.  But  Article 
iv,  Section  2,  declares  that  "  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  enti 
tled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several 
States."  The  plea  in  abatement  was  brought  under  Article 
iii,  but  all  the  judges,  except  Justice  McLean,  built  their  decision 
upon  the  word  citizen  as  it  stood  in  Article  iv. 

By  the  constitution  of  Ohio,  adopted  in  1851,  free  Negroes 
were  not  only  denied  the  right  to  vote,  but  were  excluded  from 
the  militia  service.  This  law  was  not  repealed  until  1878. 

Neither  the  constitution  of  1802,  nor  that  of  1851,  discrimi 
nated  against  free  Negroes  in  matters  of  education  ;  but  separate 
schools  have  been  maintained  in  Ohio  from  the  beginning  down 
to  the  present  time,  by  special  acts  of  the  Legislature.  ' 

In  the  territory  of  Indiana  there  were  quite  a  number  of  Ne 
groes  from  the  beginning  of  the  century.  Some  were  slaves. 
In  1806,  the  first  Legislature,  at  its  second  session,  passed  a  law 
in  reference  to  executions,  as  follows : 

"  Sec.  7.  And  whereas  doubts  have  arisen  whether  the  time  of  ser 
vice  of  negroes  and  mulattoes,  bound  to  service  in  this  territory,  may 
be  sold  on  execution  against  the  master,  Be  it  therefore  enacted  that  the 
time  of  service  of  such  negroes  or  mulattoes  may  be  sold  on  execution 
against  the  master,  in  the  same  manner  as  personal  estate,  immediately 
from  which  sale  the  said  negroes  or  mulattoes  shall  serve  the  purchaser 
or  purchasers  for  the  residue  of  their  time  of  service  ;  and  the  said  pur 
chasers  and  negroes  and  mulattoes  shall  have  the  same  remedies  against 
each  other  as  by  the  laws  of  the  territory  are  mutually  given  them  in 
the  several  cases  therein  mentioned,  and  the  purchasers  shall  be  obliged 
to  fulfil  to  the  said  servants  the  contracts  they  made  with  the  masters, 
as  expressed  in  the  indenture  or  agreement  of  servitude,  and  shall,  for 
want  of  such  contract,  be  obliged  to  give  him  or  them  their  freedom  due 
at  the  end  of  the  time  of  service,  as  expressed  in  the  second  section  of 
the  law  of  the  territory,  entitled  '  Law  concerning  servants,'  adopted 
the  twenty-second  day  of  September,  eighteen  hundred  and  three.  This 
act  shall  commence  and  be  in  force  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  Feb 
ruary  next."  : 

1  Hurd,  vol  ii.  p.  123. 


120      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

This  was  bold  legislation  ;  but  it  was  not  all.  Negroes  were 
required  to  carry  passes,  as  in  the  slave  States.  And  on  the  I7th 
of  September,  1807,  "An  Act  for  the  Introduction  of  Negroes  and 
Mulattoes  into"  the  territory  was  passed. 

"  Sec.  i.  That  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  any  person  being  the 
owner  or  possessor  of  any  negroes  or  mulattoes  of  and  above  the  age 
of  fifteen  years,  and  owning  service  and  labor  as  slaves  in  any  of  the 
States  or  territories  of  the  United  States,  or  for  any  citizens  of  the  said 
States  or  territories  purchasing  the  same  to  bring  the  said  negroes 
and  mulattoes  into  this  territory. 

"  Sec.  2.  The  owners  or  possessors  of  any  negroes  or  mulattoes 
as  aforesaid,  and  bringing  the  same  into  this  territory,  shall,  within  thirty 
days  after  such  removal,  go  with  the  same  before  the  clerk  of  Court  of 
Common  Pleas  of  proper  county,  and  in  presence  of  said  clerk  the  said 
owner  or  possessor  shall  determine  and  agree  to,  and  with  his  or  her 
negro  or  mulatto,  upon  the  term  of  years  which  the  said  negro  or  mu 
latto  will  and  shall  serve  his  or  her  said  owner  or  possessor,  and  the 
clerk  shall  make  a  record. 

"Sec.  3.  If  any  negro  or  mulatto  removed  into  this  territory  as 
aforesaid  shall  refuse  to  serve  his  or  her  owner  as  aforesaid,  it  shall  and 
may  be  lawful  for  such  person,  within  sixty  days  thereafter,  to  remove 
the  said  negro  or  mulatto  to  any  place  [to]  which  by  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  or  territory  from  whence  such  owner  or  possessor  may 
[have  come]  or  shall  be  authorized  to  remove  the  same.  (As  quoted 
in  Phcebe  v.  Jay,  Breese,  111.  R.,  208.) 

"  Sec.  4.  An  owner  failing  to  act  as  required  in  the  preceding 
sections  should  forfeit  all  claim  and  right  to  the  service  of  such  negro 
or  mulatto. 

"  Sec.  5.  Declares  that  any  person  removing  into  this  territory  and 
being  the  owner  or  possessor  of  any  negro  or  mulatto  as  aforesaid, 
under  the  age  of  fifteen  years,  or  if  any  person  shall  hereafter  acquire 
a  property  in  any  negro  or  mulatto  under  the  age  aforesaid,  and  who 
shall  bring  them  into  this  territory,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  such 
person,  owner,  or  possessor  to  hold  the  said  negro  to  service  or  labor — 
the  males  until  they  arrive  at  the  age  of  thirty-five,  and  females  until 
they  arrive  at  the  age  of  thirty-two  years. 

"  Sec.  6.  Provides  that  any  person  removing  any  negro  or  mulatto 
into  this  territory  under  the  authority  of  the  preceding  sections,  it  shall 
be  incumbent  on  such  person,  within  thirty  days  thereafter,  to  register 
the  name  and  age  of  such  negro  or  mulatto  with  the  clerk  of  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas  for  the  proper  county. 

"  Sec.   7.     Requires  new  registry  on  removal  to  another  county." 


THE  "BLACK  LAWS"  OF  "BORDER  STATES"      121 

"  Sees.  8,  9.     Penalties  by  fine  for  breach  of  this  act. 

"  Sec.  10.  Clerk  to  take  security  that  negro  be  not  chargeable  when 
his  term  expires. 

"Sec.  12.     Fees. 

"  Sec.  13.  That  the  children  bom  in  said  territory  of  a  parent  of 
color  owning  service  or  labor,  by  indenture  according  to  law,  should 
serve  the  master  or  mistress  of  such  parent — the  males  until  the  age  of 
thirty,  and  the  females  until  the  age  of  twenty-eight  years.  (As 
quoted  in  Boon  v.  Juliet,  1836,  i,  Scammon,  258.) 

"Sec.  14.  That  an  act  respecting  apprentices  misused  by  their 
master  or  mistress  should  apply  to  such  children.  (See  the  statute 
cited  in  Rankin  v.  Lydia,  2,  A.  K.  Marshall's  Ky.,  467  ;  and  in  Jarrot  v. 
Jarrot,  2,  Oilman,  19.)  This  act  was  repealed  in  1810." 

Under  the  first  constitution  of  Indiana,  adopted  in  1816, 
Negroes  were  not  debarred  from  the  elective  franchise.  In  Ar 
ticle  i,  Section  I,  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  this  remarkable  language 
occurs :  "  That  all  men  are  born  equally  free  and  independent, 
and  have  certain  natural,  inherent,  and  unalienable  rights,"  etc. 
But  the  very  next  year  the  primal  rights  of  the  Negro  as  a  citi 
zen  were  struck  down  by  the  following :  "  No  negro,  mulatto, 
or  Indian  shall  be  a  witness,  except  in  pleas  of  the  State  against 
negroes,  mulattoes,  or  Indians,  or  in  civil  cases  where  negroes, 
mulattoes,  or  Indians  alone  shall  be  parties."  a 

In  1819  [March  22d],  an  execution  law  was  passed  by  which 
the  time  of  service  of  Negroes  could  be  sold  on  execution  against 
the  master,  in  the  same  manner  as  personal  estate.  From  the 
time  of  the  sale,  such  Negroes  or  Mulattoes  were  compelled  to 
serve  the  buyer  until  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  service.3 

In  1831,  an  act  regulating  free  Negroes  and  Mulattoes,  ser 
vants  and  slaves,  declared  : 

"  Sec.  i.  Negroes  and  mulattoes  emigrating  into  the  State  shall 
give  bond,  etc. 

"  Sec.  2.  In  failure  of  this,  such  negro,  etc.,  may  be  hired  out  and 
the  proceeds  applied  to  his  benefit,  or  removed  from  the  State  under 
the  poor  law. 

"  Sec.  3.     Penalty  for  committing  such  without  authority. 

"  Sec.  4.     Penalty  for  harboring  such  who  have  not  given  bond. 

"Sec.  5.     That  the  right  of  any  persons  to  pass  through  this  State, 

1  Terr,  laws  1807-8,  p.  423.  2  Laws  of  1817,  ch.  3,  sec.  52. 

3  See  Hurd,  vol.  ii.  p.  129. 


122     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

with  his,  her,  or  their  negroes  or  mulattoes,  servant  or  servants,  when- 
emigrating  or  travelling  to  any  other  State  or  territory  or  country,  mak 
ing  no  unnecessary  delay,  is  hereby  declared  and  secured."  1 

In  1851  the  new  constitution  limited  the  right  of  franchise  to 
"white  male  citizens  of  the  United  States."  "No  negro  or 
mulatto  shall  have  the  right  of  suffrage." 

"Art.  xii.,  Sec.  i.  The  militia  shall  consist  of  all  able-bodied  white 
male  persons,  between,  etc. 

"Art.  xiii.,  Sec.  i.  No  negro  or  mulatto  shall  come  into,  or  settle 
in  the  State  after  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution. 

"  Sec.  2.  All  contracts  made  with  any  negro  or  mulatto  coming 
into  the  State  contrary  to  the  foregoing  section  shall  be  void  ;  and  any 
person  who  shall  employ  such  negro  or  mulatto  or  encourage  him  to 
remain  in  the  State  shall  be  fined  not  less  than  ten,  nor  more  than  five 
hundred  dollars. 

"  Sec.  3.  All  fines  which  may  be  collected  for  a  violation  of  the  pro 
visions  of  this  article,  or  of  any  law  hereafter  passed  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  the  same  into  execution,  shall  be  set  apart  and  appropriated 
for  the  colonization  of  such  negroes  and  mulattoes  and  their  descend 
ants  as  maybe  in  the  State  at  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution  and 
may  be  willing  to  emigrate. 

"  Sec.  4.  The  General  Assembly  shall  pass  laws  to  carry  out  the  pro 
visions  of  this  article." 

Other  severe  laws  were  enacted  calculated  to  modify  and  limit 
the  rights  of  free  persons  of  color. 

The  first  constitution  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  adopted  in  1818,, 
limited  the  [Art.  ii,  Sec.  27]  elective  franchise  to  "  free  white  " 
persons.  Article  v,  Sec.  I,  exempted  " negroes,  mulattoes,  and 
Indians"  from  service  in  the  militia.  In  March,  1819,  "An  Act 
Respecting  Free  Negroes,  Mulattoes,  Servants,  and  Slaves'1  passed. 
Sec.  i  required  Negro  and  Mulatto  persons  coming  into  the  State 
to  produce  a  certificate  of  freedom.  Sec.  2  required  them  to 
register  their  family  as  well  as  themselves.  Sec.  3  required  per 
sons  bringing  slaves  into  the  State,  for  the  purpose  of  emancipating, 
them,  to  give  bonds.  Passes  were  required  of  Colored  people,, 
and  many  other  hard  exactions.  The  bill  above  referred  to  con 
tained  twenty-five  sections.2 

1  Revised  Laws  of  Indiana,  1838. 

3  Session  Laws,  1819,  p.  354.     R.  S.,  1833,  p   466. 


THE  "BLACK  LAWS"  OF  "BORDER  STATES."       123 

On  the  6th  of  January,  1827,  a  criminal  code  was  enacted  for 
offences  committed  by  Negroes  and  servants,  which  contained 
many  cruel  features.  On  the  2d  of  February  a  law  was  passed 
declaring  that  all  Negroes,  Mulattoes,  and  Indians  were  incom 
petent  to  be  witnesses  in  any  court  against  a  white  person  ;  and 
that  a  person  having  one  fourth  part  Negro  blood  shall  be  ad 
judged  a  Mulatto.  This  law  was  re-enacted  in  1845.'  ^n  ^53, 
February  I2th,  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  passed  "An  Act  to  Pre 
vent  the  Immigration  of  Free  Negroes  into  this  State" 

"Sees,  i,  2.  Fine  and  imprisonment  for  bringing  slave,  for  any 
purpose,  into  the  State.  Proviso :  '  That  this  shall  not  be  construed  so 
as  to  affect  persons  or  slaves,  bona  fide,  travelling  through  this  State  from 
and  to  any  other  State  in  the  United  States.' 

"  Sec.  3.  Misdemeanor  for  negro  or  mulatto,  bond  or  free,  to  come 
with  intention  of  residing. 

"Sec.  4.  Such  may  be  prosecuted  and  fined  or  sold,  for  time,  for 
fine  and  costs. 

"  Sees.  5,  6,  7.  If  such  do  not  afterwards  remove,  increased  fine 
and  like  proceedings,  etc.,  etc.  Appeal  allowed  to  the  circuit. 

"  Sec.  8.  If  claimed  as  fugitive  slave,  after  being  thus  arrested,  a 
justice  of  the  peace,  '  after  hearing  the  evidence,  and  being  satisfied 
that  the  person  or  persons  claiming  said  negro  or  mulatto  is  or  are  the 
owner  or  owners  of  and  entitled  to  the  custody  of  said  negro  or 
mulatto,  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  the  United  States  passed  upon 
this  subject,'  shall  give  the  owner  a  certificate,  after  his  paying  the  costs 
and  the  negro's  unpaid  fine,  '  and  the  said  owner  or  agent  so  claiming 
shall  have  a  right  to  take  and  remove  said  slave  out  of  the  State.' 

"  Sec.  9.  Punishment  of  justice  for  nonfeasance,  and  of  witness 
falsely  accusing  negro."  2 

While  slavery  had  no  legal,  constitutional  existence  in  the 
three  border  States,  there  were,  in  fact,  quite  a  number  of 
slaves  within  their  jurisdiction  during  the  first  generation  of 
their  existence.  And  the  free  people  of  Color  were,  first,  de 
nied  the  right  of  citizenship  ;  second,  excluded  from  the  militia 
service ;  third,  ruled  out  of  the  courts  whenever  their  testimony 
was  offered  against  a  white  person ;  fourth,  could  not  come  into 
the  free  border  States  without  producing  a  certificate  of  freedom  ; 
and,  fifth,  were  annoyed  by  many  little,  mean  laws  in  the  exer 
cise  of  the  few  rights  they  were  suffered  to  enjoy.  A  full 

1  R.  S.,  1845,  p.  154.  2  Rev.  St.  of  1856,  p.  780. 


124     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

description  of  the  infamous  "Black  Code  "  of  these  States  would 
occupy  too  much  space,  and,  therefore,  the  dark  subject  must  be 
dismissed.  Posterity  shall  know,  however,  how  patiently  the  free 
Negroes  of  the  Northern  States  endured  the  restrictions  and  pro 
scriptions  which  law  and  public  sentiment  threw  across  their  so 
cial  and  political  pathway  1 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.  12$ 


CHAPTER   XI. 

THE  NORTHERN   NEGROES. 

NOMINAL  RIGHTS  OF  NEGROES  IN  THE  SLAVE  STATES.  — FUGITIVE  SLAVES  SEEK  REFUGE  IN  CANADA. 

—  NEGROES  PETITION  AGAINST  TAXATION  WITHOUT  REPRESENTATION.  —  A  LAW  PREVENTING 
NEGROES   FROM   OTHER  STATES  FROM   SETTLING  IN    MASSACHUSETTS.  —  NOTICE  TO    BLACKS, 
INDIANS,  AND  MULATTOES,  WARNING  THEM  TO  LEAVE  THE  COMMONWEALTH.  —  THE   RIGHTS 
AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  NEGRO  RESTRICTED.  —  COLORED  MEN  TURN  THEIR  ATTENTION  TO  THB 
EDUCATION  OF  THEIR  OWN  RACE.  — JOHN  V.  DE  GRASSE,  THE  FIRST  COLORED  MAN  ADMITTED 
TO  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  MEDICAL  SOCIETY.  —  PROMINENT  COLORED  MEN  OF  NEW  YORK  AND 
PHILADELPHIA.— THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  AFRICAN  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  AND  COLORED 
BAPTIST  CHURCHES.  —  COLORED  MEN  DISTINGUISH  THEMSELVES  IN  THE  PULPIT. —  REPORT  TO 
THE    OHIO    ANTI-SLAVERY    SOCIETY  OF  COLORED   PEOPLE   IN    CINCINNATI    IN   1835.  —  MANY 

PURCHASE  THEIR    FREEDOM.  —  HENRY    BOYD,   THE     MECHANIC    AND     BUILDER. —  HE   BECOMES    A 

SUCCESSFUL  MANUFACTURER  IN  CINCINNATI.  —  SAMUEL  T.  WILCOX,  THE  GROCER.  —  His  SUC 
CESS  IN  BUSINESS  IN  CINCINNATI.  —  BALL  AND  THOMAS,  THE  PHOTOGRAPHERS.  —  COLORED 
PEOPLE  OF  CINCINNATI  EVINCE  A  DESIRE  TO  TAKE  CARE  OF  THEMSELVES.  — LYDIA  P.  MOTT 

ESTABLISHES   A    HOME    FOR    COLORED   ORPHANS. —THE    ORGANIZATION    EFFECTED    IN    1844.  — ITS 

SUCCESS.  —  FORMATION  OF  A  COLORED  MILITARY  COMPANY  CALLED  "THE  ATTUCKS  GUARDS." 

—  EMIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  TO  LIBERIA. — THE  COLORED  PEOPLE  LIVE  DOWN  MUCH  PREJU- 
PICE. 

IN   1850  there  were  238,187  free  Negroes  in  the  slave  States. 
Their  freedom  was  merely  nominal.     They  were  despised 
beneath  the  slaves,  and  were  watched  with  suspicious  eyes, 
and  disliked  by  their  brethren  in  bondage. 

In  1850  there  were  196,016  free  Negroes  in  the  Northern 
States.  Their  increase  came  from  [chiefly]  two  sources,  viz.: 
births  and  emancipated  persons  from  the  South.  Fugitive  slaves 
generally  went  to  Canada,  for  in  addition  to  being  in  danger  of 
arrest  under  the  fugitive-slave  law,  none  of  the  State  govern 
ments  in  the  North  sympathized  with  escaped  Negroes.  The 
Negroes  in  the  free  States  were  denied  the  rights  of  citizenship, 
and  were  left  to  the  most  destroying  ignorance.  In  1780,  some 
free  Negroes,  of  the  town  of  Dartmouth,  petitioned  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts  for  relief  from  taxation,  because  they 
were  denied  the  privileges  and  duties  of  citizenship.  The  peti 
tion  set  forth  the  hardships  free  Negroes  were  obliged  to  endure, 
even  in  Massachusetts,  and  was  in  itself  a  proof  of  the  fitness  of 
the  petitioners  for  the  duties  of  citizenship. 


126      HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  To  the  Honorable  Council  and  House  of  Representatives,  in  General 
Court  Assembled,  for  the  State  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  Eng 
land  : 

"  The  petition  of  several  poor  negroes  and  mulattoes,  who  are  in 
habitants  of  the  town  of  Dartmouth,  humbly  showeth  : 

"That  we  being  chiefly  of  the  African  extract,  and  by  reason  of  long 
bondage  and  hard  slavery,  we  have  been  deprived  of  enjoying  the  profits 
of  our  labor  or  the  advantage  of  inheriting  estates  from  our  parents,  as 
our  neighbors  the  white  people  do,  having  some  of  us  not  long  enjoyed 
our  own  freedom  ;  yet  of  late,  contrary  to  the  invariable  custom  and 
practice  of  the  country,  we  have  been,  and  now  are,  taxed  both  in  our 
polls  and  that  small  pittance  of  estate  which,  through  much  hard  labor 
and  industry,  we  have  got  together  to  sustain  ourselves  and  families 
withall.  We  apprehend  it,  therefore,  to  be  hard  usage,  and  will  doubt 
less  (if  continued)  reduce  us  to  a  state  of  beggary,  whereby  we  shall 
become  a  burthen  to  others,  if  not  timely  prevented  by  the  interposition 
of  your  justice  and  power. 

''Your  petitioners  further  show,  that  we  apprehend  ourselves  to  be 
aggrieved,  in  that,  while  we  are  not  allowed  the  privilege  of  freemen  of 
the  State,  having  no  vote  or  influence  in  the  election  of  those  that  tax 
us,  yet  many  of  our  color  (as  is  well  known)  have  cheerfully  entered  the 
field  of  battle  in  the  defence  of  the  common  cause,  and  that  (as  we  con 
ceive)  against  a  similar  exertion  of  power  (in  regard  to  taxation)  too  well 
known  to  need  a  recital  in  this  place. 

"  We  most  humble  request,  therefore,  that  you  would  take  our  un 
happy  case  into  your  serious  consideration,  and,  in  your  wisdom  and 
power,  grant  us  relief  from  taxation,  while  under  our  present  depressed 
circumstances  ;  and  your  poor  petitioners,  as  in  duty  bound,  shall  ever 
pray,  etc. 

"  JOHN  CUFFE, 

"  ADVENTUR  CHILD, 

"  PAUL  CUFFE, 

"  SAMUEL  GRAY,  [his  x  mark.] 

"  PERO  ROWLAND,  [his  x  mark.] 

"  PERO  RUSSELL,  [his  x  mark.] 

"  PERO  COGGESHALL. 

"Dated  at  Dartmouth,  the  roth  of  February,  1780. 
"  Memorandum  in  the  handwriting  of  John  Cuffe  : 

"  This  is  the  copy  of  the  petition  which  we  did  deliver  unto  the 
Honorable  Council  and  House,  for  relief  from  taxation  in  the  days  of 
our  distress.  But  we  received  none.  JOHN  CUFFE."  * 

1  This  is  inserted  in  this  volume  as  the  more  appropriate  place. 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.  1 27 

Not  discouraged  at  the  failure  that  attended  the  above  peti 
tion,  the  indefatigable  Paul  Cuffe,  addressed  the  following  to  the 
selectmen  of  his  town  the  next  year. 

"  A    REQUEST. 

"  To  the  Selectmen  of  the  Town  of  Dartmouth,  Greeting : 

We,  the  subscribers,  your  humble  petitioners,  desire  that  you  would, 
in  your  capacity,  put  a  stroke  in  your  next  warrant  for  calling  a 
town  meeting,  so  that  it  may  legally  be  laid  before  said  town,  by  way 
of  vote,  to  know  the  mind  of  said  town,  whether  all  free  negroes  and 
mulattoes  shall  have  the  same  privileges  in  this  said  Town  of  Dart 
mouth  as  the  white  people  have,  respecting  places  of  profit,  choosing  of 
officers,  and  the  like,  together  with  all  other  privileges  in  all  cases  that 
shall  or  may  happen  or  be  brought  in  this  our  said  Town  of  Dart 
mouth.  We,  your  petitioners,  as  in  duty  bound,  shall  ever  pray, 

[Signed.]  "  JOHN  CUFFE, 

"PAUL  CUFFE, 
'*'  Dated  at  Dartmouth,  the  226.  of  the  4th  mo.,  1781." 

As  early  as  1788  Massachusetts  passed  a  law  requiring  all 
Negroes  who  were  not  citizens,  to  leave  the  Commonwealth 
within  two  months  from  the  date  of  the  publication  of  the  law. 
It  has  been  said,  upon  good  authority,  that  this  law  was  drawn 
by  several  of  the  ablest  lawyers  in  the  Bay  State,  and  was  in 
tended  to  keep  out  all  Negroes  from  the  South  who,  being  eman 
cipated,  might  desire  to  settle  there.  It  became  a  law  on  the 
26th  of  March,  1788,  and  instead  of  becoming  a  dead  letter,  was 
published  and  enforced  in  post-haste.  The  following  section  is 
the  portion  of  the  act  pertinent  to  this  inquiry. 

"  V.  Be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid  [the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  in  General  Court  assembled],  that  no  person 
being  an  African  or  Negro,  other  than  a  subject  of  the  Emperor  of 
Morocco,  or  a  citizen  of  some  one  of  the  United  States  (to  be  evidenced 
by  a  certificate  from  the  Secretary  of  the  State  of  which  he  shall  be  a 
citizen),  shall  tarry  within  this  Commonwealth,  for  a  longer  time  than 
two  months,  and  upon  complaint  made  to  any  Justice  of  the  Peace 
within  this  Commonwealth,  that  any  such  person  has  been  within 
the  same  more  than  two  months,  the  said  Justice  shall  order  the  said 
person  to  depart  out  of  this  Commonwealth,  and  in  case  that  the  said 
African  or  Negro  shall  not  depart  as  aforesaid,  any  Justice  of  the 


128    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Peace  within  this  Commonwealth,  upon  complaint  and  proof  made 
that  such  person  has  continued  within  this  Commonwealth  ten  days 
after  notice  given  him  or  her  to  depart  as  aforesaid,  shall  commit 
the  said  person  to  any  house  of  correction  within  the  county,  there  to 
be  kept  to  hard  labor,  agreeable  to  the  rules  and  orders  of  the  said 
house,  until  the  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  next  to  be  holden  within  and  for 
the  said  county  ;  and  the  master  of  the  said  house  of  correction  is 
hereby  required  and  directed  to  transmit  an  attested  copy  of  the  war 
rant  of  commitment  to  the  said  Court  on  the  first  day  of  their  said  ses 
sion,  and  if  upon  trial  at  the  said  Court,  it  shall  be  made  to  appear  that 
the  said  person  has  thus  continued  within  the  Commonwealth,  contrary 
to  the  tenor  of  this  act,  he  or  she  shall  be  whipped  not  exceeding  ten 
stripes,  and  ordered  to  depart  out  of  this  Commonwealth  within  ten 
days  ;  and  if  he  or  she  shall  not  so  depart,  the  same  process  shall  be 
had  and  punishment  inflicted,  and  so  toties  quoties" 

The  following  notice,  with  the  subjoined  names,  shows  that 
the  cruel  law  was  enforced. 

NOTICE  TO  BLACKS. 

The  Officers  of  Police  having  made  return  to  the  Subscriber  of  the 
names  of  the  following  persons,  who  are  Africans  or  Negroes,  not  sub 
jects  of  the  Emperor  of  Morocco  nor  citizens  of  the  United  States,  the 
same  are  hereby  warned  and  directed  to  depart  out  of  this  Common 
wealth  before  the  loth  day  of  October  next,  as  they  would  avoid  the 
pains  and  penalties  of  the  law  in  that  case  provided,  which  was  passed 
by  the  Legislature,  March  26,  1788. 

CHARLES  BULFINCH, 

Superintendent. 

By  Order  and  Direction  of  the  Selectmen. 

Portsmouth — Prince  Patterson,  Eliza  Cotton,  Flora  Nash. 

Rhode  Island — Thomas  Nichols  and  Philis  Nichols,  Hannah  Champ- 
lin,  Plato  Alderson,  Raney  Scott,  Jack  Jeffers,  Thomas  Gardner,  Julius 
Holden,  Violet  Freeman,  Cuffy  Buffum,  Sylvia  ^Gardner,  Hagar  Black 
burn,  Dolly  Peach,  Polly  Gardner,  Sally  Alexander,  Philis  Taylor. 

Providence — Dinah  Miller,  Salvia  Hendrick,  Rhode  Allen,  Nancy 
Hall,  Richard  Freeman,  Elizabeth  Freeman,  Nancy  Gardner,  Margaret 
Harrison. 

Connecticut — Bristol  Morandy,  John  Cooper,  Scipio  Kent,  Margaret 
Russell,  Phoebe  Seamore,  Phoebe  Johnson,  Jack  Billings. 

1  Slavery  in  Massachusetts,  pp.  228,  229. 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.  129 

New  London — John  Denny,  Thomas  Burdine,  Hannah  Burdine. 

New  York — Sally  Evens,  Sally  Freeman,  Caesar  West  and  Hannah 
West,  Thomas  Peterson,  Thomas  Santon,  Henry  Sanderson,  Henry 
Wilson,  Robert  Willet,  Edward  Cole,  Mary  Atkins,  Polly  Brown,  Amey 
Spalding,  John  Johnson,  Rebecca  Johnson,  George  Homes,  Prince 
Kilsbury,  Abraham  Fitch,  Joseph  Hicks,  Abraham  Francis,  Elizabeth 
Francis,  Sally  Williams,  William  Williams,  Rachel  Pewinck,  David  Dove, 
Esther  Dove,  Peter  Bayle,  Thomas  Bostick,  Katy  Bostick,  Prince  Hayes, 
Margaret  Bean,  Nancy  Hamik,  Samuel  Benjamin,  Peggy  Ocamum, 
Primus  Hutchinson. 

Philadelphia — Mary  Smith,  Richard  Allen,  Simon  Jeffers,  Samuel 
Posey,  Peter  Francies,  Prince  Wales,  Elizabeth  Branch,  Peter  Gust, 
William  Brown,  Butterfield  Scotland,  Clarissa  Scotland,  Cuffy  Cum- 
mings,  John  Gardner,  Sally  Gardner,  Fortune  Gorden,  Samuel  Stevens. 

Baltimore — Peter  Larkin  and  Jenny  Larkin,  Stepney  Johnson,  Anne 
Melville. 

Virginia — James  Scott,  John  Evens,  Jane  Jackson,  Cuffey  Cook, 
Oliver  Nash,  Robert  Woodson,  Thomas  Thompson. 

North  Carolina — James  Jurden,  Polly  Johnson,  Janus  Crage. 

South  Carolina — Anthony  George,  Peter  Cane. 

Halifax— Catherine  Gould,  Charlotte  Gould,  Cato  Small,  Philis 
Cole,  Richard  M'Coy. 

West  Indies — James  Morfut  and  Hannah  his  wife,  Mary  Davis, 
George  Powell,  Peter  Lewis,  Charles  Sharp,  Peter  Hendrick,  William 
Shoppo  and  Mary  Shoppo,  Isaac  Johnson,  John  Pearce,  Charles  Esings, 
Peter  Branch,  Newell  Symonds,  Rosanna  Symonds,  Peter  George, 
Lewis  Victor,  Lewis  Sylvester,  John  Laco,  Thomas  Foster,  Peter 
Jesemy,  Rebecca  Jesemy,  David  Bartlet,  Thomas  Grant,  Joseph  Lewis, 
Hamet  Lewis,  John  Harrison,  Mary  Brown,  Boston  Alexander. 

Cape  Francois — Casme  Francisco  and  Nancy  his  wife,  Mary  Frace- 
way. 

Aux  Cayes — Susannah  Ross. 

Port-au-Prince — John  Short. 

Jamaica — Charlotte  Morris,  John  Robinson. 

Bermuda — Thomas  Williams. 

New  Providence — Henry  Taylor. 

Liverpool — John  Mumford. 

Africa — Francis  Thompson,  John  Brown,  Mary  Joseph,  James  Mel- 
vile,  Samuel  Bean,  Hamlet  Earl,  Cato  Gardner,  Charles  Mitchel,  Sophia 
Mitchel,  Samuel  Frazier,  Samuel  Blackburn,  Timothy  Philips,  Joseph 
Ocamum. 

France — Joseph . 

Isle  of  France— Joseph  Lovering. 


13°     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

LIST    OF    INDIANS    AND    MULATTOES. 

The  following  persons  from  several  of  the  United  States,  being  peo 
ple  of  colour,  commonly  called  Mulattoes,  are  presumed  to  come  within 
the  intention  of  the  same  law,  and  are  accordingly  warned  and  directed 
to  depart  out  of  the  Commonwealth  before  the  loth  day  of  October 
next. 

Rhode  Island—  Peter  Badger,  Kelurah  Allen,  Waley  Green,  Silvia 
Babcock. 

Providence — Polly  Adams,  Paul  Jones. 

Connecticut — John  Brown,  Polly  Holland,  John  Way  and  Nancy 
Way,  Peter  Virginia,  Leville  Steward,  Lucinda  Orange,  Anna  Sprague, 
Britton  Doras,  Amos  Willis,  Frank  Francies. 

New  London — Hannah  Potter. 

New  York — Jacob  and  Nelly  Cummings,  James  and  Rebecca 
Smith,  Judith  Chew,  John  Schumagger,  Thomas  Willouby,  Peggy  Wil- 
louby,  John  Reading,  Mary  Reading,  Charles  Brown,  John  Miles,  Han 
nah  Williams,  Betsy  Harris,  Douglass  Brown,  Susannah  Foster,  Thomas 
Burros,  Mary  Thomson,  James  and  Freelove  Buck,  Lucy  Glapcion, 
Lucy  Lewis,  Eliza  Williams,  Diana  Bayle,  Caesar  and  Sylvia  Caton, 
Thompson,  William  Guin. 

Albany — Elone  Virginia,  Abijah  Reed  and  Lydia  Reed,  Abijah 
Reed,  Jr.,  Rebecca  Reed  and  Betsy  Reed. 

New  Jersey — Stephen  Boadley,  Hannah  Victor. 

Philadelphia — Polly  Boadley,  James  Long,  Hannah  Murray,  Jere 
miah  Green,  Nancy  Principeso,  David  Johnson,  George  Jackson  Will 
iam  Coak,  Moses  Long. 

Maryland — Nancy  Gust. 

Baltimore — John  Clark,  Sally  Johnson. 

Virginia — Sally  Hacker,  Richard  and  John  Johnson,  Thomas  Stew 
art,  Anthony  Paine,  Mary  Burk,  William  Hacker,  Polly  Losours,  Betsy 
Guin,  Lucy  Brown. 

Africa — Nancy  Doras.1 

The  constitutions  of  nearly  all  the  States,  statutes,  or  public 
sentiment  drove  the  Negro  from  the  ballot-box,  excused  him 
from  the  militia,  and  excluded  him  from  the  courts.  Although 
born  on  the  soil,  a  soldier  in  two  wars,  an  industrious,  law- 
abiding  person,  the  Negro,  nevertheless,  was  not  regarded  as  a 
member  of  political  society.  He  was  taxed,  but  enjoyed  no 
representation  ;  was  governed  by  laws,  and  yet  had  no  voice  in 
making  the  laws. 

1  Massachusetts  Mercury,  vol.  xvi.  No.  22,  Sept.  16,  1780. 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.          13 J 

The  doors  of  nearly  all  the  schools  of  the  entire  North  were 
shut  in  his  face ;  and  the  few  separate  schools  accorded  him  were 
given  grudgingly.  They  were  usually  held  in  the  lecture-room 
of  some  Colored  church  edifice,  or  thrust  off  to  one  side  in  a 
portion  of  the  city  or  town  toward  which  aristocratic  ambi 
tion  would  never  turn.  These  schools  were  generally  poorly 
equipped  ;  and  the  teachers  were  either  Colored  persons  whose 
opportunities  of  securing  an  education  had  been  poor,  or  white 
persons  whose  mental  qualifications  would  not  encourage  them 
to  make  an  honest  living  among  their  own  race;  there  were 
noble  exceptions. 

A  deeply  rooted  prejudice  shut  the  Negro  out  from  the 
trades.  He  could  not  acquire  the  art  of  setting  type,  civil  en 
gineering,  building  machinery,  house  carpentering,  or  any  of  the 
trades.  The  schools  of  medicine,  law,  and  theology  were  not 
open  to  him  ;  and  even  if  he  secured  admission  into  some  gen 
tleman's  office,  or  instruction  from  some  divine,  the  future  gave 
him  no  promise.  The  white  wings  of  hope  were  broken  in  an 
ineffectual  attempt  to  move  against  the  bitter  winds  of  persecu- 
cution,  under  the  dark  sky  of  hate  and  proscription.  Corpora 
tions,  churches,  theatres,  and  political  parties  made  the  Negro  a 
subject  of  official  action.  If  a  Negro  travelled  by  stage  coach, 
it  was  among  the  baggage  in  the  "boot,"  or  on  top  with  the 
driver.  If  he  were  favored  with  a  ride  on  a  street  car,  it  was  in 
a  separate  car  marked,  "This  car  for  Colored  people"  If  he  jour 
neyed  any  distance  by  rail,  he  was  assigned  to  the  "  Jim  Crow  " 
car,  or  "  smoker,"  where  himself  and  family  were  subjected  to 
inconvenience,  insult,  and  the  society  of  the  lowest  class  of  white 
rowdies.  If  he  were  hungry  and  weary  at  the  end  of  the  jour 
ney,  there  was  "'  no  room  for  him  in  the  inn,"  and,  like  his 
Master,  was  assigned  a  place  among  the  cattle.  If  he  were  so 
fortunate  as  to  get  into  a  hotel  as  a  servant,  bearing  the  baggage 
of  his  master,  he  slept  in  the  garret,  and  took  his  meals  in  the 
kitchen.  It  mattered  not  who  the  Colored  man  was — whether 
it  was  Langston,  the  lawyer,  McCune  Smith,  the  physician,  or 
Douglass,  the  orator — he  found  no  hotel  that  would  give  him 
accommodations.  And  forsooth,  if  some  host  had  the  temerity 
to  admit  a  Negro  to  his  dining-room,  a  dozen  white  guests  would 
leave  the  hotel  rather  than  submit  to  the  "  outrage  !  " 

The  places  of  amusements  in  all  the  large  cities  in  the  North 
excluded  the  Negro  ;  and  when  he  did  gain  admission,  he  was 


132     HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

shown  to  the  gallery,  where  he  could  enjoy  peanut-hulls,  boot 
blacks,  and  "  black-legs."  Occasionally  the  side  door  of  a  college 
was  put  ajar  for  some  invincible  Negro.  But  this  was  a  per 
formance  of  very  rare  occurrence  ;  and  the  instances  are  easily 
remembered. 

When  courts  and  parties,  corporations  and  companies  had  re 
fused  to  accord  the  Negro  the  rights  that  were  his  due  as  a  man, 
he  carried  his  case  to  the  highest  earthly  court,  the  Christian 
Church.  He  felt  sure  of  sympathy  and  succor  from  this  source. 
The  Church  had  stood  through  the  centuries  as  a  refuge  for  the 
unfortunate  and  afflicted.  But,  alas !  the  Church  shrank  from 
the  Negro  as  if  he  had  been  a  reptile.  If  he  gained  admission 
it  was  to  the  "  Negro  pew  "  in  the  "  organ  loft."  If  he  secured 
the  precious  "  emblems  of  the  broken  body  and  shed  blood  "  of 
his  Divine  Master,  it  was  after  the  "  white  folks  "  were  through. 
If  the  cause  of  the  Negro  were  mentioned  in  the  prayer  or  ser 
mon,  it  was  in  the  indistinct  whisper  of  the  moral  coward  who 
occupied  the  sacred  desk.  And  when  the  fight  was  on  at  fever 
heat,  when  it  was  popular  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  slave  and 
demand  the  rights  of  the  free  Negro,  the  Church  was  the  last 
organization  in  the  country  to  take  a  position  on  the  question  ; 
and  even  then,  her  "  moderation  was  known  to  all  men." 

If  the  Negro  had  suffered  from  neglect  only,  had  been  left 
to  solve  the  riddle  of  his  anomalous  existence  without  further 
embarrassment,  it  would  have  been  well.  But  no,  it  was  not  so. 
Studied  insolence  jostled  Colored  men  and  women  from  the 
streets  of  the  larger  cities  ;  mobocratic  violence  broke  up  assem 
blages  and  churches  of  Colored  people;  and  malice  sought  them 
in  the  quiet  of  their  homes — outraged  and  slew  them  in  cold 
blood.  Thus  with  the  past  as  a  haunting,  bitter  recollection,  the 
present  filled  with  fear  and  disaster,  and  the  future  a  shapeless 
horror,  think  ye  life  was  sweet  to  the  Negro  ?  Bitter?  Bitter  as 
death  ?  Ay,  bitter  as  hell ! 

Driven  down  from  the  lofty  summit  of  laudable  ambitions 
into  the  sultry  plains  of  domestic  drudgery  and  menial  toil, 
nearly  every  ray  of  hope  had  perished  upon  the  strained  vision 
of  the  Negro.  The  only  thing  young  Colored  men  could  aspire 
to  was  the  position  of  a  waiter,  the  avocation  of  a  barber,  the 
place  of  a  house-servant  or  groom,  and  teach  or  preach  to  their 
own  people  with  little  or  no  qualifications.  Denied  the  opportu 
nities  and  facilities  of  securing  an  education,  they  were  upbraided 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.          133 

by  the  press  and  pulpit,  in  private  gatherings  and  public  meet 
ings,  for  their  ignorance,  which  was  enforced  by  a  narrow  and 
contracted  public  prejudice. 

But  "  none  of  these  things  moved  "  the  Negro.  Undismayed 
he  bowed  to  his  herculean  task  with  a  complacency  and  courage 
worthy  of  any  race  or  age  of  the  world's  history.  The  small 
encouragement  that  came  to  him  from  the  conscientious  minority 
of  white  men  and  women  was  as  refreshing  as  the  cool  ocean 
breeze  at  even-tide  to  the  feverish  brow  of  a  travel-soiled  pilgrim. 
The  Negro  found  it  necessary  to  exert  himself,  to  lift  himself 
out  of  his  social,  mental,  and  political  dilemma  by  the  straps  of 
his  boots.  Colored  men  turned  their  attention  to  the  education 
of  themselves  and  their  children.  Schools  were  begun,  churches 
organized,  and  work  of  general  improvement  and  self-culture  en 
tered  into  with  alacrity  and  enthusiasm.  Boston  had  among  its 
teachers  the  scholarly  Thomas  Paul ;  among  its  clergymen 
Leonard  A.  Grimes  and  John  T.  Raymond;  among  its  lawyers 
Robert  Morris  and  E.  G.  Walker  ;  among  its  business  men  J.  B. 
Smith  and  Coffin  Pitts  ;  among  its  physicians  John  R.  Rock  and 
John  V.  DeGrasse  ;  among  its  authors  Brown  and  Nell;  and 
among  its  orators  Remond  and  Hilton.  Robert  Morris  was  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar  in  Boston,  on  Thursday,  June  27,  1850,  at  a 
meeting  of  the  members  of  the  Suffolk  County  Bar.  The  record 
is  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  ROBERT  MORRIS,  Esq.,  be  recommended  for  ad 
mittance  to  practice  as  a  Counsellor  and  Attorney  of  the  Circuit  and 
District  Courts  of  the  United  States. 

"  (Signed)         ELLIS  GRAY  LORING,  Chairman. 

"  CHAS.  THEO.  RUSSELL,  Secretary." 

John  V.  DeGrasse,  M.D.,  an  eminent  physician  of  Boston  was 
perhaps  the  most  accomplished  Colored  gentleman  in  New  Eng 
land  between  1850-1860.  The  following  notice  appeared  in  a 
Boston  journal  in  August,  1854: 

"  On  the  24th  of  August,  1854,  Mr.  DeGrasse  was  admitted  in  due 
form  a  member  of  the  *  Massachusetts  Medical  Society.'  It  is  the  first 
instance  of  such  honor  being  conferred  upon  a  colored  man  in  this 
State,  at  least,  and  probably  in  the  country  ;  and  therefore  it  deserves 
particular  notice,  both  because  the  means  by  which  he  has  reached  this 
distinction  are  creditable  to  his  own  intelligence  and  perseverance,  and 
because  others  of  his  class  may  be  stimulated  to  seek  an  elevation  which 


134    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

has  hitherto  been  supposed  unattainable  by  men  of  color.  The  Doctor 
is  a  native  of  New  York  City,  where  he  was  born  in  June,  1825,  and 
where  he  spent  his  time  in  private  and  public  schools  till  1840.  He 
then  entered  the  Oneida  Institute,  Beriah  Green,  President,  and  spent 
one  year  ;  but  as  Latin  was  not  taught  there,  he  left  and  entered  the 
Clinton  Seminary,  where  he  remained  two  years,  intending  to  enter 
college  in  the  fall  of  1843.  He  was  turned  from  this  purpose,  however, 
by  the  persuasions  of  a  friend  in  France,  and  after  spending  two  years 
in  a  college  in  that  country,  he  returned  to  New  York  in  November, 
1845,  and  commenced  the  study  of  medicine  with  Dr.  Samuel  R.  Childs, 
of  that  city.  There  he  spent  two  years  in  patient  and  diligent  study, 
and  then  two  more  in  attending  the  medical  lectures  of  Bowdoin  Col 
lege,  Me.  Leaving  that  institution  with  honor  in  May,  1849,  he  went 
again  to  Europe  in  the  autumn  of  that  year,  and  spent  considerable 
time  in  the  hospitals  of  Paris,  travelling,  at  intervals,  through  parts  of 
France,  England,  Italy,  and  Switzerland.  Returning  home  in  the  ship 
*  Samuel  Fox,'  in  the  capacity  of  surgeon,  he  was  married  in  August, 
1852,  and  since  that  time  he  has  practised  medicine  in  Boston.  Earn 
ing  a  good  reputation  here  by  his  diligence  and  skill,  he  was  admitted 
a  member  of  the  Medical  Society,  as  above  stated.  Many  of  our  most 
respectable  physicians  visit  and  advise  with  him  whenever  counsel  is 
required.  The  Boston  medical  profession,  it  must  be  acknowledged, 
has  done  itself  honor  in  thus  discarding  the  law  of  caste,  and  gener 
ously  acknowledging  real  merit,  without  regard  to  the  hue  of  the  skin." 

The  Colored  population  of  New  York  was  equal  to  the  great 
emergency  that  required  them  to  put  forth  their  personal  ex 
ertions.  Dr.  Henry  Highland  Garnet,  Dr.  Charles  B.  Ray,  and 
the  Rev.  Peter  Williams  in  the  pulpit  ;  Charles  L.  Reason  and 
William  Peterson  as  teachers  ;  James  McCune  Smith  and  Philip 
A.  White  as  physicians  and  chemists  ;  James  Williams  and  Jacob 
Day  among  business  men,  did  much  to  elevate  the  Negro  in  self- 
respect  and  self-support. 

Philadelphia  early  ranked  among  her  foremost  leaders  of  the 
Colored  people,  William  Whipper,  Stephen  Smith,  Robert  Purvis, 
William  Still,  Frederick  A.  Hinton,  and  Joseph  Cassey.  From 
an  inquiry  instituted  in  1837,  it  was  ascertained  that  out  of  the 
18,768  Colored  people  in  Philadelphia,  250  had  paid  for  their 
freedom  the  aggregate  sum  of  $79,612,  and  that  the  real  and  per 
sonal  property  owned  by  them  was  near  $1,500,000.  There 
were  returns  of  several  chartered  benevolent  societies  for  the 
purpose  of  affording  mutual  aid  in  sickness  and  distress,  and 


THE  NOR  THERN  NEGROES.  1 3 5 

there  were  sixteen  houses  of  public  worship,  with  over  4,000  com 
municants.  And  in  Western  Pennsylvania  there  were  John  Peck, 
John  B.  Vashon,  Geo.  Gardner,  and  Lewis  Woodson.  Every 
State  in  the  North  seemed  to  produce  Colored  men  of  marked 
ability  to  whom  God  committed  a  great  work.  Their  examples 
of  patient  fortitude,  industry,  and  frugality,  and  their  determined 
efforts  to  obtain  knowledge  and  build  up  character,  stimulated 
the  youth  of  the  Negro  race  to  greater  exertions  in  the  upward 
direction. 

The  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  was  organized  as 
early  as  1816.  Its  churches  grew  and  its  ministry  increased  in 
numbers,  intelligence,  and  piety,  until  it  became  the  most  powerful 
organization  of  Colored  men  on  the  continent.  The  influence  of 
this  organization  upon  the  Colored  race  in  America  was  excel 
lent.  It  brought  the  people  together,  not  only  in  religious  sym 
pathy,  but  by  the  ties  of  a  common  interest  in  all  affairs  of  their 
race  and  condition.  The  men  in  the  organization  who  possessed 
the  power  of  speech,  who  had  talents  to  develop,  and  an  am 
bition  to  serve  their  race,  found  this  church  a  wide  field  of  use 
fulness. 

The  Colored  Baptists  were  organized  before  the  Methodists, 
[in  Virginia,]  but  their  organization  has  always  lacked  strength. 
The  form  of  government,  being  purely  Democratic,  was  adapted 
to  a  people  of  larger  intelligence  and  possessed  of  greater  ca 
pacity  for  self-government.  But,  notwithstanding  this  fact,  the 
"  independent "  order  of  Colored  Baptists  gave  the  members  and 
clergymen  of  the  denomination  exalted  ideas  of  government,  and 
abiding  confidence  in  the  capacity  of  the  Negro  for  self-govern 
ment.  No  organization  of  Colored  people  in  America  has  pro 
duced  such  able  men  as  the  Colored  Baptist  Church. 

In  Ohio,  Illinois,  Indiana,  and  Michigan,  Colored  men  dis 
tinguished  themselves  in  the  pulpit,  in  the  forum,  in  business, 
and  letters.  William  Howard  Day,  of  Cleveland,  during  this 
period  [1850-1860]  Librarian  of  the  Cleveland  Library  and 
editor  of  a  newspaper;  John  Mercer  Langston,  of  Oberlin  ;  John 
Liverpool  and  John  I..  Gaines,  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  were  good 
men  and  true.  What  they  did  for  their  race  was  done  worthily 
and  well.  At  the  Ohio  Anti-Slavery  Convention,  held  at  Putnam 
on  the  22d,  23d,  and  24th  of  April,  1835,  the  committee  on  the 
condition  of  the  "  people  of  Color,"  made  the  following  report 
from  Cincinnati : 


136    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  number  of  Colored  people  in  Cincinnati  is  about  2,500.  As 
illustrating  their  general  condition,  we  will  give  the  statistics  of  one  or 
two  small  districts.  The  families  in  each  were  visited  from  house  to 
house,  taking  them  all  as  far  as  we  went : 


Number  of  families  in  one  of  these  districts          ...  26 

of  individuals           .......  125 

of  heads  of  families         ......  49 

of  heads  of  families  who  are  professors  of  religion  .  19 

of  children  at  school       .         .         ...         .         .  20 

of  heads  of  families  who  have  been  slaves        .         .  39 

of  individuals  who  have  been  slaves         ...  95 
Time  since  they  obtained  their  freedom,  from  i  to  15  years  ; 

average,  7  years. 

Number  of  individuals  who  have  purchased  themselves         .  23 
Whole  amount  paid  for  themselves        .....    $9,112 

Number  of  fathers  and  mothers  still  in  slavery              .         .  9 

"        of  children                18 

of  brothers  and  sisters              98 

of  newspapers  taken         ......  o 

of  heads  of  families  who  can  read  2 


EMPLOYMENT  OF    HEADS  OE    FAMILIES. 

Common  laborers  and  porters                 .         .         .         .  7 

Dealers  in  second-hand  clothing            .....  i 

Hucksters              .........  i 

Carpenters             2 

Shoe-blacks           .........  6 

Cooks  and  waiters         ........  n 

Washer-women  18 


Five  of  these  women  purchased  themselves  from  slavery.  One  paid 
four  hundred  dollars  for  herself,  and  has  since  bought  a  house  and  lot 
worth  six  hundred  dollars.  All  this  she  has  done  by  washing. 

Another  individual  had  bargained  for  his  wife  and  two  children. 
Their  master  agreed  to  take  four  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  for  them. 
He  succeeded  at  length  in  raising  the  money,  which  he  carried  to  their 
owner.  "  I  shall  charge  you  thirty  dollars  more  than  when  you  was 
here  before,"  said  the  planter,  "  for  your  wife  is  in  a  family-way,  and 
you  may  pay  thirty  dollars  for  that  or  not  take  her,  just  as  you  please." 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.         137 

"  And  so,"  said  he  (patting  the  head  of  a  little  son,  three  years  old,  who 
hung  upon  his  knee),  "  I  had  to  pay  thirty  dollars  for  this  little  fellow 
six  months  before  he  was  born." 

Number  of  families  in  another  district  ....  63 

of  individuals  .......         258 

"        of  heads  of  families 106 

"        of  families  who  are  professors  of  religion         .         .  16 

of  heads  of  families  at  school  ....  53 

of  newspapers  taken 7 

Amount  of  property  in  real  estate         .....    $9,850 

Number  of  individuals  who  have  been  slaves         .         .         .         108 
"        of  heads  of  families  who  have  'been  slaves       .         .  69 

Age  at  which  they  obtained  their  freedom,  from  3  months  to 

60  years  ;    average,  33  years. 
Time  since  they  obtained  their  freedom,  from  4  weeks  to  27 

years  ;  average,  9  years. 

Number  of  heads  of  families  who  have  purchased  themselves,  36 

Whole  amount  paid  for  themselves       ....      $21,515.00 

Average  price  .......  $597.64 

Number  of  children  which  the  same  families  have  already 

purchased  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  14 

Whole  amount  paid  for  these  children  .         .         .       $2,425.75 

Average  price $173.27 

Total  amount  paid  for  these  parents  and  children         .      $23,940.75 

Number  of  parents  still  in  slavery         .....  16 

of  husbands  or  wives       ......  7 

of  children 35 

of  brothers  and  sisters     ......          144 

These  districts  were  visited  without  the  least  reference  to  their  being 
exhibited  separately.  If  they  give  a  fair  specimen  of  the  whole  popu 
lation  (and  we  believe  that  to  be  a  fact),  then  we  have  the  following  re 
sults  :  1,129  of  the  Colored  population  of  Cincinnati  have  been  in 
slavery  ;  476  have  purchased  themselves,  at  the  total  expense  of 
$215,522.04,  averaging  for  each,  $452.77  ;  163  parents  are  still  in 
slavery,  68  husbands  and  wives,  346  children,  1,579  brothers  and  sisters. 

There  are  a  large  number  in  the  city  who  are  now  working  out  their 
own  freedom — their  free  papers  being  retained  as  security.  One  man 
of  our  acquaintance  has  just  given  his  master  seven  notes  of  one  hun 
dred  dollars  each,  one  of  which  he  intends  to  pay  every  year,  till  he  has 
paid  them  all  ;  his  master  promises  then  to  give  him  his  free  papers. 
After  paying  for  himself,  he  intends  to  buy  his  wife  and  then  his  chil- 


138    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

dren.  Others  are  buying  their  husbands  or  wives,  and.  others  again 
their  parents  or  children.  To  show  that  on  this  subject  they  have 
sympathies  like  other  people,  we  will  state  a  single  fact.  A  young  man, 
after  purchasing  himself,  earned  three  hundred  dollars.  This  sum  he 
supposed  was  sufficient  to  purchase  his  aged  mother,  a  widow,  whom 
he  had  left  in  slavery  five  years  before,  in  Virginia.  Hearing  that  she 
was  for  sale,  he  started  immediately  to  purchase  her.  But,  after  trav 
elling  five  hundred  miles,  and  offering  all  his  money,  he  was  refused. 
Not  because  she  was  not  for  sale,  nor  because  he  did  not  offer  her  full 
value.  She  had  four  sons  and  daughters  with  her,  and  the  planter 
thought  he  could  do  better  to  keep  the  family  together  and  send  them 
all  down  the  river.  In  vain  the  affectionate  son  pleaded  for  his  mother. 
The  planter's  heart  was  steel.  He  would  not  sell  her,  and  with  a 
heavy  heart  the  young  man  returned  to  Cincinnati.  He  has  since 
heard  that  they  were  sold  in  the  New  Orleans  market  "  in  lots  to  suit 
purchasers." 

Cincinnati  produced  quite  a  number  of  business  men  among 
her  Colored  population. 

HENRY    BOYD 

was  born  in  the  State  of  Kentucky,  on  the  I4th  day  of  May, 
1802.  He  received  some  instruction  in  reading  and  writing. 
He  was  bound  out  to  a  gentleman,  from  whom  he  learned  the 
cabinet-making  trade.  He  developed  at  quite  an  early  age  a 
genius  for  working  in  all  kinds  of  wood — could  make  any  thing 
in  the  business.  He  came  to  Ohio  in  1826,  and  located  in  Cin 
cinnati.  He  was  a  fine-looking  man  of  twenty-four  years,  and  a 
master  mechanic.  He  expected  to  secure  employment  in  some 
of  the  cabinet  shops  in  the  city.  Accordingly,  he  applied  at 
several,  but  as  often  as  he  applied  he  was  refused  employment 
on  the  ground  of  complexional  prejudice.  In  some  instances  the 
proprietor  was  willing  that  a  Colored  man  should  work  for  him, 
but  the  white  mechanics  would  not  work  by  the  side  of  a  Colored 
man.  In  other  cases  it  was  quite  different.  The  proprietors 
would  not  entertain  the  idea  of  securing  the  services  of  a  "  Black- 
mechanic."  So  it  was  for  weeks  that  Mr.  Boyd  sought  an  op 
portunity  to  use  his  skill  in  the  direction  of  his  genius  and  train 
ing;  but  he  sought  in  vain.  Disappointed,  though  not  disheart- 
ened,  he  turned  to  the  work  of  a  stevedore,  which  he  did  for  four 
months.  At  the  expiration  of  this  time  he  found  employment 
with  a  house-builder.  Within  six  months  from  the  time  he  be- 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.  139 

gan  work  as  a  builder  he  had  so  thoroughly  mastered  the  trade 
that  he  quit  working  as  a  journeyman,  formed  a  co-partnership 
with  a  white  man,  and  went  into  business.  The  gentleman  with 
whom  he  joined  his  fortunes  was  a  mechanic  of  excellent  abili 
ties,  and  acknowledged  the  superior  fitness  of  Boyd  for  the 
business. 

As  a  builder  he  succeeded  first-rate  for  four  years.  But  his 
color  was  against  him.  His  white  partner  would  make  the  con 
tracts,  secure  the  jobs,  and  then  Boyd  would  come  forward  when 
the  work  was  to  be  done.  He  had  an  abundance  of  work,  and 
always  finished  it  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  his  patrons.  It  is 
impossible  to  estimate  just  how  many  houses  he  built,  but  the 
number  is  not  small.  He  had  made  a  beginning,  and  secured 
some  capital.  He  did  not  like  the  builder's  trade,  and  only  en 
tered  it  at  the  first  from  necessity — as  a  stepping-stone  to  his 
own  trade,  for  which  he  had  a  great  deal  of  enthusiasm.  In 
1836,  ten  years  after  his  arrival  in  Cincinnati,  he  engaged  in  the 
manufacture  of  bedsteads.  For  six  years  he  carried  on  this  busi 
ness — found  a  ready  market  and  liberal  pay.  He  brought  to  his 
business  some  of  the  oldest  buyers  in  the  bedstead  line,  and  had 
a  trade  that  kept  him  busy  at  all  seasons  of  the  year.  His  very 
excellent  business  habits  won  for  him  many  friends,  and  through 
their  solicitations  he  enlarged  his  business  by  manufacturing  all 
kinds  of  furniture.  He  put  up  a  building  on  the  corner  of  Eighth 
Street  and  Broadway,  where  he  carried  on  his  manufacturing  from 
1836  till  1859,  a  period  of  twenty-three  years.  His  business  required 
four  large  buildings  and  a  force  of  skilful  workmen,  never  less 
than  twenty,  frequently  fifty.  He  used  the  most  approved  ma 
chinery  and  paid  excellent  wages. 

His  manufactory  presented,  perhaps,  what  was  never  seen  in 
this  country  before  or  since.  His  workmen  represented  almost 
all  the  leading  races.  There  were  Negroes,  Americans,  Irishmen,. 
Scotchmen,  Englishmen,  Frenchmen,  and  men  of  other  nation 
alities.  And  they  did  n't  bite  each  other !  Their  relations  were, 
pleasant. 

He  was  burned  out  three  times,  but  he  rebuilt  and  went  ahead'.. 
He  was  doing  such  an  extensive  business  that  some  thought  it 
advisable  to  destroy  his  buildings.  His  losses  were  very  heavy, 
yet  he  kept  right  on,  and  kept  up  his  business  for  some  time  ; 
but  finally  had  to  yield  at  the  last  fire,  when  he  had  no  insur 
ance. 


140    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

He  invented  a  machine  to  turn  the  rails  of  a  bed,  but  being  a 
Colored  man  he  could  not  take  out  a  patent.  He,  therefore,  had 
one  taken  out  in  the  name  of  a  white  gentleman.  "The  Boyd 
bedstead  "  sold  throughout  the  United  States  then,  and  was 
popular  for  many  years  after  he  quit  the  business. 

He  has  been  engaged  in  several  different  businesses  since  he 
quit  manufacturing,  and  for  the  last  nine  years  has  been  in  the 
employ  of  the  city. 

SAMUEL  T.   WILCOX. 

In  1850  Samuel  T.  Wilcox  decided  to  embark  in  some  busi 
ness  venture  in  Cincinnati.  Accordingly  he  built  a  store  on  the 
northeast  corner  of  Broadway  and  Fifth  streets.  He  at  once  oc 
cupied  it  as  a  grocer.  In  those  days  fancy  groceries  were  not 
kept.  But  Mr.  Wilcox  opened  a  new  era  in  the  business.  He 
introduced  fancy  articles,  such  as  all  varieties  of  canned  fruit, 
choice  liquors,  cigars,  first  quality  of  hams,  all  kinds  of  dried  fruit, 
the  best  brands  of  sugars,  molasses,  and  fine  soaps.  He  made  a 
specialty  of  these,  and  succeeded  admirably. 

His  trade  was  divided  between  two  classes — the  finest  river 
packets  and  the  best  families  of  the  city.  His  customers  were 
the  very  best  families — people  of  wealth  and  high  standing.  And 
perhaps  no  grocer  of  his  times  in  Cincinnati  did  so  large  a  busi 
ness  as  Samuel  T.  Wilcox. 

His  business  increased  rapidly  until  he  did  about  $140,000 
of  trade  per  year  /  This  continued  for  six  years,  when  his  social 
habits  were  not  favorable  to  permanent  success.  He  had  been 
sole  owner  of  the  business  up  to  this  time.  He  sold  out  one 
half  of  the  store  to  Charles  Roxboro,  Sr. ;  thus  the  firm  name 
became  "  Wilcox  &  Roxboro."  The  latter  gentleman  was 
energetic  and  business-like  in  his  habits.  He  cast  his  courage 
and  marvellous  tact  against  the  high  tide  of  business  disaster 
that  came  sweeping  along  in  the  last  days  of  the  firm.  He  re 
sorted  to  every  honorable  and  safe  expedient  in  order  to  avert 
failure.  But  the  handwriting  was  upon  the  wall.  He  failed. 
Wilcox  had  begun  business  with  $25,000  cash.  He  had  accumu 
lated  $60,000  in  real  estate,  and  had  transacted  $140,000  of 
business  in  a  single  year  !  He  failed  because  his  life  was  im 
moral,  his  habits  extravagant,  and  his  attention  to  business  in 
different. 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.         141 

ALEX.    S.    THOMAS. 

This  gentleman  came  to  Cincinnati  in  1852,  where  he  made 
the  acquaintance  of  a  Colored  gentleman  of  intelligence,  J.  P. 
Ball,  who  was  in  the  daguerrian  business  at  Nos.  28  and  30  West 
Fourth  Street.  Mr.  Thomas  became  affianced  to  Miss  Eliza 
beth  Ball,  sister  of  J.  P.  Ball ;  and  after  they  were  married,  Mr. 
Thomas  accepted  the  position  of  reception  clerk  for  his  brother- 
in-law.  He  filled  this  position  with  credit  and  honor  for  the 
space  of  one  year.  It  was  now  1853.  Daguerrotypes  were  all  the 
"  rage."  Photography  was  unknown.  Mr.  Ball  had  an  excellent 
run  of  custom,  and  was  making  money  rapidly. 

As  operator,  Mr.  Ball  soon  discovered  that  Mr.  Thomas  was 
a  man  of  quick  perception,  thorough,  and  entirely  trustworthy. 
He  soon  became  familiar  with  the  instrument,  and  in  1854  began 
to  "  operate."  He  continued  at  the  instrument  during  the  re 
mainder  of  the  time  he  spent  at  28  West  Fourth  Street.  He 
shortly  acquired  the  skill  of  an  old  and  well-trained  operator; 
and  his  success  in  this  department  of  the  business  added  greatly 
to  the  already  well-established  reputation  of  the  gallery. 

Mr.  Thomas  was  not  satisfied  with  being  a  successful  clerk 
and  first-class  operator.  He  wanted  to  go  into  business  for  him 
self.  Accordingly  he  opened  a  gallery  at  No.  120  West  Fourth 
Street,  near  the  "Commercial,"  under  the  firm  name  of  "  Ball  & 
Thomas."  The  rooms  were  handsomely  fitted  up,  and  the 
building  leased  for  five  years. 

In  May,  1860,  a  severe  tornado  passed  over  the  city,  destroy 
ing  much  property  and  several  lives.  The  roof  of  the  Commer 
cial  [Potter's  Building]  was  carried  away ;  part  passed  over  the 
gallery  of  Ball  &  Thomas,  while  part  went  through  the  operating 
room,  and  some  fragments  of  timber,  etc.,  penetrated  a  saloon  in 
the  rear  of  the  photographic  gallery,  and  killed  a  child  and 
a  woman.  The  gallery  was  a  complete  wreck,  the  instruments, 
chemicals,  scenery,  cases,  pictures,  carpets,  furniture,  and  every 
thing  else,  were  ruined.  This  was  in  the  early  days  of  the  firm. 
All  their  available  capital  had  been  converted  into  stock,  used 
in  fitting  up  the  gallery.  Ball  &  Thomas  were  young  men — 
they  were  Colored  men,  and  were  financially  ruined.  Apparently 
their  business  was  at  an  end.  But  they  were  artists  ;  and  many 
white  families  in  Cincinnati  recognized  them  as  such.  Their 
white  friends  came  to  the  rescue.  The  gallery  was  fitted  up 
again  most  elaborately,  and  was  known  as  "  the  finest  photo 
graphic  gallery  west  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains." 


142    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

This  marked  a  distinct  era  in  the  history  of  the  firm,  and 
many  persons  often  remarked  that  the  luckiest  moment  in  their 
history  was  when  the  roof  of  the  Commercial  building  sat  down 
upon  them.  For  years  the  best  families  of  the  city  patronized 
the  famous  firm  of  Ball  &  Thomas.  They  had  more  business 
than  they  could  attend  to  at  times,  and  consequently  had  to  en 
gage  extra  help.  These  were  years  of  unprecedented  success. 
One  hundred  dollars  a  day  was  small  money  then.  The  firm  be 
came  quite  wealthy.  After  spending  fifteen  years  at  120  they 
returned  to  30  West  Fourth  Street,  where  they  remained  until 
May,  1874. 

Photographers  move  considerable,  and  it  is  seldom  that  men 
in  this  business  remain  in  one  street  or  building  as  long  as  Ball 
&  Thomas.  They  passed  twenty-one  of  the  best  years  of  the 
firm  in  Fourth  Street.  This  is  both  a  compliment  to  the  public 
and  themselves.  It  shows,  on  the  one  hand,  that  Colored  men 
can  conduct  business  like  white  men,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  if 
Colored  men  have  ability  to  carry  on  any  kind  of  business,  white 
people  will  patrcnize  them. 

The  old  stand  at  30  West  Fourth  Street  was  fitted  up  anew, 
and  business  began  with  all  the  wonted  zeal  and  desire  to  please 
the  public  which  characterized  the  firm  in  former  years.  The 
rooms  were  at  once  elegant  and  capacious.  Their  motto  was  to 
do  the  best  work  at  the  cheapest  rates.  But  as  in  all  other  busi 
nesses,  so  in  photographic  art,  there  was  competition.  And  rather 
than  do  poor  work  at  the  low  rates  of  competitors,  they  de 
cided  to  remove  to  another  locality.  Accordingly,  in  May,  1874, 
they  moved  into  No.  146  West  Fifth  Street.  The  building 
was  leased  for  a  term  of  years.  It  was  in  no  wise  adapted  to  the 
photographic  business.  The  walls  were  cut  out,  doors  made, 
stairs  changed,  skylight  put  in,  chemical  rooms  constructed,  gas- 
fixtures  put  in,  papering,  painting,  and  graining  done,  carpets 
and  new  furniture  ordered.  It  cost  the  firm  more  than  $2,800  to 
enter  this  new  stand. 

The  first  year  at  the  new  stand  was  characterized  by  liberal' 
custom  and  excellent  work.  The  old  customers  who  were  de 
lighted  with  the  work  done  at  30  West  Fourth  Street,  were  con 
vinced  that  the  firm  had  redoubled  its  artistic  zeal,  and  was  de 
termined  to  outdo  the  palmy  days  of  Fourth  Street.  The 
business,  which  at  this  time  was  in  a  flourishing  condition,  was 
destined  to  suffer  an  interruption  in  the  death  of  Thomas  Carroll 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.  143 

the  senior  member  of  the  firm.  It  was  at  a  time  when  the 
trade  demanded  the  energies  of  both  gentlemen.  But  Death 
never  tarries  to  consider  the  far-reach  of  results  or  the  wishes  of 
the  friends  of  his  subject.  The  business  continued.  Ball  Thomas, 
the  son  of  Mr.  A.  S.  Thomas,  who  had  grown  up  under  the  faith 
ful  tuition  of  his  father,  now  became  a  successful  retouching 
artist.  For  the  last  two  years  Mr.  Thomas  has  cpnducted  the 
business  alone.  He  is  now  doing  business  at  166  West  Fifth 
Street,  and  it  is  said  that  he  is  doing  a  good  business. 

The  Colored  people  of  Cincinnati  evinced  not  only  an  anxiety 
to  take  care  of  themselves,  but  took  steps  early  toward  securing 
a  home  for  the  orphans  in  their  midst. 

In  ante-bellum  days  there  was  no  provision  made  for  Colored 
paupers  or  Colored  orphans.  Where  individual  sympathy  or 
charity  did  not  intervene,  they  were  left  to  die  in  the  midst  of 
squalid  poverty,  and  were  cast  into  the  common  ditch,  without 
having  medical  aid  or  ministerial  consolation.  There  was  not 
simply  studious  neglect,  but  a  strong  prohibition  against  their 
entrance  into  institutions  sustained  by  the  county  and  State  for 
white  persons  not  more  fortunate  than  they.  At  one  time  a 
good  Quaker  was  superintendent  of  the  county  poorhouse. 
His  heart  was  touched  with  kindest  sympathy  for  the  uncared- 
for  Colored  paupers  in  Cincinnati.  He  acted  the  part  of  a  true 
Samaritan,  and  gave  them  separate  quarters  in  the  institution  of 
which  he  was  the  official  head.  This  fact  came  to  the  public  ear, 
and  the  trustees  of  the  poorhouse,  in  accordance  with  their 
own  convictions  and  in  compliance  with  the  complexional  preju 
dices  of  the  community,  discharged  the  Quaker  for  this  breach  of 
the  law.  The  Colored  paupers  were  turned  out  of  this  lazar- 
house  on  the  Sabbath.  The  time  to  perpetuate  this  crime  against 
humanity  was  indeed  significant — on  the  Lord's  day.  The  God 
•of  the  poor  and  His  followers  beheld  the  streets  of  Christian 
Cincinnati  filled  with  the  maimed,  halt,  sick,  and  poor,  who  were 
denied  the  common  fare  accorded  the  white  paupers  !  There 
was  no  sentiment  in  those  days,  either  in  the  pulpit  or  press,  to 
raise  its  voice  against  this  act  of  cruelty  and  shame. 

Lydia  P.  Mott,  an  eminent  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends 
and  an  able  leader  of  a  conscientious  few,  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  motherless,  fatherless,  and  homeless  Colored  children  of 
this  community.  She  attracted  the  attention  and  won  the  confi- 


144    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

dence  of  the  few  Abolitionists  of  this  city.  She  determined  to* 
establish  a  home  for  these  little  wanderers,  and  immediately  set 
to  work  at  a  plan.  The  late  Salmon  P.  Chase  was  then  quite 
young,  a  man  of  brilliant  abilities  and  of  anti-slavery  sentiments. 
He  joined  himself  to  the  humane  movement  of  Lydia  P.  Mott, 
with  the  following  persons  :  Christian  Donaldson,  James  Pullan, 
William  Donaldson,  Robert  Buchanan,  John  Liverpool,  Richard 
Phillips,  John  Woodson,  Charles  Satchell,  Wm.  W.  Watson, 
William  Darnes,  Michael  Clark,  A.  M.  Sumner,  Reuben  P.  Gra 
ham,  Louis  P.  Brux,  Sarah  B.  McLain,  Mrs.  Eustis,  Mrs.  Dr. 
Stanton,  Mrs.  Hannah  Cooper,  Mrs.  Mary  Jane  Gordon,  Mrs. 
Susan  Miller,  Mrs.  Rebecca  Darnes,  Mrs.  Charlotte  Armstrong, 
Mrs.  Eliza  Clark,  Mrs.  Ruth  Ellen  Watson,  and  others.  Six  of 
the  gentlemen  and  four  of  the  ladies  were  white.  Only  six  of 
this  noble  company  are  living  at  this  time. 

The  organization  was  effected  in  1844,  and  the  act  of  incor 
poration  was  drawn  up  by  Salmon  P.  Chase.  It  was  chartered 
in  February,  .1845,  the  passage  of  the  act  having  been  assured 
through  the  personal  influence  of  Mr.  Chase  upon  the  members 
of  the  Legislature. 

The  first  Board  of  Trustees  under  the  charter  were  William 
Donaldson,  John  Woodson,  Richard  Phillips,  Christian  Donald 
son,  Reuben  P.  Graham,  Richard  Pullan,  Charles  Satchell,  Louis 
P.  Brux,  and  John  Liverpool.  But  one  is  alive — Richard  Pullan. 

The  first  building  th"e  Trustees  secured  as  an  asylum  was  on 
Ninth  Street,  between  Plum  and  Elm.  They  paid  a  rental  of 
$12.50  per  month.  The  building  was  owned  by  Mr.  Nicholas 
Longworth,  but  the  ground  was  leased  by  him  from  Judge  Bur- 
net.  The  Trustees  ultimately  purchased  the  building  for  $1,500; 
and  in  1851  the  ground  also  was  purchased  of  Mr.  Groesbeck  for 
$4,400  in  cash. 

During  the  three  or  four  years  following,  the  institution  had 
quite  an  indifferent  career.  The  money  requisite  to  run  it  was 
not  forthcoming.  The  children  were  poorly  fed  and  clothed, 
and  many  times  there  was  no  money  in  the  treasury  at  all.  The 
Trustees  were  discouraged,  and  it  seemed  that  the  asylum  would 
have  to  be  closed.  But  just  at  this  time  that  venerable  Aboli 
tionist  and  underground  railroader,  Levi  Coffin,  with  his  excellent 
wife,  "  Aunt  Kitty,"  came  to  the  rescue.  He  took  charge  of  the 
institution  as  superintendent,  and  his  wife  assumed  the  duties  of 
matron.  Through  their  exertions  and  adroit  management  they 


THE  NORTHERN  NEGROES.  145 

succeeded  in   enlisting  the  sympathy  of  many  benevolent  folk, 
and  secured  the  support  of  many  true  friends. 

It  was  now  1866.  The  asylum  building  presented  a  forlorn 
aspect.  It  was  far  from  being  a  comfortable  shelter  for  the  chil 
dren.  But  a  lack  of  funds  forbade  the  Trustees  from  having  it 
repaired.  They  began  to  look  about  for  a  more  desirable  and 
comfortable  building.  During  the  closing  year  of  the  Rebellion 
a  large  number  of  freedmen  sought  the  shelter  of  our  large 
Northern  cities.  Cincinnati  received  her  share  of  them,  and 
acted  nobly  toward  them.  The  government  authorities  built  a 
hospital  for  freedmen  in  a  very  desirable  locality  in  Avondale. 
At  this  time  (1866),  the  building,  which  was  very  capacious,  was 
not  occupied.  The  Trustees  secured  a  change  in  the  charter, 
permitting  them,  by  consent  of  the  subscribers,  to  sell  the  Ninth 
Street  property,  and  purchase  the  hospital  building  and  the  ac 
companying  six  acres  in  Avondale.  The  Ninth  Street  property 
brought  $9,000;  the  purchase  in  Avondale,  refitting,  etc.,  cost 
$11,000,  incurring  a  debt  of  $2,000. 

During  the  first  twenty-two  years  of  the  institution  much 
good  was  accomplished.  Hundreds  of  children — orphans  and 
friendless  children — found  shelter  in  the  asylum,  which  existed 
only  through  the  almost  superhuman  efforts  of  the  intelligent 
Colored  persons  in  the  community,  and  the  unstinted  charity  of 
many  generous  white  persons.  The  asylum  has  been  pervaded  with 
a  healthy  religious  atmosphere  ;  and  many  of  its  inmates  have  gone 
forth  to  the  world  giving  large  promise  of  usefulness.  An  occa 
sional  letter  from  former  inmates  often  proves  that  much  good 
has  been  done  ;  and  that  some  of  these  children,  without  the 
kindly  influence  and  care  of  the  asylum,  instead  of  occupying 
places  of  usefulness  and  trust  in  society,  might  have  drifted  into 
vagrancy  and  crime. 

Amidst  the  struggle  for  temporal  welfare,  the  Colored  people 
of  Cincinnati  were  not  unmindful  of  the  interests  and  destinies 
of  the  Union.  A  military  company  was  formed,  bearing  the 
name  of  Attucks  Guards.  On  the  25th  of  July,  1855,  an  associa 
tion  of  ladies  presented  a  flag  to  the  company.  The  address,  on 
the  part  of  the  ladies,  was  delivered  by  Miss  Mary  A.  Darnes. 
Among  many  excellent  things,  she  said : 

"  Should  the  love  of  liberty  and  your  country  ever  demand  your  ser 
vices,  may  you,  in  imitation  of  that  noble  patriot  whose  name  you  bear, 


146    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

promptly  respond  to  the  call,  and  fight  to  the  last  for  the  great  and 
noble  principles  of  liberty  and  justice,  to  the  glory  of  your  fathers  and 
the  land  of  your  birth. 

"  The  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  slave  must  be  free  ;  if  not  by 
moral  and  intellectual  means,  it  must  be  done  by  the  sword.  Remem 
ber,  gentlemen,  should  duty  call,  it  will  be  yours  to  obey,  and  strike  to 
the  last  for  freedom  or  the  grave. 

"  But  God  forbid  that  you  should  be  called  upon  to  witness  our 
peaceful  homes  involved  in  war.  May  our  eyes  never  behold  this  flag 
in  any  conflict ;  let  the  quiet  breeze  ever  play  among  its  folds,  and  the 
fullest  peace  dwell  among  you  !  " 

While  the  great  majority  of  the  Colored  people  in  the  coun 
try  were  bowing  themselves  cheerfully  to  the  dreadful  task  of 
living  among  wolves,  some  of  the  race  were  willing  to  brave  the 
perils  of  the  sea,  and  find  a  new  home  on  the  West  Coast  of 
Africa.  Between  the  years  of  1850-1856,  9,502  Negroes  went  to 
Liberia,  of  whom  3,676  had  been  born  free.  In  1850,  there  were 
1,467  manumitted,  while  1,011  ran  away  from  their  masters. 

Notwithstanding  the  many  disadvantages  under  which  the  free 
Negroes  of  the  North  had  to  labor,  they  accomplished  a  great 
deal.  In  an  incredibly  short  time  they  built  schools,  planted 
churches,  established  newspapers ;  had  their  representatives  in 
law,  medicine,  and  theology  before  the  world  as  the  marvel  of 
the  centuries.  Shut  out  from  every  influence  calculated  to  incite 
them  to  a  higher  life,  and  provoke  them  to  better  works,  never 
theless,  the  Colored  people  were  enabled  to  live  down  much 
prejudice,  and  gained  the  support  and  sympathy  of  noble  men  and 
women  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race. 


NEGRO   SCHOOL  LAWS.  147 


CHAPTER   XII. 

NEGRO   SCHOOL   LAWS. 
1619-1860. 

V«E  POSSIBILITIES  OF  THE  HUMAN  INTELLECT.  —  IGNORANCE  FAVORABLE  TO  SLAVERY.  —  AN  ACT  BY 
THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  ALABAMA  IMPOSING  A  PENALTY  ON  ANY  ONE  INSTRUCTING  A  COLORED 
PERSON.  —  EDUCATIONAL  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  CREOLES  IN  THE  CITY  OF  MOBILE.  —  PREJUDICE 
AGAINST  COLORED  SCHOOLS  IN  CONNECTICUT.  —  THE  ATTEMPT  OF  Miss  PRUDENCE  CRANDALL. 
TO  ADMIT  COLORED  GIRLS  INTO  HER  SCHOOL  AT  CANTERBURY.  —  THE  INDIGNATION  OF  THE 
CITIZENS  AT  THIS  ATTEMPT  TO  Mix  THE  RACES  IN  EDUCATION.  —  THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  CON 

NECTICUT   PASSES   A    LAW    ABOLISHING   THE   SCHOOL.  —  THE   BUILDING   ASSAULTED   BY  A   MOB.  — 

Miss  CRANDALL  ARRESTED  AND  IMPRISONED  FOR  TEACHING  COLORED  CHILDREN  AGAINST  THE 
LAW.  —GREAT  EXCITEMENT.  —  THE  LAW  FINALLY  REPEALED.  —  AN  ACT  BY  THE  LEGISLATURE 
OF  DELAWARE  TAXING  PERSONS  WHO  BROUGHT  INTO,  OR  SOLD  SLAVES  OUT  OF,  THE  STATE.  — 
UNDER  ACT  OF  1829  MONEY  RECEIVED  FOR  THE  SALE  OF  SLAVES  IN  FLORIDA  WAS  ADDED  TO 
THE  SCHOOL  FUND  IN  THAT  STATE.  —  GEORGIA  PROHIBITS  THE  EDUCATION  OF  COLORED  PER 
SONS  UNDER  HEAVY  PENALTY.  —  ILLINOIS  ESTABLISHES  SEPARATE  SCHOOLS  FOR  COLORED  CHIL 
DREN.  —  THE  "FREE  MISSION  INSTITUTE"  AT  QUINCY,  ILLINOIS,  DESTROYED  BY  A  MISSOURI 
MOB.  —  NUMEROUS  AND  CRUEL  SLAVE  LAWS  IN  KENTUCKY  RETARD  THE  EDUCATION  OF  THE 
NEGROES.  —  AN  ACT  PASSED  IN  LOUISIANA  PREVENTING  THE  NEGROES  IN  ANY  WAY  FROM 

BEING    INSTRUCTED.  -  MAINE    GIVES    EQUAL    SCHOOL    PRIVILEGES   TO    WHITES   AND    BLACKS.  —  ST. 

FRANCIS  ACADEMY  FOR  COLORED  GIRLS  FOUNDED  IN  BALTIMORE  IN  1831.  —  THE  WELLS 
SCHOOL.  —  THE  FIRST  SCHOOL  FOR  COLORED  CHILDREN  ESTABLISHED  IN  BOSTON  BY  INTELLI 
GENT  COLORED  MEN  IN  1798.  —  A  SCHOOL-HOUSE  FOR  THE  COLORED  CHILDREN  BUILT  AND 
PAID  FOR  OUT  OF  A  FUND  LEFT  BY  AeiEL  SMITH  FOR  THAT  PURPOSE.  —  JOHN  B.  RuSSWORM 
ONE  OF  THE  TEACHERS  AND  AFTERWARD  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  COLONY  OF  CAPE  PALMAS, 
LIBERIA.  —  FIRST  PRIMARY  SCHOOL  FOR  COLORED  CHILDREN  ESTABLISHED  IN  1820.  —  MISSOURI 
PASSES  STRINGENT  LAWS  AGAINST  THE  INSTRUCTION  OF  NEGROES.  —  NEW  YORK  PROVIDES  FOR 
THE  EDUCATION  OF  NEGROES.  —  ELIAS  NEAU  OPENS  A  SCHOOL  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY  FOR 
NEGRO  SLAVES  IN  1704.  —  "NEW  YORK  AFRICAN  FREE  SCHOOL"  IN  1786.  —  VISIT  OF  LAFAY 
ETTE  TO  THE  AFRICAN  SCHOOLS  IN  1824.  —  His  ADDRESS.  —  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  FOR  COLORED 
CHILDREN  IN  NEW  YORK.  —  COLORED  SCHOOLS  IN  OHIO.  —  "CINCINNATI  HIGH  SCHOOL"  FOR 
COLORED  YOUTHS  FOUNDED  IN  1844.  —  OBERLIN  COLLEGE  OPENS  ITS  DOORS  TO  COLORED  STU 
DENTS.  —  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  COLORED  SCHOOLS  IN  PENNSYLVANIA  BY  ANTHONY  BENEZET 
IN  1750.  —  His  WILL.  —  "INSTITUTE  FOR  COLORED  YOUTHS"  ESTABLISHED  IN  1837.  —  "AVERV 
COLLEGE,"  AT  ALLEGHENY  CITY,  PENNSYLVANIA,  FOUNDED  IN  1849.  —  ASHMUN  INSTITUTE,  OR 
LINCOLN  UNIVERSITY,  FOUNDED  IN  OCTOBER,  1856.  —  SOUTH  CAROLINA  TAKES  DEFINITE  ACTION 
AGAINST  THE  EDUCATION  OR  PROMOTION  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  1800-1803-1834.  —  TENNESSEE 
MAKES  NO  DISCRIMINATION  AGAINST  COLOR  IN  THE  SCHOOL  LAW  OF  1840.  —  LITTLE  OPPORTU 

NITY   AFFORDED    IN  VIRGINIA   FOR   THE    COLORED    MAN   TO    BE   ENLIGHTENED.  —  STRINGENT  LAWS 

ENACTED.  —  HISTORY    OF    SCHOOLS    FOR    THE    COLORED    POPULATION    IN    THE    DISTRICT    OF 

•COLUMBIA. 


"*HE  institution  of  American  slavery  needed  protection  from 

the  day  of  its  birth  to  the  day  of  its  death.  Whips,  thumb 

screws,  and  manacles  of  iron  were  far  less  helpful  to  it  than 

the  thraldom  of  the  intellects  of  its  hapless  victims.     "  Created  a 

little  lower  than  the   angels,"  "  crowned  with  glory  and  honor," 


148    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

armed  with  authority  "  over  every  living  creature,"  man  was  in, 
tended  by  his  Maker  to  rule  the  world  through  his  intellect.  The 
homogeneousness  of  the  crude  faculties  of  man  has  been  quite 
generally  admitted  throughout  the  world  ;  while  even  scientists, 
differing  widely  in  many  other  things,  have  united  in  ascribing 
to  the  human  mind  everywhere  certain  possibilities.  But  one 
class  of  men  have  dissented  from  this  view — the  slave-holders  of 
all  ages.  A  justification  of  slavery  has  been  sought  in  the  alleged 
belief  of  the  inferiority  of  the  persons  enslaved ;  while  the  broad 
truism  of  the  possibilities  of  the  human  mind  was  confessed  in 
all  legislation  that  sought  to  prevent  slaves  from  acquiring 
knowledge.  So  the  slave-holder  asserted  his  belief  in  the  men 
tal  inferiority  of  the  Negro,  and  then  advertised  his  lack  of  faith 
in  his  assertion  by  making  laws  to  prevent  the  Negro  intellect 
from  receiving  those  truths  which  would  render  him  valueless  as 
a  slave,  but  equal  to  the  duties  of  a  freeman. 

ALABAMA 

had  an  act  in  1832  which  declared  that  "Any  person  or  persons 
who  shall  attempt  to  teach  any  free  person  of  color  or  slave  to 
spell,  read,  or  write,  shall,  upon  conviction  thereof  by  indict 
ment,  be  fined  in  a  sum  not  less  than  $250,  nor  more  than  $500." 
This  act  also  prohibited  with  severe  penalties,  by  flogging,  "  any 
free  negro  or  person  of  color"  from  being  in  company  with 
any  slaves  without  written  permission  from  the  owner  or  over 
seer  of  such  slaves  ;  it  also  prohibited  the  assembling  of  more 
than  five  male  slaves  at  any  place  off  the  plantation  to  which 
they  belonged  ;  but  nothing  in  the  act  was  to  be  considered  as 
forbidding  attendance  at  places  of  public  worship  held  by  white 
persons.  No  slave  or  free  person  of  color  was  permitted  to 
"preach,  exhort,  or  harangue  any  slave  or  slaves,  or  free  persons 
of  color,  except  in  the  presence  of  five  respectable  slave-holders,, 
or  unless  the  person  preaching  was  licensed  by  some  regular 
body  of  professing  Christians  in  the  neighborhood,  to  whose 
society  or  church  the  negroes  addressed  properly  belonged." 

In  1833,  the  mayor  and  aldermen  of  the  city  of  Mobile  were 
authorized  by  an  act  of  the  Legislature  to  grant  licenses  to  such 
persons  as  they  deemed  suitable  to  give  instruction  to  the  chil 
dren  of  free  Colored  Creoles.  This  applied  only  to  those  who  re 
sided  in  the  city  of  Mobile  and  county  of  Baldwin.  The  instruction 
was  to  be  given  at  brief  periods,  and  the  children  had  to  secure  a 


NEGRO   SCHOOL  LAWS.  149 

certificate  from  the  mayor  and  aldermen.  The  ground  of  this 
action  was  the  treaty  between  France  and  the  United  States  in 
1803,  by  which  the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizens  had  been 
secured  to  the  Creoles  residing  in  the  above  places  at  the  time 
of  the  treaty. 

ARKANSAS, 

so  far  as  her  laws  appear,  did  not  prohibit  the  education  of 
Negroes  ;  but  a  study  of  her  laws  leaves  the  impression  that 
the  Negroes  there  were  practically  denied  the  right  of  instruc 
tion. 

CONNECTICUT 

never  legislated  against  educating  Colored  persons,  but  the  preju 
dice  was  so  strong  that  it  amounted  to  the  same  thing.  The 
intolerant  spirit  of  the  whites  drove  the  Colored  people  of 
Hartford  to  request  a  separate  school  in  1830.  Prejudice  was 
so  great  against  the  presence  of  a  Colored  school  in  a  com 
munity  of  white  people,  that  a  school,  established  by  a  very 
worthy  white  lady,  was  mobbed  and  then  legislated  out  of  ex 
istence. 

"  In  the  summer  of  1832,  Miss  Prudence  Crandall,  an  excellent, 
well-educated  Quaker  young  lady,  who  had  gained  considerable  repu 
tation  as  a  teacher  in  the  neighboring  town  of  Plainfield,  purchased,  at 
the  solicitation  of  a  number  of  families  in  the  village  of  Canterbury, 
Connecticut,  a  commodious  house  in  that  village,  for  the  purpose  of  es 
tablishing  a  boarding  and  day  school  for  young  ladies,  in  order  that 
they  might  receive  instruction  in  higher  branches  than  were  taught  in 
the  public  district  school.  Her  school  was  well  conducted,  but  was  in 
terrupted  early  in  1833  in  this  wise  :  Not  far  from  the  village  a  worthy 
colored  man  was  living,  by  the  name  of  Harris,  the  owner  of  a  good 
farm,  and  in  comfortable  circumstances.  His  daughter  Sarah,  a  bright 
girl,  seventeen  years  of  age,  had  passed  with  credit  through  the  public 
school  of  the  district  in  which  she  lived,  and  was  anxious  to  acquire  a 
better  education,  to  qualify  herself  to  become  a  teacher  of  the  colored 
people.  She  applied  to  Miss  Crandall  for  admission  to  her  school. 
Miss  Crandall  hesitated,  for  prudential  reasons,  to  admit  a  colored  per 
son  among  her  pupils  ;  but  Sarah  was  a  young  lady  of  pleasing  appear 
ance  and  manners,  well  known  to  many  of  Miss  Crandall's  present 
pupils,  having  been  their  classmate  in  the  district  school,  and  was,  more 
over,  a  virtuous,  pious  girl,  and  a  member  of  the  church  in  Canterbury. 
No  objection  could  be  made  to  her  admission,  except  on  acount  of  her 
complexion,  and  Miss  Crandall  decided  to  receive  her  as  a  pupil. 


150    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

No  objection  was  made  by  the  other  pupils,  but  in  a  few  days  the 
parents  of  some  of  them  called  on  Miss  Crandall  and  remonstrated ;  and 
although  Miss  Crandall  pressed  upon  their  consideration  the  eager  de 
sire  of  Sarah  for  knowledge  and  culture,  and  the  good  use  she  wished  to 
make  of  her  education,  her  excellent  character,  and  her  being  an  ac 
cepted  member  of  the  same  Christian  church  to  which  they  belonged, 
they  were  too  much  prejudiced  to  listen  to  any  arguments — 'they 
would  not  have  it  said  that  their  daughters  went  to  school  with  a  nigger 
girl.'  It  was  urged  that  if  Sarah  was  not  dismissed,  the  white  pupils 
would  be  withdrawn  ;  but  although  the  fond  hopes  of  success  for  an 
institution  which  she  had  established  at  the  risk  of  all  her  property, 
and  by  incurring  a  debt  of  several  hundred  dollars,  seemed  to  be 
doomed  to  disappointment,  she  decided  not  to  yield  to  the  demand  for 
the  dismissal  of  Sarah  ;  and  on  the  26.  day  of  March,  1833,  she  adver 
tised  in  the  *  Liberator '  that  on  the  first  Monday  in  April  her  school 
would  be  open  for  'young  ladies  and  little  misses  of  color.'  Her  deter 
mination  having  become  known,  a  fierce  indignation  was  kindled  and 
fanned  by  prominent  people  of  the  village  and  pervaded  the  town.  In 
this  juncture,  the  Rev,  Samuel  J.  May,  of  the  neighboring  town  of 
Brooklyn,  addressed  her  a  letter  of  sympathy,  expressing  his  readiness 
to  assist  her  to  the  extent  of  his  power,  and  was  present  at  the  town 
meeting  held  on  the  pth  of  March,  called  for  the  express  purpose  of 
devising  and  adopting  such  measures  as  '  would  effectually  avert 
the  nuisance  or  speedily  abate  it  if  it  should  be  brought  into  the 
village.' 

"  The  friends  of  Miss  Crandall  were  authorized  by  her  to  state  to 
the  moderator  of  the  town  meeting  that  she  would  give  up  her  house, 
which  was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  in  the  village,  and  not  wholly 
paid  for,  if  those  who  were  opposed  to  her  school  being  there  would 
take  the  property  off  her  hands  at  the  price  for  which  she  had  pur 
chased  it,  and  which  was  deemed  a  reasonable  one,  and  allow  her  time 
to  procure  another  house  in  a  more  retired  part  of  the  town. 

"  The  town  meeting  was  held  in  the  meeting-house,  which,  though 
capable  of  holding  a  thousand  people,  was  crowded  throughout  to  its 
utmost  capacity.  After  the  warning  for  the  meeting  had  been  read, 
resolutions  were  introduced  in  which  were  set  forth  the  disgrace  and 
damage  that  would  be  brought  upon  the  town  if  a  school  for  colored 
girls  should  be  set  up  there,  protesting  emphatically  against  the  im 
pending  evil,  and  appointing  the  civil  authority  and  select-men  a  com 
mittee  to  wait  upon  *  the  person  contemplating  the  establishment  of  said 
school,  and  persuade  her,  if  possible,  to  abandon  the  project.' 

"The  resolutions  were  advocated  by  Rufus  Adams,  Esq.,  and  Hon. 
Andrew  T.  Judson,  who  was  then  the  most  prominent  man  of  the  town, 
and  a  leading  politician  in  the  State,  and  much  talked  of  as  the  Demo- 


NEGRO   SCHOOL  LAWS.  151 

cratic  candidate  for  governor,  and  was  a  representative  in  Congress 
from  1835  to  l839>  when  he  was  elected  judge  of  the  United  States 
District  Court,  which  position  he  held  until  his  death  in  1853,  adjudi 
cating,  among  other  causes,  the  libel  of  the  '  Amistad  '  and  the  fifty-four 
Africans  on  board.  After  his  address  on  this  occasion,  Mr.  May,  in 
company  with  Mr.  Arnold  Buffum,  a  lecturing  agent  of  the  New  England 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  applied  for  permission  to'speak  in  behalf  of  Miss 
Crandall,  but  their  application  was  violently  opposed,  and  the  resolu 
tions  being  adopted,  the  meeting  was  declared,  by  the  moderator,  ad 
journed. 

"  Mr.  May  at  once  stepped  upon  the  seat  where  he  had  been  sitting, 
and  rapidly  vindicated  Miss  Crandall,  replying  to  some  of  the  mis- 
statements  as  to  her  purposes  and  the  character  of  her  expected  pupils, 
when  he  gave  way  to  Mr.  Buffum,  who  had  spoken  scarcely  five  minutes 
before  the  trustees  of  the  church  ordered  the  house  to  be  vacated  and 
the  doors  to  be  shut.  There  was  then  no  alternative  but  to  yield. 

"  Two  days  afterward  Mr.  Judson  called  on  Mr.  May,  with  whom  he 
had  been  on  terms  of  a  pleasant  acquaintance,  not  to  say  of  friendship, 
and  expressed  regret  that  he  had  applied  certain  epithets  to  him  ;  and 
went  on  to  speak  of  the  disastrous  effect  on  the  village  from  the  estab 
lishment  of  '  a  school  for  nigger  girls.'  Mr.  May  replied  that  his 
purpose  was,  if  he  had  been  allowed  to  do  so,  to  state  at  the  town 
meeting  Miss  Crandall's  proposition  to  sell  her  house  in  the  village  at 
its  fair  valuation,  and  retire  to  some  other  part  of  the  town.  To  this 
Mr.  Judson  replied  :  '  Mr.  May,  we  are  not  merely  opposed  to  the  es 
tablishment  of  that  school  in  Canterbury,  we  mean  there  shall  not  be 
such  a  school  set  up  anywhere  in  the  State.' 

"  Mr.  Judson  continued,  declaring  that  the  colored  people  could 
never  rise  from  their  menial  condition  in  our  country,  and  ought  not 
to  be  permitted  to  rise  here  ;  that  they  were  an  inferior  race  and  should 
not  be  recognized  as  the  equals  of  the  whites  ;  that  they  should  be 
sent  back  to  Africa,  and  improve  themselves  there,  and  civilize  and 
Christianize  the  natives.  To  this  Mr.  May  replied  that  there  never 
would  be  fewer  colored  people  in  this  country  than  there  were  then  ; 
that  it  was  unjust  to  drive  them  .  out  of  the  country  ;  that  we  must  ac 
cord  to  them  their  rights  or  incur  the  loss  of  our  own  ;  that  education 
was  the  primal,  fundamental  right  of  all  the  children  of  men  ;  and  that 
Connecticut  was  the  last  place  where  this  should  be  denied. 

"  The  conversation  was  continued  in  a  similar  strain,  in  the  course 
of  which  Mr.  Judson  declared  with  warmth  :  *  That  nigger  school 
shall  never  be  allowed  in  Canterbury,  nor  in  any  town  of  this  State '  ; 
and  he  avowed  his  determination  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  law  by  the 
Legislature  then  in  session,  forbidding  the  institution  of  such  a  school  in 
any  part  of  the  State. 


152    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Undismayed  by  the  opposition  and  the  threatened  violence  of  her 
neighbors,  Miss  Crandall  received,  early  in  April,  fifteen  or  twenty  colored 
young  ladies  and  misses  from  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Providence,  and 
Boston,  and  the  annoyances  of  her  persecutors  at  once  commenced  : 
all  accommodations  at  the  stores  in  Canterbury  being  denied  her,  her 
pupils  being  insulted  whenever  they  appeared  on  the  streets,  the  doors 
and  door-steps  of  her  house  being  besmeared,  and  her  well  filled  with 
filth ;  under  all  of  which,  both  she  and  her  pupils  remained  firm. 
Among  other  means  used  to  intimidate,  an  attempt  was  made  to  drive 
away  those  innocent  girls  by  a  process  under  the  obsolete  vagrant  law, 
which  provided  that  the  select-men  of  any  town  might  warn  any  person, 
not  an  inhabitant  of  the  State,  to  depart  forthwith,  demanding  $1.67  for 
every  week  he  or  she  remained  after  receiving  such  warning  ;  and  in 
case  the  fine  was  not  paid  and  the  person  did  not  depart  before  the 
expiration  of  ten  days  after  being  sentenced,  then  he  or  she  should  be 
whipped  on  the  naked  body,  not  exceeding  ten  stripes. 

"  A  warrant  to  that  effect  was  actually  served  upon  Eliza  Ann  Ham 
mond,  a  fine  girl  from  Providence,  aged  seventeen  years  ;  but  it  was 
finally  abandoned,  and  another  method  was  resorted  to,  most  disgrace 
ful  to  the  State  as  well  as  the  town.  Foiled  in  their  attempts  to  frighten 
Tway  Miss  Crandall's  pupils  by  their  proceedings  under  the  obso 
lete  <  pauper  and  vagrant  law,'  Mr.  Judson  and  those  who  acted  with 
him  pressed  upon  the  Legislature,  then  in  session,  a  demand  for  the 
enactment  of  a  law  which  should  enable  them  to  accomplish  their  pur 
pose  ;  and  in  that  bad  purpose  they  succeeded,  by  securing  the  follow 
ing  enactment,  on  the  24th  of  May,  1833,  known  as  the  ''black  law' 

"  '  Whereas,  attempts  have  been  made  to  establish  literary  institu 
tions  in  this  State  for  the  instruction  of  colored  persons  belonging  to 
other  States  and  countries,  which  would  tend  to  the  great  increase  of 
the  colored  population  of  the  State,  and  thereby  to  the  injury  of  the 
people  :  therefore, 

"  *  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  no  person  shall  set  up  or  establish  in  this 
State  any  school,  academy,  or  other  literary  institution  for  the  instruc 
tion  or  education  of  colored  persons,  who  are  not  inhabitants  of  this 
State,  or  harbor  or  board,  for  the  purpose  of  attending  or  being  taught 
or  instructed  in  any  such  school,  academy,  or  literary  institution,  any 
colored  person  who  is  not  an  inhabitant  of  any  town  in  this  State,  with 
out  the  consent  in  writing,  first  obtained,  of  a  majority  of  the  civil  au 
thority,  and  also  of  the  select-men  of  the  town  in  which  such  school, 
academy,  or  literary  institution  is  situated,'  etc. 

"  *  And  each  and  every  person  who  shall  knowingly  do  any  act  for 
bidden  as  aforesaid,  or  shall  be  aiding  or  assisting  therein,  shall  for  the 
first  offense  forfeit  and  pay  to  the  treasurer  of  this  State  a  fine  of  $100, 
and  for  the  second  offense  $200,  and  so  double  for  every  offense  of 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  153 

which  he  or  she  shall  be  convicted  ;  and  all  informing  officers  are  re 
quired  to  make  due  presentment  of  all  breaches  of  this  act.' 

"  On  the  receipt  of  the  tidings  of  the  passage  of  this  law,  the  people 
of  Canterbury  were  wild  with  exultation  ;  the  bells  were  rung  and  a 
cannon  was  fired  to  manifest  the  joy.  On  the  27th  of  June,  Miss 
Crandall  was  arrested  and  arraigned  before  Justices  Adams  and  Bacon, 
two  of  those  who  had  been  the  earnest  opponents  of  her  enterprise  ; 
and  the  result  being  predetermined,  the  trial  was  of  course  brief,  and 
Miss  Crandall  was  *  committed  '  to  take  her  trial  at  the  next  session  of 
the  Supreme  Court  at  Brooklyn,  in  August.  A  messenger  was  at  once 
dispatched  by  the  party  opposed  to  Miss  Crandall  to  Brooklyn,  to  in 
form  Mr.  May,  as  her  friend,  of  the  result  of  the  trial,  stating  that  she 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  sheriff,  and  would  be  put  in  jail  unless  he  or 
some  of  her  friends  would  '  give  bonds  '  for  her  in  a  certain  sum." 

The  denouement  may  be  related  most  appropriately  in  the 
language  of  Mr.  May : 

"  I  calmly  told  the  messenger  that  there  were  gentlemen  enough  in 
Canterbury  whose  bond  for  that  amount  would  be  as  good  or  better 
than  mine,  and  I  should  leave  it  for  them  to  do  Miss  Crandall  that 
favor.  'But,'  said  the  young  man,  'are  you  not  her  friend?'  'Cer 
tainly,'  I  replied,  *  too  sincerely  her  friend  to  give  relief  to  her  enemies 
in  their  present  embarrassment,  and  I  trust  you  will  not  find  any  one 
of  her  friends,  or  the  patrons  of  her  school,  who  will  step  forward  to 
help  them  any  more  than  myself.'  '  But,  sir,'  he  cried,  *  do  you  mean 
to  allow  her  to  be  put  in  jail  ? '  '  Most  certainly,'  was  my  answer,  '  if 
her  persecutors  are  unwise  enough  to  let  such  an  outrage  be  commit 
ted.'  He  turned  from  me  in  blank  surprise,  and  hurried  back  to  tell 
Mr.  Judson  and  the  justices  of  his  ill  success. 

"  A  few  days  before,  when  I  first  heard  of  the  passage  of  the  law, 
I  had  visited  Miss  Crandall  with  my  friend,  Mr.  George  W.  Benson, 
and  advised  with  her  as  to  the  course  she  and  her  friends  ought  to 
pursue  when  she  should  be  brought  to  trial.  She  appreciated  at  once 
and  fully  the  importance  of  leaving  her  persecutors  to  show  to  the 
world  how  base  they  were,  and  how  atrocious  was  the  law  they  had  in 
duced  the  Legislature  to  enact — a  law,  by  the  force  of  which  a  woman 
might  be  fined  and  imprisoned  as  a  felon  in  the  State  of  Connecticut 
for  giving  instruction  to  colored  girls.  She  agreed  that  it  would  be 
best  for  us  to  leave  her  in  the  hands  of  those  with  whom  the  law  origi 
nated,  hoping  that,  in  their  madness,  they  would  show  forth  all  their 
hideous  features. 

"  Mr.  Benson  and  I,  therefore,  went  diligently  around  to  all  who  he 
iknew  were  friendly  to  Miss  Crandall  and  her  school,  and  counselled 


154    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

them  by  no  means  to  give  bonds  to  keep  her  from  imprisonment,  be 
cause  nothing  would  expose  so  fully  to  the  public  the  egregious  wicked 
ness  of  the  law  and  the  virulence  of  her  persecutors  as  the  fact  that 
they  had  thrust  her  into  jail. 

"  When  I  found  that  her  resolution  was  equal  to  the  trial  which 
seemed  to  be  impending,  that  she  was  ready  to  brave  and  to  bear 
meekly  the  worst  treatment  that  her  enemies  would  venture  to  subject 
her  to,  I  made  all  the  arrangements  for  her  comfort  that  were  practi 
cable  in  our  prison.  It  fortunately  happened  that  the  most  suitable 
room,  unoccupied,  was  the  one  in  which  a  man  named  Watkins  had  re 
cently  been  confined  for  the  murder  of  his  wife,  and  out  of  which  he 
had  been  taken  and  executed.  This  circumstance  we  foresaw  would 
add  not  a  little  to  the  public  detestation  of  the  black  law.  The  jailer, 
at  my  request,  readily  put  the  room  in  as  nice  order  as  was  possible,, 
and  permitted  me  to  substitute  for  the  bedstead  and  mattrass  on  which 
the  murderer  had  slept,  fresh  and  clean  ones  from  my  own  house  and 
Mr.  Benson's. 

"About  2  o'clock,  P.M.,  another  messenger  came  to  inform  me  that 
the  sheriff  was  on  the  way  from  Canterbury  to  the  jail  with  Miss  Cran- 
dall,  and  would  imprison  her  unless  her  friends  would  give  the  required 
bail.  Although  in  sympathy  with  Miss  Crandall's  persecutors,  he  saw 
clearly  the  disgrace  that  was  about  to  be  brought  upon  the  State,  and 
begged  me  and  Mr.  Benson  to  avert  it.  Of  course  we  refused.  I 
went  to  the  jailer's  house  and  met  Miss  Crandall  on  her  arrival.  We 
stepped  aside.  I  said  :  '  If  now  you  hesitate — if  you  dread  the  gloomy 
place  so  much  as  to  wish  to  be  saved  from  it,  I  will  give  bonds  for 
you  .even  now.'  '  Oh,  no,'  she  promptly  replied,  *  I  am  only  afraid  they 
will  not  put  me  in  jail.  Their  evident  hesitation  and  embarrassment 
show  plainly  how  much  they  deprecated  the  effect}  of  this  part  of  their 
folly,  and  therefore  I  am  the  more  anxious  that  they  should  be  exposed,, 
if  not  caught  in  their  own  wicked  devices. 

"  We  therefore  returned  with  her  to  the  sheriff  and  the  company 
that  surrounded  him,  to  await  his  final  act.  He  was  ashamed  to  do  it.. 
He  knew  it  would  cover  the  persecutors  of  Miss  Crandall  and  the 
State  of  Connecticut  with  disgrace.  He  conferred  with  several  about: 
him,  and  delayed  yet  longer.  Two  gentlemen  came  and  remonstrated 

with   me  in  not  very  seemly  terms  :    'It   would  be  a shame,  an 

eternal  disgrace  to  the  State,  to   have  her  put  into  jail — into  the  very: 
room  that  Watkins  had  last  occupied.' 

"  *  Certainly,  gentlemen,'  I  replied,  '  and  this  you  may  prevent  if 
you  please.' 

"  '  Oh  !  '  they  cried,  *  we  are  not  her  friends  ;  we  are  not  in  favor  of 
her  school  ;  we  don't  want  any  more  -  -  niggers  coming  among  us.  It 
is  your  place  to  stand  by  Miss  Crandall  and  help  her  now.  You  and 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  155 

your abolition  brethren  have  encouraged  her  to  bring  this  nuisance 

into  Canterbury,  and  it  is mean  in  you  to  desert  her  now/ 

"  I  rejoined  :  '  She  knows  we  have  not  deserted  her,  and  do  not 
intend  to  desert  her.  The  law  which  her  persecutors  have  persuaded 
our  legislators  to  enact  is  an  infamous  one,  worthy  of  the  dark  ages. 
It  would  be  just  as  bad  as  it  is  whether  we  would  give  bonds  for  her  or 
not.  But  the  people  generally  will  not  so  soon  realize  how  bad,  how 
wicked,  how  cruel  a  law  it  is  unless  we  suffer  her  persecutors  to  inflict 
upon  her  all  the  penalties  it  prescribes.  She  is  willing  to  bear  them  for 
the  sake  of  the  cause  she  has  so  nobly  espoused.  If  you  see  fit  to  keep 
her  from  imprisonment  in  the  cell  of  a  murderer  for  having  proffered 
the  blessings  of  a  good  education  to  those  who  in  our  country  need  it 
most,  you  may  do  so  ;  we  shall  not' 

"They  turned  from  us  in  great  wrath,  words  falling  from  their  lips 
which  I  shall  not  repeat. 

"  The  sun  had  descended  nearly  to  the  horizon  ;  the  shadows  of 
night  were  beginning  to  fall  around  us.  The  sheriff  could  defer  the 
dark  deed  no  longer.  With  no  little  emotion,  and  with  words  of  earnest 
deprecation,  he  gave  that  excellent,  heroic,  Christian  young  lady  into 
the  hands  of  the  jailer,  and  she  was  led  into  the  cell  of  Watkins.  So 
soon  as  I  had  heard  the  bolts  of  her  prison  door  turned  in  the  lock,  and 
saw  the  key  taken  out,  I  bowed  and  said  :  *  The  deed  is  done,  com 
pletely  done.  It  cannot  be  recalled.  It  has  passed  into  the  history  of 
our  nation  and  our  age.'  I  went  away  with  my  steadfast  friend,  George 
W.  Benson,  assured  that  the  legislators  of  the  State  had  been  guilty  of  a 
most  unrighteous  act,  and  that  Miss  Crandall's  persecutors  had  also  com 
mitted  a  great  blunder  ;  that  they  all  would  have  much  more  reason  to  be 
ashamed  of  her  imprisonment  than  she  or  her  friends  could  ever  have. 

"  The  next  day  we  gave  the  required  bonds.  Miss  Crandall  was- 
released  from  the  cell  of  the  murderer,  returned  home,  arid  quietly  re 
sumed  the  duties  of  her  school  until  she  should  be  summoned  as  a. 
culprit  into  court,  there  to  be  tried  by  the  infamous  '  Black  Law  of 
Connecticut.1  And,  as  we  expected,  so  soon  as  the  evil  tidings  could  be^ 
carried  in  that  day,  before  Professor  Morse  had  given  to  Rumor  her  tele 
graphic  wings,  it  was  known  all  over  the  country  and  the  civilized  world, 
that  an  excellent  young  lady  had  been  imprisoned  as  a  criminal — yes,  put 
into  a  murderer's  cell — in  the  State  of  Connecticut,  for  opening  a  school 
for  the  instruction  of  colored  girls.  The  comments  that  were  made 
upon  the  deed  in  almost  all  the  newspapers  were  far  from  grateful  to 
the  feelings  of  her  persecutors.  Even  many  who,  under  the  same  cir 
cumstances,  would  probably  have  acted  as  badly  as  Messrs.  A.  T.  Jud- 
son  &  Co.,  denounced  their  procedure  as  *  un-Christian?  inhuman,  anti- 
Democratic,  base,  mean.' 

"  On  the  23d  of  August,  1833,  the  first  trial  of  Miss  Crandall  was- 


356    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

had  in  Brooklyn,  the  seat  of  the  county  of  Windham,  Hon.  Joseph 
Eaton  presiding  at  the  county  court. 

"  The  prosecution  was  conducted  by  Hon.  A.  T.  Judson,  Jonathan 
A.  Welch,  Esq.,  and  I.  Bulkley,  Esq.  Miss  Crandall's  counsel  was  Hon. 
Calvin  Goddard,  Hon.  W.  W.  Elsworth,  and  Henry  Strong,  Esq. 

"  The  judge,  somewhat  timidly,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  '  that  the 
law  was  constitutional  and  obligatory  on  the  people  of  the  State.' 

"  The  jury,  after  an  absence  of  several  hours,  returned  into  court, 
not  having  agreed  upon  a  verdict.  They  were  instructed  and  sent  out 
again,  and  again  a  third  time,  in  vain  ;  they  stated  to  the  judge  that 
there  was  no  probability  that  they  could  ever  agree.  Seven  were  for 
conviction  and  five  for  acquittal,  so  they  were  discharged. 

"  The  second  trial  was  on  the  3d  of  October,  before  Judge  Daggett 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  who  was  a  strenuous  advocate  of  the  black  law. 
His  influence  with  the  jury  was  overpowering,  insisting  in  an  elaborate 
and  able  charge  that  the  law  was  constitutional,  and,  without  much 
hesitation,  the  verdict  was  given  against  Miss  Crandall.  Her  counsel 
at  once  filed  a  bill  of  exceptions,  and  took  an  appeal  to  the  Court  of 
Errors,  which  was  granted.  Before  that,  the  highest  legal  tribunal  in 
the  State,  the  cause  was  argued  on  the  22d  of  July,  1834.  Both  the 
Hon.  W.  W.  Elsworth  and  the  Hon.  Calvin  Goddard  argued  with  great 
ability  and  eloquence  against  the  constitutionality  of  the  black  law. 
The  Hon.  A.  T.  Judson  and  Hon.  C.  F.  Cleaveland  said  all  they  could 
to  prove  such  a  law  consistent  with  the  Magna  Charta  of  our  republic. 
The  court  reserved  a  decision  for  some  future  time  ;  and  that  decision 
was  never  given,  it  being  evaded  by  the  court  finding  such  defects  in 
the  information  prepared  by  the  State's  attorney  that  it  ought  to  be 
quashed. 

"  Soon  after  this,  an  attempt  was  made  to  set  the  house  of  Miss 
Crandall  on  fire,  but  without  effect.  The  question  of  her  duty  to  risk 
the  lives  of  her  pupils  against  this  mode  of  attack  was  then  considered, 
and  upon  consultation  with  friends  it  was  concluded  to  hold  on  and 
bear  a  little  longer,  with  the  hope  that  this  atrocity  of  attempting  to 
fire  the  house,  and  thus  expose  the  lives  and  property  of  her  neigh 
bors,  would  frighten  the  instigators  of  the  persecution,  and  cause  some 
restraint  on  the  'baser  sort.'  But  a  few  nights  afterward,  about  12 
o'clock,  being  the  night  of  the  pth  of  September,  her  house  was  assaulted 
by  a  number  of  persons  with  heavy  clubs  and  iron  bars,  and  windows 
were  dashed  to  pieces.  Mr.  May  was  summoned  the  next  morning, 
and  after  consultation  it  was  determined  that  the  school  should  be 
abandoned." 

Mr,  May  thus  concluded  his  account  of  this  event,  and  of  the 
enterprise : 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  i$? 

"  The  pupils  were  called  together  and  I  was  requested  to  announce 
to  them  our  decision.  Never  before  had  I  felt  so  deeply  sensible  of 
the  cruelty  of  the  persecution  which  had  been  carried  on  for  eighteen 
months  in  that  New  England  village,  against  a  family  of  defenseless 
females.  Twenty  harmless,  well-behaved  girls,  whose  only  offense 
against  the  peace  of  the  community  was  that  they  had  come  together 
there  to  obtain  useful  knowledge  and  moral  culture,  were  to  be  told  that 
they  had  better  go  away,  because,  forsooth,  the  house  in  which  they 
dwelt  would  not  be  protected  by  the  guardians  of  the  town,  the  conser 
vators  of  the  peace,  the  officers  of  justice,  the  men  of  influence  in  the 
village  where  it  was  situated.  The  words  almost  blistered  my  lips.  My 
bosom  glowed  with  indignation.  I  felt  ashamed  of  Canterbury,  ashamed 
of  Connecticut,  ashamed  of  my  country,  ashamed  of  my  color."  : 

Thus  ended  the  generous,  disinterested,  philanthropic  Chris 
tian  enterprise  of  Prudence  Crandall,  but  the  law  under  which 
her  enterprise  was  defeated  was  repealed  in  1838. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Connecticut  earned  such  an  unenvi 
able  place  in  history  as  this.  It  seems  strange,  indeed,  that  such 
an  occurrence  could  take  place  in  the  nineteenth  century  in  a 
free  State  in  a  republic  in  North  America  !  But  such  is  "  the 
truth  of  history." 

DELAWARE 

never  passed  any  law  against  the  instruction  of  Negroes,  but  in 
1833  passed  an  act  taxing  every  person  who  sold  a  slave  out  of 
the  State,  or  brought  one  into  the  State,  five  dollars,  which  went 
into  a  school  fund  for  the  education  of  white  children  alone.  In 
1852,  the  Revised  Statutes  provided  for  the  taxation  of  all  the 
property  of  the  State  for  the  support  of  the  schools  for  white 
children  alone.  So,  by  implication,  Delaware  prohibited  the 
education  of  Colored  children. 

In  1840,  the  Friends  formed  the  African  School  Association 
in  Wilmington  ;  and  under  its  management  two  excellent  schools, 
for  boys  and  girls,  were  established. 

FLORIDA. 

On  the  28th  of  December,  1848,  an  act  was  passed  providing 
"  for  the  establishment  of  common  schools."  The  right  to  vote 
at  district  meetings  was  conferred  upon  every  person  whose 
property  was  liable  to  taxation  for  school  purposes;  but  only 
white  children  were  allowed  school  privileges. 

1  Recollections  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Conflict,  by  Rev.  Samuel  J.  May. 


158    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

In  the  same  year  an  act  was  passed  providing  that  the  school 
funds  should  consist  of  "  the  proceeds  of  the  school  lands,"  and 
of  all  estates,  real  or  personal,  escheating  to  the  State,  and  "  the 
proceeds  of  all  property  found  on  the  coast  or  shores  of  the 
State."  In  1850  the  counties  were  authorized  to  provide,  by 
taxation,  not  more  than  four  dollars  for  each  child  within  their 
limits  of  the  proper  school  age.  In  the  same  year  the  amount 
received  from  the  sale  of  any  slave,  under  the  act  of  1829,  was 
required  to  be  added  to  the  school  fund.  The  common  school 
law  was  revised  in  1853,  an<^  the  county  commissioners  were 
authorized  to  add  from  the  county  treasury  any  sum  they 
thought  proper  for  the  support  of  common  schools.1 

GEORGIA 

passed  a  law  in  1770  (copied  from  S.  C.  Statutes,  passed  in  1740), 
fixing  a  fine  of  £20  for  teaching  a  slave  to  read  or  write.  In 
1829  the  Legislature  enacted  the  following  law: 

"  If  any  slave,  negro,  or  free  person  of  color,  or  any  white  person, 
shall  teach  any  other  slave,  negro,  or  free  person  of  color  to  read  or 
write  either  written  or  printed  characters,  the  said  free  person  of  color 
or  slave  shall  be  punished  by  fine  and  whipping,  or  fine  or  whipping,  at 
the  discretion  of  the  court ;  and  if  a  white  person  so  offend,  he,  she,  or 
they  shall  be  punished  with  a  fine  not  exceeding  $500,  and  imprison 
ment  in  the  common  jail  at  the  discretion  of  the  court." 

In  1833  the  above  law  was  consolidated  into  a  penal  code.  A 
penalty  of  $100  was  provided  against  persons  who  employed 
any  slave  or  free  person  of  Color  to  set  type  or  perform  any  other 
labor  about  a  printing-office  requiring  a  knowledge  of  reading  or 
writing.  During  the  same  year  an  ordinance  was  passed  in  the 
city  of  Savannah,  "  that  if  any  person  shall  teach  or  cause  to  be 
taught  any  slave  or  free  person  of  color  to  read  or  write  within 
the  city,  or  who  shall  keep  a  school  for  that  purpose,  he  or  she 
shall  be  fined  in  a  sum  not  exceeding  $100  for  each  and  every 
such  offense;  and  if  the  offender  be  a  slave  or  free  person  of 
color,  he  or  she  may  also  be  whipped,  not  exceeding  thirty-nine 
lashes." 

In  the  summer  of  1850  a  series  of  articles  by  Mr.  F.  C.Adams 
appeared  in  one  of  the  papers  of  Savannah,  advocating  the  edu 
cation  of  the  Negroes  as  a  means  of  increasing  their  value  and 

1  Barnard,  p.  337. 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  159 

•of  attaching1  them  to  their  masters.  The  subject  was  afterward 
'taken  up  in  the- Agricultural  Convention  which  met  at  Macon  in 
September  of  the  same  year.  The  matter  was  again  brought  up  in 
September,  1851,  in  the  Agricultural  Convention,  and  after  being 
debated,  a  resolution  was  passed  that  a  petition  be  presented  to 
the  Legislature  for  a  law  granting  permission  to  educate  the  slaves. 
The  petition  was  presented  to  the  Legislature,  and  Mr.  Harlston 
introduced  a  bill  in  the  winter  of  1852,  which  was  discussed  and 
passed  in  the  lower  House,  to  repeal  the  old  law,  and  to  grant  to 
the  masters  the  privilege  of  educating  their  slaves.  The  bill  was 
lost  in  the  senate  by  two  or  three  votes.1 

ILLINOIS' 

school  laws  contain  the  word  " white"  from  beginning  to  end. 
There  is  no  prohibition  against  the  education  of  Colored  persons ; 
but  there  being  no  mention  of  them,  is  evidence  that  they  were 
purposely  omitted.  Separate  schools  were  established  for  Col 
ored  children  before  the  war,  and  a  few  white  schools  opened 
their  doors  to  them.  The  Free  Mission  Institute  at  Quincy 
was  destroyed  by  a  mob  from  Missouri  in  ante-bellum  days,  be 
cause  Colored  persons  were  admitted  to  the  classes. 

INDIANA 

denied  the  right  of  suffrage  to  her  Negro  population  in  the  con 
stitution  of  1851.  No  provision  was  made  for  the 'education  of 
the  Negro  children.  And  the  cruelty  of  the  laws  that  drove  the 
Negro  from  the  State,  and  pursued  him  while  in  it,  gave  the  poor 
people  no  hope  of  peaceful  habitation,  much  less  of  education. 

KENTUCKY 

never  put  herself  on  record  against  the  education  of  Negroes. 
By  an  act  passed  in  1830,  all  the  inhabitants  of  each  school  dis 
trict  were  taxed  to  support  a  common-school  system.  The 
property  of  Colored  persons  was  included,  but  they  could  not 
vote  or  enjoy  the  privileges  of  the  schools.  And  the  slave  laws 
were  so  numerous  and  cruel  that  there  was  no  opportunity  left 
the  bondmen  in  this  State  to  acquire  any  knowledge  of  books 
even  secretly. 

1  Barnard,  p.  339. 


160    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

LOUISIANA 

passed  an  act  in  1830,  forbidding  free  Negroes  to  enter  the  State. 
It  provided  also,  that  whoever  should  "  write,  print,  publish,  or 
distribute  any  thing  having  a  tendency  to  produce  discontent 
among  the  free  colored  population,  or  insubordination  among 
the  slaves,"  should,  on  conviction  thereof,  be  imprisoned  "  at 
hard  labor  for  life,  or  suffer  death,  at  the  discretion  of  the  court." 
And  whoever  used  language  calculated  to  produce  discontent 
among  the  free  or  slave  population,  or  was  "  instrumental  in 
bringing  into  the  State  any  paper,  book,  or  pamphlet  having^ 
such  tendency,"  was  to  "  suffer  imprisonment  at  hard  labor,  not 
less  than  three  years  nor  more  than  twenty-one  years,  or  death, 
at  the  discretion  of  the  court."  "All  persons,"  continues  the  act, 
"  who  shall  teach,  or  permit,  or  cause  to  be  taught,  any  slave  to 
read  or  write,  shall  be  imprisoned  not  less  than  one  month  nor 
more  than  twelve  months." 

In  1847,  a  system  of  common  schools  for  "  the  education  of 
white  youth  was  established."  It  was  provided  that  "  one  mill 
on  the  dollar,  upon  the  ad  valorem  amount  of  the  general  list  of 
taxable  property,"  should  be  levied  for  the  support  of  the  schools. 

MAINE 

gave  the  elective  franchise  and  ample  school  privileges  to  all  her 
citizens,  without  regard  to  race  or  color,  by  her  constitution  of. 
1820. 

MARYLAND 

always  restricted  the  right  of  suffrage  to  her  "white  male  inhabi 
tants,"  and,  therefore,  always  refused  to  make  any  provisions  for 
the  education  of  her  Negro  population.  There  is  nothing  upon 
her  statute-books  prohibiting  the  instruction  of  Negroes,  but  the 
law  that  designates  her  schools  for  "  white  children"  is  sufficient 
proof  that  Negro  children  were  purposely  omitted  and  excluded 
from  the  benefits  of  the  schools. 

St.  Frances  Academy  for  Colored  girls  was  founded  in  connec 
tion  with  the  Oblate  Sisters  of  Providence  Convent,  in  Baltimore, 
June  5,  1829,  under  the  hearty  approbation  of  the  Most  Rev. 
James  Whitfield,  D.D.,  the  Archbishop  of  Baltimore  at  that  time, 
and  receiving  the  sanction  of  the  Holy  See,  October  2,  1831, 
The  convent  originated  with  the  French  Fathers,  who  came  to 
Baltimore  from  San  Domingo  as  refugees,  in  the  time  of  the 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  i6t 

revolution  in  that  island  in  the  latter  years  of  last  century.. 
There  were  many  Colored  Catholic  refugees  who  came  to  Balti 
more  during  that  period,  and  the  French  Fathers  soon  opened 
schools  there  for  the  benefit  of  the  refugees  and  other  Colored 
people.  The  Colored  women  who  formed  the  original  society 
which  founded  the  convent  and  seminary,  were  from  San  Do 
mingo,  though  they  had,  some  of  them,  certainly,  been  educated 
in  France.  The  schools  which  preceded  the  organization  of  the 
convent  were  greatly  favored  by  Most  Rev.  Ambrose  Marechal, 
D.D.,  who  was  a  French  Father,  and  Archbishop  of  Baltimore 
from  1817  to  1828,  Archbishop  Whitfield  being  his  successor. 
The  Sisters  of  Providence  is  the  name  of  a  religious  society  of 
Colored  women  who  renounced  the  world  to  consecrate  them 
selves  to  the  Christian  education  of  Colored  girls.  The  follow 
ing  extract  from  the  announcement  which,  under  the  caption  of 
"  Prospectus  of  a  School  for  Colored  Girls  under  the  Direction 
of  the  Sisters  of  Providence,"  appeared  in  the  columns  of  the 
"  Daily  National  Intelligencer,"  October  25,  1831,  shows  the 
spirit  in  which  the  school  originated,  and  at  the  same  time 
shadows  forth  the  predominating  ideas  pertaining  to  the  prov 
ince  of  the  race  at  that  period. 
The  prospectus  says : 

"  The  object  of  this  institute  is  one  of  great  importance,  greater,  in 
deed,  than  might  at  first  appear  to  those  who  would  only  glance  at  the 
advantages  which  it  is  calculated  to  directly  impart  to  the  leading  por 
tion  of  the  human  race,  and  through  it  to  society  at  large.  In  fact, 
these  girls  will  either  become  mothers  of  families  or  household  servants. 
In  the  first  case  the  solid  virtues,  the  religious  and  moral  principles 
which  they  may  have  acquired  in  this  school  will  be  carefully  trans 
ferred  as  a  legacy  to  their  children.  Instances  of  the  happy  influence 
which  the  example  of  virtuous  parents  has  on  the  remotest  lineage  in 
this  humble  and  naturally  dutiful  class  of  society  are  numerous.  As  to 
such  as  are  to  be  employed  as  servants,  they  will  be  intrusted  with 
domestic  concerns  and  the  care  of  young  children.  How  important., 
then,  it  will  be  that  these  girls  shall  have  imbibed  religious  principles, 
and  have  been  trained  up  in  habits  of  modesty,  honesty,  and  in 
tegrity."  A 

The  Wells  School,  established  by  a  Colored  man  by  the  name 
of  Nelson  Wells,  in  1835,  gave  instruction  to  free  children  of 

1  Barnard,  pp.  205,  206. 


£ 62    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

color.  It  was  managed  by  a  board  of  trustees  who  applied  the 
income  of  $7,000  (the  amount  left  by  Mr.  Wells)  to  the  support 
of  the  school.  It  accomplished  much  good. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

A  separate  school  for  Colored  children  was  established  in 
Boston,  in  1798,  and  was  held  in  the  house  of  a  reputable  Colored 
man  named  Primus  Hall.  The  teacher  was  one  Elisha  Sylvester, 
whose  salary  was  paid  by  the  parents  of  the  children  whom  he 
taught.  In  1800  sixty-six  Colored  citizens  presented  a  petition 
to  the  School  Committee  of  Boston,  praying  that  a  school  might 
be  established  for  their  benefit.  A  sub-committee,  to  whom  the 
petition  had  been  referred,  reported  in  favor  of  granting  the 
prayer,  but  it  was  voted  down  at  the  next  town  meeting.  How 
ever,  the  school  taught  by  Mr.  Sylvester  did  not  perish.  Two 
young  gentlemen  from  Harvard  University,  Messrs.  Brown  and 
Williams,  continued  the  school  until  1806.  During  this  year  the 
Colored  Baptists  built  a  church  edifice  in  Belknap  Street,  and 
fitted  up  the  lower  room  for  a  school  for  Colored  children.  From 
the  house  of  Primus  Hall  the  little  school  was  moved  to  its  new 
quarters  in  the  Belknap  Street  church.  Here  it  was  continued 
until  1835,  when  a  school-house  for  Colored  children  was  erected 
and  paid  for  out  of  a  fund  left  for  the  purpose  by  Abiel  Smith, 
and  was  subsequently  called  "  Smith  School-house."  The  au 
thorities  of  Boston  were  induced  to  give  $200.00  as  an  annual 
appropriation,  and  the  parents  of  the  children  in  attendance  paid 
I2|-  cents  per  week.  The  school-house  was  dedicated  with 
appropriate  exercises,  Hon.  William  Minot  delivering  the  dedi 
catory  address. 

The  African  school  in  Belknap  Street  was  under  the  con 
trol  of  the  school  committee  from  1812  to  1821,  and  from 
1821  was  under  the  charge  of  a  special  sub-committee.  Among 
the  teachers  was  John  B.  Russworm,  from  1821  to  1824,  who 
entered  Bowdoin  College  in  the  latter  year,  and  afterward  be 
came  governor  of  the  colony  of  Cape  Palmas  in  Southern  Li 
beria. 

The  first  primary  school  for  Colored  children  in  Boston  was  es 
tablished  in  1820,  two  or  three  of  which  were  subsequently  kept 
until  1855,  when  they  were  discontinued  as  separate  schools,  in 
accordance  with  the  general  law  passed  by  the  Legislature  in 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  163 

that  year,  which  provided  that,  "  in  determining  the  qualifica 
tions  of  scholars  to  be  admitted  into  any  public  school,  or  any 
district  school  in  this  commonwealth,  no  distinction  shall  be 
made  on  account  of  the  race,  color,  or  religious  opinions  of  the 
applicant  or  scholar."  "Any  child,  who,  on  account  of  his  race, 
color,  or  religious  opinions  should  be  excluded  from  any  public 
or  district  school,  if  otherwise  qualified,"  might  recover  damages 
in  an  action  of  tort,  brought  in  the  name  of  the  child  in  any 
court  of  competent  jurisdiction,  against  the  city  or  town  in  which 
the  school  was  located.1 

MISSISSIPPI 

passed  an  act  in  1823  providing  against  the  meeting  together  of 
slaves,  free  Negroes,  or  Mulattoes  above  the  number  of  five. 
They  were  not  allowed  to  meet  at  any  public  house  in  the  night ; 
or  at  any  house,  for  teaching,  reading,  or  writing,  in  the  day  or 
night.  The  penalty  for  the  violation  of  this  law  was  whipping, 
"  not  exceeding  thirty-nine  "  lashes. 

In  1831  an  act  was  passed  making  it  "unlawful  for  any  slave, 
free  negro,  or  mulatto  to  preach  the  Gospel,"  upon  pain  of  re 
ceiving  thirty-nine  lashes  upon  the  naked  back  of  the  presump 
tuous  preacher.  If  a  Negro  received  written  permission  from 
his  master  he  might  preach  to  the  Negroes  in  his  immediate 
neighborhood,  providing  six  respectable  white  men,  owners  of 
slaves,  were  present. 

In  1846,  and  again  in  1848,  school  laws  were  enacted,  but 
in  both  instances  schools  and  education  were  prescribed  for 
"  white  youth  between  the  ages  of  six  and  twenty  years." 

MISSOURI 

ordered  all  free  persons  of  color  to  move  out  of  the  State  in 
1845.  I*1  l&47  an  act  was  passed  providing  that  "no  person  shall 
keep  or  teach  any  school  for  the  instruction  of  negroes  or  mu- 
lattoes  in  reading  or  writing  in  this  State." 

NEW  YORK 

had  the  courage  and  patriotism,  in  1777,  to  extend  the  right  of 
suffrage  to  every  male  inhabitant  of  full  age.  But  by  the  revised 
constitution,  in  1821,  this  liberal  provision  was  abridged  so  that 

1  Barnard,  p.  357. 


164    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  no  man  of  color,  unless  he  shall  have  been  for  three  years  a 
citizen  of  this  State,  and  for  one  year  next  preceding  any  elec 
tion,  shall  be  seized  and  possessed  of  a  freehold  estate  of  $250 
over  and  above  all  debts  and  encumbrances  charged  thereon, 
and  shall  have  been  actually  rated  and  paid  a  tax  thereon, 
shall  be  entitled  to  vote  at  any  such  election.  And  no  person  of 
color  shall  be  subject  to  direct  taxation  unless  he  shall  be  seized 
and  possessed  of  such  real  estate  as  aforesaid.".  In  1846,  and 
again  in  1850,  a  Constitutional  amendment  conferring  equal 
privileges  upon  the  Negroes,  was  voted  down  by  large  majorities. 

A  school  for  Negro  slaves  was  opened  in  the  city  of  New 
York  in  1704  by  Elias  Neau,  a  native  of  France,  and  a  catechist 
of  the  u  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign 
Parts."  After  a  long  imprisonment  for  his  public  profession  of 
faith  as  a  Protestant,  he  founded  an  asylum  in  New  York.  His 
sympathies  were  awakened  by  the  condition  of  the  Negroes  in 
slavery  in  that  city,  who  numbered  about  1,500  at  that  time. 
The  difficulties  of  holding  any  intercourse  with  them  seemed  al 
most  insurmountable.  At  first  he  could  only  visit  them  from 
house  to  house,  after  his  day's  toil  was  over  ;  afterward  he  was 
permitted  to  gather  them  together  in  a  room  in  his  own  house 
for  a  short  time  in  the  evening.  As  the  result  of  his  instructions 
at  the  end  of  four  years,  in  1708,  the  ordinary  number  under  his 
instruction  was  2OO.  Many  were  judged  worthy  to  receive  the 
sacrament  at  the  hands  of  Mr.  Vesey,  the  rector  of  Trinity 
Church,  some  of  whom  became  regular  and  devout  communi 
cants,  remarkable  for  their  orderly  and  blameless  lives. 

But  soon  after  this  time  some  Negroes  of  the  Carmantee  and 
Pappa  tribes  formed  a  plot  for  setting  fire  to  the  city  and  mur 
dering  the  English  on  a  certain  night.  The  work  was  commenced 
but  checked,  and  after  a  short  struggle  the  English  subdued  the 
Negroes.  Immediately  a  loud  and  angry  clamor  arose  against 
Elias  Neau,  his  accusers  saying  that  his  school  was  the  cause  of 
the  murderous  attempt.  He  denied  the  charge  in  vain  ;  and  so 
furious  were  the  people  that,  for  a  time,  his  life  was  in  danger. 
The  evidence,  however,  at  the  trial  proved  that  the  Negroes  most 
deeply  engaged  in  this  plot  were  those  whose  masters  were  most 
opposed  to  any  means  for  their  instruction.  Yet  the  offence  of 
a  few  was  charged  upon  the  race,  and  even  the  provincial  gov 
ernment  lent  its  authority  to  make  the  burden  of  Neau  the 
heavier.  The  common  council  passed  an  order  forbidding 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  165 

Negroes  "  to  appear  in  the  streets  after  sunset,  without  lanthorns 
or  candles  "  ;  and  as  they  could  not  procure  these,  the  result  was 
to  break  up  the  labors  of  Neau.  But  at  this  juncture  Governor 
Hunter  interposed,  and  went  to  visit  the  school  of  Neau,  accom 
panied  by  several  officers  of  rank  and  by  the  society's  mission 
aries,  and  he  was  so  well  pleased  that  he  gave  his  full  approval 
to  the  work,  and  in  a  public  proclamation  called  upon  the  clergy 
of  the  province  to  exhort  their  congregations  to  extend  their 
approva  also.  Vesey,  the  good  rector  of  Trinity  Church,  had 
long  watched  the  labors  of  Neau  and  witnessed  the  progress  of 
his  scholars,  as  well  as  assisted  him  in  them  ;  and  finally  the  gov 
ernor,  the  council,  mayor,  recorder,  and  two  chief  justices  of  New 
York  joined  in  declaring  that  Neau  "  in  a  very  eminent  degree 
deserved  the  countenance,  favor,  and  protection  of  the  society." 
He  therefore  continued  his  labors  until  1722,  when,  "amid  the 
unaffected  sorrow  of  his  negro  scholars  and  the  friends  who  hon 
ored  him  for  their  sake,  he  was  removed  by  death." 

The  work  was  then  continued  by  "  Huddlestone,  then  school 
master  in  New  York  "  ;  and  he  was  succeeded  by  Rev.  Mr.  Wet- 
more,  who  removed  in  1726  to  Rye  ;  whereupon  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Colgan  was  appointed  to  assist  the  rector  of  Trinity  Church,  and 
to  carry  on  the  instruction  of  the  Negroes.  A  few  years  after 
ward  Thomas  Noxon  assisted  Mr.  Colgan,  and  their  joint  success 
was  very  satisfactory.  Rev.  R.  Charlton,  who  had  been  en 
gaged  in  similar  labor  at  New  Windsor,  was  called  to  New  York 
in  1732,  where  he  followed  up  the  work  successfully  for  fifteen 
years,  and  was  succeeded  by  Rev.  Samuel  Auchmuty.  Upon 
the  death  of  Thomas  Noxon,  in  1741,  Mr.  Hildreth  took  his 
place,  who,  in  1764,  wrote  that  "not  a  single  black  admitted  by 
him  to  the  holy  communion  had  turned  out  badly,  or  in  any  way 
disgraced  his  profession."  Both  Auchmuty  and  Hildreth  received 
valuable  support  from  Mr.  Barclay,  who,  upon  the  death  of  Mr.. 
Vesey,  in  1746,  had  been  appointed  to  the  rectory  of  Trinity 
Church. 

The  frequent  kidnapping  of  free  persons  of  color  excited' 
public  alarm  and  resulted  in  the  formation  of  "  The  New  York 
Society  for  Promoting  the  Manumission  of  Slaves,  and  Protect 
ing  such  of  them  as  have  been  or  may  be  Liberated."  These 
are  the  names  of  the  gentlemen  who  organized  the  society, 
and  became  the  board  of  trustees  of  the  "  New  York  African, 
Free  School" : 


1 66    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Melancthon  Smith,  Jno.  Bleeker,  James  Cogswell,  Lawrence 
Embree,  Thomas  Burling,  Willett  Leaman,  Jno.  Lawrence,  Jacob 
Leaman,  White  Mattock,  Mathew  Clarkson,  Nathaniel  Lawrence, 
Jno.  Murray,  Jr. 

Their  school,  located  in  Cliff  Street,  between  Beekman  and 
Ferry,  was  opened  in  1786,  taught  by  Cornelius  Davis,  attended 
by  about  forty  pupils  of  both  sexes,  and  appears,  from  their  book 
of  minutes,  to  have  been  satisfactorily  conducted.  In  the  year 
1791  a  female  teacher  was  added  to  instruct  the  girls  in  needle 
work,  the  expected  advantages  of  which  measure  were  soon 
realized  and  highly  gratifying  to  the  society.  In  1808  the 
society  was  incorporated,  and  in  the  preamble  it  is  recorded  that 
"a  free  school  for  the  education  of  such  persons  as  have  been 
liberated  from  bondage,  that  they  may  hereafter  become  useful 
members  of  the  community,"  has  been  established.  It  may  be 
proper  here  to  remark  that  the  good  cause  in  which  the  friends 
of  this  school  were  engaged,  was  far  from  being  a  popular  one. 
The  prejudices  of  a  large  portion  of  the  community  were  against 
it ;  the  means  in  the  hands  of  the  trustees  were  often  very  in 
adequate,  and  many  seasons  of  discouragement  were  witnessed  ; 
but  they  were  met  by  men  who,  trusting  in  the  Divine  support, 
were  resolved  neither  to  relax  their  exertions  nor  to  retire  from 
the  field. 

Through  the  space  of  about  twenty  years  they  struggled  on ; 
the  number  of  scholars  varying  from  forty  to  sixty,  until  the 
year  1809,  when  the  Lancasterian,  or  monitorial,  system  of  in 
struction  was  introduced  (this  being  the  second  school  in  the 
United  States  to  adopt  the  plan),  under  a  new  teacher,  E.  J. 
Cox,  and  a  very  favorable  change  was  produced,  the  number  of 
pupils,  and  the  efficiency  of  their  instruction  being  largely  in 
creased. 

Soon  after  this,  however,  in  January,  1814,  their  school-house 
was  destroyed  by  fire,  which  checked  the  progress  of  the  school 
for  a  time,  as  no  room  could  be  obtained  large  enough  to  ac 
commodate  the  whole  number  of  pupils.  A  small  room  in 
Doyer  Street  was  temporarily  hired,  to  keep  the  school  together 
till  further  arrangements  could  be  made,  and  an  appeal  was  made  to 
the  liberality  of  the  citizens  and  to  the  corporation  of  the  city, 
which  resulted  in  obtaining  from  the  latter  a  grant  of  two  lots  of 
ground  in  William  Street,  on  which  to  build  a  new  school-house; 
and  in  January,  1815,  a  commodious  brick  building,  to  accommo- 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  167 

date  200  pupils,  was  finished  on  this  lot,  and  the  school  was  re 
sumed  with  fresh  vigor  and  increasing  interest.  In  a  few  months 
the  room  became  so  crowded  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  en 
gage  a  separate  room,  next  to  the  school,  to  accommodate  such 
of  the  pupils  as  were  to  be  taught  sewing.  This  branch  had  been 
for  many  years  discontinued,  but  was  now  resumed  under  the 
direction  of  Miss  Lucy  Turpen,  a  young  lady  whose  amiable  dis 
position  and  faithful  discharge  of  her  duties  rendered  her  greatly 
esteemed  both  by  her  pupils  and  the  trustees.  This  young 
lady,  after  serving  the  board  for  several  years,  removed  with 
her  parents  to  Ohio,  and  her  place  was  supplied  by  Miss  Mary 
Lincrum,who  was  succeeded  by  Miss  Eliza  J.  Cox,  and  the  latter 
by  Miss  Mary  Ann  Cox,  and  she  by  Miss  Carolina  Roe,  under  each 
of  whom  the  school  continued  to  sustain  a  high  character  for 
order  and  usefulness. 

The  school  in  William  Street  increasing  in  numbers,  another 
building  was  found  necessary,  and  was  built  on  a  lot  of  ground 
50  by  100  feet  square,  on  Mulberry  Street,  between  Grand  and 
Hester  streets,  to  accommodate  five  hundred  pupils,  and  was 
completed  and  occupied,  with  C.  C.  Andrews  for  teacher,  in  May, 
1820. 

General  Lafayette  visited  this  school  September  10,  1824,  an 
abridged  account  of  which  is  copied  from  the  "  Commercial  Ad 
vertiser"  of  that  date: 

VISIT  OF  LAFAYETTE  TO  THE  AFRICAN  SCHOOL  IN  1824. 

"  At  i  o'clock  the  general,  with  the  company  invited  for  the  occa 
sion,  visited  the  African  free  school,  on  Mulberry  Street.  This  school 
embraces  about  500  scholars  ;  about  450  were  present  on  this  occasion, 
and  they  are  certainly  the  best  disciplined  and  most  interesting  school 
of  children  we  have  ever  witnessed.  As  the  general  was  conducted  to 
a  seat,  Mr.  Ketchum  adverted  to  the  fact  that  as  long  ago  as  1788  the 
general  had  been  elected  a  member  of  the  institution  (Manumission  So 
ciety)  at  the  same  time  with  Granville  Sharp  and  Thomas  Clarkson, 
of  England.  The  general  perfectly  remembered  the  circumstances,  and 
mentioned  particularly  the  letter  he  had  received  on  that  occasion  from 
the  Hon.  John  Jay,  then  president  of  the  society.  One  of  the  pupils, 
Master  James  M.  Smith,  aged  eleven  years,  then  stepped  forward  and 
gracefully  delivered  the  following  address  : 


« < 


GENERAL  LAFAYETTE  :     In  behalf  of  myself  and  fellow-school 
mates  may  I  be  permitted  to  express  our  sincere  and  respectful  grati- 


1 68    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tude  to  you  for  the  condescension  you  have  manifested  this  day  in 
visiting  this  institution,  which  is  one  of  the  noblest  specimens  of  New 
York  philanthropy.  Here,  sir,  you  behold  hundreds  of  the  poor 
children  of  Africa  sharing  with  those  of  a  lighter  hue  in  the  blessings 
of  education  ;  and  while  it  will  be  our  pleasure  to  remember  the  great 
deeds  you  have  done  for  America,  it  will  be  our  delight  also  to  cherish 
the  memory  of  General  Lafayette  as  a  friend  to  African  emancipation, 
and  as  a  member  of  this  institution.' 

"  To  which  the  general  replied,  in  his  own  characteristic  style,  '  I 
thank  you,  my  dear  child.' 

"  Several  of  the  pupils  underwent  short  examinations,  and  one  of 
them  explained  the  use  of  the  globes  and  answered  many  questions  in 
geography." 

PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  FOR  COLORED  CHILDREN. 

These  schools  continued  to  flourish  under  the  same  manage 
ment,  and  with  an  attendance  varying  from  600  in  1824  to  862  in 
1832,  in  the  latter  part  of  which  year  the  Manumission  Society, 
whose  schools  were  not  in  part  supported  by  the  public  fund,  ap 
plied  to  the  Public  School  Society  for  a  committee  of  conference 
to  effect  a  union.  It  was  felt  by  the  trustees  that  on  many  ac 
counts  it  was  better  that  the  two  sets  of  schools  should  remain 
separate,  but,  fearing  further  diversion  of  the  school  fund,  it  was 
desirable  that  the  number  of  societies  participating  should  be 
as  small  as  possible,  and  arrangements  were  accordingly  made  for 
a  transfer  of  the  schools  and  property  of  the  elder  society.  After 
some  delay,  in  consequence  of  legislative  action  being  found 
necessary  to  give  a  title  to  their  real  estate,  on  the  2d  of  May, 
1834,  the  transfer  was  effected,,  all  their  schools  and  school 
property  passing  into  the  hands  of  the  New  York  Public  School 
Society,  at  an  appraised  valuation  of  $12,130.22. 

The  aggregate  register  of  these  schools  at  the  time  of  the 
transfer  was  nearly  1,400,  with  an  average  attendance  of  about 
one  half  that  number.  They  were  placed  in  charge  of  a  com 
mittee  with  powers  similar  to  the  committee  on  primary  schools, 
but  their  administration  was  not  satisfactory,  and  it  was  soon 
found  that  the  schools  had  greatly  diminished  in  numbers,  effi 
ciency,  and  usefulness.  A  committee  of  inquiry  was  appointed, 
and  reported  that,  in  consequence  of  the  great  anti-slavery  riots 
and  attacks  on  Colored  people,  many  families  had  removed  from 
the  city,  and  of  those  that  remained  many  kept  their  children  at 
home ;  they  knew  the  Manumission  Society  as  their  special  friends. 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  169 

but  knew  nothing  of  the  Public  School  Society  ;  the  reduction  of 
all  the  schools  but  one  to  the  grade  of  primary  had  given  great 
offence ;  also  the  discharge  of  teachers  long  employed,  and  the 
discontinuance  of  rewards,  and  taking  home  of  spelling  books ; 
strong  prejudices  had  grown  up  against  the  Public  School  So 
ciety.  The  committee  recommended  a  prompt  assimilation  of  the 
Colored  schools  to  the  white ;  the  establishment  of  two  or  more 
upper  schools  in  a  new  building ;  a  normal  school  for  Colored 
monitors  ;  and  the  appointment  of  a  Colored  man  as  school  agent, 
at  $150  a  year.  The  school  on  Mulberry  Street  at  this  time, 
1835,  was  designated  Colored  Grammar  School  No.  I.  A. 
Libolt  was  principal,  and  registered  317  pupils  ;  there  were  also 
six  primaries,  located  in  different  parts  of  the  city,  with  an  ag 
gregate  attendance  of  925  pupils. 

In  1836  a  new  school  building  was  completed  in  Laurens 
Street,  opened  with  210  pupils,  R.  F.  Wake  (colored),  principal, 
and  was  designated  Colored  Grammar  School  No.  2.  Other 
means  were  taken  to  improve  the  schools,  and  to  induce  the 
Colored  people  to  patronize  them  ;  the  principal  of  No.  I,  Mr. 
Libolt,  was  replaced  by  Mr.  John  Peterson,  colored,  a  sufficient 
assurance  of  whose  ability  and  success  we  have  in  the  fact  that 
he  has  been  continued  in  the  position  ever  since.  A  "  Society 
for  the  Promotion  of  Education  among  Colored  Children  "  was 
organized,  and  established  two  additional  schools,  one  in  Thomas 
Street,  a*nd  one  in  Centre,  and  a  marked  improvement  was  mani 
fest  ;  but  it  required  a  long  time  to  restore  the  confidence  and 
interest  felt  before  the  transfer,  and  even  up  to  1848  the  aggregate 
attendance  in  all  the  Colored  schools  was  only  1,375  pupils. 

In  the  winter  of  1852  the  first  evening  schools  for  Colored 
pupils  were  opened  ;  one  for  males  and  one  for  females,  and  were 
attended  by  379  pupils.  In  the  year  1853  the  Colored  schools, 
with  all  the  schools  and  school  property  of  the  Public  School 
Society,  were  transferred  to  the  "  Board  of  Education  of  the 
City  and  County  of  New  York,"  and  still  further  improvements 
were  made  in  them  ;  a  normal  school  for  Colored  teachers  was 
established,  with  Mr.  John  Peterson,  principal,  and  the  schools 
were  graded  in  the  same  manner  as  those  for  white  children. 
Colored  Grammar  School  No.  3,  was  opened  at  78  West  Fortieth 
Street,  Miss  Caroline  W.  Simpson,  principal,  and  in  the  ensuing 
year  three  others  were  added  ;  No.  4  in  One  Hundred  and 
Twentieth  Street  (Harlem),  Miss  Nancy  Thompson,  principal; 


I/O    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

No.  5,  at  101  Hudson  Street,  P.  W.  Williams,  principal;  and  No. 
6,  at  1,167  Broadway,  Prince  Leveridge,  principal.  Grammar 
Schools  Nos.  2,  3,  and  4,  had  primary  departments  attached,  and 
there  were  also  at  this  time  three  separate  primary  schools,  and 
the  aggregate  attendance  in  all  was  2,047.  Since  then  the  at 
tendance  in  these  schools  has  not  varied  much  from  these  figures. 
The  schools  themselves  have  been  altered  and  modified  from 
time  to  time,  as  their  necessity  seemed  to  indicate  ;  though  under 
the  general  mangement  of  the  Board  of  Education,  they  have 
been  in  the  care  of  the  school  officers  of  the  wards  in  which  they 
are  located,  and  while  in  some  cases  they  received  the  proper 
attention,  in  others  they  were  either  wholly,  or  in  part,  neglected. 
A  recent  act  has  placed  them  directly  in  charge  of  the  Board  of 
Education,  who  have  appointed  a  special  committee  to  look  after 
their  interests,  and  measures  are  being  taken  by  them  which  will 
give  this  class  of  schools  every  opportunity  and  convenience  pos 
sessed  by  any  other,  and,  it  is  hoped,  will  also  improve  the  grade 
of  its  scholarship.1 

NORTH    CAROLINA 

suffered  her  free  persons  of  color  to  maintain  schools  until 
!835>  when  they  were  abolished  by  law.  During  the  period  re 
ferred  to,  the  Colored  schools  were  taught  by  white  teachers,  but 
after  1835  the  few  teachers  who  taught  Colored  children  in  pri 
vate  houses  were  Colored  persons.  The  public-school  system  of 
North  Carolina  prov-ided  that  no  descendant  from  Negro  an 
cestors,  to  the  fourth  generation  inclusive,  should  enjoy  the 
benefit  thereof. 

OHIO. 

The  first  schools  for  Colored  children  in  Ohio  were  established 
at  Cincinnati  in  1820,  by  Colored  men.  These  schools  were  not 
kept  up  regularly.  A  white  gentleman  named  Wing,  who  taught 
a  night  school  near  the  corner  of  Vine  and  Sixth  Streets,  ad 
mitted  Colored  pupils  into  his  school.  Owen  T.  B.  Nickens,  a 
public-spirited  and  intelligent  Colored  man,  did  much  to  establish 
schools  for  the  Colored  people. 

In  1835  a  school  for  Colored  children  was  opened  in  the  Bap 
tist  Church  on  Western  Row.  It  was  taught  at  different  periods. 
by  Messrs.  Barbour,  E.  Fairchild,  W.  Robinson,  and  Augustus 

J  Barnard,  pp.  364-366. 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  171 

Wattles;  and  by  the  following-named  ladies  :  Misses  Bishop,  Mat 
thews,  Lowe,  and  Mrs.  Merrell.  Although  excellent  teachers  as 
well  as  upright  ladies  and  gentlemen,  they  were  subjected  to  great 
persecutions.  They  were  unable  to  secure  board,  because  the  spirit 
of  the  whites  would  not  countenance  the  teachers  of  Negro 
schools,  and  they  spelled  the  word  with  two  g's.  And  at  times 
the  teachers  were  compelled  to  close  the  school  on  account  of 
the  violence  of  the  populace.  The  salaries  of  the  teachers  were 
paid  partly  by  an  educational  society  of  white  philanthropists,, 
and  partly  by  such  Colored  persons  as  had  means.  Of  the  latter 
class  were  John  Woodson,  John  Liverpool,  Baker  Jones,  Dinnis 
Hill,  Joseph  Fowler,  and  William  O'Hara 

In  1844,  the  Rev.  Hiram  S.  Gilmore,  founded  the  "  Cincinnati 
High  School  "  for  Colored  youth.  Mr.  Gilmore  was  a  man 
rich  in  sentiments  of  humanity,  and  endowed  plenteously  with 
executive  ability  and  this  world's  goods.  All  these  he  conse 
crated  to  the  elevation  and  education  of  the  Colored  people. 

This  school-house  was  located  at  the  east  end  of  Harrison^ 
Street,  and  was  in  every  sense  a  model  building,  comprising  five 
rooms,  a  chapel,  a  gymnasium,  and  spacious  grounds.  The 
pupils  increased  yearly,  and  the  character  of  the  school  made 
many  friends  for  the  cause.  The  following  persons  taught  in* 
this  school :  Joseph  H.  Moore,  Thomas  L.  Boucher,  David  P.. 
Lowe,  Dr.  A.  L.  Childs,  and  W.  F.  Colburn.  Dr.  Childs  became: 
principal  of  the  school  in  1848. 

In  1849,  tne  Legislature  passed  an  act  establishing  schools 
for  Colored  children,  to  be  maintained  at  the  public  expense. 
In  1850,  a  board  of  Colored  trustees  was  elected,  teachers  enir 
ployed,  and  buildings  hired.  The  schools  were  put  in  opera 
tion.  The  law  of  1849  provided  that  so  much  of  the  funds  be 
longing  to  the  city  of  Cincinnati  as  would  fall  to  the  Colored 
youth,  by  a  per  capita  division,  should  be  held  subject  to  the 
order  of  the  Colored  trustees.  But  their  order  was  not  honored; 
by  the  city  treasurer,  upon  the  ground  that  under  the  constitu 
tion  of  the  State  only  electors  could  hold  office  ;  that  Colored 
men  were  not  electors,  and,  therefore,  could  not  hold  office. 
After  three  months  the  Colored  schools  were  closed,  and  the 
teachers  went  out  without  their  salaries. 

John  I.  Gaines,  an  intelligent  and  fearless  Colored  leader, 
made  a  statement  of  the  case  to  a  public  meeting  of  the  Col 
ored  people  of  Cincinnati,  and  urged  the  employment  of  counsel 


1/2    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

to  try  the  case  in  the  courts.  Money  was  raised,  and  Flamen 
Ball,  Sr.,  was  secured  to  make  an  application  for  mandamus.  The 
case  was  finally  carried  to  the  Supreme  Court  and  won  by  the 
'Colored  people. 

In  1851,  the  schools  were  opened  again  ;  but  the  rooms  were 
small  and  wretchedly  appointed,  and  the  trustees  unable  to  pro 
vide  better  ones.  Without  notice  the  Colored  trustees  were  de 
posed.  The  management  of  the  Colored  schools  was  vested  in  a 
board  of  trustees  and  school  visitors,  who  were  also  in  charge  of 
the  schools  for  the  white  children.  This  board,  under  a  new 
law,  had  authority  to  appoint  six  Colored  men  who  were  to 
manage  the  Colored  schools  with  the  exception  of  the  school 
fund.  This  greatly  angered  the  leading  Colored  men,  and,  there 
fore,  they  refused  to  endorse  this  new  management. 

The  law  was  altered  in  1856,  giving  the  Colored  people  the 
right  to  elect,  by  ballot,  their  own  trustees. 

In  1858,  Nicholas  Longworth  built  the  first  school-house  for 
the  Colored  people,  and  gave  them  the  building  on  a  lease  of 
fourteen  years,  in  which  time  they  were  to  pay  for  it — $14,000. 
In  1859,  a  large  building  was  erected  on  Court  Street. 

Oberlin  College  opened  its  doors  to  Colored  students  from 
the  moment  of  its  existence  in  1833,  and  they  have  never  been 
closed  at  any  time  since.  It  was  here  that  the  incomparable 
Finney,  with  the  fierceness  of  John  Baptist,  the  gentleness  of 
John  the  Evangelist,  the  logic  of  Paul,  and  the  eloquence  of 
Isaiah,  pleaded  the  cause  of  the  American  slave,  and  gave  instruc 
tion  to  all  who  sat  at  his  feet  regardless  of  color  or  race.  George 
B.  Vashon,  William  Howard  Day,  John  Mercer  Langston,  and 
many  other  Colored  men  graduated  from  Oberlin  College  before 
any  of  the  other  leading  colleges  of  the  country  had  consented 
to  give  Colored  men  a  classical  education. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Anthony  Benezet  established,  in  1750,  the  first  school  for 
Colored  people  in  this  State,  and  taught  it  himself  without 
money  and  without  price.  He  solicited  funds  for  the  erection  of 
a  school-house  for  the  Colored  children,  and  of  their  intellectual 
capacities  said  :  "  I  can  with  truth  and  sincerity  declare  that  I 
have  found  among  the  negroes  as  great  variety  of  talents  as 
among  a  like  number  of  whites,  and  I  am  bold  to  assert  that 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  173 

the  notion  entertained  by  some,  that  the  blacks  are  inferior  in 
their  capacity,  is  a  vulgar  prejudice,  founded  on  the  pride  or  ig 
norance  of  their  lordly  masters,  who  have  kept  their  slaves  at 
such  a  distance  as  to  be  unable  to  form  a  right  judgment  of 
them." 

He  died  on  the  3d  of  May,  1784,  universally  beloved  and 
sincerely  mourned,  especially  by  the  Negro  population  of  Penn 
sylvania,  for  whose  education  he  had  done  so  much.  The  follow 
ing  clause  in  his  will  illustrates  his  character  in  respect  to  public 
instruction  : 

"  I  give  my  above  said  house  and  lot,  or  ground-rent  proceeding 
from  it,  and  the  rest  and  residue  of  my  estate  which  shall  remain  un 
disposed  of  after  my  wife's  decease,  both  real  and  personal,  to  the 
public  school  of  Philadelphia,  founded  by  charter,  and  to  their  succes 
sors  forever,  in  trust,  that  they  shall  sell  my  house  and  lot  on  perpetual 
ground-rent  forever,  if  the  same  be  not  already  sold  by  my  executors, 
as  before  mentioned,  and  that  as  speedily  as  may  be  they  receive  and 
take  as  much  of  my  personal  estate  as  may  be  remaining,  and  there 
with  purchase  a  yearly  ground-rent,  or  ground-rents,  and  with  the  in 
come  of  such  ground-rent  proceeding  from  the  sale  of  my  real  estate, 
hire  and  employ  a  religious-minded  person,  or  persons,  to  teach  a  num 
ber  of  negro,  mulatto,  or  Indian  children  to  read,  write,  arithmetic,  plain 
accounts,  needle-work,  etc.  And  it  is  my  particular  desire,  founded  on 
the  experience  I  have  had  in  that  service,  that  in  the  choice  of  such 
tutors,  special  care  may  be  had  to  prefer  an  industrious,  careful  person 
of  true  piety,  who  may  be  or  become  suitably  qualified,  who  would 
undertake  the  service  from  a  principle  of  charity,  to  one  more  highly 
learned,  not  equally  disposed  ;  this  I  desire  may  be  carefully  attended 
to,  sensible  that  from  the  number  of  pupils  of  all  ages,  the  irregularity 
of  attendance  their  situation  subjects  them  to  will  not  admit  of  that 
particular  inspection  in  their  improvement  usual  in  other  schools,  but 
that  the  real  well-doing  of  the  scholars  will  very  much  depend  upon  the 
master  making  a  special  conscience  of  doing  his  duty  ;  and  shall  like 
wise  defray  such  other  necessary  expense  as  may  occur  in  that  service ; 
and  as  the  said  remaining  income  of  my  estate,  after  my  wife's  decease, 
will  not  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  whole  expense  necessary  for  the  sup 
port  of  such  a  school,  it  is  my  request  that  the  overseers  of  the  said 
public  school  shall  join  in  the  care  and  expense  of  such  school,  or 
schools,  for  the  education  of  negro,  mulatto,  or  Indian  children,  with 
any  committee  which  may  be  appointed  by  the  monthly  meetings  of 
Friends  in  Philadelphia,  or  with  any  other  body  of  benevolent  persons 
who  may  join  in  raising  money  and  employing  it  for  the  education  and 


174    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

care  of  such  children  ;  my  desire  being  that  as  such  a  school  is  now- 
set  up,  it  may  be  forever  maintained  in  this  city." 

Just  before  his  death  he  addressed  the  following  note  to 
the  "  overseers  of  the  school  for  the  instruction  of  the  black 
people." 

"  My  friend,  Joseph  Clark,  having  frequently  observed  to  me  his 
desire,  in  case  of  my  inability  of  continuing  the  care  of  the  negro 
school,  of  succeeding  me  in  that  service,  notwithstanding  he  now  has  a 
more  advantageous  school,  by  the  desire  of  doing  good  to  the  black 
people  makes  him  overlook  these  pecuniary  advantages,  I  much  wish 
the  overseers  of  the  school  would  take  his  desires  under  their  peculiar 
notice  and  give  him  such  due  encouragement  as  may  be  proper,  it  be 
ing  a  matter  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  that  school  that  the  master 
be  a  person  who  makes  it  a  principle  to  do  his  duty." 

The  noble  friends  were  early  in  the  field  as  the  champions  of 
education  for  the  Negroes.  It  was  Anthony  Benezet,  who,  on 
the  26th  of  January,  1770,  secured  the  appointment  of  a  com 
mittee  by  the  monthly  meeting  of  the  Friends,  "  to  consider  on 
the  instruction  of  negro  and  mulatto  children  in  reading,  writing, 
and  other  useful  learning  suitable  to  their  capacity  and  circum 
stances."  On  the  3Oth  of  May,  1770,  a  special  committee  of 
Friends  sought  to  employ  an  instructor  "  to  teach,  not  more  at 
one  time  than  thirty  children,  in  the  first  rudiments  of  school 
learning  and  in  sewing  and  knitting."  Moles  Paterson  was  first 
employed  at  a  salary  of  ;£8o  a  year,  and  an  additional  sum  of 
£11  for  one  half  of  the  rent  of  his  dwelling-house.  Instruction 
was  free  to  the  poor ;  but  those  who  were  able  to  pay  were  re 
quired  to  do  so  "  at  the  rate  of  los.  a  quarter  for  those  who 
write,  and  75.  6d.  for  others." 

In  1784,  William  Waring  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  larger 
children,  at  a  salary  of  ;£ioo;  and  Sarah  Dougherty,  of  the 
younger  children  and  girls,  in  teaching  spelling,  reading,  sewing^ 
etc.,  at  a  salary  of  £50.  In  1787,  aid  was  received  from  David 
Barclay,  of  London,  in  behalf  of  a  committee  for  managing  a 
donation  for  the  relief  of  Friends  in  America ;  and  the  sum  of 
.£500  was  thus  obtained,  which,  with  the  fund  derived  from  the 
estate  of  Benezet,  and  £300  from  Thomas  Shirley,  a  Colored  man, 
was  appropriated  to  the  erection  of  a  school-house.  In  1819  a 
committee  of  "  women  Friends,"  to  have  exclusive  charge  of  the 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  i?$ 

admission  of  girls  and  the  general  superintendence  of  the  girls' 
school,  was  associated  with  the  overseers  in  the  charge  of  the 
school.  In  1830,  in  order  to  relieve  the  day  school  of  some  of 
the  male  adults  who  had  been  in  the  habit  of  attending,  an  even 
ing  school  for  frhe  purpose  of  instructing  such  persons  gratui 
tously  was  opened,  and  has  been  continued  to  the  present  time. 
In  1844,  a  lot  was  secured  on  Locust  Street,  extending  along 
Shield's  Alley,  now  Aurora  Street,  on  which  a  new  house  was 
erected  in  1847,  tne  expense  of  which  was  paid  for  in  part  from 
the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  a  lot  bequeathed  by  John  Pember- 
ton.  Additional  accommodations  were  made  to  this  building, 
from  time  to  time,  as  room  was  demanded  by  new  classes  of 
pupils. 

In  1849,  a  statistical  return  of  the  condition  of  the  people  of 
color  in  the  city  and  districts  of  Philadelphia  shows  that  there 
were  then  one  grammar  school,  with  463  pupils ;  two  public 
primary  schools,  with  339  ;  and  an  infant  school,  under  the  charge 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  of  70  pupils,  in  Clifton 
Street  ;  a  ragged  and  a  moral-reform  school,  with  81  pupils. 
In  West  Philadelphia  there  was  also  a  public  school,  with  67 
pupils  ;  and,  in  all,  there  were  about  20  private  schools,  with  300 
pupils  ;  making  an  aggregate  of  more  than  1,300  children  receiv 
ing  an  education. 

In  1859,  according  to  Bacon's  "  Statistics  of  the  Colored  Peo 
ple  of  Philadelphia,"  there  were  1,031  Colored  children  in  public 
schools,  748  in  charity  schools  of  various  kinds,  21 1  in  benevolent 
and  reformatory  schools,  and  331  in  private  schools,  making  an 
aggregate  of  2,321  pupils;  besides  four  evening  schools,  one  for 
adult  males,  one  for  females,  and  one  for  young  apprentices. 
There  were  19  Sunday-schools  connected  with  the  congrega 
tions  of  the  Colored  people,  and  conducted  by  their  own 
teachers,  containing  1,667  pupils,  and  four  Sunday-schools  gath 
ered  as  mission  schools  by  members  of  white  congregations,  with 
215  pupils.  There  was  also  a  "  Public  Library  and  Reading- 
room  "  connected  with  the  "Institute  for  Colored  Youth,"  es 
tablished  in  1853,  having  about  1,300  volumes  ;  besides  three 
other  small  libraries  in  different  parts  of  the  city.  The  same 
pamphlet  shows  that  there  were  1,700  of  the  Colored  population 
engaged  in  different  trades  and  occupations,  representing  every 
department  of  industry.1 

1  Barnard,  pp.  377,  378. 


1/6    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

In  1794,  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  established  a 
school  for  children  of  the  people  of  color,  and  in  1809  erected  a 
school  building  at  a  cost  of  four  thousand  dollars,  which  they 
designated  as  "  Clarkson  Hall,"  in  1815.  In  1813,  a  board  of 
education  was  organized  consisting  of  thirteentpersons,  with  a 
visiting  committee  of  three,  whose  duty  it  was  to  visit  the  schools 
once  each  week.  In  1818,  the  school  board,  in  their  report, 
speak  very  kindly  and  encouragingly  of  the  Clarkson  Schools, 
which,  they  say,  "  furnish  a  decided  refutation  of  the  charge  that 
the  mental  endowments  of  the  descendants  of  Africa  are  inferior 
to  those  possessed  by  their  white  brethren.  We  can  assert,  with 
out  fear  of  contradiction,  that  the  pupils  of  this  seminary  will 
sustain  a  fair  comparison  with  those  of  any  other  institution  in 
which  the  same  elementary  branches  are  taught." 

In  1820,  an  effort  was  made  to  have  the  authorities  of  the 
white  schools  provide  for  the  education  of  the  Colored  children 
as  well  as  the  whites,  because  the  laws  of  the  State  required  the 
education  of  all  the  youth.  The  comptrollers  of  the  public 
schools  confessed  that  the  law  provided  for  the  education  of 
"  poor  and  indigent  children,"  and  that  it  extended  to  those  of 
persons  of  color.  Accordingly,  in  1822,  a  school  for  the  educa 
tion  of  indigent  persons  of  color  of  both  sexes,  was  opened  in 
Lombard  Street,  Philadelphia.  In  1841,  a  primary  school  was 
opened  in  the  same  building.  In  1833,  the  "  Unclassified  School" 
in  Coates  Street,  and  at  frequent  intervals  after  this  several 
schools  of  the  same  grade,  were  started  in  West  Philadelphia. 

In  1837,  by  the  will  of  Richard  Humphreys,  who  died  in 
1832,  an  "  Institute  for  Colored  Youth  "  was  started.  The  sum 
of  ten  thousand  dollars  was  devised  to  certain  trustees  who  were 
to  pay  it  over  to  some  society  that  might  be  disposed  to  estab 
lish  a  school  for  the  education  of  the  "  descendants  of  the  Afri 
can  race  in  school  learning  in  the  various  branches  of  the  me 
chanic  arts  and  trade,  and  in  agriculture."  Thirty  members  of 
the  society  of  Friends  formed  themselves  into  an  association 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  wishes  and  plans  of  Mr. 
Humphreys.  In  the  preamble  of  the  constitution  they  adopted, 
their  ideas  and  plans  were  thus  set  forth : 

"  We  believe  that  the  most  successful  method  of  elevating  the 
moral  and  intellectual  character  of  the  descendants  of  Africa,  as  well 
as  of  improving  their  social  condition,  is  to  extend  to  them  the  benefits 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  177 

of  a  good  education,  and  to  instruct  them  in  the  knowledge  of  some 
useful  trade  or  business,  whereby  they  may  be  enabled  to  obtain  a  com 
fortable  livelihood  by  their  own  industry  ;  and  through  these  means  to 
prepare  them  for  fulfilling  the  various  duties  of  domestic  and  social 
life  with  reputation  and  fidelity,  as  good  citizens  and  pious  men." 

In  order  to  carry  out  the  feature  of  agricultural  and  me 
chanic  arts,  the  association  purchased  a  farm  in  Bristol  town 
ship,  Philadelphia  County,  in  1839,  where  boys  of  the  Colored 
race  were  taught  farming,  shoemaking,  and  other  useful  trades. 
The  incorporation  of  the  institution  was  secured  in  1842,  and  in 
1844  another  friend  dying — Jonathan  Zane — added  a  handsome 
sum  to  the  treasury,  which,  with  several  small  legacies,  made 
$18,000  for  this  enterprise.  But  in  1846  the  work  came  to  a 
standstill ;  the  farm  with  its  equipments  was  sold,  and  for  six 
years  very  little  was  done,  except  through  a  night  school. 

In  1851,  a  lot  for  a  school  building  was  purchased  on  Lom 
bard  Street,  and  a  building  erected,  and  the  school  opened  in  the 
autumn  of  1852,  for  boys,  under  the  care  of  Charles  L.  Reason, 
an  accomplished  young  Colored  teacher  from  New  York.  A 
girls'  school  was  opened  the  same  year,  and,  under  Mr.  Reason's 
excellent  instruction,  many  worthy  and  competent  teachers  and 
leaders  of  the  Negro  race  came  forth. 

Avery  College,  at  Allegheny  City,  was  founded  by  the  Rev.. 
Charles  Avery,  a  native  of  New  York,  but  for  the  greater  part 
of  a  long  and  useful  life  adorned  by  the  noblest  virtues,  a  resi 
dent  of  Pennyslvania.  By  will  he  left  $300,000  for  the  christiani- 
zation  of  the  African  race;  $150,000  to  be  used  in  Africa, and 
$150,000  in  America.  He  left  $25,000  as  an  endowment  fund  for 
Avery  College. 

At  a  stated  meeting  during  the  session  of  the  Presbytery  at 
New  Castle,  Pa.,  October  5,  1853,  it  was  resolved  that  "there 
shall  be  established  within  our  bounds,  and  under  our  super 
vision,  an  institution,  to  be  called  the  Ashum  Institute,  for  the 
scientific,  classical,  and  theological  education  of  colored  youth; 
of  the  male  sex." 

Accordingly,  J.  M.  Dickey,  A.  Hamilton,  R.  P.  Dubois,  minis 
ters  ;  and  Samuel  J.  Dickey  and  John  M.  Kelton,  ruling  elders, 
were  appointed  a  committee  to  perfect  the  idea.  They  were  to 
solicit  and  receive  funds,  secure  a  charter  from  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  erect  suitable  buildings  for  the  institute.  On. 


i;8    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  1/j.th  of  November,  1853,  they  purchased  thirty  acres  of  land 
at  the  cost  of  $1,250.  At  the  session  of  the  Legislature  in  1854, 
.a  charter  was  granted  establishing  "at  or  near  a  place  called 
Hinsonville,  in  the  county  of  Chester,  an  institution  of  learning 
for  the  scientific,  classical,  and  theological  education  of  colored 
youth  of  the  male  sex,  by  the  name  and  style  of  Ashum  Insti 
tute."  The  trustees  were  John  M.  Dickey,  Alfred  Hamilton, 
Robert  P.  Dubois,  James  Latta,  John  B.  Spottswood,  James  M. 
•Crowell,  Samuel  J.  Dickey,  John  M.  Kelton,  and  William  Wilson. 

By  the  provisions  of  the  charter  the  trustees  were  empowered 
"  to  procure  the  endowment  of  the  institute,  not  exceeding  the 
sum  of  $100,000;  to  confer  such  literary  degrees  and  academic 
honors  as  are  usually  granted  by  colleges  " ;  and  it  was  required 
that  "  the  institute  shall  be  open  to  the  admission  of  colored 
pupils  of  the  male  sex,  of  all  religious  denominations,  who  ex 
hibit  a  fair  moral  character,  and  are  willing  to  yield  a  ready 
obedience  to  the  general  regulations  prescribed  for  the  conduct 
of  the  pupils  and  the  government  of  the  institute." 

The  institute  was  formally  dedicated  on  the  3ist  of  Decem 
ber,  1856.  It  is  now  known  as  Lincoln  University. 

RHODE   ISLAND 

conferred  the  right  of  elective  franchise  upon  her  Colored  citi 
zens  by  her  constitution  in  1843,  and  ever  since  equal  privileges 
nave  been  afforded  them.  In  1828  the  Colored  people  of  Provi 
dence  petitioned  for  a  separate  school,  but  it  was  finally  abolished 

oy  an  act  of  the  Legislature. ' 

• 

SOUTH   CAROLINA 

took  the  lead  in  legislating  against  the  instruction  of  the  Colored 
race,  as  she  subsequently  took  the  lead  in  seceding  from  the 
Union.  In  1740,  while  yet  a  British  province,  the  Legislature 
-passed  the  following  law : 

"  Whereas  the  having  of  slaves  taught  to  write,  or  suffering  them 
to  be  employed  in  writing,  may  be  attended  with  inconveniences,  Be  it 
enacted,  That  all  and  every  person  and  persons  whatsoever,  who  shall 
hereafter  teach,  or  cause  any  slave  or  slaves  to  be  taught,  or  shall  use 
or  employ  any  slave  as  a  scribe  in  any  manner  of  writing  whatever, 
hereafter  taught  to  write,  every  such  person  or  persons  shall  for  every 
.such  offense  forfeit  the  sum  of  ^100  current  money." 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  179 

In  1800  the  State  Assembly  passed  an  act,  embracing  free  Col 
ored  people  as  well  as  slaves  in  its  shameful  provisions,  enacting 
"  that  assemblies  of  slaves,  free  negroes,  mulattoes,  and  mes 
tizoes,  whether  composed  of  all  or  any  such  description  of  persons, 
or  of  all  or  any  of  the  same  and  a  proportion  of  white  persons, 
met  together  for  the  purpose  of  mental  instruction  in  a  confined 
or  secret  place,  or  with  the  gates  or  doors  of  such  place  barred, 
bolted,  or  locked,  so  as  to  prevent  the  free  ingress  to  and  from 
the  same,"  are  declared  to  be  unlawful  meetings ;  the  officers  dis 
persing  such  unlawful  assemblages  being  authorized  to  "  inflict 
such  corporal  punishment,  not  exceeding  twenty  lashes,  upon 
such  slaves,  free  negroes,  mulattoes,  and  mestizoes,  as  they  may 
judge  necessary  for  deterring  them  from  the  like  unlawful  assem 
blage  in  future."  Another  section  of  the  same  act  declares, 
"that  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  number  of  slaves,  free  negroes, 
mulattoes,  or  mestizoes,  even  in  company  with  white  persons,  to 
meet  together  and  assemble  for  the  purpose  of  mental  instruc 
tion  or  religious  worship  before  the  rising  of  the  sun  or  after  the 
going  down  of  the  same."  This  section  was  so  oppressive,  that 
in  1803,  in  answer  to  petitions  from  certain  religious  societies,  an 
amending  act  was  passed  forbidding  any  person  before  9  o'clock 
in  the  evening  "  to  break  into  a  place  of  meeting  wherever  shall 
be  assembled  the  members  of  any  religious  society  of  the  State, 
provided  a  majority  of  them  shall  be  white  persons,  or  other  to 
disturb  their  devotions  unless  a  warrant  has  been  procured  from 
a  magistrate,  if  at  the  time  of  the  meeting  there  should  be  a 
magistrate  within  three  miles  of  the  place  ;  if  not,  the  act  of  1800 
is  to  remain  in  full  force." 

On  the  i /th  of  December,  1834,  definite  action  was  taken 
against  the  education  of  free  Colored  persons  as  well  as  slaves. 
The  first  section  is  given  : 

"  SECTION  i.  If  any  person  shall  hereafter  teach  any  slave  to 
read  or  write,  or  shall  aid  or  assist  in  teaching  any  slave  to  read  or 
write,  or  cause  or  procure  any  slave  to  be  taught  to  read  or  write, 
such  person,  if  a  free  white  person,  upon  conviction  thereof  shall,  for 
each  and  every  offense  against  this  act,  be  fined  not  exceeding  $100 
and  imprisonment  not  more  than  six  months  ;  or,  if  a  free  person 
of  color,  shall  be  whipped  not  exceeding  fifty  lashes,  and  fined  not 
exceeding  $50,  at  the  discretion  of  the  court  of  magistrates  and  free 
holders  before  which  such  free  person  of  color  is  tried  ;  and  if  a 
slave,  to  he  whipped,  at  the  discretion  of  the  court,  not  exceeding 


i8o    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

fifty  lashes,  the  informer  to  be  entitled  to  one-half  the  fine  and  to- 
be  a  competent  witness.  And  if  any  free  person  of  color  or  slave 
shall  keep  any  school  or  other  place  of  instruction  for  teaching  any 
slave  or  free  person  of  color  to  read  or  write,  such  free  person  of 
color  or  slave  shall  be  liable  to  the  same  fine,  imprisonment,  and 
corporal  punishment  as  by  this  act  are  imposed  and  inflicted  on  free 
persons  of  color  and  slaves  for  teaching  slaves  to  write." 

The  second  section  forbids,  under  pain  of  severe  penalties, 
the  employment  of  any  Colored  persons  as  "  clerks  or  salesmen 
in  or  about  any  shop,  store,  or  house  used  for  trading." 

TENNESSEE 

passed  a  law  in  1838  establishing  a  system  of  common  schools  by 
which  the  scholars  were  designated  as  "  white  children  over  the 
age  of  six  years  and  under  sixteen."  In  1840  an  act  was  passed 
in  which  no  discrimination  against  color  appeared.  It  simply 
provided  that  "  all  children  between  the  ages  of  six  and  twenty- 
one  years  shall  have  the  privilege  of  attending  the  public 
schools."  And  while  there  was  never  afterward  any  law  prohib 
iting  the  education  of  Colored  children,  the  schools  were  used 
exclusively  by  the  whites. 

TEXAS 

never  put  any  legislation  on  her  statute-books  withholding  the 
blessings  of  the  schools  from  the  Negro,  for  the  reason,  doubt 
less,  that  she  banished  all  free  persons  of  color,  and  worked  her 
slaves  so  hard  that  they  had  no  hunger  for  books  when  night 
came. 

VIRGINIA, 

under  Sir  William  Berkeley,  was  not  a  strong  patron  of  education 
for  the  masses.  For  the  slave  there  was  little  opportunity  to 
learn,  as  he  was  only  allowed  part  of  Saturday  to  rest,  and  kept 
under  the  closest  surveillance  on  the  Sabbath  day.  The  free 
persons  of  color  were  regarded  with  suspicion,  and  little  chance 
was  given  them  to  cultivate  their  minds. 

On  the  2d  of  March,  1819,  an  act  was  passed  prohibiting 
"  all  meetings  or  assemblages  of  slaves,  or  free  negroes,  or  mulat- 
toes,  mixing  and  associating  with  such  slaves,  at  any  meeting 
house  or  houses,  or  any  other  place  or  places,  in  the  night,  or  at 
any  school  or  schools  for  teaching  them  reading  and  writing 


NEGRO   SCHOOL  LAWS.  181 

either  in  the  day  or  night."  But  notwithstanding  this  law, 
schools  for  free  persons  of  color  were  kept  up  until  the  Nat. 
Turner  insurrection  in  1831,  when,  on  the  /th  of  April  following, 
the  subjoined  act  was  passed : 

"  SEC.  4.  And  be  it  enacted.  That  all  meetings  of  free  negroes  or 
mulattoes  at  any  school-house,  church,  meeting-house,  or  other  place, 
for  teaching  them  reading  or  writing,  either  in  the  day  or  night,  under 
whatsoever  pretext,  shall  be  deemed  and  considered  an  unlawful  as 
sembly  ;  and  any  justice  of  the  county  or  corporation  wherein  such 
assemblage  shall  be,  either  from  his  own  knowledge,  or  on  the  informa 
tion  of  others  of  such  unlawful  assemblage  or  meeting,  shall  issue  his 
warrant  directed  to  any  sworn  officer  or  officers,  authorizing  him  or 
them  to  enter  the  house  or  houses  where  such  unlawful  assemblage  or 
meeting  may  be,  for  the  purpose  of  apprehending  or  dispersing  such 
free  negroes  or  mulattoes,  and  to  inflict  corporal  punishment  on  the 
offender  or  offenders,  at  the  discretion  of  any  justice  of  the  peace,  not 
exceeding  20  lashes. 

"  SEC.  5.  And  be  it  enacted,  That  if  any  person  or  persons  as 
semble  with  free  negroes  or  mulattoes  at  any  school-house,  church, 
meeting-house,  or  other  place,  for  the  purpose  of  instructing  such  free 
negroes  or  mulattoes  to  read  or  write,  such  persons  or  persons  shall, 
on  conviction  thereof,  be  fined  in  a  sum  not  exceeding  $50,  and,  more 
over,  may  be  imprisoned,  at  the  discretion  of  a  jury,  not  exceeding  two 
months. 

"  SEC.  6.  And  be  it  enacted,  That  if  any  white  person,  for  pay  or 
compensation,  shall  assemble  with  any  slaves  for  the  purpose  of  teach 
ing,  and  shall  teach  any  slave  to  read  or  write,  such  person,  or  any 
white  person  or  persons  contracting  with  such  teacher  so  to  act,  who 
shall  offend  as  aforesaid,  shall,  for  each  offense,  be  fined,  at  the  discre 
tion  of  a  jury,  in  a  sum  not  less  than  $10,  nor  exceeding  $100,  to  be  re 
covered  on  an  information  or  indictment." 

This  law  was  rigidly  enforced,  and  in  1851,  Mrs.  Margaret 
Douglass,  a  white  lady  from  South  Carolina,  was  cast  into  the.- 
Norfolk  jail  for  violating  its  provisions. 

West  Virginia  was  not  admitted  into  the  Union  until  1863. 
Wisconsin,  Vermont,  New  Hampshire,  and  New  Jersey  did  not 
prohibit  the  education  of  their  Colored  children. 

THE   DISTRICT  OF   COLUMBIA 

presents  a  more  pleasing  and  instructive  field  for  the  examina 
tion  of  the  curious  student  of  history. 


182    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

In  1807,  the  first  school-house  for  the  use  of  Colored  pupils 
was  erected  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  by  three  Colored  men,  named 
George  Bell,  Nicholas  Franklin,  and  Moses  Liverpool.  Not  one 
of  this  trio  of  Negro  educators  knew  a  letter  of  the  alphabet ; 
but  having  lived  as  slaves  in  Virginia,  they  had  learned  to  ap 
preciate  the-  opinion  that  learning  was  of  great  price.  They 
secured  a  white  teacher,  named  Lowe,  and  put  their  school  in 
operation. 

At  this  time  the  entire  population  of  free  persons  amounted 
to  494  souls.  After  a  brief  period  the  school  subsided,  but  was 
reorganized  again  in  1818.  The  announcement  of  the  opening 
of  the  school  was  printed  in  the  "National  Intelligencer"  on  the 
29th  of  August,  1818. 

"A  School, 

Founded  by  an  association  of  free  people  of  color,  of  the  city  of 
Washington,  called  the  *  Resolute  Beneficial  Society,'  situate  near  the 
Eastern  Public  School  and  the  dwelling  of  Mrs.  Fenwick,  is  now  open 
for  the  reception  of  children  of  free  people  of  color  and  others,  that 
ladies  or  gentlemen  may  think  proper  to  send  to  be  instructed  in  read 
ing,  writing,  arithmetic,  English  grammar,  or  other  branches  of  educa 
tion  apposite  to  their  capacities,  by  a  steady,  active,  and  experienced 
teacher,  whose  attention  is  wholly  devoted  to  the  purposes  described. 
It  is  presumed  that  free  colored  families  will  embrace  the  advantages 
thus  presented  to  them,  either  by  subscribing  to  the  funds  of  the  so~ 
ciety,  or  by  sending  their  children  to  the  school.  An  improvement  ot 
the  intellect  and  morals  of  colored  youth  being  the  objects  of  this 
institution,  the  patronage  of  benevolent  ladies  and  gentlemen,  by  dona 
tion  or  subscription,  is  humbly  solicited  in  aid  of  the  fund,  the  demands 
thereon  being  heavy  and  the  means  at  present  much  too  limited.  For 
the  satisfaction  of  the  public,  the  constitution  and  articles  of  association 
are  printed  and  published.  And  to  avoid  disagreeable  occurrences,  no 
writings  are  to  be  done  by  the  teacher  for  a  slave,  neither  directly  nor 
indirectly,  to  serve  the  purpose  of  a  slave  on  any  account  whatever. 
Further  particulars  may  be  known  by  applying  to  any  of  the  under 
signed  officers. 

"WILLIAM  COSTIN,  President. 

"  GEORGE  HICKS,  Vice- President. 

"  JAMES  HARRIS,  Secretary. 

"  GEORGE  BELL,  Treasurer. 

"  ARCHIBALD  JOHNSON,  Marshal. 

"  FRED.  LEWIS,  Chairman  of  the  Committee. 

"  ISAAC  JOHNSON,  )  ^ 

'  \  Committee. 
SCTPIO  BEENS,      ) 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  183 

"  N.  B. — An  evening  school  will  commence  on  the  premises  on  the 
first  Monday  of  October,  and  continue  throughout  the  season. 

"  i^"  The  managers  of  Sunday-schools  in  the  eastern  district  are 
thus  most  dutifully  informed  that  on  Sabbath-days  the  school-house 
belonging  to  this  society,  if  required  for  the  tuition  of  colored  youth, 
will  be  uniformly  at  their  service. 

August  29,  3/." 

This  school  was  first  taught  by  a  Mr.  Pierpont,  of  Massachu 
setts,  a  relative  of  the  poet,  and  after  several  years  was  succeeded 
by  a  Colored  man  named  John  Adams,  the  first  teacher  of  his 
race  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  average  attendance  of  this 
school  was  about  sixty-five  or  seventy. 

MR.    HENRY    POTTER'S    SCHOOL. 

The  third  school  for  Colored  children  in  Washington  was 
established  by  Mr.  Henry  Potter,  an  Englishman,  who  opened 
his  school  about  1809,  m  a  brick  building  which  then  stood  on 
the  southeast  corner  of  F  and  Seventh  streets,  opposite  the  block 
where  the  post-office  building  now  stands.  He  continued  there 
for  several  years  and  had  a  large  school,  moving  subsequently  to 
what  was  then  known  as  Clark's  Row  on  Thirteenth  Street,  west, 
between  G  and'  H 'streets,  north. 

MRS.  HALL'S  SCHOOL. 

During  this  period  Mrs.  Anne  Maria  Hall  started  a  school  on 
Capitol  Hill,  between  the  old  Capitol  and  Carroll  Row,  on  First 
Street,  east.  After  continuing  there  with  a  full  school  for  some 
ten  years,  she  moved  to  a  building  which  stood  on  what  is  now 
the  vacant  portion  of  the  Casparis  House  lot  on  A  Street,  close 
to  the  Capitol.  Some  years  later  she  went  to  the  First  Bethel 
Church,  and  after  a  year  or  two  she  moved  to  a  house  still 
standing  on  E  Street,  north,  between  Eleventh  and  Twelfth, 
west,  and  there  taught  many  years.  She  was  a  Colored  woman 
from  Prince  George's  County,  Maryland,  and  had  a  respectable 
education,  which  she  obtained  at  schools  with  white  children  in 
Alexandria.  Her  husband  died  early,  leaving  her  with  children 
to  support,  and  she  betook  herself  to  the  work  of  a  teacher, 
which  she  loved,  and  in  which,  for  not  less  than  twenty-five 
years,  she  met  with  uniform  success.  Her  schools  were  all  quite 
large,  and  the  many  who  remember  her  as  their  teacher  speak  of 
her  with  great  respect. 


1 84    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

MRS.  MARY  BILLING'S  SCHOOL. 

Of  the  early  teachers  of  Colored  schools  in  this  district  there 
is  no  one  whose  name  is  mentioned  with  more  gratitude  and  re 
spect  by  the  intelligent  Colored  residents  than  that  of  Mrs.  Mary 
Billing,  who  established  the  first  Colored  school  that  was  gath 
ered  in  Georgetown.  She  was  an  English  woman  ;  her  husband, 
Joseph  Billing,  a  cabinet-maker,  coming  from  England  in  1800, 
settled  with  his  family  that  year  in  Washington,  and  dying  in 
1807,  left  his  wife  with  three  children.  She  was  well  educated, 
a  capable  and  good  woman,  and  immediately  commenced  teach 
ing  to  support  her  family.  At  first,  it  is  believed,  she  was  con 
nected  with  the  Corporation  School  of  Georgetown.  It  was  while 
in  a  white  school  certainly  that  her  attention  was  arrested  by  the 
wants  of  the  Colored  children,  whom  she  was  accustomed  to  re 
ceive  into  her  schools,  till  the  opposition  became  so  marked  that 
she  decided  to  make  her  school  exclusively  Colored.  She  was  a 
woman  of  strong  religious  convictions,  and  being  English,  with 
none  of  the  ideas  peculiar  to  slave  society,  when  she  saw  the 
peculiar  destitution  of  the  Colored  children  in  the  community 
around  her,  she  resolved  to  give  her  life  to  the  class  who  seemed 
most  to  need  her  services.  She  established  a  Colored  school 
about  1810,  in  a  brick  house  still  standing  on  Dunbarton  Street, 
opposite  the  Methodist  church,  between  Congress  and  High 
streets,  remaining  there  till  the  winter  of  i82O-'2i,  when  she  came 
to  Washington  and  opened  a  school  in  the  house  on  H  Street, 
near  the  Foundry  Church,  then  owned  by  Daniel  Jones,  a  Col 
ored  man,  and  still  owned  and  occupied  by  a  member  of  that 
family.  She  died  in  1826,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  her  age.  She 
continued  her  school  till  failing  health,  a  year  or  so  before  her 
death,  compelled  its  relinquishment.  Her  school  was  always 
large,  it  being  patronized  in  Georgetown  as  well  as  afterward  by 
the  best  Colored  families  of  Washington,  many  of  whom  sent 
their  children  to  her  from  Capitol  Hill  and  the  vicinity  of  the 
Navy  Yard.  Most  of  the  better-educated  Colored  men  and 
women  now  living,  who  were  school  children  in  her  time,  re 
ceived  the  best  portion  of  their  education  from  her,  and  they  all 
speak  of  her  with  a  deep  and  tender  sense  of  obligation.  Henry 
Potter  succeeded  her  in  the  Georgetown  school,  and  after  him 
Mr.  Shay,  an  Englishman,  who  subsequently  came  to  Washing 
ton  and  for  many  years  had  a  large  Colored  school  in  a  brick 
building  known  as  the  Round  Tops,  in  the  western  part  of  the 


NEGRO   SCHOOL  LAWS.  185 

•city,  near  the  Circle,  and  still  later  removing  to  the  old  Western 
Academy  building,  corner  of  I  and  Seventeenth  streets.  He  was 
there  till  about  1830,  when  he  was  convicted  of  assisting  a  slave 
to  his  freedom,  and  sent  a  term  to  the  penitentiary.  Mrs.  Billing 
had  a  night  school  in  which  she  was  greatly  assisted  by  Mr.  Mon 
roe,  a  government  clerk  and  a  Presbyterian  elder,  whose  devout 
and  benevolent  character  is  still  remembered  in  the  churches. 
Mrs.  Billing  had  scholars  from  Bladensburg  and  the  surrounding 
country,  who  came  into  Georgetown  and  boarded  with  her  and 
with  others.  About  the  time  when  Mrs.  Billing  relinquished  her 
school  in  1822  or  1823,  what  may  be  properly  called 

THE    SMOTHERS   SCHOOL-HOUSE, 

was  built  by  Henry  Smothers  on  the  corner  of  Fourteenth  and 
H  streets,  not  far  from  the  Treasury  building.  Smothers  had  a 
small  dwelling-house  on  this  corner,  and  built  his  school- 
house  on  the  rear  of  the  same  lot.  He  had  been  long  a  pupil  of 
Mrs.  Billing,  and  had  subsequently  taught  a  school  on  Washing 
ton  Street,  opposite  the  Union  Hotel  in  Georgetown.  He 
opened  his  school  in  Washington  in  the  old  corporation  school- 
house,  built  in  1806,  but  some  years  before  this  period  abandoned 
as  a  public  school-house.  It  was  known  as  the  Western  Acad 
emy,  and  is  still  standing  and  used  as  a  school-house  on  the  cor 
ner  of  I  and  Nineteenth  streets,  west.  When  his  school-house  on 
Fourteenth  and  H  streets  was  finished,  his  school  went  into  the 
new  quarters.  This  school  was  very  large,  numbering  always 
more  than  a  hundred  and  often  as  high  as  a  hundred  and  fifty 
scholars.  He  taught  here  about  two  years,  and  was  succeeded 
by  John  W.  Prout  about  the  year  1825.  Prout  was  a  man  of 
ability.  In  1831,  May  4,  there  was  a  meeting,  says  the  "National 
Intelligencer  "  of  that  date,  of  "  the  colored  citizens,  large  and 
very  respectable,  in  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church/'  to 
consider  the  question  of  emigrating  to  Liberia.  John  W.  Prout  was 
chosen  to  preside  over  the  assemblage,  and  the  article  in  the  "  In 
telligencer"  represents  him  as  making  "  a  speech  of  decided  force 
and  well  adapted  to  the  occasion,  in  support  of  a  set  of  resolu 
tions  which  he  had  drafted,  and  which  set  forth  views  adverse  to 
leaving  the  soil  that  had  given  them  birth,  their  true  and  verita 
ble  home,  without  the  benefits  of  education."  The  school  under 
Prout  was  governed  by  a  board  of  trustees  and  was  organized  as 


186    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

A    FREE    SCHOOL, 

and  so  continued  two  or  three  years.  The  number  of  scholars 
was  very  large,  averaging  a  hundred  and  fifty.  Mrs.  Anne  Maria 
Hall  was  the  assistant  teacher.  It  relied  mainly  for  support  upon 
subscription,  twelve  and  a  half  cents  a  month  only  being  expected 
from  each  pupil,  and  this  amount  was  not  compulsory.  The 
school  was  free  to  all  Colored  children,  without  money  or  price, 
and  so  continued  two  or  three  years,  when  failing  of  voluntary 
pecuniary  support  (it  never  wanted  scholars),  it  became  a  regular 
tuition  school.  The  school  under  Mr.  Prout  was  called  the 
"Columbian  Institute,"  the  name  being  suggested  by  John 
McLeod,  the  famous  Irish  school-master,  who  was  a  warm  friend 
of  this  institution  after  visiting  and  commending  the  scholars 
and  teachers,  and  who  named  his  new  building,  in  1835,  the 
Columbian  Academy.  The  days  of  thick  darkness  to  the  Col 
ored  people  were  approaching.  The  Nat.  Turner  insurrection  in 
Southampton  County,  Virginia,  which  occurred  in  August,  1831, 
spread  terror  everywhere  in  slave  communities  In  this  district, 
immediately  upon  that  terrible  occurrence,  the  Colored  children, 
who  had  in  very  large  numbers  been  received  into  the  Sabbath- 
schools  in  the  white  churches,  were  all  turned  out  of  those 
schools.  This  event,  though  seeming  to  be  a  fiery  affliction, 
proved  a  blessing  in  disguise.  It  aroused  the  energies  of  the 
Colored  people,  taught  them  self-reliance,  and  they  organized 
forthwith  Sabbath-schools  of  their  own.  It  was  in  the  Smothers 
school-house  that  they  formed  their  first  Sunday-school,  about 
the  year  1832,  and  here  they  continued  their  very  large  school 
for  several  years,  the  Fifteenth  Street  Presbyterian  Church  ulti 
mately  springing  from  the  school  organization.  It  is  important 
to  state  in  this  connection  that 

THE    SUNDAY-SCHOOL, 

always  an  extremely  important  means  of  education  for  Colored 
people  in  the  days  of  slavery,  was  emphatically  so  in  the  gloomy 
times  now  upon  them.  It  was  the  Sabbath-school  that  taught 
the  great  mass  of  the  free  people  of  color  about  all  the  school 
knowledge  that  was  allowed  them  in  those  days,  and  hence  the 
consternation  which  came  upon  them  when  they  found  them 
selves  excluded  from  the  schools  of  the  white  churches.  Lind 
say  Muse,  who  has  been  the  messenger  for  eighteen  Secretaries. 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  187 

of  the  Navy,  successively,  during  fifty-four  years,  from  1828  to  the 
present  time,  John  Brown,  Benjamin  M.  McCoy,  Mr.  Smallwood, 
Mrs.  Charlotte  Norris,  afterward  wife  of  Rev.  Eli  Nugent,  and 
Siby  McCoy,  are  the  only  survivors  of  the  resolute  little  band  of 
Colored  men  and  women  who  gathered  with  and  guided  that 
Sunday-school.  They  had,  in  the  successor  of  Mr.  Prout,  a  man 
after  their  own  heart, 

JOHN    F.    COOK, 

who  came  into  charge  of  this  school  in  August,  1834,  about 
eight  years  after  his  aunt,  Alethia  Tanner,  had  purchased  his 
freedom.  He  learned  the  shoemaker's  trade  in  his  boyhood,  and 
worked  diligently,  after  the  purchase  of  his  freedom,  to  make 
some  return  to  his  aunt  for  the  purchase-money.  About  the 
time  of  his  becoming  of  age,  he  dislocated  his  shoulder,  which 
compelled  him  to  seek  other  employment,  and  in  1831,  the  year 
of  his  majority,  he  obtained  the  place  of  assistant  messenger  in 
the  Land  Office.  Hon.  John  Wilson,  now  Third  Auditor  of  the 
Treasury,  was  the  messenger,  and  was  Cook's  firm  friend  till  the 
day  of  his  death.  Cook  had  been  a  short  time  at  school  under 
the  instruction  of  Smothers  and  Prout,  but  when  he  entered  the 
Land  Office  his  education  was  at  most  only  the  ability  to  stumble 
along  a  little  in  a  primary  reading-book.  He,  however,  now  gave 
himself  in  all  his  leisure  moments,  early  and  late,  to  study.  Mr. 
Wilson  remembers  his  indefatigable  application,  and  affirms  that 
it  was  a  matter  of  astonishment  at  the  time,  and  that  he  has  seen 
nothing  in  all  his  observations  to  surpass  and  scarcely  to  equal 
it.  He  was  soon  able  to  write  a  good  hand,  and  was  employed 
with  his  pen  in  clerical  work  by  the  sanction  of  the  commissioner, 
Elisha  Hayward,  who  was  much  attached  to  him.  Cook  was 
now  beginning  to  look  forward  to  the  life  of  a  teacher,  which, 
with  the  ministry,  was  the  only  work  not  menial  in  its  nature 
then  open  to  an  educated  Colored  man.  At  the  end  of  three 
years  he  resigned  his  place  in  the  Land  Office,  and  entered  upon 
the  work  which  he  laid  down  only  with  his  life.  It  was  then  that 
he  gave  himself  wholly  to  study  and  the  business  of  education, 
working  witlv  all  his  might ;  his  school  numbering  quite  a  hun 
dred  scholars  in  the  winter  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  in  the  sum 
mer.  He  had  been  in  his  work  one  year  when  the  storm  which 
had  been,  for  some  years,  under  the  discussion  of  the  slavery 
question,  gathering  over  the  country  at  large,  burst  upon  this, 
district. 


iS8    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

THE    SNOW    RIOT, 

or '"Snow  storm,"  as  it  has  been  commonly  called,  which  oc 
curred  in  September,  1835,  *s  an  event  that  stands  vividly  in  the 
memory  of  all  Colored  people  who  lived  in  this  community  at 
that  time.  Benjamin  Snow,  a  smart  Colored  man,  keeping  a 
restaurant  on  the  corner  of  Pennsylvania  Avenue  and  Sixth 
Street,  was  reported  to  have  made  some  remark  of  a  bravado 
kind  derogatory  to  the  wives  of  white  mechanics  ;  whereupon  this 
class,  or  those  assuming  to  represent  them,  made  a  descent  upon 
his  establishment,  destroying  all  his  effects.  Snow  himself,  who 
denied  using  the  offensive  language,  with  difficulty  escaped  un 
harmed,  through  the  management  of  white  friends,  taking  refuge 
in  Canada,  where  he  still  resides.  The  military  was  promptly 
called  to  the  rescue,  at  the  head  of  which  was  General  Walter 
Jones,  the  eminent  lawyer,  who  characterized  the  rioters,  greatly 
to  their  indignation,  as  "a  set  of  ragamuffins,"  and  his  action  was 
thoroughly  sanctioned  by  the  city  authorities. 

At  the  same  time,  also,  there  was  a  fierce  excitement  among 
the  mechanics  at  the  Navy  Yard,  growing  out  of  the  fact  that  a 
large  quantity  of  copper  bolts  being  missed  from  the  yard  and 
found  to  have  been  carried  out  in  the  dinner-pails  by  the  hands, 
the  commandant  had  forbid  eating  dinners  in  the  yard.  This 
order  was  interpreted  as  an  insult  to  the  white  mechanics,  and 
threats  were  made  of  an  assault  on  the  yard,  which  was  put  in  a 
thorough  state  of  defence  by  the  commandant.  The  rioters 
swept  through  the  city,  ransacking  the  houses  of  the  prominent 
Colored  men  and  women,  ostensibly  in  search  of  anti-slavery 
papers  and  documents,  the  most  of  the  gang  impelled  un 
doubtedly  by  hostility  to  the  Negro  race  and  by  motives  of  plunder. 
Nearly  all  the  Colored  school-houses  were  partially  demolished 
and  the  furniture  totally  destroyed,  and  in  several  cases  they 
were  completely  ruined.  Some  private  houses  were  also  torn 
down  or  burnt.  The  Colored  schools  were  nearly  all  broken  up, 
and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  the  Colored  churches 
were  saved  from  destruction,  as  their  Sabbath-schools  were  re 
garded,  and  correctly  regarded,  as  the  means  through  which  the 
Colored  people,  at  that  time,  procured  much  of  the^r  education. 

The  rioters  sought,  especially,  for  John  F.  Cook,  who,  how- 
-ever,  had  seasonably  taken  from  the  stable  the  horse  of  his 
friend,  Mr.  Hayward,  the  Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office,  an 
anti-slavery  man,  and  fled  precipitately  from  the  city.  They 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  189 

marched  to  his  school-house,  destroyed  all  the  books  and  furni 
ture,  and  partially  destroyed  the  building.  Mrs.  Smothers,  who 
owned  both  the  school-house  and  the  dwelling  adjoining  the 
lots,  was  sick  in  her  house  at  the  time,  but  an  alderman,  Mr. 
Edward  Dyer,  with  great  courage  and  nobleness  of  spirit,  stood 
between  the  house  and  the  mob  for  her  protection,  declaring  that 
he  would  defend  her  house  from  molestation  with  all  the  means 
he  could  command.  They  left  the  house  unharmed,  and  it  is 
still  standing  on  the  premises.  Mr.  Cook  went  to  Columbia, 
Pennsylvania,  opened  a  school  there,  and  did  not  venture  back 
to  his  home  till  the  autumn  of  1836.  At  the  time  the  riot  broke 
out,  General  Jackson  was  absent  in  Virginia.  He  returned  in 
the  midst  of  the  tumult,  and  immediately  issuing  orders  in  his 
bold,  uncompromising  manner  to  the  authorities  to  see  the  laws 
respected  at  all  events,  the  violence  was  promptly  subdued.  It 
was,  nevertheless,  a  very  dark  time  for  the  Colored  people.  The 
timid  class  did  not  for  a  year  or  two  dare  to  send  their  children 
to  school,  and  the  whole  mass  of  the  Colored  people 'dwelt  in 
fear  day  and  night.  In  August,  1836,  Mr.  Cook  returned  from 
Pennsylvania  and  reopened  his  school,  which  under  him  had,  in 
1834,  received  the  name  of 

UNION    SEMINARY. 

During  his  year's  absence  he  was  in  charge  of  a  free  Col 
ored  public  school  in  Columbia,  Lancaster  County,  Pennsylvania, 
which  he  surrendered  to  the  care  of  Benjamin  M.  McCoy  when 
he  came  back  to  his  home,  Mr.  McCoy  going  there  to  fill  out  his 
engagement. 

He  resumed  his  work  with  broad  and  elevated  ideas  of  his 
business.  This  is  clearly  seen  in  the  plan  of  his  institution,  em 
braced  in  the  printed  annual  announcements  and  programmes  of 
his  annual  exhibitions,  copies  of  which  have  been  preserved. 
The  course  of  study  embraced  three  years,  and  there  was  a  male 
and  a  female  department,  Miss  Catharine  Costin  at  one  period 
being  in  charge  of  the  female  department.  Mr.  Seaton,  of  the 
"  National  Intelligencer,"  among  other  leading  and  enlightened 
citizens  and  public  men,  used  to  visit  his  school  from  year  to 
year,  and  watch  its  admirable  working  with  deep  and  lively  in 
terest.  Cook  was  at  this  period  not  only  watching  over  his  very 
large  school,  ranging  from  100  to  150  or  more  pupils,  but  was 
active  in  the  formation  of  the  "  First  Colored  Presbyterian 


190    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA.. 

Church  of  Washington,"  which  was  organized  in  November, 
1841,  by  Rev.  John  C.  Smith,  D.D.,  and  worshipped  in  this 
school-house.  He  was  now  also  giving  deep  study  to  the  prepa 
ration  for  the  ministry,  upon  which,  in  fact,  as  a  licentiate  of 
the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  he  had  already  in  some 
degree  entered.  At  a  regular  meeting  of  "  The  presbytery  of 
the  District  of  Columbia,"  held  in  Alexandria,  May  3,  1842,  this 
church,  now  commonly  called  the  Fifteenth  Street  Presbyterian 
Church,  was  formally  received  under  the  care  of  that  presbytery, 
the  first  and  still  the  only  Colored  Presbyterian  church  in  the 
district.  Mr.  Cook  was  elected  the  first  pastor  July  13,  1843,  an<3 
preached  his  trial  sermon  before  ordination  on  the  evening  of 
that  day  in  the  Fourth  Presbyterian  Church  (Dr.  J.  C.  Smith's)  in 
the  city,  in  the  presence  of  a  large  congregation.  This  sermon 
is  remembered  as  a  manly  production,  delivered  with  great  dig 
nity  and  force,  and  deeply  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  his  work. 
He  was  ordained  in  the  Fifteenth  Street  Church  the  next  evening, 
and  continued  to  serve  the  church  with  eminent  success  till  his 
death  in  1855.  Rev.  John  C.  Smith,  D.D.,  who  had  preached  his 
ordination  sermon,  and  been  his  devoted  friend  and  counsellor  for 
nearly  twenty  years,  preached  his  funeral  sermon,  selecting  as  his 
text,  "  There  was  a  man  sent  from  God  whose  name  was  John." 
There  were  present  white  as  well  as  Colored  clergymen  of  no 
less  than  five  denominations,  many  of  the  oldest  and  most  re 
spectable  citizens,  and  a  vast  concourse  of  all  classes  white  and 
Colored.  "  The  Fifteenth  Street  Church,"  in  the  words  of  Dr. 
Smith  in  relation  to  them  and  their  first  pastor,  "  is  now  a  large 
and  flourishing  congregation  of  spiritually-minded  people.  They 
have  been  educated  in  the  truth  and  the  principles  of  our  holy 
religion,  and  in  the  new,  present  state  of  things  the  men  of  this 
church  are  trusted,  relied  on  as  those  who  fear  God  and  keep  His 
commandments.  The  church  is  the  monument  to  John  F.  Cook, 
the  first  pastor,  who  was  faithful  in  all  his  house,  a  workman  who 
labored  night  and  day  for  years,  and  has  entered  into  his  reward. 
'  Blessed  are  the  dead  who  die  in  the  Lord.'  l  They  rest  from 
their  labors,  and  their  works  do  follow  them.'  " 

In  1841,  when  he  entered,  in  a  preliminary  and  informal  way, 
upon  the  pastorate  of  the  Fifteenth  Street  Church,  he  seems  to 
have  attempted  to  turn  his  seminary  into  a  high  school,  limited 
to  twenty-five  or  thirty  pupils,  exclusively  for  the  more  advanced 
scholars  of  both  sexes ;  and  his  plan  of  studies  to  that  end,  as 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  191 

seen  in  his  prospectus,  evinces  broad  and  elevated  views — a  de 
sire  to  aid  in  lifting  his  race  to  higher  things  in  education  than 
they  had  yet  attempted.  His  plans  were  not  put  into  execution, 
in  the  matter  of  a  high  school,  being  frustrated  by  the  circum 
stances  that  there  were  so  few  good  schools  in  the  city  for  the 
Colored  people,  at  that  period,  that  his  old  patrons  would  not 
allow  him  to  shut  off  the  multitude  of  primary  scholars  which 
were  depending  upon  his  school.  His  seminary,  however,  con 
tinued  to  maintain  its  high  standard,  and  had  an  average  at 
tendance  of  quite  100  year  after  year,  till  he  surrendered  up 
his  work  in  death. 

He  raised  up  a  large  family  and  educated  them  well.  The 
oldest  of  the  sons,  John  and  George,  were  educated  at  Oberlin 
College.  The  other  three,  beiflg  young,  were  in  school  when 
the  father  died.  John  and  George,  it  will  be  seen,  succeeded 
their  father  as  teachers,  continuing  in  the  business  down  to  the 
present  year.  Of  the  two  daughters,  the  elder  was  a  teacher 
till  married  in  1866,  and  the  other  is  now  a  teacher  in  the  public 
schools  of  the  city.  One  son  served  through  the  war  as  sergeant 
in  the  Fortieth  Colored  Regiment,  and  another  served  in  the 
navy. 

At  the  death  of  the  father,  March  21,  1855,  the  school  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  son,  John  F.  Cook,  who  continued  it  till 
May,  1857,  when  it  passed  to  a  younger  son,  George  F.  T.  Cook, 
who  moved  it  from  its  old  home,  the  Smothers  House,  to  the 
basement  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  in  the  spring  of  1858,  and 
maintained  it  till  July,  1859.  Jonn  F.  Cook,  jr.,  who  had  erected 
a  new  school-house  on  Sixteenth  Street,  in  1862,  again  gathered 
the  school  which  the  tempests  of  the  war  had  dispersed,  and 
continued  it  till  June,  1867,  when  the  new  order  of  things  had 
opened  ample  school  facilities  throughout  the  city,  and  the 
teacher  was  called  to  other  duties.  Thus  ended  the  school 
which  had  been  first  gathered  by  Smothers  nearly  forty-five  years 
before,  and  which,  in  that  long  period,  had  been  continually 
maintained  with  seldom  less  than  one  hundred  pupils,  and  for 
the  most  part  with  one  hundred  and  fifty,  the  only  suspensions 
being  in  the  year  of  the  Snow  riot,  and  in  the  two  years  which 
ushered  in  the  war. 

The  Smothers  House,  after  the  Cook  school  was  removed  in 
1858,  was  occupied  for  two  years  by  a  free  Catholic  school,  sup 
ported  by  "  The  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Society,"  a  benevolent 


192    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

organization  of  Colored  people.  It  was  a  very  large  school  with 
two  departments,  the  boys  under  David  Brown,  and  the  girls 
under  Eliza  Anne  Cook,  and  averaging  over  one  hundred  and 
fifty  scholars.  When  this  school  was  transferred  to  another 
house,  Rev.  Chauncey  Leonard,  a  Colored  Baptist  clergyman, 
now  pastor  of  a  church  in  Washington,  and  Nannie  Waugh 
opened  a  school  there,  in  1861,  that  became  as  large  as  that 
which  had  preceded  it  in  the  same  place.  This  school  was 
broken  up  in  1862  by  the  destruction  of  the  building  at  the  hands 
of  the  incendiaries,  who,  even  at  that  time,  were  inspired  with 
all  their  accustomed  vindictiveness  toward  the  Colored  people. 
But  this  was  their  last  heathenish  jubilee,  and  from  the  ashes  of 
many  burnings  imperishable  liberty  has  sprung  forth. 

About  the  time  that  Smothers  built  his  school-house,  in  1823, 

LOUISA    PARKE    COSTIN's    SCHOOL 

was  established  in  her  father's  house  on  Capitol  Hill,  on  A  Street, 
south,  under  the  shadow  of  the  Capitol.  This  Costin  family  came 
from  Mount  Vernon  immediately  after  the  death  of  Martha  Wash 
ington,  in  1802.  The  father,  William  Costin,  who  died  suddenly 
in  his  bed,  May  31,  1842,  was  for  twenty-four  years  messenger 
for  the  Bank  of  Washington  in  this  city.  His  death  was  noticed 
at  length  in  the  columns  of  the  "National  Intelligencer"  in  more 
than  one  communication  at  the  time.  The  obituary  notice,, 
written  under  the  suggestions  of  the  bank  officers  who  had  pre 
viously  passed  a  resolution  expressing  their  respect  for  his  mem 
ory,  and  appropriating  fifty  dollars  toward  the  funeral  expenses^ 
says :  "  It  is  due  to  the  deceased  to  say  that  his  colored  skin 
covered  a  benevolent  heart";  concluding  with  this  language: 
"The  deceased  raised  respectably  a  large  family  of  children  of 
his  own,  and,  in  the  exercise  of  the  purest  benevolence,  took  into 
his  family  and  supported  four  orphan  children.  The  tears  of  the 
orphan  will  moisten  his  grave,  and  his  memory  will  be  dear  to 
all  those — a  numerous  class — who  have  experienced  his  kind 
ness  "  ;  and  adding  these  lines  : 

"  Honor  and  shame  from  no  condition  rise ; 
Act  well  your  part — there  all  the  honor  lies." 

John  Quincy  Adams,  also,  a  few  days  afterward,  in    a  dis 
cussion  of  the  wrongs  of  slavery,  alluded  to  the  deceased  in  these 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  193 

words  ,  "  The  late  William  Costin,  though  he  was  not  white,  was 
as  much  respected  as  any  man  in  the  district,  and  the  large 
concourse  of  citizens  that  attended  his  remains  to  the  grave,  as 
well  white  as  black,  was  an  evidence  of  the  manner  in  which  he 
was  estimated  by  the  citizens  of  Washington."  His  portrait, 
taken  by  the  direction  of  the  bank  authorities,  still  hangs  in  the 
directors'  room,  and  it  may  also  be  seen  in  the  houses  of  more 
than  one  of  the  old  and  prominent  residents  of  the  city. 

William  Costin's  mother,  Ann  Dandridge,  was  the  daughter 
of  a  half-breed  (Indian  and  Colored),  her  grandfather  being  a 
Cherokee  chief,  and  her  reputed  father  was  the  father  of  Martha 
Dandridge,  afterward  Mrs.  Custis,  who,  in  i/59>  was  married  to 
General  Washington.  These  daughters,  Ann  and  Martha,  grew 
up  together  on  the  ancestral  plantations.  William  Costin's  re 
puted  father  was  white,  and  belonged  to  a  prominent  family  in 
Virginia,  but  the  mother,  after  his  birth,  married  one  of  the 
Mount  Vernon  slaves  by  the  name  of  Costin,  and  the  son  took 
the  name  of  William  Costin.  His  mother,  being  of  Indian  de 
scent,  made  him,  under  the  laws  of  Virginia,  a  free-born  man. 
In  1800  he  married  Philadelphia  Judge  (his  cousin),  one  of  Mar 
tha  Washington's  slaves,  at  Mount  Vernon,  where  both  were 
born  in  1780.  The  wife  was  given  by  Martha  Washington  at 
her  decease  to  her  granddaughter,  Eliza  Parke  Custis,  who  was 
the  wife  of  Thomas  Law,  of  Washington.  Soon  after  William 
Costin  and  his  wife  came  to  Washington,  the  wife's  freedom  was 
secured  on  kind  and  easy  terms,  and  the  children  were  all  born 
free.  This  is  the  account  which  William  Costin  and  his  wife  and 
his  mother,  Ann  Dandridge,  always  gave  of  their  ancestry,  and 
they  were  persons  of  great  precision  in  all  matters  of  family  his 
tory,  as  well  as  of  the  most  marked  scrupulousness  in  their  state 
ments.  Their  seven  children,  five  daughters  and  two  sons,  went 
to  school  with  the  white  children  on  Capitol  Hill,  to  Mrs.  Maria 
Haley  and  other  teachers.  The  two  younger  daughters,  Martha 
and  Frances,  finished  their  education  at  the  Colored  convent  in 
Baltimore.  Louisa  Parke  and  Ann  had  passed  their  school  days  be 
fore  the  convent  was  founded.  Louisa  Parke  Costin  opened  her 
school  at  nineteen  years  of  age,  continuing  it  with  much  success 
till  her  sudden  death  in  1831,  the  year  in  which  her  mother  also 
died.  When  Martha  returned  from  the  convent  seminary,  a 
year  or  so  later,  she  reopened  the  school,  continuing  it  till  about 
1839.  This  school,  which  was  maintained  some  fifteen  years,  was 


194    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

always  very  full.  The  three  surviving  sisters  own  and  reside  in 
the  house  which  their  father  built  about  1812.  One  of  these 
sisters  married  Richard  Henry  Fisk,  a  Colored  man  of  good  edu 
cation,  who  died  in  California,  and  she  now  has  charge  of  the 
Senate  ladies'  reception-room.  Ann  Costin  was  for  several  years 
in  the  family  of  Major  Lewis  (at  Woodlawn,  Mount  Vernon),  the 
nephew  of  Washington.  Mrs.  Lewis  (Eleanor  Custis)  was  the 
granddaughter  of  Martha  Washington.  This  school  was  not 
molested  by  the  mob  of  1835,  and  it  was  always  under  the  care 
of  a  well-bred  and  well-educated  teacher. 

THE    WESLEYAN    SEMINARY. 

While  Martha  Costin  was  teaching,  James  Enoch  Ambush,  a 
Colored  man,  had  also  a  large  school  in  the  basement  of  the 
Israel  Bethel  Church,  on  Capitol  Hill,  for  a  while,  commencing 
there  in  April,  1833,  and  continuing  in  various  places  till  1843, 
when  he  built  a  school-house  on  E  Street,  south,  near  Tenth, 
island,  and  established  what  was  known  as  "  The  Wesleyan 
Seminary,"  and  which  was  successfully  maintained  for  thirty-two 
years,  till  the  close  of  August,  1865.  The  school-house  still 
stands,  a  comfortable  one-story  wooden  structure,  with  the  sign 
"  Wesleyan  Seminary  "  over  the  door,  as  it  has  been  there  for 
twenty-five  years.  This  was  the  only  Colored  school  on  the 
island  of  any  account  for  many  years,  and  in  its  humble  way  it 
accomplished  a  great  amount  of  good.  For  some  years  Mr.  Am 
bush  had  given  much  study  to  botanic  medicine,  and  since  closing 
his  school  he  has  become  a  botanic  physician.  He  is  a  man  of 
fine  sense,  and  without  school  advantages,  has  acquired  a  respect 
able  education. 

FIRST    SEMINARY    FOR    COLORED     GIRLS. 

The  first  seminary  in  the  District  of  Colurhbia  for  Colored 
girls  was  established  in  Georgetown,  in  1827,  under  the  special 
auspices  of  Father  Vanlomen,  a  benevolent  and  devout  Catholic 
priest,  then  pastor  of  the  Holy  Trinity  Church,  who  not  only 
gave  this  interesting  enterprise  his  hand  and  his  heart,  but  for 
several  years  himself  taught  a  school  of  Colored  boys  three  days 
in  a  week,  near  the  Georgetown  college  gate,  in  a  small  frame 
house,  which  was  afterward  famous  as  the  residence  of  the 
broken-hearted  widow  of  Commodore  Decatur.  This  female 
seminary  was  under  the  care  of  Maria  Becraft,  who  was  the  most 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  195 

remarkable  Colored  young  woman  of  her  time  in  the  district,  and, 
perhaps,  of  any  time.  Her  father,  William  Becraft,  born  while 
his  mother,  a  free  woman,  was  the  housekeeper  of  Charles  Car 
roll,  of  Carrollton,  always  had  the  kindest  attentions  of  this  great 
man,  and  there  are  now  pictures,  more  than  a  century  and  a  half 
old,  and  other  valuable  relics  from  the  Carroll  family  in  the 
possession  of  the  Becraft  family,  in  Georgetown,  which  Charles 
Carroll,  of  Carrollton,  in  his  last  days  presented  to  William  Be 
craft  as  family  keepsakes.  William  Becraft  lived  in  Georgetown 
sixty-four  years,  coming  there  when  eighteen  years  of  age.  He 
was  for  many  years  chief  steward  of  Union  Hotel,  and  a  remark 
able  man,  respected  and  honored  by  everybody.  When  he  died, 
the  press  of  the  district  noticed,  in  a  most  prominent  manner, 
his  life  and  character.  From  one  of  the  extended  obituary 
notices,  marked  with  heavy  black  lines,  the  following  paragraph 
is  copied  : 

"  He  was  among  the  last  surviving  representatives  of  the  old  school 
of  well-bred,  confidential,  and  .intelligent  domestics,  and  was  widely 
known  at  home  and  abroad  from  his  connection,  in  the  capacity  of 
steward  for  a  long  series  of  years,  and  probably  from  its  origin,  and 
until  a  recent  date,  with  the  Union  Hotel,  Georgetown,  with  whose 
guests,  for  successive  generations,  his  benevolent  and  venerable  aspect, 
dignified  and  obliging  manners,  and  moral  excellence,  rendered  him  a 
general  favorite." 

Maria  Becraft  was  marked,  from  her  childhood,  for  her  un 
common  intelligence  and  refinement,  and  for  her  extraordinary 
piety.  She  was  born  in  1805,  and  first  went  to  school  for  a  year 
to  Henry  Potter,  in  Washington,  about  1812;  afterward  attend 
ing  Mrs.  Billing's  school  constantly  till  1820.  She  then,  at  the 
age  of  fifteen,  opened  a  school  for  girls  in  Dunbarton  Street,  in 
Georgetown,  and'  gave  herself  to  the  work,  which  she  loved, 
with  the  greatest  assiduity,  and  with  uniform  success.  In  1827, 
when  she  was  twenty-two  years  of  age,  her  remarkable  beauty 
and  elevation  of  character  so  much  impressed  Father  Vanlomen, 
the  good  priest,  that  he  took  it  in  hand  to  give  her  a  higher  style 
of  school  in  which  to  work  for  her  sex  and  race,  to  the  educa 
tion  of  which  she  had  now  fully  consecrated  herself.  Her  school 
was  accordingly  transferred  to  a  larger  building,  which  still 
stands  on  Fayette  Street,  opposite  the  convent,  and  there  she 
opened  a  boarding  and  day  school  for  Colored  girls,  which  she 


196    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

continued  with  great  success  till  August,  1831,  when  she  surren 
dered  her  little  seminary  into  the  care  of  one  of  the  girls  that  she 
had  trained,  and  in  October  of  that  year  joined  the  convent  at 
Baltimore  as  a  Sister  of  Providence,  where  she  was  the  leading 
teacher   till   she    died,  in  December,  1833,  a  great   loss  to   that 
young  institution,  which  was   contemplating  this  noble  young 
woman  as  its  future  Mother  Superior.     Her  seminary  in  George 
town   averaged   from  thirty  to   thirty-five  pupils,  and   there  are 
those  living  who  remember  the  troop  of  girls,  dressed  uniformly,, 
.which  was  wont  to  follow  in  procession  their  pious  and   refined 
teacher  to  devotions  on  the  Sabbath   at   Holy  Trinity  Church. 
The  school  comprised  girls   from   the  best  Colored   families  of 
Georgetown,  Washington,  Alexandria,  and  surrounding  country. 
The  sisters  of  the  Georgetown  convent  were    the    admirers  of 
Miss  Becraft,  gave  her  instruction,  and  extended  to  her  most 
heartfelt  aid  and  approbation  in  all  her  noble  work,  as  they  were 
in  those  days  wont   to  do  in  behalf  of  the  aspiring  Colored  girls 
who   sought  for  education,  withholding  themselves  from    such 
work   only  when  a  depraved  and  degenerate   public   sentiment 
upon  the  subject  of  educating  the  Colored  people  had  compelled 
them  to  a  more  rigid  line   of   demarcation   between   the   races. 
Ellen  Simonds  and  others  conducted  the  school  a  few  years,  but 
with  the  loss  of  its  original  teacher  it  began   to   fail,  and  finally 
became   extinct.      Maria  Becraft   is  remembered,   wherever  she 
was  known,  as  a  woman   of  the  rarest  sweetness  and  exaltation 
of  Christian  life,  graceful  and  attractive   in  person  and  manners, 
gifted,  well-educated,  and  wholly  devoted  to  doing  good.     Her 
name  as  a  Sister  of  Providence  was  Sister  Aloyons. 

MISS    MYRTILLA    MINER'S    SEMINARY 

for  Colored  girls  was  initiated  in  Washington.  This  philan 
thropic  woman  was  born  in  Brookfield,  Madison  County,  New 
York,  in  1815.  Her  parents  were  farmers,  with  small  resources 
for  the  support  of  a  large  family.  The  children  were  obliged  to 
work,  and  the  small  advantages  of  a  common  school  were  all  the 
educational  privileges  furnished  to  them.  Hop-raising  was  a 
feature  in  their  farming,  and  this  daughter  was  accustomed  to 
work  in  the  autumn,  picking  the  hops.  She  was  of  a  delicate 
physical  organization,  and  suffered  exceedingly  all  her  life  with 
spinal  troubles.  Being  a  girl  of  extraordinary  intellectual  activ 
ity,  her  place  at  home  chafed  her  spirit.  She  was  restless,  dis. 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  197 

satisfied  with  her  lot,  looked  higher  than  her  father,  dissented 
from  his  ideas  of  woman's  education,  and,  in  her  desperation, 
when  about  twenty-three  years  old,  wrote  to  Mr.  Seward,  then 
recently  elected  Governor  of  her  State,  asking  him  if  he  could 
show  her  how  it  was  possible  for  a  woman  in  her  circumstances 
to  become  a  scholar ;  receiving  from  him  the  reply  that  he  could 
not,  but  hoped  a  better  day  was  coming,  wherein  woman  might 
have  a  chance  to  be  and  to  do  to  the  extent  of  her  abilities. 
Hearing  at  this  time  of  a  school  at  Clinton,  Oneida  County,  New 
York,  for  young  women,  on  the  manual-labor  system,  she  de 
cided  to  go  there ;  but  her  health  being  such  as  to  make  manual 
labor  impossible  at  the  time,  she  wrote  to  the  principal  of  the 
Clover  Street  Seminary,  Rochester,  New  York,  who  generously 
received  her,  taking  her  notes  for  the  school  bills,  to  be  paid 
after  completing  her  education.  Grateful  for  this  noble  act,  she 
afterward  sent  her  younger  sister  there  to  be  educated,  for  her 
own  associate  as  a  teacher ;  and  the  death  of  this  talented  sister, 
when  about  to  graduate  and  come  as  her  assistant  in  Washing 
ton,  fell  upon  her  with  crushing  force.  In  the  Rochester  school, 
with  Myrtilla  Miner,  were  two  free  Colored  girls,  and  this  asso 
ciation  was  the  first  circumstance  to  turn  her  thoughts  to  the 
work  to  which  she  gave  her  life.  From  Rochester  she  went  to 
Mississippi,  as  a  teacher  of  planters'  daughters,  and  it  was  what 
she  was  compelled  to  see,  in  this  situation,  of  the  dreadful  prac 
tices  and  conditions  of  slavery,  that  filled  her  soul  with  a  pity  for 
the  Colored  race,  and  a  detestation  of  the  system  that  bound 
them,  which  held  possession  of  her  to  the  last  day  of  her  life. 
She  remained  there  several  years,  till  her  indignant  utterances, 
which  she  would  not  withhold,  compelled  her  employer,  fearful 
of  the  results,  to  part  reluctantly  with  a  teacher  whom  he  valued. 
She  came  home  broken  down  with  sickness,  caused  by  the 
harassing  sights  and  sounds  that  she  had  witnessed  in  plantation 
life,  and  while  in  this  condition  she  made  a  solemn  vow  that 
whatever  of  life  remained  to  her  should  be  given  to  the  work  of 
ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  Colored  people.  Here  her 
great  work  begins.  She  made  up  her  mind  to  do  something  for 
the  education  of  free  Colored  girls,  with  the  idea  that  through 
the  influence  of  educated  Colored  women  she  could  lay  the  solid 
foundations  for  the  disenthrallment  of  their  race.  She  selected 
the  district  for  the  field  of  her  efforts,  because  it  was  the  com 
mon  property  of  the  nation,  and  because  the  laws  of  the  district 


198    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

gave  her  the  right  to  educate  free  Colored  children,  and  she 
attempted  to  teach  none  others.  She  opened  her  plan  to 
many  of  the  leading  friends  of  freedom,  in  an  extensive  cor 
respondence,  but  found  especially,  at  this  time,  a  wise  and 
warm  encourager  and  counsellor  in  her  scheme,  in  William 
R.  Smith,  a  Friend,  of  Farmington,  near  Rochester,  New  York, 
in  whose  family  she  was  now  a  private  teacher.  Her  correspond 
ents  generally  gave  her  but  little  encouragement,  but  wished 
her  God-speed  in  what  she  should  dare  in  the  good  cause. 
One  Friend  wrote  her  from  Philadelphia;  entering  warmly 
into  her  scheme,  but  advised  her  to  wait  till  funds  could  be 
collected.  "  I  do  not  want  the  wealth  of  Croesus,"  was  her 
reply  ;  and  the  Friend  sent  her  $100,  and  with  this  capital,  in 
the  autumn  of  1851,  she  came  to  Washington  to  establish  a 
Normal  School  for  the  education  of  Colored  girls,  having  associ 
ated  with  her  Miss  Anna  Inman,  an  accomplished  and  benevolent 
lady  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  from  Southfield,  Rhode  Island, 
who,  however,  after  teaching  a  class  of  Colored  girls  in  French, 
in  the  house  of  Jonathan  Jones,  on  the  island,  through  the  win 
ter,  returned  to  New  England.  In  the  autumn  of  1851  Miss 
Miner  commenced  her  remarkable  work  here  in  a  small  room, 
about  fourteen  feet  square,  in  the  frame  house  then,  as  now, 
owned  and  occupied  by  Edward  C.  Younger,  a  Colored  man,  as 
his  dwelling,  on  Eleventh  Street,  near  New  York  Avenue.  With 
but  two  or  three  girls  to  open  the  school,  she  soon  had  a  room 
ful,  and  to  secure  larger  accommodation,  moved,  after  a  couple  of 
months,  to  a  house  on  F  Street,  north,  between  Eighteenth  and 
Nineteenth  streets,  west,  near  the  houses  then  occupied  by 
William  T.  Carroll  and  Charles  H.  Winder.  This  house  furnished 
her  a  very  comfortable  room  for  her  school,  which  was  composed 
of  well-behaved  girls  from  the  best  Colored  families  of  the  dis 
trict.  The  persecution  of  those  neighbors,  however,  compelled 
her  to  leave,  as  the  Colored  family  who  occupied  the  house  was 
threatened  with  conflagration,  and  after  one  month  her  little 
school  found  a  more  unmolested  home  in  the  dwelling-house  of 
a  German  family  on  K  Street,  near  the  western  market.  After 
tarrying  a  few  months  here,  she  moved  to  L  Street,  into  a  room 
in  the  building  known  as  "  The  Two  Sisters,"  then  occupied  by 
a  white  family.  She  now  saw  that  the  success  of  her  school 
demanded  a  school-house,  and  in  reconnoitring  the  ground  she 
found  a  spot  suiting  her  ideas  as  to  size  and  locality,  with  a 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  199 

house  on  it,  and  in  the  market  at  a  low  price.  She  raised  the 
money,  secured  the  spot,  and  thither,  in  the  summer  of  1851, 
she  moved  her  school,  where  for  seven  years  she  was  destined  to 
prosecute,  with  the  most  unparalleled  energy  and  conspicuous 
success,  her  remarkable  enterprise.  This  lot,  comprising  an 
entire  square  of  three  acres,  between  Nineteenth  and  Twentieth 
streets,  west,  N  and  O  streets,  north,  and  New  Hampshire 
Avenue,  selected  under  the  guidance  of  Miss  Miner,  the  contract 
being  perfected  through  the  agency  of  Sayles  J.  Bowen,  Thomas 
Williamson,  and  Allen  M.  Gangewer,  was  originally  conveyed  in 
trust  to  Thomas  Williamson  and  Samuel  Rhodes,  of  the  Society 
of  Friends,  in  Philadelphia.  It  was  purchased  of  the  executors 
of  the  will  of  John  Taylor,  for  $4,000,  the  deed  being  executed 
June  8,  1853,  the  estimated  value  of  the  property  now  being  not 
less  than  $30,000.  The  money  was  mainly  contributed  by 
Friends,  in  Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  New  England.  Cath 
arine  Morris,  a  Friend,  of  Philadelphia,  was  a  liberal  benefactor 
of  the  enterprise,  advancing  Miss  Miner  $2,000,  with  which  to 
complete  the  purchase  of  the  lot,  the  most,  if  not  all,  of  which  sum, 
it  is  believed,  she  ultimately  gave  to  the  institution ;  and  Harriet 
Beecher  Stowe  was  another  generous  friend,  who  gave  her  money 
and  her  heart  to  the  support  of  the  brave  woman  who  had  been 
willing  to  go  forth  alone  at  the  call  of  duty.  Mr.  Rhodes,  some 
years  editor  of  the  "  Friends'  Quarterly  Review,"  died  several 
years  ago,  near  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Williamson,  a  conveyancer  in 
that  city,  and  father  of  Passmore  Williamson,  is  still  living,  but 
oome  years  ago  declined  the  place  of  trustee.  The  board,  at  the 
date  of  the  act  of  incorporation,  consisted  of  Benjamin  Tatham, 
a  Friend,  of  New  York  City,  Mrs.  Nancy  M.  Johnson,  of 
Washington,  and  Myrtilla  Miner,  and  the  transfer  of  the 
property  to  the  incorporated  body  was  made  a  few  weeks  prior 
to  Miss  Miner's  death.  This  real  estate,  together  with  a  fund  of 
$4,000  in  government  stocks,  is  now  in  the  hands  of  a  corporate 
body,  under  act  of  Congress  approved  March  3,  1863,  and  is 
styled  "  The  Institution  for  the  Education  of  Colored  Youth  in 
the  District  of  Columbia."  The  officers  of  the  corporation  at 
this  time  are  John  C.  Underwood,  president ;  Francis  G.  Shaw, 
treasurer ;  George  E.  Baker,  secretary ;  •  who,  with  Nancy  M. 
Johnson,  S.  J.  Bowen,  Henry  Addison,  and  Rachel  Howland, 
constitute  the  executive  committee.  The  purpose  of  the  pur 
chase  of  this  property  is  declared,  in  a  paper  signed  by  Mr. 


200    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Williamson  and  Mr.  Rhodes,  dated  Philadelphia,  June  8,  1858, 
to  have  been  "  especially  for  the  education  of  colored  girls" 

This  paper  also  declares  that  "  the  grounds  were  purchased  at 
the  special  instance  of  Myrtilla  Miner,"  and  that  "  the  contribu 
tions  by  which  the  original  price  of  said  lot,  and  also  the  cost  of 
the  subsequent  improvements  thereof,  were  procured  chiefly  by 
her  instrumentality  and  labors."  The  idea  of  Miss  Miner  in 
planting  a  school  here  was  to  train  up  a*  class  of  Colored  girls,  in 
the  midst  of  slave  institutions,  who  should  show  forth  in  their 
culture  and  capabilities,  to  the  country  and  to  mankind,  that  the 
race  was  fit  for  something  higher  than  the  degradation  which 
rested  upon  them.  The  amazing  energy  with  which  this  frail 
woman  prosecuted  her  work  is  well  known  to  those  who  took 
knowledge  of  her  career.  She  visited  the  Colored  people  of  her 
district  from  house  to  house,  and  breathed  a  new  life  into  them 
pertaining  to  the  education  of  their  daughters.  Her  correspond 
ence  with  the  philanthropic  men  and  women  of  the  North  was 
immense.  She  importuned  Congressmen,  and  the  men  who 
shaped  public  sentiment  through  the  columns  of  the  press,  to 
come  into  her  school  and  see  her  girls,  and  was  ceaseless  in  her 
activities  day  and  night,  in  every  direction,  to  build  up,  in  dignity 
and  refinement,  her  seminary,  and  to  force  its  merits  upon  public 
attention. 

The  buildings  upon  the  lot  when  purchased — a  small  frame 
dwelling  of  two  stories,  not  more  than  twenty-five  by  thirty-five 
feet  in  dimensions,  with  three  small  cabins  on  the  other  side  of 
the  premises — served  for  the  seminary  and  the  homes  of  the 
teacher  and  her  assistant.  The  most  aspiring  and  decently  bred 
Colored  girls  of  the  district  were  gathered  into  the  school ;  and  the 
very  best  Colored  teachers  in  the  schools  of  the  district  at  the 
present  time,  are  among  those  who  owe  their  education  to  this 
self-sacrificing  teacher  and  her  school.  Mrs.  Means,  aunt  of  the 
wife  of  General  Pierce,  then  President  of  the  United  States,  at 
tracted  by  the  enthusiasm  of  this  wonderful  person,  often  visited 
her  in  the  midst  of  her  work,  with  the  kindest  feelings ;  and  the 
fact  that  the  carriage  from  the  Presidential  mansion  was  in  this 
way  frequently  seen  at  the  door  of  this  humble  institution,  did 
much  to  protect  it  from  the  hatred  with  which  it  was  sur 
rounded. 

Mr.  Seward  and  his  family  were  very  often  seen  at  the  school, 
both  Mrs.  Seward  and  her  daughter  Fanny  being  constant  visitors ; 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  201 

the  latter,  a  young  girl  at  the  time,  often  spending  a  whole  day 
there.  Many  other  Congressmen  of  large  and  generous  instincts, 
some  of  them  of  pro-slavery  party  relations,  went  out  there,  all 
confessing  their  admiration  of  the  resolute  woman  and  her  school, 
and  this  kept  evil  men  in  abeyance. 

The  opposition  to  the  school  throughout  the  district  was 
strong  and  very  general,  among  the  old  as  well  as  the  young. 
Even  Walter  Lenox,  who,  as  mayor,  when  the  school  was  first 
started,  gave  the  teacher  assurances  of  favor  in  her  work,  came 
out  in  1857,  following  the  prevailing  current  of  depraved  public 
sentiment  and  feeding  its  tide,  in  an  elaborate  article  in  the 
"  National  Intelligencer,"  under  his  own  signature ;  assailed  the 
school  in  open  and  direct  language,  urging  against  it  that  it  was 
raising  the  standard  of  education  among  the  Colored  population, 
.and  distinctly  declaring  that  the  white  population  of  the  district 
would  not  be  just  to  themselves  to  permit  the  continuance  of  an 
institution  which  had  the  temerity  to  extend  to  the  Colored 
people  "  a  degree  of  instruction  so  far  beyond  their  social  and 
political  condition,  which  condition  must  continue,"  the  article 
goes  on  to  say,  "  in  this  and  every  other  slave-holding  commu 
nity."  This  article,  though  fraught  with  extreme  ideas,  and  to 
the  last  degree  prescriptive  and  inflammatory,  neither  stirred  any 
open  violence,  nor  deterred  the  courageous  woman  in  the  slight 
est  degree  from  her  work.  When  madmen  went  to  her  school 
room  threatening  her  with  personal  violence,  she  laughed  them 
to  shame ;  and  when  they  threatened  to  burn  her  house,  she  told 
them  that  they  could  not  stop  her  in  that  way,  as  another  house, 
better  than  the  old,  would  immediately  rise  from  its  ashes. 

The  house  was  set  on  fire  in  the  spring  of  1860,  when  Miss 
Miner  was  asleep  in  the  second  story,  alone,  in  the  night-time, 
but  the  smell  of  the  smoke  awakened  her  in  time  to  save  the 
building  and  herself  from  the  flames,  which  were  extinguished. 
The  school-girls,  also,  were  constantly  at  the  mercy  of  coarse 
and  insulting  boys  along  the  streets,  who  would  often  gather  in 
gangs  before  the  gate  to  pursue  and  terrify  these  inoffensive 
children,  who  were  striving  to  gather  wisdom  and  understanding 
in  their  little  sanctuary.  The  police  took  no  cognizance  of  such 
brutality  in  those  days.  But  their  dauntless  teacher,  uncompro 
mising,  conscientious,  and  self-possessed  in  her  aggressive  work, 
in  no  manner  turned  from  her  course  by  this  persecution,  was, 
on  the  other  hand,  stimulated  thereby  to  higher  vigilance  and 


202    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

energy  in  her  great  undertaking.  The  course  of  instruction  in 
the  school  was  indeed  of  a  higher  order  than  had  hitherto  been 
opened  to  the  Colored  people  of  the  district,  as  was  denounced 
against  the  school  by  Walter  Lenox,  in  his  newspaper  attack. 
Lectures  upon  scientific  and  literary  subjects  were  given  by  pro 
fessional  and  literary  gentlemen,  who  were  friends  to  the  cause. 
The  spacious  grounds  afforded  to  each  pupil  an  ample  space  for 
a  flower  bed,  which  she  was  enjoined  to  cultivate  with  her  own 
hands  and  to  thoroughly  study.  And  an  excellent  library,  a 
collection  of  paintings  and  engravings,  the  leading  magazines  and 
choice  newspapers,  were  gathered  and  secured  for  the  humble 
home  of  learning,  which  was  all  the  while  filled  with  students, 
the  most  of  whom  were  bright,  ambitious  girls,  composing  a 
female  Colored  school,  which,  in  dignity  and  usefulness,  has  had 
no  equal  in  the  district  since  that  day.  It  was  her  custom  to 
gather  in  her  vacations  and  journeys  not  only  money,  but  every 
thing  else  that  would  be  of  use  in  her  school,  and  in  this  way  she 
not  only  collected  books,  but  maps,  globes,  philosophical,  and 
chemical,  and  mathematical  apparatus,  and  a  great  variety  of 
things  to  aid  in  her  instruction  in  illustrating  all  branches  of 
knowledge.  This  collection  was  stored  in  the  school  building 
during  the  war,  and  was  damaged  by  neglect,  plundered  by 
soldiers,  and  what  remains  is  not  of  much  value.  The  elegant 
sofa-bedstead  which  she  used  during  all  her  years  in  the  semi 
nary,  and  which  would  be  an  interesting  possession  for  the  semi 
nary,  was  sold,  with  her  other  personal  effects,  to  Dr.  Carrie 
Brown  (Mrs.  Winslow),  of  Washington,  one  of  her  bosom 
friends,  who  stood  at  her  pillow  when  she  died. 

Her  plan  embraced  the  erection  of  spacious  structures,  upon 
the  site  which  had  been  most  admirably  chosen,  complete  in  all 
their  appointments  for  the  full  accommodation  of  a  school  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  boarding  scholars.  The  seminary  was  to  be 
a  female  college,  endowed  with  all  the  powers  and  professorships 
belonging  to  a  first-class  college  for  the  other  sex.  She  did  not 
contemplate  its  springing  up  into  such  proportions,  like  a  mush 
room,  in  a  single  night,  but  it  was  her  ambition  that  the  institu- 
tion  should  one  day  attain  that  rank.  In  the  midst  of  her  anxious,, 
incessant  labors,  her  physical  system  began  so  sensibly  to  fail, 
that  in  the  summer  of  1858,  under  the  counsel  of  the  friends  of 
herself  and  her  cause,  she  went  North  to  seek  health,  and,  as 
usual  in  all  her  journeys,  to  beg  for  her  seminary,  leaving  her 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  203 

girls  in  the  care  of  Emily  Rowland,  a  noble  young  woman,  who 
came  down  here  for  the  love  of  the  cause,  without  money  and 
without  price,  from  the  vicinity  of  Auburn,  New  York.  In  the 
autumn,  Miss  Miner  returned  to  her  school ;  Miss  Rowland  still 
continuing  with  her  through  the  winter,  a  companion  in  her 
trials,  aiding  her  in  her  duties,  and  consenting  to  take  charge  of 
the  school  again  in  the  summer  of  1859,  while  Miss  Miner  was  on 
another  journey  for  funds  and  health.  In  the  autumn  of  that 
year,  after  returning  from  her  journey,  which  was  not  very  suc 
cessful,  she  determined  to  suspend  the  school,  and  to  go  forth 
into  the  country  with  a  most  persistent  appeal  for  money  to 
erect  a  seminary  building,  as  she  had  found  it  impossible  to  get 
a  house  of  any  character  started  with  the  means  already  in  her 
hands.  She  could  get  no  woman,  whom  she  deemed  fit  to  take 
her  work,  willing  to  continue  her  school,  and  in  the  spring  of 
1860,  leasing  the  premises,  she  went  North  on  her  errand.  In 
the  ensuing  year  she  traversed  many  States,  but  the  shadow  of 
the  Rebellion  was  on  her  path,  and  she  gathered  neither  much 
money  nor  much  strength.  The  war  came,  and  in  October, 
1862,  hoping,  but  vainly,  for  health  from  a  sea-voyage  and  from 
the  Pacific  climate,  she  sailed  from  New  York  to  California. 
When  about  to  return,  in  1866,  with  vivacity  of  body  and  spirit, 
she  was  thrown  from  a  carriage  in  a  fearful  manner ;  blighting  all 
the  high  hopes  of  resuming  her  school  under  the  glowing  auspices 
she  had  anticipated,  as  she  saw  the  Rebellion  and  the  hated  sys 
tem  tumbling  to  pieces.  She  arrived  in  New  York,  in  August  of 
that  year,  in  a  most  shattered  condition  of  body,  though  with  the 
fullest  confidence  that  she  should  speedily  be  well  and  at  her 
work  in  Washington.  In  the  first  days  of  December  she  went  to 
Washington  in  a  dying  condition,  still  resolute  to  resume  her 
vork;  was  carried  to  the  residence  of  her  tried  friend,  Mrs.  Nancy 
M.  Johnson;  and  on  the  tenth  of  that  month,  surrounded  by  the 
friends  who  had  stood  with  her  in  other  days,  she  put  off  her 
wasted  and  wearied  body  in  the  city  which  had  witnessed  her  trials 
and  her  triumphs,  and  her  remains  slumber  in  Oak  Hill  Cemetery. 
Her  seminary  engaged  her  thoughts  to  the  last  day  of  her  life. 
She  said  in  her  last  hours  that  she  had  come  back  here  to  resume 
her  work,  and  could  not  leave  it  thus  unfinished.  No  marble 
marks  the  resting-place  of  this  truly  wonderful  woman,  but  her 
memory  is  certainly  held  precious  in  the  hearts  of  her  throngs  of 
pupils,  in  the  hearts  of  the  Colored  people  of  this  district,  and  ol 


204    HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

all  who  took  knowledge  of  her  life,  and  who  reverenced  the  cause 
in  which  she  offered  herself  a  willing  sacrifice.  Her  assistants  in 
the  school  were  Helen  Moore,  of  Washington  ;  Margaret  Clapp, 
Amanda  Weaver,  and  Anna  H.  Searing,  of  New  York  State, 
and  two  of  her  pupils,  Matilda  Jones,  of  Washington,  and 
Emma  Brown,  of  Georgetown,  both  of  whom  subsequently, 
through  the  influence  of  Miss  Miner  and  Miss  Howland, 
finished  their  education  at  Oberlin,  and  have  since  been  most 
superior  teachers  in  Washington.  Most  of  the  assistant  teachers 
from  the  North  were  from  families  connected  with  the  Society  of 
Friends,  and  it  has  been  seen  that  the  bulk  of  the  money  came 
from  that  society.  The  sketch  would  be  incomplete  without  a 
special  tribute  to  Lydia  B.  Mann,  sister  of  Horace  Mann,  who 
came  here  in  the  fall  of  1856,  from  the  Colored  Female  Orphan 
Asylum  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  of  which  she  was  then,  as  she  con 
tinues  to  be,  the  admirable  superintendent,  and,  as  a  pure  labor 
of  love,  took  care  of  the  school  in  the  most  superior  manner 
through  the  autumn  and  winter,  while  Miss  Miner  was  North  re 
cruiting  her  strength  and  pleading  for  contributions.  It  was  no 
holiday  duty  to  go  into  that  school,  live  in  that  building,  and 
work  alone  with  head  and  hands,  as  was  done  by  all  those  refined 
and  educated  women  who  stood  from  time  to  time  in  that  hum 
ble,  persecuted  seminary.  Miss  Mann  is  gratefully  remembered 
by  her  pupils  here  and  their  friends. 

Mention  should  also  be  made  of  Emily  Howland,  who  stood 
by  Miss  Miner  in  her  darkest  days,  and  whose  whole  heart  was 
with  her  in  all  her  work.  She  is  a  woman  of  the  largest  and 
most  self-sacrificing  purposes,  who  has  been  and  still  is  giving 
her  best  years,  all  her  powers,  talents,  learning,  refinement, 
wealth,  and  personal  toil,  to  the  education  and  elevation  of  the 
Colored  race.  While  here  she  adopted,  and  subsequently  edu 
cated  in  the  best  manner,  one  of  Miss  Miner's  pupils,  and 
assisted  several  others  of  her  smart  girls  in  completing  their  edu 
cation  at  Oberlin.  During  the  war  she  was  teaching  contrabands 
in  the  hospital  and  the  camp,  and  is  now  engaged  in  planting  a 
colony  of  Colored  people  in  Virginia  with  homes  and  a  school- 
house  of  their  own. 

A  seminary,  such  as  was  embraced  in  the  plan  of  Miss  Miner, 
is  exceedingly  demanded  by  the  interest  of  Colored  female 
education  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  country  at 
large,  and  any  scheme  by  which  the  foundations  that  she  laid  so 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  205 

well  may  become  the  seat  of  such  a  school,  would  be  heartily 
approved  by  all  enlightened  friends  of  the  Colored  race.  The 
trustees  of  the  Miner  property,  not  insensible  of  their  respon 
sibilities,  have  been  carefully  watching  for  the  moment  when  ac 
tion  on  their  part  would  seem  to  be  justified.  They  have  re 
peatedly  met  in  regard  to  the  matter,  but,  in  their  counsels, 
hitherto,  have  deemed  it  wise  to  wait  further  developments. 
They  are  now  about  to  hold  another  meeting,  it  is  understood, 
and  it  is  to  be  devoutly  hoped  that  some  plan  will  be  adopted 
by  which  a  school  of  a  high  order  may  be,  in  due  time,  opened 
for  Colored  girls  in  this  district,  who  exceedingly  need  the  refin 
ing,  womanly  training  of  such  a  school. 

The  original  corporators  of  Miss  Miner's  institution  were 
Henry  Addison,  John  C.  Underwood,  George  C.  Abbott,  William 
H.  Channing,  Nancy  M.  Johnson,  and  Myrtilla  Miner.  The  ob 
jects,  as  expressed  in  the  charter,  "  are  to  educate  and  improve 
the  moral  and  intellectual  condition  of  such  of  the  colored  youth 
of  the  nation  as  may  be  placed  under  its  care  and  influence." 

MARY  WORMLEY'S  SCHOOL. 

In  1830,  William  Wormley  built  a  school-house  for  his  sister 
Mary,  near  the  corner  of  Vermont  Avenue  and  I  Street,  where 
the  restaurant  establishment  owned  and  occupied  by  his  brother, 
James  Wormley,  now  stands.  He  had  educated  his  sister  ex 
pressly  for  a  teacher,  at  great  expense,  at  the  Colored  Female 
'  Seminary  in  Philadelphia,  then  in  charge  of  Miss  Sarah  Doug 
lass,  an  accomplished  Colored  lady,  who  is  still  a  teacher  of  note 
in  the  Philadelphia  Colored  High  School.  William  Wormley 
was  at  that  time  a  man  of  wealth.  His  livery-stable,  which  oc 
cupied  the  place  where  the  Owen  House  now  stands,  was  one  of 
the  largest  and  best  in  the  city.  Miss  Wormley  had  just  brought 
her  school  into  full  and  successful  operation  when  her  health 
broke  down,  and  she  lived  scarcely  two  years.  Mr.  Calvert,  an 
English  gentleman,  still  living  in  the  first  ward,  taught  a  class 
of  Colored  scholars  in  this  house  for  a  time,  and  James  Wormley 
was  one  of  the  class.  In  the  autumn  of  1834,  William  Thomas 
Lee  opened  a  school  in  the  same  place,  and  it  was  in  a  flourish 
ing  condition  in  the  fall  of  1835,  when  the  Snow  mob  dispersed  it, 
sacking  the  school-house,  and  partially  destroying  it  by  fire. 
William  Wormley  was  at  that  time  one  of  the  most  enterprising 
and  influential  Colored  men  of  Washington,  and  was  the  original 


206    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

agent  of  the  "  Liberator "  newspaper  for  this  district.  The 
mob  being  determined  to  lay  hold  of  him  and  Lee,  they  fled 
from  the  city  to  save  their  lives,  returning  when  General  Jack 
son,  coming  back  from  Virginia  a  few  days  after  the  outbreak, 
gave  notice  that  the  fugitives  should  be  protected.  The  perse 
cution  of  William  Wormley  was  so  violent  and  persistent,  that 
his  health  and  spirits  sank  under  its  effects,  his  business  was 
broken  up,  and  he  died  a  poor  man,  scarcely  owning  a  shelter  for 
his  dying  couch.  The  school-house  was  repaired  after  the  riot, 
and  occupied  for  a  time  by  Margaret  Thompson's  school,  and 
still  stands  in  the  rear  of  James  Wormley's  restaurant. 

BENJAMIN    M'COY'S,  AND    OTHER    SCHOOLS. 

About  this  time  another  school  was  opened  in  Georgetown, 
by  Nancy  Grant,  a  sister  of  Mrs.  William  Becraft,  a  well-educated 
Colored  woman.  She  was  teaching  as  early  as  1828,  and  had  a 
useful  school  for  several  years.  Mr.  Nuthall,  an  Englishman, 
was  teaching  in  Georgetown  during  this  period,  and  as  late  as 
1833  he  went  to  Alexandria  and  opened  a  school  in  that  city. 
William  Syphax,  among  others  now  resident  in  Washington,  at 
tended  his  school  in  Alexandria  about  1833.  He  was  a  man  of 
ability,  well  educated,  and  one  of  the  best  teachers  of  his  time  in 
the  district.  His  school  in  Georgetown  was  at  first  in  Dunbarton 
Street,  and  afterward  on  Montgomery. 

The  old  maxim,  that  "  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of 
the  Church/'  seems  to  find  its  illustration  in  this  history.  There 
is  no  period  in  the  annals  of  the  country  in  which  the  fires  of 
persecution  against  the  education  of  the  Colored  race  burned 
more  fiercely  in  this  district,  and  the  country  at  large,  than  in  the 
five  years  from  1831  to  1836,  and  it  was  during  this  period  that 
a  larger  number  of  respectable  Colored  schools  were  established 
than  in  any  other  five  years  prior  to  the  war.  In  1833,  the  same 
year  in  which  Ambush's  school  was  started,  Benjamin  M.  McCoy, 
a  Colored  man,  opened  a  school  in  the  northern  part  of  the  city, 
on  L  Street,  between  Third  and  Fourth  streets,  west.  In  1834 
he  moved  to  Massachusetts  Avenue,  continuing  his  school  there 
till  he  went  to  Lancaster  County,  Pennsylvania,  in  the  autumn 
of  1836,  to  finish  the  engagement  of  Rev.  John  F.  Cook,  who 
came  back  to  Washington  at  that  time  and  re-opened  his  school. 
The  school  at  Lancaster  was  a  free  public  Colored  school,  and 
Mr.  McCoy  was  solicited  to  continue  another  year ;  but  declin- 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  207 

i-ng,  came  back,  and  in  1837  opened  a  school  in  the  basement  of 
Asbury  Church,  which,  in  that  room  and  in  the  house  adjoining, 
he  maintained  with  great  success  for  the  ensuing  twelve  years. 
Mr.  McCoy  was  a  pupil  of  Mrs.  Billing  and  Henry  Smothers; 
is  a  man  of  good  sense,  and  his  school  gave  a  respectable  rudi- 
mental  education  to  multitudes,  who  remember  him  as  a  teacher 
with  great  respect.  He  is  now  a  messenger  in  the  Treasury 
Department.  In  1833,  a  school  was  established  by  Fanny  Hamp 
ton,  in  the  western  part  of  the  city,  on  the  northwest  corner  of 
K  and  Nineteenth  streets.  It  was  a  large  school,  and  was  con 
tinued  till  about  1842,  the  teacher  dying  soon  afterward.  She 
was  half-sister  of  Lindsay  Muse.  Margaret  Thompson  suc 
ceeded  her,  and  had  a  flourishing  school  of  some  forty  scholars 
on  Twenty-sixth  Street,  near  the  avenue,  for  several  years,  about 
1846.  She  subsequently  became  the  wife  of  Charles  H.  Middle- 
ton,  and  assisted  in  his  school  for  a  brief  time.  About  1830, 
Robert  Brown  commenced  a  small  school,  and  continued  it  at 
intervals  for  many  years  till  his  death.  As  early  as  1833,  there 
was  a  school  opened  in  a  private  house  in  the  rear  of  Franklin 
Row,  near  the  location  of  the  new  Franklin  School  building.  It 
was  taught  by  a  white  man,  Mr.  Talbot,  and  continued  a  year  or 
two.  Mrs.  George  Ford,  a  white  teacher,  a  native  of  Virginia, 
kept  a  Colored  school  in  a  brick  house  still  standing  on  New 
Jersey  Avenue,  between  K  and  L  streets.  She  taught  there 
many  years,  and  as  early,  perhaps,  as  half  a  century  ago. 

DR.  JOHN  H.  FLEET'S  SCHOOL 

was  opened,  in  1836,  on  New  York  Avenue,  in  a  school-house 
which  stood  nearly  on  the  spot  now  occupied  by  the  Richards 
buildings  at  the  corner  of  New  York  Avenue  and  Fourteenth 
Street.  It  had  been  previously  used  for  a  white  school,  taught 
by  Mrs.  McDaniel,  and  was  subsequently  again  so  used.  Dr.  Fleet 
was  a  native  of  Georgetown,  and  was  greatly  assisted  in  his  edu 
cation  by  the  late  Judge  James  Morsell,  of  that  city,  who  was 
not  only  kind  to  this  family,  but  was  always  regar.ded  by  the 
Colored  people  of  the  district  as  their  firm  friend  and  protector. 
John  H.  Fleet,  with  his  brothers  and  sisters,  went  to  the  George 
town  Lancasterian  School,  with  the  white  children,  for  a  long 
period,  in  their  earlier  school  days,  and  subsequently  to  other 
white  schools.  He  was  also  for  a  time  a  pupil  of  Smothers  and 
Prout.  He  was  possessed  of  a  brilliant  and  strong  intellect,  in- 


208    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

herited  from  his  father,  who  was  a  white  man  of  distinguished 
abilities.  He  studied  medicine  in  Washington,  in  the  office  of 
Dr.  Thomas  Henderson,  who  had  resigned  as  assistant  surgeon 
in  the  army,  and  was  a  practising  physician  of  eminence  in  Wash 
ington.  He  also  attended  medical  lectures  at  the  old  medical 
college,  corner  of  Tenth  and  E  streets.  It  was  his  intention  at 
that  time  to  go  to  Liberia,  and  his  professional  education  was 
conducted  under  the  auspices  of  the  Colonization  Society.  This, 
with  the  influence  of  Judge  Morsell,  gave  him  privileges  never 
extended  here  to  any  other  Colored  man.  He  decided,  however, 
not  to  go  to  Liberia,  and  in  1836  opened  his  school.  He  was  a 
refined  and  polished  gentleman,  and  conceded  to  be  the  foremost 
Colored  man  in  culture,  in  intellectual  force,  and  general  influ 
ence  in  this  district  at  that  time.  His  school-house  on  New  York 
Avenue  was  burned  by  an  incendiary  aboufci843,  and  his  flourishing 
and  excellent  school  was  thus  ended.  For  a  time  he  subsequently 
taught  music,  in  which  he  was  very  proficient ;  but  about  1846 
he  opened  a  school  on  School-house  Hill,  in  the  Hobbrook  Mili 
tary  School  building,  near  the  corner  of  N  Street,  north,  and 
Twenty-third  Street,  west,  and  had  a  large  school  there  till 
about  1851,  when  he  relinquished  the  business,  giving  his  atten 
tion  henceforth  exclusively  to  music,  and  with  eminent  success. 
He  died  in  1861.  His  school  was  very  large  and  of  a  superior 
character. 

CHARLES    H.    MIDDLETON'S    SCHOOL 

was  started  in  the  same  section  of  the  city,  in  a  school-house 
which  then  stood  near  the  corner  of  Twenty-second  Street, 
west,  and  I,  north,  and  which  had  been  used  by  Henry  Hardy 
for  a  white  school.  Though  both  Fleet's  and  Johnson's  schools 
were  in  full  tide  of  success  in  that  vicinity,  he  gathered  a  good 
school,  and  when  his  two  competitors  retired — as  they  both  did 
about  this  time, — his  school  absorbed  a  large  portion  of  their 
patronage,  and  was  thronged.  In  1852,  he  went  temporarily  with 
his  school  to  Sixteenth  Street,  and  thence  to  the  basement  of 
Union  Bethel  Church  on  M  Street,  near  Sixteenth,  in  which, 
during  the  administration  of  President  Pierce,  he  had  an  exceed 
ingly  large  and  excellent  school,  at  the  same  period  when  Miss 
Miner  was  prosecuting  her  signal  work.  Mr.  Middleton,  now  a 
messenger  in  the  Navy  Department,  a  native  of  Savannah,  Ga., 
is  free-born,  and  received  his  very  good  education  in  schools 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LA  WS.  209 

in  that  city,  sometimes  with  white  and  sometimes  with  Col 
ored  children.  When  he  commenced  his  school  he  had  just 
returned  from  the  Mexican  war,  and  his  enterprise  is  especially 
worthy  of  being  made  prominent,  not  only  because  of  his  high 
style  as  a  teacher,  but  also  because  it  is  associated  with 

THE    FIRST    MOVEMENT    FOR    A    FREE    COLORED    PUBLIC    SCHOOL. 

This  movement  originated  with  a  city  officer,  Jesse  E.  Dow, 
who,  in  1848  and  1849,  was  a  leading  and  influential  member  of 
the  common  council.  He  encouraged  Mr.  Middleton  to  start 
his  school,  by  assuring  him  that  he  would  give  all  his  influence 
to  the  establishment  of  free  schools  for  Colored  as  well  as  for 
white  children,  and  that  he  had  great  confidence  that  the  coun 
cil  would  be  brought  to  give  at  least  some  encouragement  to 
the  enterprise.  In  1850  Mr.  Dow  was  named  among  the  candi 
dates  for  the  mayoralty ;  and  when  his  views  in  this  regard  were 
assailed  by  his  opponents,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  boldly  avow  his 
opinions,  and  to  declare  that  he  wished  no  support  for  any  office 
which  demanded  of  him  any  modification  of  these  convictions. 
The  workmen  fail,  but  the  work  succeeds.  The  name  of  Jesse 
E.  Dow  merits  conspicuous  record  in  this  history  for  this  bold 
and  magnanimous  action.  Mr.  Middleton  received  great  assist 
ance  in  building  up  his  school  from  Rev.  Mr.  Wayman,  then  pas 
tor  of  the  Bethel  Church,  and  afterward  promoted  to  the 
bishopric.  The  school  was  surrendered  finally  to  Rev.  J.  V.  B. 
Morgan,  the  succeeding  pastor  of  the  church,  who  conducted  the 
school  as  a  part  of  the  means  of  his  livelihood. 

ALEXANDER    CORNISH    AND    OTHERS. 

In  the  eastern  section  of  the  city,  about  1840,  Alexander 
Cornish  had  a  school  several  years  in  his  own  house  on  D  Street, 
south,  between  Third  and  Fourth,  east,  with  an  average  of  forty 
scholars.  He  was  succeeded,  about  1846,  by  Richard  Stokes,  who 
was  a  native  of  Chester  County,  Pa.  His  school,  averaging  one 
hundred  and  fifty  scholars,  was  kept  in  the  Israel  Bethel  Church, 
near  the  Capitol,  and  was  continued  for  about  six  years.  In 
1840,  there  was  a  school  opened  by  Margaret  Hill  in  Georgetown, 
near  Miss  English's  seminary.  She  taught  a  very  good  school 
for  several  years. 

ALEXANDER    HAYS's    SCHOOL 

was  started  on  Ninth  Street,  west,  near  New  York  Avenue.     Mr. 
Hays  was  born  in   1802,  and  belonged  originally  to   the   Fowler 


210    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

family  in  Maryland.  When  a  boy  he  served  for  a  time  at  the 
Washington  Navy  Yard,  in  the  family  of  Captain  Dove,  of 
the  navy,  the  father  of  Dr.  Dove,  of  Washington,  and  it 
was  in  that  family  that  he  learned  to  read.  Michael  Tabbs 
had  a  school  at  that  time  at  the  Navy  Yard,  which  he  taught 
in  the  afternoons  under  a  large  tree,  which  stood  near  the 
old  Masonic  Hall.  The  Colored  children  used  to  meet  him 
there  in  large  numbers  daily,  and  while  attending  this  singu 
lar  school,  Hays  was  at  the  same  time  taught  by  Mrs.  Dove, 
with  her  children.  This  was  half  a  century  ago.  In  1826,  Hays 
went  to  live  in  the  family  of  R.  S.  Coxe,  the  eminent  Washing 
ton  lawyer,  who  soon  purchased  him,  paying  Fowler  $300  for 
him.  Mr.  Coxe  did  this  at  the  express  solicitation  of  Hays,  and 
seventeen  years  after  he  gave  him  his  freedom — in  1843.  While 
living  with  Mr.  Coxe  he  had  married  Matilda  Davis,  the  daughter 
of  John  Davis,  who  served  as  steward  many  years  in  the  family 
of  Mr.  Seaton,  of  the  "  National  Intelligencer."  The  wedding  was 
at  Mr.  Seaton's  residence,  and  Mr.  Coxe  and  family  were  present 
on  the  occasion.  In  1836,  he  bought  the  house  and  lot  which 
they  still  own  and  occupy,  and  in  1842,  the  year  before  he  was 
free,  Hays  made  his  last  payment,  and  the  place  was  conveyed 
to  his  wife.  She  was  a  free  woman,  and  had  opened  a  school  in 
the  house  in  1841.  Hays  had  many  privileges  while  with  Mr. 
Coxe,  and  with  the  proceeds  of  his  wife's  school  they  paid  the 
purchase-money  ($550)  and  interest  in  seven  years.  Mr.  Hays 
was  taught  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic  by  Mr.  Coxe,  his 
wife,  and  daughters,  while  a  slave  in  their  family.  When  the 
Colored  people  were  driven  from  the  churches,  in  the  years  of  the 
mobs,  Mrs.  Coxe  organized  a  large  Colored  Sabbath-school  in  her 
own  parlor,  and  maintained  it  for  a  long  period,  with  the  co 
operation  of  Mr.  Coxe  and  the  daughters.  Mr.  Hays  was  a  mem 
ber  of  this  school.  He  also  attended  day  schools,  when  his  work 
would  allow  of  it.  This  was  the  education  with  which,  in  1845, 
he  ventured  to  take  his  wife's  school  in  charge.  He  is  a  man  of 
good-sense,  and  his  school  flourished.  He  put  up  an  addition  to 
his  house,  in  order  to  make  room  for  his  increasing  school, 
which  was  continued  down  to  1857 — sixteen  years  from  its  open 
ing.  He  had  also  a  night  school  and  taught  music,  and  these 
two  features  of  his  school  he  has  revived  since  the  war.  This 
school  contained  from  thirty-five  to  forty-five  pupils.  Rev.  Dr. 
Samson,  Mr.  Seaton,  and  Mr.  Coxe  often  visited  his  school  and 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  2 II 

encouraged  him  in  his  excellent  work.  Thomas  Tabbs  used  also 
to  come  into  his  school  and  give  him  aid  and  advice,  as  also  did 
John  McLeod. 

MR.    AND    MRS.    FLETCHER'S   SCHOOL 

was  opened  about  1854,  in  the  building  in  which  Middleton  first 
taught,  on  I,  near  Twenty-second  Street.  Mr.  Fletcher  was  an 
Englishman,  a  well-educated  gentleman,  and  a  thorough  teacher. 
He  was  induced  to  open  the  school  by  the  importunities  of  some 
aspiring  Colored  young  men  in  that  part  of  the  city,  who  desired 
first-rate  instruction.  He  soon  became  the  object  of  persecution, 
though  he  was  a  man  of  courtesy  and  excellent  character.  His 
school-house  was  finally  set  on  fire  and  consumed,  with  all  its 
books  and  furniture  ;  but  the  school  took,  as  its  asylum,  the 
basement  of  the  John  Wesley  Church.  The  churches  which  they 
had  been  forced  to  build  in  the  days  of  the  mobs,  when  they 
were  driven  from  the  white  churches  which  they  had  aided  in 
building,  proved  of  immense  service  to  them  in  their  subsequent 
struggles.  Mrs.  Fletcher  kept  a  variety  store,  which  was 
destroyed  about  the  time  the  school  was  opened.  She  then 
became  an  assistant  in  her  husband's  school,  which  numbered 
over  one  hundred  and  fifty  pupils.  In  1858,  they  were  driven 
from  the  city,  as  persecution  at  that  time  was  particularly  violent 
against  all  white  persons  who  instructed  the  Colored  people. 
This  school  was  conducted  with  great  thoroughness,  and  had 
two  departments,  Mrs.  Fletcher,  who  was  an  accomplished  per 
son,  having  charge  of  the  girls  in  a  separate  room. 

ELIZA    ANNE    COOK, 

a  niece  of  Rev.  John  F.  Cook,  and  one  of  his  pupils,  who  has 
been  teaching  for  about  fifteen  years,  should  be  mentioned.  She 
attended  Miss  Miner's  school  for  a  time,  and  was  afterward  at 
the  Baltimore  convent  two  years.  She  opened  a  school  in  her 
mother's  house,  and  subsequently  built  a  small  school-house  on 
the  same  lot,  Sixteenth  Street,  between  K  and  L  streets.  With 
the  exception  of  three  years,  during  which  she  was  teaching  in 
the  free  Catholic  school  opened  in  the  Smothers  school-house  in 
1859,  anc*  one  year  in  the  female  school  in  charge  of  the  Colored 
sisters,  she  has  maintained  her  own  private  school  from  1854 
down  to  the  present  time,  her  number  at  some  periods  being 
above  sixty,  but  usually  not  more  than  twenty-five  or  thirty. 


212    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

MISS  WASHINGTON'S  SCHOOL. 

In  1857,  Annie  E.  Washington  opened  a  select  primary  school 
in  her  mother's  house,  on  K  Street,  between  Seventeenth  and 
Eighteenth  streets,  west.  The  mother,  a  widow  woman,  was  a 
laundress,  and  by  her  own  labor  has  given  her  children  good  ad 
vantages,  though  she  had  no  such  advantages  herself.  This 
daughter  was  educated  chiefly  under  Rev.  John  F.  Cook  and 
Miss  Miner,  with  whom  she  was  a  favorite  scholar.  Her  oldes 
sister  was  educated  at  the  Baltimore  convent.  Annie  E.  Wash 
ington  is  a  woman  of  native  refinement,  and  has  an  excellent 
aptitude  for  teaching,  as  well  as  a  good  education.  Her  schools 
have  always  been  conducted  with  system  and  superior  judgment,, 
giving  universal  satisfaction,  the  number  of  her  pupils  being 
limited  only  by  the  size  of  her  room.  In  1858,  she  moved  to  the 
basement  of  the  Baptist  Church,  corner  of  Nineteenth  and  I 
streets,  to  secure  larger  accommodations,  and  there  she  had  a 
school  of  more  than  sixty  scholars  for  several  years. 

A    FREE    CATHOLIC    COLORED    SCHOOL. 

A  free  school  was  established  in  1858,  and  maintained  by  the 
•St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Society,  an  association  of  Colored  Catholics,, 
in  connection  with  St.  Matthew's  Church.  It  was  organized 
under  the  direction  of  Father  Walter,  and  kept  in  the  Smothers 
school-house  for  two  years,  and  was  subsequently  for  one  season 
maintained  on  a  smaller  scale  in  a  house  on  L  Street,  between 
Twelfth  and  Thirteenth  streets,  west,  till  the  association  failed 
to  give  it  the  requisite  pecuniary  support  after  the  war  broke 
out.  This  school  has  already  been  mentioned. 

OTHER  SCHOOLS. 

In  1843,  Elizabeth  Smith  commenced  a  school  for  small  chil 
dren  on  the  island  in  Washington,  and  subsequently  taught  on 
Capitol  Hill.  In  1860,  she  was  the  assistant  of  Rev.  Wm.  H.. 
Hunter,  who  had  a  large  school  in  Zion  Wesley  Church,  George 
town,  of  which  he  was  the  pastor.  She  afterward  took  the  school 
into  her  own  charge  for  a  period,  and  taught  among  the  contra 
bands  in  various  places  during  the  war. 

About  1850,  Isabella  Briscoe  opened  a  school  on  Montgomery 
Street,  near  Mount  Zion  Church,  Georgetown.  She  was  well 
educated,  and  one  of  the  best  Colored  teachers  in  the  district  be- 


NEGRO  SCHOOL  LAWS.  213 

fore  the  Rebellion.  Her  school  was  always  well  patronized,  and 
she  continued  teaching  in  the  district  up  to  1868. 

Charlotte  Beams  had  a  large  school  for  a  number  of  years, 
as  early  as  1850,  in  a  building  next  to  Galbraith  Chapel,  I  Street, 
north,  between  Fourth  and  Fifth,  west.  It  was  exclusively  a 
girls'  school  in  its  later  years.  The  teacher  was  a  pupil  of 
Enoch  Ambush,  who  assisted  her  in  establishing  her  school. 

A  year  or  two  later,  Rev.  James  Shorter  had  a  large  school 
in  the  Israel  Bethel  Church,  and  Miss  Jackson  taught  another 
good  school  on  Capitol  Hill  about  the  same  time.  The  above- 
mentioned  were  all  Colored  teachers. 

Among  the  excellent  schools  broken  up  at  the  opening  of 
the  war,  was  that  of  Mrs.  Charlotte  Gordon,  Colored,  on  Eighth 
Street,  in  the  northern  section  of  the  city.  It  was  in  successful 
operation  several  years,  and  the  number  in  attendance  some 
times  reached  one  hundred  and  fifty.  Mrs.  Gordon  was  assisted 
by  her  daughter. 

In  1841,  David  Brown  commenced  teaching  on  D  Street, 
south,  between  First  and  Second  streets,  island,  and  continued 
in  the  business  till  1858,  at  which  period  he  was  placed  in  charge 
of  the  large  Catholic  free  school  in  the  Smothers  house,  as  has 
been  stated.1 

Here  is  a  picture  that  every  Negro  in  the  country  may  con 
template  with  satisfaction  and  pride.  In  the  stronghold  of 
slavery,  under  the  shadow  of  the  legalized  institution  of  slavery, 
within  earshot  of  the  slave-auctioneer's  hammer,  amid  distressing 
circumstances,  poverty,  and  proscription,  three  unlettered  ex- 
slaves,  upon  the  threshold  of  the  nineteenth  century,  sowed  the 
seed  of  education  for  the  Negro  race  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
from  which  an  abundant  harvest  has  been  gathered,  and  will  be 
gathered  till  the  end  of  time  ! 

What  the  Negro  has  done  to  educate  himself,  the  trials  and 
hateful  laws  that  have  hampered  him  during  the  long  period 
anterior  to  1860,  cannot  fail  to  awaken  feelings  of  regret  and 
admiration  among  the  people  of  both  sections  and  two  conti 
nents. 

1  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education  for  1871. 


214    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO^  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

JOHN   BROWN — HERO  AND   MARTYR. 
JOHN  BROWN'S  APPEARANCE  IN  KANSAS.  —  HE  DENOUNCES  SLAVERY  IN  A  POLITICAL  MEETING  AT 

OSAWATOMIE.  —  MRS.  STEARNS's  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTION  OF  JOHN  BROWN.  —  KANSAS  IN 
FESTED  BY  BORDER  RUFFIANS.  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  HARPER'S  FERRY.  —  THE  DEFEAT  AND 
CAPTURE  OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN.  —  His  LAST  LETTER  WRITTEN  TO  MRS.  STEARNS.  —  His 
TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION.  —  His  INFLUENCE  UPON  THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION  AT  THE  NORTH.  — 
His  PLACE  IN  HISTORY. 

ON  the  gth  of  May,  1800,  at  Torrington,  Connecticut,  was 
born  a  man  who  lived  for  two  generations,  but  accom 
plished  the  work  of  two  centuries.  That  man  was  John 
Brown,  who  ranks  among  the  world's  greatest  heroes.  Greater 
than  Peter  the  Hermit,  who  believed  himself  commissioned  of 
God  to  redeem  the  Holy  Sepulchre  from  the  hands  of  infidels  ; 
greater  than  Joanna  Southcote,  who  deemed  herself  big  with  the 
promised  Shiloh ;  greater  than  Ignatius  Loyola,  who  thought 
the  Son  of  Man  appeared  to  him,  bearing  His  cross  upon  His 
shoulders,  and  bestowed  upon  him  a  Latin  commission  of  won 
derful  significance ;  greater  than  Oliver  Cromwell,  the  great  Re 
publican  Protector ;  and  greater  than  John  Hampden, — he 
deserves  to  rank  with  William  of  Orange. 

John  Brown  was  nearly  six  feet  high,  slim,  wiry,  dark  in  com 
plexion,  sharp  in  feature,  dark  hair  sprinkled  with  gray,  eyes  a 
dark  gray  and  penetrating,  with  a  countenance  that  betokened 
frankness,  honesty,  and  firmness.  His  brow  was  prominent,  the 
centre  of  the  forehead  flat,  the  upper  part  retreating,  which,  in 
conjunction  with  his  slightly  Roman  nose,  gave  him  an  interest 
ing  appearance.  The  crown  of  his  head  was  remarkably  high,  in 
the  regions  of  the  phrenological  organs  of  firmness,  conscien 
tiousness,  self-esteem,  indicating  a  stern  will,  unswerving  integrity, 
and  marvellous  self-possession.  He  walked  rapidly  with  a  firm  and 
elastic  tread.  He  was  somewhat  like  John  Baptist,  taciturn  in 
habits,  usually  wrapped  in  meditation.  He  was  rather  meteoric 


JOHN  BROWN— HERO  AND  MARTYR.  215 

in  his  movements,  appearing  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  at  this 
place,  and  then  disappearing  in  the  same  mysterious  manner. 

When  Kansas  lay  bleeding  at  the  feet  of  border  ruffians; 
when  Congress  gave  the  free-State  settlers  no  protection,  but 
was  rather  trying  to  drag  the  territory  into  the  Union  with  a 
slave  constitution, — without  noise  or  bluster  John  Brown  dropped 
down  into  Osage  County.  He  was  not  a  member  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  ;  but  rather  hated  its  reticency.  When  it  cried  Halt ! 
he  gave  the  command  Forward,  march  /  He  was  not  in  sympa 
thy  with  any  of  the  parties,  political  or  anti-slavery.  All  were 
too  conservative  to  suit  him.  So,  as  a  political  orphan  he  went 
into  Kansas,  organized  and  led  a  new  party  that  swore  eternal 
death  to  slavery.  The  first  time  he  appeared  in  a  political  meet 
ing  in  Kansas,  at  Osawatomie,  the  politicians  were  trimming 
their  speeches  and  shaping  their  resolutions  to  please  each  politi 
cal  faction.  John  Brown  took  the  floor  and  made  a  speech  that 
threw  the  convention  into  consternation.  He  denounced  slavery 
as  the  curse  of  the  ages  ;  affirmed  the  manhood  of  the  slave ; 
dealt  "  middle  men  "  terrible  blows  ;  and  said  he  could  "  see  no 
use  in  talking."  "Talk,"  he  continued,  "is  a  national  institution; 
but  it  does  no  good  for  the  slave."  He  thought  it  an  excuse 
very  well  adapted  for  weak  men  with  tender  consciences.  Most 
men  who  were  afraid  to  fight,  and  too  honest  to  be  silent,  de 
ceived  themselves  that  they  discharged  their  duties  to  the  slave 
by  denouncing  in  fiery  words  the  oppressor.  His  ideas  of  duty 
were  far  different;  the  slaves,  in  his  eyes,  were  prisoners  of  war; 
their  tyrants,  as  he  held,  had  taken  up  the  sword,  and  must  per 
ish  by  it.  This  was  his  view  of  the  great  question  of  slavery. 

The  widow  of  the  late  Major  George  L.  Stearns  gives  the  fol 
lowing  personal  recollections  of  John  Brown,  in  a  bright  and 
entertaining  style.  Mrs.  Stearns's  noble  husband  was  very 
intimately  related  to  the  "old  hero,"  and  what  Mrs.  Stearns 
writes  is  of  great  value. 

"  The  passage  of  the  Fugitive- Slave  Bill  in  1850,  followed  by  the 
virtual  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  under  the  name  of  the 
Kansas  Nebraska  Act,  in  1854,  alarmed  all  sane  people  for  the  safety  of 
republican  institutions  ;  and  the  excitement  reached  a  white  heat  when, 
on  the  22d  of  May,  1856,  Charles  Sumner  was  murderously  assaulted 
in  the  Senate  chamber  by  Preston  S.  Brooks,  of  South  Carolina,  for 
words  spoken  in  debate  :  the  celebrated  speech  of  the  iQth  and  20th 
of  May,  known  as  '  The  Crime  Against  Kansas.'  That  same  week  the 
town  of  Lawrence  in  the  territory  of  Kansas  was  sacked  and  burned 


216    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

in  the  interest  of  the  slave  power.     The  atrocities  committed  by  the 
'  Border   Ruffians  '  upon  the  free-State   settlers  sent   a  thrill  of  terror 
through  all  law-abiding  communities.     In  Boston  the  citizens  gathered 
in  Faneuil  Hall  to  consider  what  could  be  done,  and  a  committee  was 
chosen,  with  Dr.  S.  G.  Howe  as  chairman,  for  the  relief  of  Kansas,  called 
the   '  Kansas  Relief  Committee.'     After   some  $18,000  or  $20,000  had 
been  collected,  chiefly  in  Boston,  and  forwarded  to  Kansas,  the  interest 
flagged,  and  Mr.  Stearns,  who  had  been  working  with   that  committee, 
saw  the  need  of  more  energetic  action  ;  so  one  day  he  went  to  Dr. 
Howe,  and  told  him  he  was  ready  to  give  all  his  time,  and  much  of  his 
money,  to  push  forward  the  work.     Dr.  Howe  seeing  that  here  was  the 
man  for  the  hour,  immediately  resigned,  and   Mr.  Stearns  was  chosen 
unanimously  chairman   of  the    '  Massachusetts   State   Kansas  Commit 
tee,'  which  took  the  place  of  the  one  first  organized.     In  the  light  of 
subsequent  history  it  is  difficult  to  believe   the   apathy  and  blindness 
which  failed  to  recognize   the   significance   of  this  attack  upon  Kansas 
by  the   slave-holding  power.     Only  faithful    watchmen    in    their  high 
towers  could  see  that  it   was  the  first  battle-ground  between  the  two 
conflicting  systems  of  freedom  and   slavery,  which  was  finally  to  culmi 
nate   in    the   war  of    the  Rebellion.     'Working   day  and    night  with 
out  haste  or  rest,'  failing  in  no  effort  to  rouse  and  stimulate  the  com 
munity,  still  Mr.  Stearns  found   that  a  vitalizing  interest  was  wanting. 
When  Gov.  Reeder  was  driven  in  disguise  from  the  territory,  he  wrote 
to  him  to  come  to  Boston  and  address  the  people.     He  organized  a 
mass-meeting  for    him  in  Tremont  Temple,  and  for  a  few   days  the 
story  he  related  stimulated  to  a  livelier  activity  the  more  conservative 
people,  who  were  inclined  to   think   the  reports  of  the  free-State  men 
much  exaggerated.     Soon,  however,  things  settled  back  into  the  old 
sluggish  way  ;  so  that  for  three  consecutive  committee  meetings  the 
chairman  was  the  only  person  who  presented  himself  at  the  appointed 
time  and  place.     Nothing  daunted,  he  turned  to  the  country  towns, 
and  at  the  end  of  five  months  he  had  raised  by  his  personal  exertions, 
and  through  his  agents,  the  sum  of  $48,000.     Women  formed  societies 
all  over  the  State,  for  making  and  furnishing  clothing,  and  various  sup 
plies,  which  resulted  in  an  addition  of  some  $20,000  or  $30,000  more. 
In  January,  1867,  this  species  of  work  was   stopped,  by  advices  from 
Kansas   that  no  more  contributions  were  needed,  except  for  defense. 
At  this  juncture   Mr.  Stearns  wrote  to  John   Brown,  that  if  he  would 
come  to  Boston  and  consult  with  the  friends  of  freedom  he  would  pay 
his  expenses.      They  had  never    met,  but    *  Osawatomie  Brown '  had 
become  a  cherished  household  name  during  the  anxious  summer  of 
1856.'     Arriving  in  Boston,  they  were  introduced  to  each  other  in  the 

1  This  was  in  the  last  days  of  1856. 


JOHN  BROWN— HERO  AND  MARTYR.  217 

street  by  a  Kansas  man,  who  chanced  to  be  with  Mr.  Stearns  on  his  way 
to  the  committee  rooms  in  Nilis's  Block,  School  Street.  Captain  Brown 
made  a  profound  impression  on  all  who  came  within  the  sphere  of  his 
moral  magnetism.  Emerson  called  him  '  the  most  ideal  of  men,  for 
he  wanted  to  put  all  his  ideas  into  action.'  His  absolute  superiority 
to  all  selfish  aims  and  narrowing  pride  of  opinion  touched  an  answer 
ing  chord  in  the  self-devotion  of  Mr.  Stearns.  A  little  anecdote  illus 
trates  the  modest  estimate  of  the  work  he  had  in  hand.  After  several 
efforts  to  bring  together  certain  friends  to  meet  Captain  Brown  at  his 
home  in  Medford,  he  found  that  Sunday  was  the  only  day  that  would 
serve  their  several  convenience,  and  being  a  little  uncertain  how  it 
might  strike  his  ideas  of  religious  propriety,  he  prefaced  his  invitation 
with  something  like  an  apology.  With  characteristic  promptness  came 
the  reply  :  *  Mr.  Stearns,  I  have  a  little  ewe-lamb  that  I  want  to  pull 
out  of  the  ditch,  and  the  Sabbath  will  be  as  good  a  day  as  any  to  do  it.' 
"  It  was  this  occasion  which  furnished  to  literature  one  of  the  most 
charming  bits  of  autobiography.  Our  oldest  son,  Harry,  a  lad  of  eleven 
years,  was  an  observant  listener,  and  drank  eagerly  every  word  that  was 
said  of  the  cruel  wrongs  in  Kansas,  and  of  slavery  everywhere.  When 
the  gentlemen  rose  to  go,  he  privately  asked  his  father  if  he  might  be 
allowed  to  give  all  his  spending  money  to  John  Brown.  Leave  being 
.granted,  he  bounded  away,  and  returning  with  his  small  treasure,  said  : 
*  Captain  Brown,  will  you  buy  something  with  this  money  for  those  poor 
people  in  Kansas,  and  some  time  will  you  write  to  me  and  tell  me 
what  sort  of  a  little  boy  you  were  ? '  *  Yes,  my  son,  I  will,  and  God  bless 
you  for  your  kind  heart  ! '  The  autobiography  has  been  printed  many 
times,  but  never  before  with  the  key  which  unlocked  it. 

"  It  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  describe  the  impression  he  made 
upon  the  writer  on  this  first  visit.  When  I  entered  the  parlor,  he  was 
sitting  near  the  hearth,  where  glowed  a  bright  open  fire.  He  rose  to 
greet  me,  stepping  forward  with  such  an  erect,  military  bearing  ;  such 
fine  courtesy  of  demeanor  and  grave  earnestness,  that  he  seemed  to  my 
instant  thought  some  old  Cromwellian  hero  suddenly  dropped  down  be 
fore  me  ;  a  suggestion  which  was  presently  strengthened  by  his  saying 
[proceeding  with  the  conversation  my  entrance  had  interrupted]  : 
'  Gentlemen,  I  consider  the  Golden  Rule  and  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  one  and  inseparable  ;  and  it  is  better  that  a  whole  generation 
of  men,  women,  and  children  should  be  swept  away,  than  that  this  crime 
of  slavery  should  exist  one  day  longer.'  These  words  were  uttered  like 
rifle  balls  ;  in  such  emphatic  tones  and  manner  that  our  little  Carl,  not 
three  years  old,  remembered  it  in  manhood  as  one  of  his  earliest  recol 
lections.  The  child  stood  perfectly  still,  in  the  middle  of  the  room, 
gazing  with  his  beautiful  eyes  on  this  new  sort  of  man,  until  his  ab 
sorption  arrested  the  attention  of  Captain  Brown,  who  soon  coaxed  him 


2l8    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

to  his  knee,  tho'  the  look  of  awe  and  childlike  wonder  remained. 
His  dress  was  of  some  dark  brown  stuff,  quite  coarse,  but  its  exactness 
and  neatness  produced  a  singular  air  of  refinement.  At  dinner,  he  de 
clined  all  dainties,  saying  that  he  was  unaccustomed  to  luxuries,  even  to 
partaking  of  butter. 

"  The  *  friends  of  freedom  '  with  whom  Mr.  Stearns  had  invited  John 
Brown  to  consult,  were  profoundly  impressed  with  his  sagacity,  integ 
rity,  and  devotion  ;  notably  among  these  were  R.  W.  Emerson,  Theodore 
Parker,  H.  D.  Thoreau,  A.  Bronson  Alcott,  F.  B.  Sanborn,  Dr.  S.  G. 
Howe,  Col.  T.  W.  Higginson,  Gov.  Andrew,  and  others.  In  February 
(1857)  he  appeared  before  a  committee  of  the  State  Legislature,  to  urge 
that  Massachusetts  should  make  an  appropriation  in  money  in  aid  of 
those  persons  who  had  settled  in  Kansas  from  her  own  soil.  The 
speech  is  printed  in  Redpath's  '  Life.'  He  obtained  at  this  time,  from 
the  Massachusetts  State  Kansas  Committee,1  some  two  hundred  Sharp's 
rifles,  with  which  to  arm  one  hundred  mounted  men  for  the  defense  of 
Kansas,  who  could  also  be  of  service  to  the  peculiar  property  of  Mis 
souri.  In  those  dark  days  of  slave-holding  supremacy,  the  friends  of 
freedom  felt  justified  in  aiding  the  flight  of  its  victims  to  free  soil  when 
ever  and  wherever  opportunity  offered.  The  Fugitive-Slave  Law  was 
powerless  before  the  law  written  on  the  enlightened  consciences  of 
those  devoted  men  and  women.  These  rifles  had  been  forwarded  pre 
viously  to  the  National  Committee  at  Chicago,  for  the  defense  of  Kansas, 
but  for  some  unexplained  reasons  had  never  proceeded  farther  than 
Tabor,  in  the  State  of  Iowa.  Later  on,  Mr.  Stearns,  in  his  individual 
capacity,  authorized  Captain  Brown  to  purchase  two  hundred  revolvers 
from  the  Massachusetts  Arms  Company,  and  paid  for  them  from  his  pri 
vate  funds,  thirteen  or  fifteen  hundred  dollars.  During  the  summer  of 
1857  he  united  with  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence  and  others  in  paying  off  the 
mortgage  held  by  Mr.  Gerritt  Smith  on  his  house  and  farm  at  North 
Elba,  N.  Y.,  he  paying  two  hundred  and  sixty  dollars.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  state  the  entire  amount  of  money  Mr.  Stearns  put  into  the 
hands  of  John  Brown  for  Anti-Slavery  purposes  and  his  own  subsistence. 
He  kept  no  account  of  what  he  gave.  In  April  or  May,  1857,  he  gave 
him  a  check  for  no  less  a  sum  than  seven  thousand  dollars.  Early  in  1858, 
Hon.  Henry  Wilson  wrote  to  Dr.  S.  G.  Howe  that  he  had  learned  John 
Brown  was  suspected  of  the  intention  of  using  those  arms  in  other  ways 
than  for  the  defense  of  Kansas  ;  and  by  order  of  the  committee,  Mr. 
Stearns  wrote  (under  date  May  14,  1858)  to  Brown  not  to  use  them  for  any 
other  purpose,  and  to  hold  them  subject  to  his  order,  as  chairman  of 
said  committee.  When  the  operations  of  the  Massachusetts  State  Kan- 

1  The  committee  also  authorized  him  to  draw  on  their  treasurer,  Patrick  L.  Jack 
son,  for  $500. 


JOHN  BROWN— HERO  AND  MARTYR.  219 

sas  Committee  virtually  ceased,  in  June  or  July,  1858,  it  happened  that 
this  committee  were  some  four  thousand  dollars  in  debt  to  Mr.  Stearns, 
for  advances  of  money  from  time  to  time  to  keep  the  organization  in  ex 
istence  ;  and  it  was  voted  to  make  over  to  the  chairman  these  two  hun 
dred  Sharp's  rifles  as  part  payment  of  the  committee's  indebtedness. 
They  were  of  small  account  to  Mr.  Stearns.  He  knew  them  to  be  in 
good  hands,  and  troubled  himself  no  further  about  them,  either  the 
rifles  or  the  revolvers  ;  although  keeping  up  from  time  to  time  a  corre 
spondence  with  his  friend  upon  the  all-engrossing  subject. 

"  In  February  of  1859,  John  Brown  was  in  Boston,  and  talked  with 
some  of  his  friends  about  the  feasibility  of  entrenching  himself,  with  a 
little  band  of  men,  in  the  mountains  of  Virginia,  familiar  to  him  from 
having  surveyed  them  as  engineer  in  earlier  life.  His  plan  was  to 
open  communication  with  the  slaves  of  neighboring  plantations,  collect 
them  together,  and  send  them  off  in  squads,  as  he  had  done  in  Missouri, 
'  without  snapping  a  gun.'  Mr.  Stearns  had  so  much  more  faith  in. 
John  Brown's  opposition  to  Slavery,  than  in  any  theories  he  advanced 
of  the  modus  operandi,  that  they  produced  much  less  impression  on  his 
mind  than  upon  some  others  gifted  with  more  genius  for  details. 
From  first  to  last,  he  believed  in  John  Brown.  His  plans,  or  theories, 
might  be  feasible,  or  they  might  not.  If  the  glorious  old  man  wanted 
money  to  try  his  plans,  he  should  have  it.  His  plans  might  fail ;  prob 
ably  would,  but  he  could  never  be  a  failure.  There  he  stood,  uncon 
querable,  in  the  panoply  of  divine  Justice.  Both  of  these  men  were  of 
the  martyr  type.  No  thought  or  consideration  for  themselves,  for  his 
tory,  or  the  estimation  of  others,  ever  entered  into  their  calculations. 
It  was  the  service  of  Truth  and  Right  which  brought  them  together, 
and  in  that  service  they  were  ready  to  die. 

"In  the  words  of  an.  eminent  writer1:  'A  common  spirit  made 
these  two  men  recognize  each  other,  at  first  sight ;  and  the  power  of 
both  lay  in  that  inability  to  weigh  difficulties  against  duty,  that  instant 
ste£  of  thought  to  deed,  which  makes  individuals  fully  possessed  by  the 
idea  of  the  age,  the  turning-points  of  its  destiny  ;  hands  in  the  right 
place  for  touching  the  match  to  the  train  it  has  laid,  or  for  leading  the 
public  will  to  the  heart  of  its  moral  need.  They  knew  each  other  as 
minute-men  on  the  same  watch ;  as  men  to  be  found  in  the  breach,  be 
fore  others  knew  where  it  was  ;  they  were  one  in  pity,  one  in  indigna 
tion,  one  in  moral  enthusiasm,  burning  beneath  features  set  to  patient 
self-control ;  one  in  simplicity,  though  of  widely  different  culture  ;  one 
in  religious  inspiration,  though  at  the  poles  of  religious  thought.  The 
old  frontiersman  came  from  his  wilderness  toils  and  agonies  to  find 

1  Samuel  Johnson,  the  accomplished  Oriental  scholar  and  devoted   friend  of  the 
slave. 


220    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

within  the  merchant's  mansion  of  art  and  taste  by  the  side  of  Bunker 
Hill,  a  perfect  sympathy  :  the  reverence  of  children,  tender  interest 
in  his  broken  household,  free  access  to  a  rich  man's  resources,  and 
even  a  valor  kindred  with  his  own.' 

"  The  attack  upon  Harper's  Ferry  was  a  '  side  issue, '  to  quote 
the  words  of  John  Brown,  Jr.,  and  a  departure  from  his  father's  original 
plan.  It  certainly  took  all  his  friends  by  surprise.  In  his  letter  of 
Nov.  15,  1859  (while  in  prison),  to  his  old  schoolmaster,  the  Rev.  H. 
L.  Vaill,  are  these  words  :  '  I  am  not  as  yet,  in  the  main,  at  all  disap 
pointed.  I  have  been  a  good  deal  disappointed  as  it  regards  myself  in 
not  keeping  up  to  my  own  plans  ;  but  I  now  feel  entirely  reconciled  to 
that  even  :  for  God's  plan  was  infinitely  better,  no  doubt,  or  I  should 
have  kept  my  own.  Had  Samson  kept  to  his  determination  of  not  tell 
ing  Delilah  wherein  his  great  strength  lay,  he  would  probably  have 
never  overturned  the  house.  I  did  not  tell  Delilah  ;  but  I  was  induced 
to  act  very  contrary  to  my  better  judgment' 1 

******** 

"  It  is  idle  to  endeavor  to  explain,  by  any  methods  of  the  understand^ 
iftg,  any  rules  of  worldly  wisdom,  or  prudence,  this  influx  of  the  Divine 
Will,  which  has  made  John  Brown  already  an  ideal  character.  '  The 
wind  bloweth  where  it  listeth,  and  we  hear  the  sound  thereof ;  but 
know  not  whence  it  cometh,  or  whither  it  goeth.'  So  is  every  one  that 
is  born  of  the  Spirit.  Man  works  in  the  midst  of  laws  which  execute 
themselves,  more  especially,  if  by  virtue  of  obedience  he  has  lost  sight 
of  all  selfish  aims,  and  perceives  that  Truth  and  Right  alone  can  claim 
allegiance.  Emerson  says  :  '  Divine  intelligence  carries  on  its  admini 
stration  by  good  men  ;  that  great  men  are  they  who  see  that  the  spiri 
tual  are  greater  than  any  material  forces  ;  and  that  really  there  never 
was  any  thing  great  accomplished  but  under  religious  impulse.' 

"The  deadly  Atheism  of  Slavery  was  rolling  its  car  of  Juggernaut 
all  over 'the  beautiful  Republic,  and  one  pure  soul  was  inspired  to  con 
front  it  by  a  practical  interpretation  of  the  Golden  Rule. 

"  That  Virginia  would  hang  John  Brown  was  a  foregone  conclusion. 
The  Moloch  of  Slavery  would  have  nothing  less.  His  friends  exerted 
themselves  to  secure  the  best  counsel  which  could  be  induced  to  un 
dertake  the  formality  of  a  defense,  foremost  among  whom  was  Mr. 
Stearns.  A  well-organized  plan  was  made  to  rescue  him,  conducted 
by  a  brave  man  from  Kansas,  Col.  James  Montgomery,  but  a  message 
came  from  the  prisoner,  that  he  should  not  feel  at  liberty  to  walk  out, 
if  the  doors  were  left  open  ;  a  sense  of  honor  to  his  jailer  (Captain 
Acvis)  forbidding  any  thing  of  the  kind. 

1  The  italics  are  his. 


yOHN  BROWN— HERO  AND  MARTYR.  221 

"  Not  a  litttle  anxiety  was  felt  lest  certain  of  his  adherents  might 
be  summoned  as  witnesses,  whose  testimony  would  lessen  the  chances 
of  acquittal,  and  possibly  involve  their  own  lives.  John  A.  Andrew 
(afterward  Gov.  Andrew)  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  after  an  exhaustive 
search  of  the  records,  that  Virginia  would  have  no  right  to  summon 
these  persons  from  Massachusetts,  but  subsequently  changed  his  opin 
ion,  and  urged  Mr.  Stearns  to  take  passage  to  Europe,  sending  him 
home  one  day  to  pack  his  valise.  The  advice  was  opposed  to  his  in 
stincts,  but  he  considered  that  his  wife  should  have  a  voice  in  the 
matter,  who  decided,  'midst  many  tears  and  prayers,  that  if  slavery  re 
quired  another  victim,  he  must  be  ready. 

"  With  Dr.  Howe  it  was  quite  different.  He  became  possessed 
with  a  dread  that  threatened  to  overwhelm  his  reason.  He  was  in  deli 
cate  health,  and  constitutionally  subject  to  violent  attacks  of  nervous 
headache.  One  day  he  came  to  Medford  and  insisted  that  Mr.  Stearns 
should  accompany  him  to  Canada,  urging  that  if  he  remained  here  he 
should  be  insane,  and  that  Mr.  Stearns  of  all  his  friends  was  the  only 
one  who  would  be  at  all  satisfactory  to  him.  This  request,  or  rather 
demand,  Mr.  Stearns  promptly  declined.  How  well  I  remember  his 
agitation.,  walking  up  and  down  the  room,  and  finally  entreating  Mr. 
Stearns  for  '  friendship's  sake  '  to  go  and  take  care  of  him.  I  can  recall 
no  instance  of  such  self-abnegation  in  my  husband's  self-denying  career, 
He  did  not  stoop  to  an  explanation,  even  when  Dr.  Howe  declared  in  his 
presence,  some  months  later,  "  that  he  never  did  any  thing  in  his  life  he 
so  much  wished  to  take  back."  I  had  hoped  that  Dr.  Howe  would  himself 
have  spared  me  from  making  this  contribution  to  the  truth  of  history. 

"  On  the  2d  of  December,  Mr.  Stearns  yearned  for  the  solitude  of 
his  own  soul,  in  communion  of  spirit,  with  the  friend  who,  on  that  day, 
would  '  make  the  gallows  glorious  like  the  Cross '  ;  and  he  left  Dr. 
Howe  and  took  the  train  for  Niagara  Falls.  There,  sitting  alone  be 
side  the  mighty  rush  of  water,  he  solemnly  consecrated  his  remaining 
life,  his  fortune,  and  all  that  was  most  dear,  to  the  cause  in  whose  ser 
vice  John  Brown  had  died. 

"  How  well  and  faithfully  he  kept  his  vow,  may  partly  be  seen  in 
his  subsequent  efforts  in  recruiting  the  colored  troops  at  a  vital  moment 
in  the  terrible  war  of  the  Rebellion  which  so  swiftly  followed  the  sub 
lime  apotheosis  of  '  Old  John  Brown.'  " 

That  John  Brown  intended  to  free  the  slaves,  and  nothing 
more,  the  record  shows  clearly.  His  move  on  Harper's  Ferry 

1  The  above  account  of  Capt.  Brown  was  prepared  for  us  by  the  widow  of  the 
late  Major  Geo.  L.  Stearns.  It  is  printed  as  written,  and  breathes  a  beautiful  spirit 
of  love  and  tender  remembrance  for  the  two  heroes  mentioned. 


222    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

was  well  planned,  and  had  all  the  parties  interested  done  their 
part  the  work  would  have  been  done  well.  As  to  the  rectitude 
of  his  intentions  he  gives  the  world  this  leaf  of  history: 

"  And  now,  gentlemen,  let  me  press  this  one  thing  on  your  minds. 
You  all  know  how  dear  life  is  to  you,  and  how  dear  your  lives  are  to  your 
friends  :  and  in  remembering  that,  consider  that  the  lives  of  others  are 
as  dear  to  them  as  yours  are  to  you.  Do  not,  therefore,  take  the  life  of 
any  one  if  you  can  possibly  avoid  it ;  but  if  it  is  necessary  to  take  life 
in  order  to  save  your  own,  then  make  sure  work  of  it." — John  Brown, 
before  the  battle  at  Harper's  Ferry. 

"  I  never  did  intend  murder,  or  treason,  or  the  destruction  of  prop 
erty,  or  to  excite  or  incite  slaves  to  rebellion,  or  to  make  insurrection. 
The  design  on  my  part  was  to  free  the  slaves." — John  Brown,  after  the 
battle  at  Harper's  Ferry. 

Distance  lends  enchantment  to  the  view.  What  the  world 
condemns  to-day  is  applauded  to-morrow. 

We  must  have  a  "  fair  count  "  on  the  history  of  yesterday 
and  last  year.  The  events  chronicled  yesterday,  when  the  imagi 
nation  was  wrought  upon  by  exciting  circumstances,  need  re 
vision  to-day. 

The  bitter  words  spoken  this  morning  reproach  at  eventide 
the  smarting  conscience.  And  the  judgments  prematurely 
formed,  and  the  conclusions  rapidly  reached,  maybe  rectified  and 
repaired  in  the  light  of  departed  years  and  enlarged  knowledge. 

John  Brown  is  rapidly  settling  down  to  his  proper  place  in 
history,  and  "  the  madman  "  has  been  transformed  into  a  "  saint." 
When  Brown  struck  his  first  blow  for  freedom,  at  the  head  of 
his  little  band  of  liberators,  it  was  almost  the  universal  judgment 
of  both  Americans  and  foreigners  that  he  was  a  "  fanatic."  It 
seemed  the  very  soul  of  weakness  and  arrogance  for  John  Brown 
to  attempt  to  do  so  great  a  work  with  so  small  a  force.  Men 
reached  a  decision  with  the  outer  and  surface  facts.  But  many 
of  the  most  important  and  historically  trustworthy  truths  bearing 
upon  the  motive,  object,  and  import  of  that  "  bold  move,"  have 
been  hidden  from  the  public  view,  either  by  prejudice  or  fear. 

Some  people  have  thought  John  Brown — "  The  Hero  of 
Harpers  Ferry" — a  hot-headed,  blood-thirsty  brigand;  they 
animadverted  against  the  precipitancy  of  his  measures,  and  the 
severity  of  his  invectives ;  said  that  he  was  lacking  in  courage 
and  deficient  in  judgment ;  that  he  retarded  rather  than  accele- 


JOHN  BROWN— HERO  AND  MARTYR.  223 

rated  the  cause  he  championed.     But  this  was  the  verdict  of 
other  times,  not  the  judgment  of  to-day. 

John  Brown  said  to  a  personal  friend  during  his  stay  in 
Kansas:  "Young  men  must  learn  to  wait.  Patience  is  the 
hardest  lesson  to  learn.  I  have  waited  for  twenty  years  to  ac 
complish  my  purpose."  These  are  not  the  words  of  a  mere 
visionary  idealist,  but  the  mature  language  of  a  practical  and 
judicious  leader,  a  leader  than. whom  the  world  has  never  seen  a 
greater.  .  By  greatness  is  meant  deep  convictions  of  duty,  a 
sense  of  the  Infinite,  "a  strong  hold  on  truth,"  a  "  conscience 
void  of  offence  toward  God  and  man,"  to  which  the  appeals  of 
the  innocent  and  helpless  are  more  potential  than  the  voices  of 
angry  thunder  or  destructive  artillery.  Such  a  man  was  John 
Brown.  He  was  strong  in  his  moral  and  mental  nature,  as  well 
as  in  his  physical  nature.  He  was  born  to  lead  ;  and  he  led,  and 
made  himself  the  pro-martyr  of  a  cause  rapidly  perfecting.  All 
through  his  boyhood  days  he  felt  himself  lifted  and  quickened 
by  great  ideas  and  sublime  purposes.  He  had  flowing  in  his 
veins  the  blood  of  his  great  ancestor,  Peter  Brown,  who  came 
over  in  the  "  Mayflower";  and  the  following  inscription  appears 
upon  a  marble  monument  in  the  graveyard  at  Canton  Centre, 
New  York:  "In  memory  of  Captain  John  Brown,  who  died 
in  the  Revolutionary  army,  at  New  York,  September  3,  1776. 
He  was  of  the  fourth  generation,  in  regular  descent,  from  Peter 
Brown,  one  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  who  landed  from  the  '  May 
flower,'  at  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  December  22,  1620."  This 
is  the  best  commentary  on  his  inherent  love  of  absolute  liberty, 
his  marvellous  courage  and  transcendent  military  genius.  For 
years  he  elaborated  and  perfected  his  plans,  working  upon 
the  public  sentiment  of  his  day  by  the  most  praiseworthy 
means.  He  bent  and  bowed  the  most  obdurate  conservatism 
of  his  day,  and  rallied  to  his  standards  the  most  eminent 
men,  the  strongest  intellects  in  the  North.  His  ethics  and 
religion  were  as  broad  as  the  universe,  and  beneficent  in  their 
wide  ramification.  And  it  was  upon  his  "  religion  of  human 
ity,"  that  embraced  our  entire  species,  that  he  proceeded  with 
his  herculean  task  of  striking  off  the  chains  of  the  enslaved. 
Few,  very  few  of  his  most  intimate  friends  knew  his  plans — the 
plan  of  freeing  the  slaves.  Many  knew  his  great  faith,  his  exalted 
sentiments,  his  ideas  of  liberty,  in  their  crudity ;  but  to  a  faithful 
few  only  did  he  reveal  his  stupendous  plans  in  their  entirety. 


224    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Hon.  Frederick  Douglass  and  Colonel  Richard  J.  Hintonr 
knew  more  of  Brown's  real  purposes  than  any  other  persons,  with 
the  exception  of  J.  H.  Kagi,  Osborn  Anderson,  Owen  Brown, 
Richard  Realf,  and  George  B.  Gill. 

"  Of  men  born  of  woman,"  there  is  not  a  greater  than  John 
Brown.  He  was  the  forerunner  of  Lincoln,  the  great  apostle  of 
freedom. 

One  year  before  he  went  to  Harper's  Ferry,  a  friend  met  Brown 
in  Kansas  [in  June,  1858],  and  learned  that  during  the  previous 
month  he  had  brought  almost  all  of  his  plans  to  perfection  ;  and 
that  the  day  and  hour  were  fixed  to  strike  the  blow.  One  year 
before,  a  convention  had  met,  on  the  8th  of  May,  1858,  at  Chat 
ham,  Canada.  At  this  convention  a  provisional  constitution  and 
ordinances  were  drafted  and  adopted,  with  the  following  officers  i 
Commander-in-Chief,  John  Brown  ;  Secretary  of  War,  J.  H.  Kagi ; 
Members  of  Congress,  Alfred  M.  Ellsworth,  Osborn  Anderson  ; 
Treasurer,  Owen  Brown ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Geo.  Bw 
Gill ;  Secretary  of  State,  Richard  Realf. 

John  Brown  made  his  appearance  in  Ohio  and  Canada  in  the 
spring  of  1859.  He  wrote  letters,  made  speeches,  collected 
funds  for  his  little  army,  and  made  final  arrangements  with  his 
Northern  allies,  etc.  He  purchased  a  small  farm,  about  six  miles 
from  Harper's  Ferry,  on  the  Maryland  side,  and  made  it  his  ord 
nance  depot.  He  had  102  Sharp's  rifles,  68  pistols,  55  bayonets, 
12  artillery  swords,  483  pikes,  150  broken  handles  of  pikes,  16 
picks,  40  shovels,  besides  quite  a  number  of  other  appurtenances 
of  war.  This  was  in  July.  He  intended  to  make  all  of  his  ar 
rangements  during  the  summer  of  1859,  anc^  meet  his  men  in  the 
Alleghanies  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year. 

The  apparent  rashness  of  the  John  Brown  movement  may  be 
mitigated  somewhat  by  the  fact  that  he  failed  to  carry  out  his 
original  plan.  During  the  summer  of  1859  ^e  instructed  his 
Northern  soldiers  and  sympathizers  to  be  ready  for  the  attack  on 
the  night  of  the  24th  of  October,  1859.  But  while  at  Baltimore,, 
in  September,  he  got  the  impression  that  there  was  conspiracy  in 
his  camp,  and  in  order  to  preclude  its  consummation,  suddenly,, 
without  sending  the  news  to  his  friends  at  the  North,  determined 
to  strike  the  first  blow  on  the  night  of  the  i/th  of  October.  The 
news  of  his  battle  and  his  bold  stand  against  the  united  forces  of 
Virginia  and  Maryland  swept  across  the  country  as  the  wild 
storm  comes  down  the  mountain  side.  Friend  and  foe  were 


JOHN  BROWN— HERO  AND  MARTYR.  225 

alike  astonished  and  alarmed.  The  enemies  of  the  cause  he 
represented,  when  they  recovered  from  their  surprise,  laughed 
their  little  laugh  of  scorn,  and  eased  their  feelings  by  referring  ta 
him  as  the  "  madman."  Friends  faltered,  and,  while  they  did  not 
question  his  earnestness,  doubted  his  judgment.  "  Why,"  they 
asked,  "  should  he  act  with  such  palpable  rashness,  and  thereby 
render  more  difficult  and  impossible  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  ? "  They  claimed  that  the  blow  he  struck,  instead  of 
severing,  only  the  more  tightly  riveted,  the  chains  upon  the 
helpless  and  hapless  Blacks.  But  in  the  face  of  subsequent  his 
tory  we  think  his  surviving  friends  will  change  their  views. 
There  is  no  proof  that  his  fears  were  not  well  grounded  ;  that  a 
conspiracy  was  in  progress.  And  who  can  tell  whether  a  larger 
force  would  have  been  more  effective,  or  the  night  of  the  24th 
more  opportune  ?  May  it  not  be  believed  that  the  good  old  man 
was  right,  and  that  Harper's  Ferry  was  just  the  place,  and  the 
i /th  of  October  just  the  tirne  to  strike  for  freedom,  and  make 
the  rock-ribbed  mountains  of  Virginia  to  tremble  at  the  presence 
of  a  "  master  !  " — the  king  of  freedom  ? 

He  was  made  a  prisoner  on  the  iQth  of  October,  1859,  an<i 
remained  until  the  /th  of  November  without  a  change  of  clothing 
or  medical  aid.  Forty-two  days  from  the  time  of  his  imprison 
ment  he  expiated  his  crime  upon  the  scaffold — a  crime  against 
slave-holding,  timorous  Virginia,  for  bringing  liberty  to  the  op 
pressed.  He  was  a  man,  and  there  was  nothing  that  interested 
man  which  was  foreign  to  his  nature.  He  had  gone  into  Virginia 
to  save  life,  not  to  destroy  it.  The  sighs  and  groans  of  the  op 
pressed  had  entered  into  his  soul. 

He  had  heard  the  Macedonian  cry  to  come  over  and  help> 
them.  He  went,  and  it  cost  him  his  life,  but  he  gave  it  freely. 

Captain  Acvis,  the  jailer,  said  :  "  He  was  the  gamest  man  I 
ever  saw."  And  Mr.  Valandingham,  at  that  time  a  member  of 
Congress  from  Ohio,  and  who  examined  him  in  court,  said  in  a 
speech  afterward. 

"  It  is  in  vain  to  underrate  either  the  man  or  the  conspiracy.  Cap 
tain  John  Brown  is  as  brave  and  resolute  a  man  as  ever  headed  an  in 
surrection,  and,  in  a  good  cause,  and  with  a  sufficient  force,  would  have 
been  a  consummate  partisan  commander.  He  has  coolness,  daring, 
persistency,  stoic  faith  and  patience,  and  a  firmness  of  will  and  purpose, 
unconquerable  !  He  is  the  farthest  possible  remove  from  the  ordinary 
ruffian,  fanatic,  or  madman." 


226    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

No  friend,  howsoever  ardent  in  his  love,  could  have  woven  a 
chaplet  more  worthy  than  the  one  placed  upon  the  brow  of  the 
old  hero  by  his  most  embittered  foe.  A  truer  estimate  of  John 
Brown  cannot  be  had. 

South  Carolina,  Missouri,  and  Kentucky  sent  a  rope  to  hang 
him,  but,  the  first  two  lacking  strength,  Kentucky  had  the  ever 
lasting  disgrace  of  furnishing  the  rope  to  strangle  the  noblest 
man  that  ever  lived  in  any  age. 

The  last  letter  he  ever  wrote  was  written  to  Mrs.  Geo.  L. 
Stearns,  and  she  shall  give  its  history : 

This  letter  requires  the  history  which  attaches  to  it,  and  illustrates 
the  consideration  which  the  brave  martyr  had  for  those  in  any  way  con 
nected  with  him.  It  was  written  on  a  half  sheet  of  paper,  the  exact  size 
of  the  pages  of  a  book  into  which  he  carefully  inserted  it,  and  tied  up 
in  a  handkerchief  with  other  books  and  papers,  which  he  asked  his 
jailer  (Mr.  Avis)  to  be  allowed  to  go  with  his  body  to  North  Elba,  and 
which  Mrs.  Brown  took  with  her  from  the  Charlestown  prison.  Her 
statement  to  me  about  it  is  this  :  She  had  been  at  home  some  two 
weeks,  had  looked  over  the  contents  of  the  handkerchief  many  times, 
when  one  day  in  turning  the  leaves  of  that  particular  book,  she  came 
upon  this  letter,  on  which  she  said  she  found  two  or  three  blistered 
spots,  the  only  tear  drops  she  had  seen  among  his  papers.  They  are 
now  yellow  with  time.  On  the  back  of  the  half  sheet  was  written  : 
"  Please  mail  this  to  her,"  which  she  did,  and  so  it  reached  my  hand  ; 
seeming  as  if  from  the  world  to  which  his  spirit  had  fled.  It  quite 
overwhelmed  my  husband.  Presently  he  said  :  "  See,  dear,  how  care 
ful  the  old  man  has  been,  he  would  not  even  direct  it  with  your  name 
to  go  from  Virginia  to  Boston  through  the  post-offices  ;  and  altho'  it 
contains  no  message  to  me,  one  of  those  '  farewells  /'  is  intended  for 
me,  and  also  the  '  Love  to  All  who  love  their  neighbors.'  " 

"  CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co  VA.  2gih  Nov.  1859. 

"  MRS.  GEORGE  L.  STEARNS 

"  Boston,  Mass. 

"  My  Dear  Friend  : — No  letter  I  have  received  since  my  imprison 
ment  here,  has  given  me  more  satisfaction,  or  comfort,  than  yours  of  the 
8th  inst.  I  am  quite  cheerful  :  and  never  more  happy.  Have  only 
time  to  write  you  a  word.  May  God  forever  reward  you  and  all  yours. 

"My  love  to  ALL  who  love  their  neighbors.  I  have  asked  to  be 
spared  from  having  any  mock,  or  hypocritical  prayers  made  over  me 
when  I  am  publicly  murdered  ;  and  that  my  only  religious  attendents  be 


JOHN  BROWN— HERO  AND  MARTYR,  227 

$oor  little,  dirty,  ragged,  bareheaded  and  barefooted,  Slave  Boys  ;  and  Girls, 
led  by  some  old  gray-headed  slave  Mother. 

"  Farewell.     Farewell. 

"Your  Friend, 

"JOHN  BROWN."1 

The  man  who  hung  him,  Governor  Wise,  lived  to  see  the  plans 
of  Brown  completed  and  his  most  cherished  hopes  fulfilled.  He 
heard  the  warning  shot  fired  at  Sumter,  saw  Richmond  fall,  the 
war  end  in  victory  to  the  party  of  John  Brown;  saw  the  slave- 
pen  converted  into  the  school-house,  and  the  four  millions  Brown 
fought  and  died  for,  elevated  to  the  honors  of  citizenship.  And 
at  last  he  has  entered  the  grave,  where  his  memory  will  perish 
with  his  body,  while  the  soul  and  fame  of  John  Brown  go  march 
ing  down  the  centuries ! 

Galileo,  Copernicus,  Newton,  and  John  Brown  have  to  wait 
the  calmer  judgments  of  future  generations.  These  men  be 
lieved  that  God  sent  them  to  do  a  certain  work — to  reveal  a 
hidden  truth  ;  to  pour  light  into  the  minds  of  benighted  and 
superstitious  men.  They  completed  their  work  ;  they  did  nobly 
and  well,  then  bowed  to  rest — 

"With  patriarchs  of  the  infant  world — with  kings, 
The  powerful  of  the  earth," 

while  generation  after  generation  studies  their  handwriting 
on  the  wall  of  time  and  interprets  their  thoughts.  Despised,  per 
secuted,  and  unappreciated  while  in  the  flesh,  they  are  honored 
after  death,  and  enrolled  among  earth's  good  and  great,  her  wise 
and  brave.  The  shock  Brown  gave  the  walls  of  the  slave  insti 
tution  was  felt  from  its  centre  to  its  utmost  limits.  It  was  the 
entering  wedge  ;  it  laid  bare  the  accursed  institution,  and  taught 
good  men  everywhere  to  hate  it  with  a  perfect  hatred.  Slavery 
received  its  death  wound  at  the  hands  of  a  "  lonely  old  man." 
When  he  smote  Virginia,  the  non-resistants,  the  anti-slavery  men, 
learned  a  lesson.  They  saw  what  was  necessary  to  the  accom 
plishment  of  their  work,  and  were  now  ready  for  the  "  worst." 
He  rebuked  the  conservatism  of  the  North,  and  gave  an  exam 
ple  of  adherence  to  duty,  devotion  to  truth,  and  fealty  to  God 
and  man  that  make  the  mere  "  professor "  to  tremble  with 
shame.  "  John  Brown's  body  lies  mouldering  in  the  clay,"  but 
his  immortal  name  will  be  pronounced  with  blessings  in  all  lands 
and  by  all  people  till  the  end  of  time. 

1  This  letter  is  printed  for  the  first  time,  with  Mrs.  Stearns's  consent. 


228    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


7. 

THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  WAR  FOR  THE  UNION. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

DEFINITION   OF  THE   WAR   ISSUE. 

INCREASE  OF  SLAVE  POPULATION  IN  SLAVE-HOLDING  STATES  FROM  1850-1860.  —  PRODUCTS  OP 
SLAVE  LABOR.  —  BASIS  OF  SOUTHERN  REPRESENTATION.  —  Six  SECEDING  STATES  ORGANIZE  A 
NEW  GOVERNMENT.  —  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CONFEDERATE  GOVERNMENT.  —  SPEECH  BY  ALEX 
ANDER  H.  STEPHENS.  —  MR.  LINCOLN  IN  FAVOR  OF  GRADUAL  EMANCIPATION.  —  HE  is  ELECTED 
PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  —  THE  ISSUE  OF  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  THE  STATES. 

IN  1860  there  were,  in  the  fifteen  slave-holding  States,  12,240,- 
ooo  souls,  of  whom  8,039,000  were  whites,  251,000  free  per 
sons  of  color,  and  3,950,000  were  slaves.  The  gain  of  the  entire 
population  of  the  slave-holding  States,  from  1850-1860,  was  2,627,- 
ooo,  equal  to  27.33  per  cent.  The  slave  population  had  increased 
749,931,  or  23.44  per  cent.,  not  including  the  slaves  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  where  they  had  lost  502  slaves  during  the 
decade.  The  nineteen  non-slave-holding  States  and  the  seven 
territories,  including  the  District  of  Columbia,  contained  19,203-, 
008  souls,  of  whom  18,920,771  were  whites,  237,283  free  persons 
of  color,  and  41,725  civilized  Indians.  The  actual  increase  of 
this  population  was  5,624,101,  or  41.24  per  cent.  During  the 
same  period — 1850-1860 — the  total  population  of  free  persons  of 
color  in  the  United  States  increased  from  434,449  to  487,970,  or 
at  the  rate  of  12.33  Per  cent.,  annual  increase  of  above  I  per 
cent.  In  1850  the  Mulattoes  were  11.15  per  cent.,  regarding  the 
United  States  as  one  aggregate,  and  in  1860  were  13.25  per  cent., 
of  the  entire  Colored  population. 


DEFINITION  OF  THE  WAR  ISSUE.  229 

TOTAL  COLORED  POPULATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Colored. 

Numbers. 

Proportions. 

1850. 

1860. 

1850. 

1860. 

Blacks  

3,233,057 
405,  751 

3,853,478 
588,352 

88.85 
11.15 

86.75 
13-25 

Mulattoes  

Total  Colored    .     . 

3,638,808 

4,441,830 

100.00 

100.00 

So,  in  ten  years,  from  1850-1860,  the  increase  of  blacks  above 
the  current  deaths  was  620,421,  or  more  than  one  half  of  a 
million,  while  the  corresponding  increase  of  Mulattoes  was 
182,601.  Estimating  the  deaths  to  have  been  22.4  per  cent,  dur 
ing  the  same  period,  or  one  in  40  annually,  the  total  births  of 
Blacks  in  ten  years  was  about  1,345,000,  and  the  total  births 
of  Mulattoes  about  273,000.  Thus  it  appears,  in  the  prevail 
ing  order,  that  of  every  100  births  of  Colored,  about  17  were 
Mulattoes,  and  83  Blacks,  indicating  a  ratio  of  nearly  I  to  5. 

There  were : 


Deaf  and  dumb  slaves 
Blind  .... 
Insane     . 
Idiotic 

Total 


3,427 


There  were  400,000  slaves  in  the  towns  and  cities  of  the 
South,  and  2,804,313  in  the  country.  The  products  of  slave 
labor  in  1850  were  as  follows  : 

SLAVE    LABOR   PRODUCTS   IN    1850. 


Cotton  

198,603,720 

Tobacco  ....... 

13,982,686 

Cane  sugar    ....... 

12,378,850 

Hemp       

5,000,000 

Rice      

4,000,000 

Molasses   

2,540,179 

$136,505,435 


230    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

There  were  347,525  slave-holders  against  5,873,893  non- 
slave-holders  in  the  slave  States.  The  representation  in  Con 
gress  was  as  follows : 

Northern  representatives  based  on  white  population    .         .  142 

Northern  representatives  based  on  Colored  population          .  2 

Southern  representatives  based  on  white  population     .         .  68 

Southern  representatives  based  on  free  Colored  population  2 

Southern  representatives  based  on  slave  population      .         .  20 
Ratio  of  representation  for  1853       .         .         .     93,420 

The  South  owned  16,652  churches,  valued  at  $22,142,085  ;  the 
North  owned  21,357  churches,  valued  at  $65,167,586.  The  South 
printed  annually  92,165,919  copies  of  papers  and  periodicals  ;  the 
North  printed  annually  334,146,081  copies  of  papers  and  periodi 
cals.  The  South  owned,  other  than  private,  722  libraries,  contain 
ing  742,794  volumes ;  the  North  owned,  other  than  private, 
14,902  libraries,  containing  3,882,217  volumes. 

In  sentiment,  motive,  and  civilization*  the  two  "  Sections  " 
were  as  far  apart  as  the  poles.  New  England,  Puritan,  Round 
head  civilization  could  not  fellowship  the  Cavaliers  of  the 
South.  There  were  not  only  two  sections  and  two  political  par 
ties  in  the  United  States; — there  were  two  antagonistic  govern 
mental  ideas.  John  C.  Calhoun  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of 
the  South,  represented  the  idea  of  the  separate  and  individual 
sovereignty  of  each  of  the  States  ;  while  William  H.  Seward  and 
Abraham  Lincoln,  of  the  North,  represented  the  idea  of  the 
centralization  of  governmental  authority,  so  far  as  it  was  neces 
sary  to  secure  uniformity  of  the  laws,  and  the  supremacy  of 
the  Federal  Constitution.  On  the  25th  of  October,  1858,  in  a 
speech  delivered  in  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  William  H.  Seward  said: 

"  Our  country  is  a  theatre  which  exhibits,  in  full  operation,  two  radi 
cally  different  political  systems  :  the  one  resting  on  the  basis  of  servile 
or  slave  labor  ;  the  other  on  the  basis  of  voluntary  labor  of  freemen. 

"  The  two  systems  are  at  once  perceived  to  be  incongruous.  They 
never  have  permanently  existed  together  in  one  country,  and  they  never 
can. 

.     .       "  These  antagonistic   systems  are  continually  coming  in 
closer  contact,  and  collision  ensues. 

"  Shall  I  tell  you  what  this  collision  means  ?  It  is  an  irrepressible 
conflict  between  opposing  and  enduring  forces,  and  it  means  that  the 


DEFINITION  OF  THE  WAR  ISSUE.  231 

United  States  must,  and  will,  sooner  or  later,  become  entirely  a  slave- 
holding  nation,  or  entirely  a  free  labor  nation.  Either  the  cotton  and 
rice  fields  of  South  Carolina,  and  the  sugar  plantations  of  Louisiana, 
will  ultimately  be  tilled  by  free-labor,  and  Charleston  and  New  Orleans 
become  marts  for  legitimate  merchandise  alone,  or  else  the  rye  fields 
and  wheat  fields  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York  must  again  be  sur 
rendered  by  their  farmers  to  the  slave  culture  and  to  the  production  of 
slaves,  and  Boston  and  New  York  become  once  more  markets  for  trade 
in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men." 

Upon  the  eve  of  the  great  Rebellion,  Mr.  Seward  said  in  the 
United  States  Senate : 

"  A  free  Republican  government  like  this,  notwithstanding  all  its 
constitutional  checks,  cannot  long  resist  and  counteract  the  progress  of 
society. 

"  Free  labor  has  at  last  apprehended  its  rights  and  its  destiny,  and 
is  organizing  itself  to  assume  the  government  of  the  Republic.  It 
will  henceforth  meet  you  boldly  and  resolutely  here  (Washington)  ;  it 
will  meet  you  everywhere,  in  the  territories  and  out  of  them,  where- 
ever  you  may  go  to  extend  slavery.  It  has  driven  you  back  in  Cali 
fornia  and  in  Kansas  ;  it  will  invade  you  soon  in  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  Missouri,  and  Texas.  It  will  meet  you  in  Arizona,  in 
Central  America,  and  even  in  Cuba. 

"  You  may,  indeed,  get  a  start  under  or  near  the  tropics,  and  seem 
safe  for  a  time,  but  it  will  be  only  a  short  time.  Even  there  you  will 
found  States  only  for  free  labor,  or  to  maintain  and  occupy.  The  in 
terest  of  the  whole  race  demands  the  ultimate  emancipation  of  all 
men.  Whether  that  consummation  shall  be  allowed  to  take  effect,  with 
needful  and  wise  precautions  against  sudden  change  and  disaster,  or  be 
hurried  on  by  violence,  is  all  that  remains  for  you  to  decide.  The 
white  man  needs  this  continent  to  labor  upon.  His  head  is  clear,  his 
arm  is  strong,  and  his  necessities  are  fixed. 

"  It  is  for  yourselves,  and  not  for  us,  to  decide  how  long  and 
through  what  further  mortifications  and  disasters  the  contest  shall  be 
protracted  before  Freedom  shall  enjoy  her  already  assured  triumph. 

"You  may  refuse  to  yield  it  now,  and  for  a  short  period,  but  your 
refusal  will  only  animate  the  friends  of  freedom  with  the  courage  and 
the  resolution,  and  produce  the  union  among  them,  which  alone  is  neces 
sary  on  their  part  to  attain  the  position  itself,  simultaneously  with  the 
impending  overthrow  of  the  existing  Federal  Administration  and  the 
constitution  of  a  new  and  more  independent  Congress." 


232    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 
Mr.  Lincoln  said  during  a  discussion  of  the  impending  crisis : 

"  I  believe  this  government  cannot  endure  permanently,  half  slave 
and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved  ;  I  do  not 
expect  the  house  to  fall,  but  I  do  expect  that  it  will  cease  to  be  divided. 
It  will  become  all  one  thing,  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of 
slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public 
mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinc 
tion,  or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  until  it  shall  become  alike 
lawful  in  all  the  States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South. 

"  I  have  always  hated  slavery  as  much  as  any  Abolitionist.  I  have 
always  been  an  old-line  Whig.  I  have  always  hated  it,  and  I  always 
believed  it  in  a  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  If.  I  were  in  Congress, 
and  a  vote  should  come  up  on  a  question  whether  slavery  should  be 
prohibited  in  a  new  territory,  in  spite  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  I 
would  vote  that  it  should." 

Notwithstanding  the  confident  tone  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  state 
ment  that  he  did  "  not  expect  the  house  to  fall,"  it  did  fall,  and 
great  was  the  fall  thereof ! 

On  Saturday,  Qth  of  February,  1861,  six  seceding  States  met 
at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  and  organized  an  independent  gov 
ernment.  The  ordinances  of  secession  were  passed  by  the  States 
as  follows: 

STATE.  DATE.  YEAS.  NAYS. 

South  Carolina  .  .  Dec.  20,  1860  .         .         .     169 

Mississippi    .  .  .  Jan.  9,  1861  .         .         .84  15 

Alabama        .  .  .  Jan.  n,  1861  61  39 

Florida           .  .  .  Jan.  n    1861  ...       62  7 

Georgia          .  .  .  Jan.  19,  1861  .         .         .     228  89 

Louisiana       .  .  .  Jan.  25,  1861  .         .         .113  17 

The  following  delegates  presented  their  credentials  and  were 
admitted  and  represented  their  respective  States : 

ALABAMA.— R.  W.  Walker,  R.  H.  Smith,  J.  L.  M.  Curry,  W.  P. 
Chilton,  S.  F.  Hale  Colon,  J.  McRae,  John  Gill  Shorter,  David  P. 
Lewis,  Thomas  Fearn. 

FLORIDA. — James  B.  Owens,  J.  Patten  Anderson,  Jackson  Morton 
(not  present). 

GEORGIA. — Robert  Toombs,  Howell  Cobb,  F.  S.  Bartow,  M.  J. 
Crawford,  E.  A.  Nisbet,  B.  H.  Hill,  A.  R.  Wright,  Thomas  R.  Cobb,  A. 
H.  Kenan,  A.  H.  Stephens. 


DEFINITION  OF  THE  WAR  ISSUE.  233 

LOUISIANA. — John  Perkins,  Jr.,  A.  Declonet,  Charles  M.  Conrad, 
D.  F.  Kenner,  G.  E.  Sparrow,  Henry  Marshall. 

MISSISSIPPI.— W.  P.  Harris,  Walter  Brooke,  N.  S.  Wilson,  A.  M. 
Clayton,  W.  S.  Barry,  J.  T.  Harrison. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. — R.  B.  Rhett,  R.  W.  Barnwell,  L.  M.  Keitt, 
James  Chestnut,  Jr.,  C.  G.  Memminger,  W.  Porcher  Miles,  Thomas  J. 
Withers,  W.  W.  Boyce. 

A  president  and  vice-president  were  chosen  by  unanimous 
vote.  President — Honorable  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi. 
Vice-President — Honorable  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia. 
The  following  gentlemen  composed  the  Cabinet : 

Secretary  of  State,  Robert  Toombs ;  Secretary  of  Treasury, 
C.  G.  Memminger ;  Secretary  of  Interior  (Vacancy) ;  Secretary  of 
War,  L.  P.  Walker ;  Secretary  of  Navy,  John  Perkins,  Jr. ;  Post 
master-General,  H.  T.  Ebett ;  Attorney-General,  J.  P.  Benjamin. 

The  Constitution  of  the  Confederate  Government  did  not  dif 
fer  so  very  radically  from  the  Federal  Constitution.  The  follow 
ing  were  the  chief  points  : 

"  i.  The  importation  of  African  negroes  from  any  foreign  country 
other  than  the  slave-holding  States  of  the  Confederate  States  is  hereby 
forbidden,  and  Congress  is  required  to  pass  such  laws  as  shall  effectu 
ally  prevent  the  same. 

"  2.  Congress  shall  also  have  power  to  prohibit  the  introduction  of 
slaves  from  any  State  not  a  member  of  this  Confederacy. 

"  The  Congress  shall  have  power  : 

"  i.  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  for 
revenue  necessary  to  pay  the  debts  and  carry  on  the  government  of  the 
Confederacy,  and  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform 
throughout  the  Confederacy. 

"  A  slave  in  one  State  escaping  to  another  shall  be  delivered,  upon 
the  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  said  slave  may  belong,  by  the  Executive 
authority  of  the  State  in  which  such  slave  may  be  found  ;  and  in  any 
case  of  abduction  or  forcible  rescue,  full  compensation,  including  the 
value  of  slave,  and  all  costs  and  expense,  shall  be  made  to  the  party  by 
the  State  in  which  such  abduction  or  rescue  shall  take  place. 

"  2.  The  government  hereby  instituted  shall  take  immediate  steps 
for  the  settlement  of  all  matters  between  the  States  forming  it  and  their 
late  confederates  of  the  United  States  in  relation  to  the  public  property 
and  public  debt  at  the  time  of  their  withdrawal  from  them  ;  these  States 
hereby  declaring  it  to  be  their  wish  and  earnest  desire  to  adjust  every 
thing  pertaining  to  the  common  property,  common  liabilities,  and  com- 


234    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

mon  obligations  of  that  Union,  upon  principles  of  right,  justice,  equity, 
and  good  faith." 

At  first  blush  it  would  appear  that  the  new  government  had 
not  been  erected  upon  the  slave  question ;  that  it  had  gone  as  far 
as  the  Federal  Government  to  suppress  the  foreign  slave-trade ; 
and  that  nobler  and  sublimer  ideas  and  motives  had  inspired  and 
animated  the  Southern  people  in  their  movement  for  a  new  gov 
ernment.  But  the  men  who  wrote  the  Confederate  platform 
knew  what  they  were  about.  They  knew  that  to  avoid  the 
charge  that  would  certainly  be  made  against  them,  of  having 
seceded  in  order  to  make  slavery  a  national  institution,  they 
must  be  careful  not  to  exhibit  such  intentions  in  their  Constitu 
tion.  But  that  the  South  seceded  on  account  of  the  slavery 
question,  there  can  be  no  historical  doubt  whatever.  Jefferson 
Davis,  President,  so-called,  of  the  Confederate  Government,  said 
in  his  Message,  April  29,  1861  : 

"  When  the  several  States  delegated  certain  powers  to  the  United 
States  Congress,  a  large  portion  of  the  laboring  population  consisted  of 
African  slaves,  imported  into  the  colonies  by  the  mother-country.  In 
twelve  out  of  the  thirteen  States,  negro  slavery  existed  ;  and  the  right 
of  property  in  slaves  was  protected  by  law.  This  property  was  recog 
nized  in  the  Constitution  ;  and  provision  was  made  against  its  loss  by 
the  escape  of  the  slave. 

"  The  increase  in  the  number  of  slaves  by  further  importation  from 
Africa  was  also  secured  by  a  clause  forbidding  Congress  to  prohibit  the 
slave-trade  anterior  to  a  certain  date  ;  and  in  no  clause  can  there  be 
found  any  delegation  of  power  to  the  Congress,  authorizing  it  in  any 
manner  to  legislate  to  the  prejudice,  detriment,  or  discouragement  of  the 
owners  of  that  species  of  property,  or  excluding  it  from  the  protection 
of  the  Government. 

"  The  climate  and  soil  of  the  Northern  States  soon  proved  unpropi- 
tious  to  the  continuance  of  slave  labor  ;  whilst  the  converse  was  the 
case  at  the  South.  Under  the  unrestricted  free  intercourse  between 
the  two  sections,  the  Northern  States  consulted  their  own  interest,  by 
selling  their  slaves  to  the  South,  and  prohibiting  slavery  within  their 
limits.  The  South  were  willing  purchasers  of  a  property  suitable  to 
their  wants,  and  paid  the  price  of  the  acquisition  without  harboring  a 
suspicion  that  their  quiet  possession  was  to  be  disturbed  by  those  who- 
were  inhibited  not  only  by  want  of  constitutional  authority,  but  by  good 
faith  as  vendors,  from  disquieting  a  title  emanating  from  themselves. 

"  As  soon,  however,  as  the  Northern  States  that  prohibited  African 


DEFINITION  OF  THE  WAR  ISSUE.  235 

slavery  within  their  limits  had  reached  a  number  sufficient  to  give  their 
representation  a  controlling  voice  in  the  Congress,  a  persistent  and  or 
ganized  system  of  hostile  measures  against  the  rights  of  the  owners  of 
slaves  in  the  Southern  States  was  inaugurated,  and  gradually  extended. 
A  continuous  series  of  measures  was  devised  and  prosecuted  for  the 
purpose  of  rendering  insecure  the  tenure  of  property  in  slaves. 

*'  With  interests  of  such  overwhelming  magnitude  imperilled,  the 
people  of  the  Southern  States  were  driven  by  the  conduct  of  the  North 
to  the  adoption  of  some  course  of  action  to  avoid  the  danger  with  which 
they  were  openly  menaced.  With  this  view,  the  Legislatures  of  the 
several  States  invited  the  people  to  select  delegates  to  conventions  to 
be  held  for  the  purpose  of  determining  for  themselves  what  measures 
were  best  adapted  to  meet  so  alarming  a  crisis  in  their  history."  J 

Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Vice-President,  as  he  was  called,  said, 
in  a  speech  delivered  at  Savannah,  Georgia,  2ist  of  March,  1861  : 

"  The  new  Constitution  has  put  at  rest  forever  all  the  agitating 
questions  relating  to  our  peculiar  institution, — African  slavery  as  it 
exists  amongst  us,  the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our  form  of  civili 
zation.  This  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  present 
revolution.  JEFFERSON,  in  his  forecast,  had  anticipated  this,  as  the 
'  rock  upon  which  the  old  Union  would  split.'  He  was  right.  What 
was  conjecture  with  him  is  now  a  realized  fact.  But  whether  he  fully 
comprehended  the  great  truth  upon  which  that  great  rock  stood  and 
stands,  may  be  doubted.  The  prevailing  ideas  entertained  by  him  and 
most  of  tke  leading  statesmen  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  old 
Constitution,  were,  that  the  enslavement  of  the  African  was  in  violation 
of  the  laws  of  nature  y  that  it  was  wrong  in  principle,  socially,  morally, 
and  politically.  It  was  an  evil  they  knew  not  well  how  to  deal  with  ;  but 
the  general  opinion  of  the  men  of  that  day  was,  that,  somehow  or  other 
in  the  order  of  Providence,  the  institution  would  be  evanescent,  and  pass 
away.  This  idea,  though  not  incorporated  in  the  Constitution,  was  the 
prevailing  idea  at  the  time.  The  Constitution,  it  is  true,  secured  every 
essential  guarantee  to  the  institution  while  it  should  last ;  and  hence 
no  argument  can  be  justly  used  against  the  constitutional  guarantees 
thus  secured,  because  of  the  common  sentiment  of  the  day.  Those 
ideas,  however,  were  fundamentally  wrong.  They  rested  upon  the  as 
sumption  of  the  equlity  of  races.  This  was  an  error.  It  was  a  sandy 
foundation  ;  and  the  idea  of  a  government  built  upon  it, — when  the 
4  storm  came  and  the  wind  blew,  it  fell' 

1  National  Intelligencer,  Tuesday,  May  7,  1861. 


236    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Our  new  government  is  founded  upon  exactly  the  opposite  ideas.  Its 
foundations  are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests,  upon  the  great  truth,  that  the 
negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man  j  that  slavery,  subordination  to  the 
superior  race,  is  his  natural  and  normal  condition.  This,  our  new  gov 
ernment,  is  the  first,  in  the  history  of  the  world,  based  upon  this  great 
physical,  philosophical,  and  moral  truth.  This  truth  has  been  slow  in  the 
process  of  its  development,  like  all  other  truths  in  the  various  depart 
ments  of  science.  It  has  been  so  even  amongst  us.  Many  who  hear 
me,  perhaps,  can  recollect  well  that  this  truth  was  not  generally  ad 
mitted,  even  within  their  day."  } 

Now,  then,  what  was  the  real  issue  between  the  Confederate 
States  and  the  United  States  ?  Why,  it  was  extension  of  slavery 
by  the  former,  and  the  restriction  of  slavery  by  the  latter.  To 
put  the  issue  as  it  was  understood  by  Northern  men — in  poetic 
language,  it  was  "  The  Union  as  it  is."  While  the  South,  at 
length,  through  its  leaders,  acknowledged  that  slavery  was  their 
issue,  the  North,  standing  upon  the  last  analysis  of  the  Free-Soil 
idea  of  resistance  to  the  further  inoculation  of  free  territory 
with  the  virus  of  slavery,  refused  to  recognize  slavery  as  an  issue. 
But  what  did  the  battle  cry  of  the  loyal  North,  "  The  Union  as  it 
is,"  mean  ?  A  Union  half  free  and  half  slave  ;  a  dual  govern 
ment,  if  not  in  fact,  certainly  in  the  brains  and  hearts  of  the 
p.eople  ;  two  civilizations  at  eternal  and  inevitable  war  with  each 
other  ;  a  Union  with  the  canker-worm  of  slavery  in  it,  impairing 
its  strength  every  year  and  threatening  its  life  ;  a  Union  in 
which  two  hostile  ideas  of  political  economy  were  at  work,  and 
where  unpaid  slave  labor  was  inimical  to  the  interests  of  the 
free  workingmen.  And  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  Re 
publican  party  acknowledged  the  right  of  Southerns  to  hunt 
slaves  in  the  free  States,  and  to  return  such  slaves,  under  the 
fugitive-slave  law,  to  their  masters.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  an 
Abolitionist,  as  many  people  think.  His  position  on  the  ques 
tion  was  clearly  stated  in  the  answers  he  gave  to  a  number  of 
questions  put  to  him  by  Judge  Douglass  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
summer  of  1858.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  : 

"  Having  said  this  much,  I  will  take  up  the  judge's  interrogatories 
as  I  find  them  printed  in  the  Chicago  '  Times,'  and  answer  them  seri 
atim.  In  order  that  there  may  be  no  mistake  about  it,  I  have  copied 

1  National  Intelligencer,  Tuesday,  April,  2,  1861. 


DEFINITION  OF  THE   WAR  ISSUE.  237 

the  interrogatories  in  writing,  and  also  my  answers  to  them.  The  first 
one  of  these  interrogatories  is  in  these  words : 

"  Question  i.  'I  desire  to  know  whether  Lincoln  to-day  stands,  as 
he  did  in  1854,  in  favor  of  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Fugitive- 
Slave  Law  ? ' 

"  Answer.  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  in  favor  of  the  uncon 
ditional  repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law. 

"  Q.  2.  *  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  stands  pledged  to-day, 
as  he  did  in  1854,  against  the  admission  of  any  more  slave  States  into 
the  Union,  even  if  the  people  want  them  ? ' 

"  A.  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  pledged  against  the  admis 
sion  of  any  more  slave  States  into  the  Union. 

"  Q-  3-  'I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  pledged  against  the  ad 
mission  of  a  new  State  into  the  Union  with  such  a  constitution  as  the 
people  of  that  State  may  see  fit  to  make.' 

"  Q.  4.  'I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  to-day  pledged  to  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ? ' 

*'A.  I  do  not  stand  to-day  pledged  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia. 

"  Q-  5-  'I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  stands  pledged  to  the 
prohibition  of  the  slave-trade  between  the  different  States  ?  ' 

"  A.  I  do  not  stand  pledged  to  the  prohibition  of  the  slave-trade 
between  the  different  States. 

"  Q.  6.  'I  desire  to  know  whether  he  stands  pledged  to  prohibit 
slavery  in  all  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  north  as  well  as  south 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  ? ' 

"  A.  I  am  impliedly,  if  not  expressly,  pledged  to  a  belief  in  the 
right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the  United  States 
territories.  [Great  applause.] 

"  Q-  7-  'I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  is  opposed  to  the  ac 
quisition  of  any  new  territory  unless  slavery  is  first  prohibited  therein  ? ' 

"  A.  I  am  not  generally  opposed  to  honest  acquisition  of  territory  ; 
and,  in  any  given  case,  I  would  or  would  not  oppose  such  acquisition, 
accordingly  as  I  might  think  such  acquisition  would  or  would  not  agi 
tate  the  slavery  question  among  ourselves. 

"  Now,  my  friends,  it  will  be  perceived  upon  an  examination  of  these 
questions  and  answers,  that  so  far  I  have  only  answered  that  I  was  not 
pledged  to  this,  that,  or  the  other.  The  judge  has  not  framed  his  inter 
rogatories  to  ask  me  any  thing  more  than  this,  and  I  have  answered  in 
strict  accordance  with  the  interrogatories,  and  have  answered  truly  that 
I  am  not  pledged  at  all  upon  any  of  the  points  to  which  I  have  answered. 
But  I  am  not  disposed  to  hang  upon  the  exact  form  of  his  interroga 
tories.  I  am  rather  disposed  to  take  up  at  least  some  of  these  questions, 
and  state  what  I  really  think  upon  them. 


238    HISI^ORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  As  to  the  first  one,  in  regard  to  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law,  I  have 
never  hesitated  to  say,  and  I  do  not  now  hesitate  to  say,  that  I  think, 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States  are  entitled  to  a  congressional  slave  law.  Having  said  that,  I 
have  had  nothing  to  say  in  regard  to  the  existing  Fugitive-Slave  Law, 
further  than  that  I  think  it  should  have  been  framed  so  as  to  be  free 
from  some  of  the  objections  that  pertain  to  it,  without  lessening  its 
efficiency.  And  inasmuch  as  we  are  not  now  in  an  agitation  in  re 
gard  to  an  alteration  or  modification  of  that  law,  I  would  not  be  the 
man  to  introduce  it  as  a  new  subject  of  agitation  upon  the  general 
question  of  slavery. 

"  In  regard  to*  the  other  question,  of  whether  I  am  pledged  to  the 
admission  of  any  more  slave  States  into  the  Union,  I  state  to  you  very 
frankly  that  I  would  be  exceedingly  sorry  ever  to  be  put  in  a  position 
of  having  to  pass  upon  that  question.  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to 
know  that  there  would  never  be  another  slave  State  admitted  into  the 
Union  ;  but  I  must  add,  that  if  slavery  shall  be  kept  out  of  the  territories 
during  the  territorial  existence  of  any  one  given  territory,  and  then  the 
people  shall,  having  a  fair  chance  and  a  clear  field,  when  they  come  to 
adopt  the  constitution,  do  such  an  extraordinary  thing  as  to  adopt  a 
slave  constitution,  uninfluenced  by  the  actual  presence  of  the  institution 
among  them,  I  see  no  alternative,  if  we  own  the  country,  but  to  admit 
them  into  the  Union.  [Applause.] 

"  The  third  interrogatory  is  answered  by  the  answer  to  the  second, 
it  being,  as  I  conceive,  the  same  as  the  second. 

"  The  fourth  one  is  in  regard  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia.  In  relation  to  that  I  have  my  mind  very  distinctly 
made  up.  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  see  slavery  abolished  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  I  believe  that  Congress  possesses  the  constitu 
tional  power  to  abolish  it.  Yet,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  I  should  not, 
with  my  present  views,  be  in  favor  of  endeavoring  to  abolish  slavery  ii> 
the  District  of  Columbia,  unless  it  would  be  upon  these  conditions : 
First,  that  the  abolition  should  be  gradual  ;  second,  that  it  should  be  on 
a  vote  of  the  majority  of  qualified  voters  in  the  district  ;  and,  third,  that 
compensation  should  be  made  to  unwilling  owners.  With  these  three  con 
ditions  I  confess  I  would  be  exceedingly  glad  to  see  Congress  abolish 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and,  in  the  language  of  Henry  Clay, 
*  sweep  from  our  capital  that  foul  blot  upon  our  nation.' 

"  In  regard  to  the  fifth  interrogatory,  I  must  say  here  that,  as  to  the 
question  of  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade  between  the  different  States, 
I  can  truly  answer,  as  I  have,  that  I  2cc&  pledged  \.Q  nothing  about  it.  It 
is  a  subject  to  which  I  have  not  given  that  mature  consideration  that 
would  make  me  feel  authorized  to  state  a  position  so  as  to  hold  myself 
entirely  bound  by  it.  In  other  words,  that  question  has  never  been 


DEFINITION  OF  THE   WAR  ISSUE.  239 

prominently  enough  before  me  to  induce  me  to  investigate  whether  we 
really  have  the  constitutional  power  to  do  it.  I  could  investigate  it,  if 
I  had  sufficient  time,  to  bring  myself  to  a  conclusion  upon  that  subject ; 
but  I  have  not  done  so,  and  I  say  so  frankly  to  you  here,  and  to  Judge 
Douglass.  I  must  say,  however,  that  if  I  should  be  of  opinion  that 
Congress  does  possess  the  constitutional  power  to  abolish  slave-trading 
among  the  different  States,  I  should  still  not  be  in  favor  of  the  exercise 
of  that  power  unless  upon  some  conservative  principle  as  I  conceive  it, 
akin  to  what  I  have  said  in  relation  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia. 

"  My  answer  as  to  whether  I  desire  that  slavery  should  be  prohibited 
in  all  territories  of  the  United  States,  is  full  and  explicit  within  itself, 
and  cannot  be  made  clearer  by  any  comments  of  mine.  So,  I  suppose, 
in  regard  to  the  question  whether  I  am  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of 
any  more  territory  unless  slavery  is  first  prohibited  therein,  my  answer 
is  such  that  I  could  add  nothing  by  way  of  illustration,  or  making 
myself  better  understood,  than  the  answer  which  I  have  placed  in 
writing. 

"  Now,  in  all  this  the  judge  has  me,  and  he  has  me  on  the  record. 
I  suppose  he  had  flattered  himself  that  I  was  really  entertaining  one 
set  of  opinions  for  one  place,  and  another  set  for  another  place — that  I 
was  afraid  to  say  at  one  place  what  I  uttered  at  another.  What  I  am 
saying  here  I  suppose  I  say  to  a  vast  audience  as  strongly  tending  to 
abolitionism  as  any  audience  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  I  believe  I  am 
saying  that  which,  if  it  would  be  offensive  to  any  persons  and  render 
them  enemies  to  myself,  would  be  offensive  to  persons  in  this  au 
dience."  » 

Here,  then,  is  the  position  of  Mr.  Lincoln  set  forth  with  delib 
eration  and  care.  He  was  opposed  to  any  coercive  measures  in 
settling  the  slavery  question  ;  he  was  for  gradual  emancipation ; 
and  for  admitting  States  into  the  Union  with  a  slave  constitu 
tion.  Within  twenty-four  months,  without  a  change  of  views, 
he  was  nominated  for  and  elected  to  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States. 

With  no  disposition  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slav 
ery,  Mr.  Lincoln  found  himself  chief  magistrate  of  a  great  no- 
tion  in  the  midst  of  a  great  rebellion.  And  in  his  inaugural 
address  on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  he  referred  to  the  question  of 
slavery  again  in  a  manner  too  clear  to  admit  of  misconception, 
affirming  his  previous  views : 

Barrett,  pp.  177-180. 


240    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugitives 
from  service  or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  is  as  plainly  written  in 
the  Constitution  as  any  other  of  its  provisions  : 

"  '  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regu 
lation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be 
delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may 
be  due.' 

"  It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was  intended  by  those 
who  made  it  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we  call  fugitive  slaves  ;  and  the 
intention  of  the  lawgiver  is  the  law. 

"  All  members  of  Congress  swear  their  support  to  the  whole  Consti 
tution — to  this  provision  as  well  as  any  other.  To  the  proposition, 
then,  that  slaves  whose  cases  come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause 
'shall  be  delivered  up,'  their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would 
make  the  effort  in  good  temper,  could  they  not,  with  nearly  equal  una 
nimity,  frame  and  pass  a  law  by  means  of  which  to  keep  good  that 
unanimous  oath  ? 

"  There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether  this  clause  should  be 
enforced  by  National  or  by  State  authority ;  but  surely  that  difference 
is  not  a  very  material  one.  If  the  slave  is  to  be  surrendered,  it  can  be 
of  but  little  consequence  to  him  or  to  others  by  which  authority  it  is 
done  ;  and  should  any  one,  in  any  case,  be  content  that  this  oath  shall 
go  unkept  on  a  merely  unsubstantial  controversy  as  to  how  it  shall  be 
kept  ?  " 

So  the  issues  were  joined  in  war.  The  South  aggressively, 
offensively  sought  the  extension  and  perpetuation  of  slavery. 
The  North  passively,  defensively  stood  ready  to  protect  her  free 
territory,  but  not  to  interfere  with  slavery.  And  there  was  no 
day  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  war  when  the  North  would 
not  have  cheerfully  granted  the  slave  institution  an  indefinite 
lease  of  legal  existence  upon  the  condition  that  the  war  should 
cease. 


"A   WHITE  MAN'S  WAR."  241 


CHAPTER   XV. 

"A  WHITE  MAN'S  WAR." 

THE  FIRST  CALL  FOR  TROOPS.  —  RENDITION  OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVES  BY  THE  ARMY. —  COL.  TYLER'S 
ADDRESS  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  VIRGINIA.  —  GENERAL  ISAAC  R.  SHERWOOD'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AN 
ATTEMPT  TO  SECURE  A  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  IN  HIS  CHARGE.  —  COL.  STEEDMAN  REFUSES  TO  HAVE 

HIS  CAMP   SEARCHED    FOR    FUGITIVE   SLAVES,  BY    ORDER   FROM    GEN.  FRY.  —  LETTER   FROM  GEN. 

BUELL  IN  DEFENCE  OF  THE  REBELS  IN  THE  SOUTH.  —  ORDERS  ISSUED  BY  GENERALS  HOOKER, 
WILLIAMS,  AND  OTHERS,  IN  REGARD  TO  HARBORING  FUGITIVE  SLAVES  IN  UNION  CAMPS.  — 
OBSERVATION  CONCERNING  SLAVERY  FROM  THE  "ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC."  —  GEN.  BUTLER'S 
LETTER  TO  GEN.  WINFIELD  SCOTT.  — IT  is  ANSWERED  BY  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  —HORACE 
GREELEY'S  LETTER  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. —  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  REPLY.  —  GEN.  JOHN  C.  FRE 
MONT,  COMMANDER  OF  THE  UNION  ARMY  IN  MISSOURI,  ISSUES  A  PROCLAMATION  EMANCIPATING 
SLAVES  IN  HIS  DISTRICT.  —  IT  is  DISAPPROVED  BY  THE  PRESIDENT.  —  EMANCIPATION  PROCLA 
MATION  BY  GEN.  HUNTER.  —  IT  is  RESCINDED  BY  THE  PRESIDENT. — SLAVERY  AND  UNION 
JOINED  IN  A  DESPERATE  STRUGGLE. 

WHEN  the  war  clouds  broke  over  the  country  and  hostili 
ties  began,  the  North  counted  the  Negro  on  the  outside  of 
the  issue.     The  Federal  Government  planted  itself  upon 
the  policy  of  the  "  defence  of  the  free  States," — pursued  a  defen 
sive  rather  than  an  offensive  policy.     And,  whenever  the  Negro 
was  mentioned,  the  leaders  of  the  political  parties  and  the  Union 
army  declared  that  it  was  "  a  white  mans  war." 

The  first  call  for  three  months'  troops  indicated  that  the  au 
thorities  at  Washington  felt  confident  that  the  "trouble  "  would 
not  last  long.  The  call  was  issued  on  the  I5th  of  April,  1861, 
and  provided  for  the  raising  of  75,000  troops.  It  was  charged 
by  the  President  that  certain  States  had  been  guilty  of  forming 
"  combinations  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary 
course  of  judicial  proceedings,"  and  then  he  proceeded  to  state  : 

"  The  details  for  this  object  will  be  immediately  communicated  to 
the  State  authorities  through  the  War  Department.  I  appeal  to  all  loyal 
citizens  to  favor,  facilitate,  and  aid  this  effort  to  maintain  the  honor,  the 
integrity,  and  the  existence  of  our  National  Union,  and  the  perpetuity 
of  popular  government,  and  to  redress  wrongs  already  long  enough  en 
dured.  I  deem  it  proper  to  say  that  the  first  service  assigned  to  the 
forces  hereby  called  forth,  will  probably  be  to  repossess  the  forts,  places, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  property  which  have  been  seized  from  the  Union  ;  and  in  every 
event  the  utmost  care  will  be  observed,  consistently  with  the  objects 
aforesaid,  to  avoid  any  devastation,  any  destruction  of,  or  interference 
with,  property,  or  any  disturbance  of  peaceful  citizens  of  any  part  of 
the  country  ;  and  I  hereby  command  the  persons  composing  the  com 
binations  aforesaid,  to  disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective 
abodes  within  twenty  days  from  this  date."  J 

There  was  scarcely  a  city  in  the  North,  from  New  York  to 
San  Francisco,  whose  Colored  residents  did  not  speedily  offer 
their  services  to  the  States  to  aid  in  suppressing  the  Rebellion. 
But  everywhere  as  promptly  were  their  services  declined.  The 
Colored  people  of  the  Northern  States  were  patriotic  and  enthu 
siastic  ;  but  their  interest  was  declared  insolence.  And  being 
often  rebuked  for  their  loyalty,  they  subsided  into  silence  to  bide 
a  change  of  public  sentiment. 

The  almost  unanimous  voice  of  the  press  and  pulpit  was 
against  a  recognition  of  the  Negro  as  the  cause  of  the  war. 
Like  a  man  in  the  last  stages  of  consumption  who  insists  that  he  has 
only  a  bad  cold,  so  the  entire  North  urged  that  slavery  was  not 
the  cause  of  the  war:  it  was  a  little  local  misunderstanding.  But 
the  death  of  the  gallant  Col.  Elmer  E.  Elsworth  palsied  the 
tongues  of  mere  talkers ;  and  in  the  tragic  silence  that  followed, 
great,  brave,  and  true  men  began  to  think. 

Not  a  pulpit  in  all  the  land  had  spoken  a  word  for  the  slave. 
The  clergy  stood  dumb  before  the  dreadful  issue.  But  one  man 
was  found,  like  David  of  old,  who,  gathering  his  smooth  pebble 
of  fact  from  the  brook  of  God's  eternal  truth,  boldly  met  the 
boastful  and  erroneous  public  sentiment  of  the  hour.  That  man 
was  the  Rev.  Justin  D.  Fulton,  a  Baptist  minister  of  Albany, 
New  York.  He  was  chosen  to  preach  the  funeral  sermon  of  Col. 
Elsworth,  and  performed  that  duty  on  Sunday,  May  26,  1861. 
Speaking  of  slavery,  the  reverend  gentleman  said : 

"  Shall  this  magazine  of  danger  be  permitted  to  remain  ?  We  must 
answer  this  question.  If  we  say  no,  it  is  no  !  Slavery  is  a  curse  to  the 
North.  It  impoverishes  the  South,  and  demoralizes  both.  It  is  the 
parent  of  treason,  the  seedling  of  tyranny,  and  the  fountain-source  of 
all  the  ills  that  have  infected  our  life  as  a  people,  being  the  central 
cause  of  all  our  conflicts  of  the  past  and  the  war  of  to-day.  What 

1  Rebellion  Recs.,  vol.  i.  Doc.,  p.  63. 


"A    WHITE  MAN'S  WAR.''  243 

reason  have  we  for  permitting  it  to  remain  ?  God  does  not  want  it,  for 
His  truth  gives  freedom.  The  South  does  not  need  it,  for  it  is  the 
chain  fastened  to  her  limb  that  fetters  her  progress.  Morality,  patriot 
ism,  and  humanity  alike  protest  against  it. 

"  The  South  fights  for  slavery,  for  the  despotism  which  it  represents, 
for  the  ignoring  the  rights  of  labor,  and  for  reducing  to  slavery  or  to 
serfdom  all  whose  hands  are  hardened  by  toil. 

"  Why  not  make  the  issue  at  once,  which  shall  inspire  every  man 
that  shoulders  his  musket  with  a  noble  purpose  ?  Our  soldiers  need 
to  be  reminded  that  this  government  was  consecrated  to  freedom  by 
those  who  first  built  here  the  altars  of  worship,  and  planted  on  the 
shore  of  the  Western  Continent  the  tree  of  liberty,  whose  fruit  to-day 
fills  the  garners  of  national  hope.  ...  I  would  not  forget  that  I 
am  a  messenger  of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  My  motives  for  throwing  out 
these  suggestions  are  three-fold  :  i.  Because  I  believe  God  wants  us 
to  be  actuated  by  motives  not  one  whit  less  philanthropic  than  the  giv 
ing  of  freedom  to  four  million  of  people.  2.  I  confess  to  a  sympathy 
for  and  faith  in  the  slave,  and  cherish  the  belief  that  if  freed,  the  war 
would  become  comparatively  bloodless,  and  that  as  a  people  we  should 
enter  on  the  discharge  of  higher  duties  and  a  more  enlarged  prosperity. 
3.  The  war  would  hasten  to  a  close,  and  the  end  secured  would  then 
form  a  brilliant  dawn  to  a  career  of  prosperity  unsurpassed  in  the  an 
nals  of  mankind."  : 

Brave,  prophetic  words  !  But  a  thousand  vituperative  editors 
sprang  at  Mr.  Fulton's  utterances,  and  as  snapping  curs,  growled 
at  and  shook  every  sentence.  He  stood  his  ground.  He  took 
no  step  backward.  When  notice  was  kindly  sent  him  that  a 
committee  would  wait  on  him  to  treat  him  to  a  coat  of  tar  and 
feathers,  against  the  entreaties,  of  anxious  friends,  he  sent  word 
that  he  would  give  them  a  warm  reception.  When  the  best  citi 
zens  of  Albany  said  the  draft  could  not  be  enforced  without 
bloody  resistance,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Fulton  exclaimed  :  "  If  the  flood 
gates  of  blood  are  to  be  opened,  we  will  not  shoot  down  the  poor 
and  ignorant,  but  the  swaggering  and  insolent  men  whose  hearts 
are  not  in  this  war!  " 

The  "  Atlas  and  Argus,"  in  an  editorial  on  ///-  Timed  Pulpit 
Abolitionism,  denounced  Rev.  Mr.  Fulton  in  bitterest  terms  ;  while 
the  "  Evening  Standard  "  and  "  Journal  "  both  declared  that  the 
views  of  the  preacher  were  as  a  fire-brand  thrown  into  the  maga 
zine  of  public  sentiment. 

1  Albany  Atlas  and  Argus,  May  27,  1861. 


244    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA, 

Everywhere  throughout  the  North  the  Negro  was  counted  as  on 
the  outside.  Everywhere  it  was  merely  "  a  war  for  the  Union," 
which  was  half  free  and  half  slave. 

When  the  Union  army  got  into  the  field  at  the  South  it  was 
confronted  by  a  difficult  question.  What  should  be  done  with 
the  Negroes  who  sought  the  Union  lines  for  protection  from 
their  masters  ?  The  sentiment  of  the  press,  Congress,  and  the 
people  of  the  North  generally,  was  against  interference  with  the 
slave,  either  by  the  civil  or  military  authorities.  And  during 
the  first  years  of  the  war  the  army  became  a  band  of  slave- 
catchers.  Slave-holders  and  sheriffs  from  the  Southern  States 
were  permitted  to  hunt  fugitive  slaves  under  the  Union  flag  and 
within  the  lines  of  Federal  camps.  On  the  22d  of  June,  1861, 
the  following  paragraph  appeared  in  the  "  Baltimore  American  "  : 

"  Two  free  negroes,  belonging  to  Frederick,  Md.,  who  concealed 
themselves  in  the  cars  which  conveyed  the  Rhode  Island  regiment  to 
Washington  from  this  city,  were  returned  that  morning  by  command 
of  Colonel  Burnside,  who  supposed  them  to  be  slaves.  The  negroes  were 
accompanied  by  a  sergeant  of  the  regiment,  who  lodged  them  in  jail." 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1861,  Col.  Tyler,  of  the  ;th  Ohio  regi 
ment,  delivered  an  address  to  the  people  of  Virginia  ;  a  portion 
of  which  is  sufficient  to  show  the  feeling  that  prevailed  among 
army  officers  on  the  slavery  question : 

"  To  you,  fellow-citizens  of  West  Virginia — many  of  whom  I  have  so 
long  and  favorably  known, — I  come  to  aid  and  protect.  [The  grammar 
is  defective.] 

"  I  have  no  selfish  ambition  to  gratify,  no  personal  motives  to  actu 
ate.  I  am  here  to  protect  you  in  person  and  property — to  aid  you  in 
the  execution  of  the  law,  in  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  order,  in  the 
defence  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  and  in  the  extermination  of 
our  common  foe.  As  our  enemies  have  belied  our  mission,  and  repre 
sented  us  as  a  band  of  Abolitionists,  I  desire  to  assure  you  that  the 
relation  of  master  and  servant  as  recognized  in  your  State  shall  be  re 
spected.  Your  authority  over  that  species  of  property  shall  not  in  the 
least  be  interfered  with.  To  this  end  I  assure  you  that  those  under  my 
command  have  peremptory  orders  to  take  up  and  hold  any  negroes  found 
running  about  the  camp  without  passes  from  their  masters." 

When  a  few  copies  had  been  struck  off,  a  lieutenant  in  Captain 
G.  W.  Shurtleff  s  company  handed  him  one.  He  waited  upon 


"A    WHITE  MAN'S  WAR."  245 

the  colonel,  and  told  him,  that  it  was  not  true  that  the  troops 
had  been  ordered  to  arrest  fugitive  slaves.  The  colonel  threat 
ened  to  place  Captain  Shurtleff  in  arrest,  when  he  exclaimed : 
"  I  '11  never  be  a  slave-catcher,  so  help  me  God  !  "  There  were 
few  men  in  the  army  at  this  time  who  sympathized  with  such  a 
noble  declaration,  and,  therefore,  Captain  Shurtleff  found  himself 
in  a  very  small  minority. 

The  following  account  of  an  attempt  to  secure  a  fugitive  slave 
from  General  Isaac  R.  Sherwood  has  its  historical  value.  General 
Sherwood  was  as  noble  a  man  as  he  was  a  brave  and  intelligent 
soldier.  He  obeyed  the  still  small  voice  in  his  soul  and  won  a 
victory  for  humanity : 

"  In  the  February  and  March  of  1863,  I  was  a  major  in  command 
of  i  nth  O.  V.  I.  regiment.  I  had  a  servant,  as  indicated  by  army 
regulations,  in  charge  of  my  private  horse.  He  was  from  Frankfort, 
Ky.,  the  property  of  a  Baptist  clergyman.  When  the  troops  passed 
through  Frankfort,  in  the  fall  of  1862,  he  left  his  master,  and  followed 
the  army.  He  came  to  me  at  Bowling  Green,  and  I  hired  him  to  take 
care  of  my  horse.  He  was  a  lad  about  fifteen  years  old,  named  Alfred 
Jackson. 

il  At  this  time,  Brig. -Gen.  Boyle,  or  Boyd  (I  think  Boyle),  was  in 
command  of  the  District  of  Kentucky,  and  had  issued  his  general 
order,  that  fugitive  slaves  should  be  delivered  up.  Brig.-Gen.  H.  M. 
Judah  was  in  command  of  Post  of  Bowling  Green,  also  of  our  brigade, 
there  stationed. 

"  The  owner  of  Alfred  Jackson  found  out  his  whereabouts,  and  sent 
a  U.  S.  marshal  to  Bowling  Green  to  get  him.  Said  marshal  came  to 
my  headquarters  under  a  pretence  to  see  my  very  fine  saddle-horse, 
but  really  to  identify  Alfred  Jackson.  The  horse  was  brought  out  by 
Alfred  Jackson.  The  marshal  went  to  Brig.-Gen.  Judah's  headquar 
ters  and  got  a  written  order  addressed  to  me,  describing  the  lad  and 
ordering  me  to  deliver  the  boy.  This  order  was  delivered  to  me  by 
Col.  Sterling,  of  Gen.  Judah's  staff,  in  person.  I  refused  to  obey  it.  I 
sent  word  to  Gen.  Judah  that  he  could  have  my  sword,  but  while  I 
commanded  that  regiment  no  fugitive  slave  should  ever  be  delivered  to 
his  master.  The  officer  made  my  compliments  to  Gen.  Judah  as  afore 
said,  and  I  was  placed  under  arrest  for  disobedience  to  orders,  and  my 
sword  taken  from  me. 

"  In  a  few  days  the  command  was  ordered  to  move  to  Glasgow, 
Ky.,  and  Gen.  Judah,  not  desiring  to  trust  the  regiment  in  command  of 
a  captain,  I  was  temporarily  restored  to  command,  pending  the  meet 
ing  of  a  court-martial  to  try  my  case.  When  the  command  moved  I 


246    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

took  Alfred  Jackson  along.  After  we  reached  Glasgow,  Ky.,  Gen. 
Judah  sent  for  me,  and  said  if  I  would  then  deliver  up  Alfred  Jackson 
he  would  restore  me  to  command.  The  United  States  marshal  was 
present.  This  I  again  refused  to  do. 

"  The  same  day,  I  sent  an  ambulance  out  of  the  lines,  with  Alfred 
Jackson  tucked  under  the  seat,  in  charge  of  a  man  going  North,  and  I 
gave  him  money  to  get  to  Hillsdale,  Michigan,  where  he  went,  and 
where  he  resided  and  grew  up  to  be  a  good  man  and  a  citizen.  I  called 
the  attention  of  Hon.  James  M.  Ashley  (then  Member  of  Congress)  to 
the  matter,  and  under  instructions  from  Secretary  Stanton,  Gen.  Boyle's 
order  was  revoked,  and  I  never  delivered  a  fugitive,  nor  was  I  ever  tried." 

In  Mississippi,  in  1862,  Col.  James  B.  Steedman  (afterward 
major-general)  refused  to  honor  an  order  of  Gen.  Fry,  delivered 
by  the  man  who  wanted  the  slave  in  Steedman's  camp.  Col. 
Steedman  read  the  order  and  told  the  bearer  that  he  was  a  rebel ; 
that  he  could  not  search  his  camp  ;  and  that  he  would  give  him 
just  ten  minutes  to  get  out  of  the  camp,  or  he  would  riddle  him 
with  bullets.  When  Gen.  Fry  asked  for  an  explanation  of  his 
refusal  to  allow  his  camp  to  be  searched,  Col.  Steedman  said  he 
would  never  consent  to  have  his  camp  searched  by  a  rebel ;  that 
he  would  use  every  bayonet  in  his  regiment  to  protect  the  Negro 
slave  who  had  come  to  him  for  protection  ;  and  that  he  was  sus 
tained  by  the  Articles  of  War,  which  had  been  amended  about 
that  time. 

Again,  in  the  late  summer  of  1863,  at  Tuscumbia,  Tennessee, 
Gen.  Fry  rode  into  Col.  Steedman's  camp  to  secure  the  return 
of  the  slaves  of  an  old  lady  whom  he  had  known  before  the  war. 
Col.  Steedman  said  he  did  not  know  that  any  slaves  were  in  his 
camp ;  and  that  if  they  were  there  they  should  not  be  taken  ex 
cept  they  were  willing  to  go.  Gen.  Fry  was  a  Christian  gentle 
man  of  a  high  Southern  type,  and  combined  with  his  loyalty  to 
the  Union  an  abiding  faith  in  "  the  sacredness  of  slave  prop 
erty."  Whether  he  ever  recovered  from  the  malady,  history 
saith  not. 

The  great  majority  of  regular  army  officers  were  in  sympa 
thy  with  the  idea  of  protecting  slave  property.  Gen.  T.  W. 
Sherman,  occupying  the  defences  of  Port  Royal,  in  October,  1861, 
issued  the  following  proclamation  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina: 

"  In  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  President  of  these  United 
States  of  America,  I  have  landed  on  your  shores  with  a  small  force  of 


"A    WHITE  MAN'S  WAR."  247 

National  troops.  The  dictates  of  a  duty  which,  under  the  Constitution, 
I  owe  to  a  great  sovereign  State,  and  to  a  proud  and  hospitable  people, 
among  whom  I  have  passed  some  of  the  pleasantest  days  of  my  life, 
prompt  me  to  proclaim  that  we  have  come  among  you  with  no  feel 
ings  of  personal  animosity  j  no  desire  to  harm  your  citizens,  destroy 
your  property,  or  interfere  with  any  of  your  lawful  rights,  or  your 
social  and  local  institutions,  beyond  what  the  causes  herein  briefly  al 
luded  to  may  render  unavoidable."  l 

This  proclamation  sounds  as  if  the  general  were  a  firm  be 
liever  in  State  sovereignty ;  and  that  he  was  possessed  with  a 
feeling  that  he  had  landed  in  some  strange  land,  among  a  people 
of  different  civilization  and  peculiar  institutions. 

On  the  1 3th  of  November,  1861,  Major-Gen.  John  A.  Dix, 
upon  taking  possession  of  the  counties  of  Accomac  and  North 
ampton,  Va.,  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

"  The  military  forces  of  the  United  States  are  about  to  enter  your 
counties  as  a  part  of  the  Union.  They  will  go  among  you  as  friends, 
and  with  the  earnest  hope  that  they  may  not,  by  your  own  acts,  be 
compelled  to  become  your  enemies.  They  will  invade  no  right  of  per 
son  or  property.  On  the  contrary,  your  laws,  your  institutions,  your 
usages,  will  be  scrupulously  respected.  There  need  be  no  fear  that  the 
quietude  of  any  fireside  will  be  disturbed,  unless  the  disturbance  is 
caused  by  yourselves. 

"  Special  directions  have  been  given  not  to  interfere  with  the  con 
dition  of  any  person  held  to  domestic  servitude  ;  and,  in  order  that 
there  may  be  no  ground  for  mistake  or  pretext  for  misrepresentation, 
commanders  of  regiments  or  corps  have  been  instructed  not  to  per 
mit  such  persons  to  come  within  their  lines."8 

Gen.  Halleck,  while  in  command  of  the  Union  forces  in 
Missouri,  issued  his  "  Order  No.  3."  as  follows  : 

"  It  has  been  represented  that  important  information,  respecting 
the  number  and  condition  of  our  forces,  is  conveyed  to  the  enemy  by 
means  of  fugitive  slaves  who  are  admitted  within  our  lines.  In  order 
to  remedy  this  evil,  it  is  directed  that  no  such  person  be  hereafter 
permitted  to  enter  the  lines  of  any  camp,  or  of  any  forces  on  the 
march,  and  that  any  now  within  such  lines  be  immediately  excluded 
therefrom." 

^Greeley,  vol.  ii.  p.  240. 

8  Rebellion  Records,  vol.  iii.  Doc.  p.  376. 


248    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

On  the  23d  of  February,  1862,  in  "  Order  No.  13,"  he  referred 
to  the  slave  question  as  follows  : 

"  It  does  not  belong  to  the  military  to  decide  upon  the  relation  of 
master  and  slave.  Such  questions  must  b£  settled  by  the  civil  courts. 
No  fugitive  slaves  will,  therefore,  be  admitted  within  our  lines  or 
camps,  except  when  specially  ordered  by  the  general  commanding." 

On  the  1 8th  of  February,  1862,  Major-Gen.  A.  E.  Burnside  is 
sued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  said  to  the  people : 

"  The  Government  asks  only  that  its  authority  may  be  recognized  ; 
and  we  repeat,  in  no  manner  or  way  does  it  desire  to  interfere  with 
your  laws,  constitutionally  established,  your  institutions  of  any  kind 
whatever,  your  property  of  any  sort,  or  your  usages  in  any  respect." 

The  following  letter  from  Gen.  Buell  shows  how  deeply  at 
tached  he  was  to  the  "  constitutional  guaranties "  accorded  to 
the  rebels  of  the  South : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  OHIO,  ) 
"  NASHVILLE,  March  6,  1862.  > 

"  Dear  Sir :  I  have  the  honor  to  receive  your  communication  of  the 
ist  instant,  on  the  subject  of  fugitive  slaves  in  the  camps  of  the  army. 

"  It  has  come  to  my  knowledge  that  slaves  sometimes  make  their 
way  improperly  into  our  lines  ;  and  in  some  instances  they  may  be  en 
ticed  there  ;  but  I  think  the  number  has  been  magnified  by  report. 
Several  applications  have  been  made  to  me  by  persons  whose  servants 
have  been  found  in  our  camps  ;  and  in  every  instance  that  I  know  of  the 
master  has  recovered  his  servant  and  taken  him  away. 

"  I  need  hardly  remind  you  that  there  will  always  be  found  some 
lawless  and  mischievous  person  in  every  army  ;  but  I  assure  you  that 
the  mass  of  this  army  is  law-abiding,  and  that  it  is  neither  its  disposi 
tion  nor  its  policy  to  violate  law  or  the  rights  of  individuals  in  any  par 
ticular.  With  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  D.  C.  BUELL, 

"  Brig.-Gen.  Commanding  Department. 
"  Hon.  J.  R.  UNDERWOOD,  Chairman  Military  Committee, 
"  Frankfort,  Ky." 

So  "  in  every  instance  "  the  master  had  recovered  his  slave 
when  found  in  Gen.  Buell's  camp  ! 

On  the  26th  of  March,  1862,  Gen.  Joseph  Hooker,  command 
ing  the  "  Upper  Potomac,"  issued  the  following  order: 


"A    WHITE  MAN'S  WAR"  249 

'"  To  Brigade  and  Regimental  Commanders  of  this  Division  : 

"  Messrs.  Nally,  Gray,  Dunnington,  Dent,  Adams,  Speake,  Price, 
Posey,  and  Cobey,  citizens  of  Maryland,  have  negroes  supposed  to  be 
with  some  of  the  regiments  of  this  division.  The  brigadier-general 
commanding  directs  that  they  be  permitted  to  visit  all  the  camps  of  his 
command,  in  search  of  their  property  ;  and  if  found,  that  they  be  al 
lowed  to  take  possession  of  the  same,  without  any  interference  what 
ever.  Should  any  obstacle  be  thrown  in  their  way  by  any  officer  or 
soldier  in  the  division,  he  will  be  at  once  reported  by  the  regimental 
commander  to  these  headquarters." 

In  the  spring  of  1862,  Gen.  Thos.  Williams,  in  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  Gulf,  issued  the  following  order  x :  , 

"  In  consequence  of  the  demoralizing  and  disorganizing  tendencies 
to  the  troops  of  harboring  runaway  negroes,  it  is  hereby  ordered  that 
the  respective  commanders  of  the  camps  and  garrisons  of  the  several 
regiments,  2d  brigade,  turn  all  such  fugitives  in  their  camps  or  gar 
risons  out  beyond  the  limits  of  their  respective  guards  and  sentinels. 
"  By  order  of 

"  Brig.-Gen.  T.  WILLIAMS."  a 

In  a  letter  dated  "  Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
July  7,  1862,"  Major-Gen.  Geo.  B.  McClellan  made  the  following 
observations  concerning  slavery : 

"  This  Rebellion  has  assumed  the  character  of  a  war  ;  as  such  it 
should  be  regarded  ;  and  it  should  be  conducted  upon  the  highest  prin 
ciples  known  to  Christian  civilization.  It  should  not  be  a  war  looking 
to  the  subjugation  of  the  people  of  any  State,  in  any  event.  It  should 
not  be  at  all  a  war  upon  populations,  but  against  armed  forces  and 
political  organizations.  Neither  confiscation  of  property,  political  exe 
cutions  of  persons,  territorial  organization  of  States,  nor  forcible  aboli 
tion  of  slavery  should  be  contemplated  for  a  moment." 

But  the  drift  of  the  sentiment  of  the  army  was  in  the  direc 
tion  of  compromise  with  the  slavery  question.  Nearly  every 
statesman  at  Washington — in  the  White  House  and  in  the  Con 
gress — and  nearly  every  officer  in  the  army  regarded  the  Negro 
question  as  purely  political  and  not  military.  That  it  was  a 
problem  hard  of  solution  no  one  could  doubt.  Hundreds  of  loyal 

1 1  have  quite  a  large  number  of  such  orders,  but  the  above  will  suffice. 
2  Greeley,  vol.  ii.  p.  246. 


250    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Negroes,  upon  the  orders  of  general  officers,  were  turned  away 
from  the  Union  lines,  while  those  who  had  gotten  on  the  inside 
were  driven  forth  to  the  cruel  vengeance  of  rebel  masters.  Who 
could  solve  the  problem  ?  Major-Gen.  Benjamin  F.  Butler  ban 
ished  the  politician,  and  became  the  loyal,  patriotic  soldier  !  In 
the  month  of  May,  1861,  during  the  time  Gen.  Butler  command 
ed  the  Union  forces  at  Fortress  Monroe,  three  slaves  made  good 
their  escape  into  his  lines.  They  stated  that  they  were  owned 
by  Col.  Mallory,  of  the  Confederate  forces  in  the  front ;  that  he 
was  about  to  send  them  to  the  North  Carolina  seaboard  to  work 
on  rebel  fortifications ;  and  that  the  fortifications  were  intended 
to  bar  that  coast  against  the  Union  arms.  Having  heard  this 
statement,  Gen.  Butler,  viewing  the  matter  from  a  purely  mili 
tary  stand-point,  exclaimed  :  "  These  men  are  contraband  of  war  ; 
set  them  at  work."  Here  was  a  solution  of  the  entire  problem; 
here  was  a  blow  delivered  at  the  backbone  of  the  Rebellion.  He 
claimed  no  right  to  act  as  a  politician,  but  acting  as  a  loyal- 
hearted,  clear-headed  soldier,  he  coined  a  word  and  hurled  a  shaft 
at  the  enemy  that  struck  him  in  a  part  as  vulnerable  as  the  heel 
of  Achilles.  In  his  letter  to  the  Lieut.-Gen.  of  the  Army,  Win- 
field  Scott,  2/th  of  May,  1861,  he  said  : 

"  Since  I  wrote  my  last,  the  question  in  regard  to  slave  property  is 
becoming  one  of  very  serious  magnitude.  The  inhabitants  of  Virginia 
are  using  .their  negroes  in  the  batteries,  and  are  preparing  to  send  their 
women  and  children  South.  The  escapes  from  them  are  very  numer 
ous,  and  a  squad  has  come  in  this  morning,  and  my  pickets  are  bringing 
in  their  women  and  children.  Of  course  these  can  not  be  dealt  with 
upon  the  theory  on  which  I  designed  to  treat  the  services  of  able-bodied 
men  and  women  who  might  come  within  my  lines,  and  of  which  I  gave 
you  a  detailed  account  in  my  last  dispatch. 

"  I  am  in  the  utmost  doubt  what  to  do  with  this  species  of  property. 
Up  to  this  time  I  have  had  come  within  my  lines  men  and  women,  with 
their  children, — entire  families, — each  family  belonging  to  the  same 
owner.  I  have  therefore  determined  to  employ — as  I  can  do  very 
profitably — the  able-bodied  persons  in  the  party,  issuing  proper  food 
for  the  support  of  all  ;  charging  against  their  services  the  expense  of 
care  and  sustenance  of  the  non-laborers  ;  keeping  a  strict  and  accurate 
account,  as  well  of  the  services  as  of  the  expenditures  ;  having  the 
worth  of  the  services  and  the  cost  of  the  expenditures  determined  by  a 
board  of  survey  hereafter  to  be  detailed.  I  know  of  no  other  manner 
in  which  to  dispose  of  this  subject  and  the  questions  connected  there 
with.  As  a  matter  of  property,  to  the  insurgents  it  will  be  of  very  great 


"A    WHITE  MAN'S  WAR:  251 

moment — the  number  that  I  now  have  amounting,  as  I  am  informed,  to 
what  in  good  times  would  be  of  the  value  of  $60,000. 

"  Twelve  of  these  negroes,  I  am  informed,  have  escaped  from  the 
erection  of  the  batteries  on  Sewell's  Point,  which  fired  upon  my  expe 
dition  as  it  passed  by  out  of  range.  As  a  means  of  offense,  therefore, 
in  the  enemy's  hands,  these  negroes,  when  able-bodied,  are  of  great  im 
portance.  Without  them  the  batteries  could  not  have  been  erected  ; 
at  least,  for  many  weeks.  As  a  military  question  it  would  seem  to  be  a 
measure  of  necessity,  and  deprives  their  masters  of  their  services. 

"  How  can  this  be  done  ?  As  a  political  question,  and  a  question  of 
humanity,  can  I  receive  the  services  of  a  father  and  a  mother  and  not 
take  the  children  ?  Of  the  humanitarian  aspect,  I  have  no  doubt  ;  of 
the  political  one,  I  have  no  right  to  judge.  I  therefore  submit  all  this 
to  your  better  judgment,  and,  as  these  questions  have  a  political  aspect, 
I  have  ventured — and  I  trust  I  am  not  wrong  in  so  doing — to  duplicate 
the  parts  of  my  dispatch  relating  to  this  subject,  and  forward  them  to 
the  Secretary  of  War. 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 
"  Lt.-General  SCOTT."  *  "  BENJ.  F.  BUTLER. 

The  letter  of  Gen.  Butler  was  laid  before  the  Secretary  of 
War,  who  answered  it  as  follows : 

"  SIR  :  Your  action  in  respect  to  the  negroes  who  came  within  your 
lines,  from  the  service  of  the  rebels,  is  approved.  The  Department  is 
sensible  of  the  embarrassments  which  must  surround  officers  conduct 
ing  military  operations  in  a  State,  by  the  laws  of  which  slavery  is  sanc 
tioned.  The  Government  can  not  recognize  the  rejection  by  any  State 
of  its  Federal  obligations,  resting  upon  itself.  Among  these  Federal 
obligations,  however,  no  one  can  be  more  important  than  that  of  sup 
pressing  and  dispersing  any  combination  of  the  former  for  the  purpose 
of  overthrowing  its  whole  constitutional  authority.  While,  therefore, 
you  will  permit  no  interference,  by  persons  under  your  command,  with 
the  relations  of  persons  held  to  service  under  the  laws  of  any  State, 
you  will,  on  the  other  hand,  so  long  as  any  State  within  which  your 
military  operations  are  conducted  remains  under  the  control  of  such 
armed  combinations,  refrain  from  surrendering  to  alleged  masters  any 
persons  who  come  within  your  lines.  You  will  employ  such  persons  in 
the  services  to  which  they  will  be  best  adapted  ;  keeping  an  account  of 
the  labor  by  them  performed,  of  the  value  of  it,  and  the  expenses  of 
their  maintenance.  The  question  of  their  final  disposition  will  be  re 
served  for  future  determination. 

"  SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 
"  To  Maj.-Gen.  BUTLER.  •< 

'Greelev,  vol.  ii.  n.  238. 


252    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

In  an  account  of  the  life  and  services  of  Capt.  Grier  Talmadge, 
the  "  Times  "  correspondent  says : 

"  To  the  deceased,  who  was  conservative  in  his  views  and  actions, 
belongs  the  credit  of  first  enunciating  the  '  contraband '  idea  as  subse 
quently  applied  in  the  practical  treatment  of  the  slaves  of  rebels, 
Early  in  the  spring  of  1861,  Flag-Officer  Pendergrast,  in  command  of 
the  frigate  'Cumberland,'  then  the  vessel  blockading  the  Roads,  restored 
to  their  owners  certain  slaves  that  had  escaped  from  Norfolk.  Shortly 
after,  the  Flag-Officer,  Gen.  Butler,  Capt.  Talmadge,  and  the  writer 
chanced  to  meet  in  the  ramparts  of  the  fortress,  when  Capt.  T.  took 
occasion,  warmly,  but  respectfully,  to  dissent  from  the  policy  of  the  act, 
and  proceeded  to  advance  some  arguments  in  support  of  his  views. 
Turning  to  Gen.  Butler,  who  had  just  assumed  command  of  this  depart 
ment,  he  said  :  '  General,  it  is  a  question  you  will  have  to  decide,  and 
that,  too,  very  soon  ;  for  in  less  than  twenty-four  hours  deserting 
slaves  will  commence  swarming  to  your  lines.  The  rebels  are  employ 
ing  their  slaves  in  thousands  in  constructing  batteries  all  around  us. 
And,  in  my  judgment,  in  view  of  this  fact,  not  only  slaves  who  take 
refuge  within  our  lines  are  contrabands,  but  I  hold  it  as  much  our  duty 
to  seize  and  capture  those  employed,  or  intended  to  be  employed,  in 
constructing  batteries,  as  it  is  to  destroy  the  arsenals  or  any  other  war- 
making  element  of  the  rebels,  or  to  capture  and  destroy  the  batteries 
themselves.'  Within  two  days  after  this  conversation,  Gen.  Butler  has 
the  question  practically  presented  to  him,  as  predicted,  and  he  solved  it 
by  applying  the  views  advanced  by  the  deceased."  : 

The  conservative  policy  of  Congress,  the  cringing  attitude  of 
the  Government  at  Washington,  the  reverses  on  the  Potomac, 
the  disaster  of  Bull  Run,  the  apologetic  tone  of  the  Northern 
press,  the  expulsion  of  slaves  from  the  Union  lines,  and  the 
conduct  of  "  Copperheads "  in  the  North — who  crawled  upon 
their  stomachs,  snapping  and  biting  at  the  heels  of  Union  men 
and  Union  measures, — bred  a  spirit  of  unrest  and  mob  violence. 
It  was  not  enough  that  the  service  of  free  Negroes  was  declined ; 
they  were  now  hunted  out  and  persecuted  by  mobs  and  other 
agents  of  the  disloyal  element  at  the  North.  Like  a  man  sick 
unto  death  the  Government  insisted  that  it  only  had  a  slight 
cold,  and  that  it  would  be  better  soon.  The  President  was  no 
better  informed  as  to  the  nature  of  the  war  than  other  conserva 
tive  Republicans.  On  the  I9th  of  August,  1862,  Horace  Greeley 

1  New  York  Times. 


"A    WHITE  MAN'S   WAR."  253 

addressed  an  open  letter  to  the  President,  known  as  u  The  Prayer 
of  Twenty  Millions,"  of  which  the  following  are  specimen  pas 
sages  : 

"  On  the  face  of  this  wide  earth,  Mr.  President,  there  is  not  one  dis 
interested,  determined,  intelligent  champion  of  the  Union  cause  who 
does  not  feel  that  all  attempts  to  put  down  the  Rebellion,  and  at  the 
same  time  uphold  its  inciting  cause,  are  preposterous  and  futile— that 
the  Rebellion,  if  crushed  out  to-morrow,  would  be  renewed  within  a 
year  if  slavery  were  left  in  full  vigor — that  army  officers,  who  remain  to 
this  day  devoted  to  slavery,  can  at  best  be  but  half-way  loyal  to  the 
Union — and  that  every  hour  of  deference  to  slavery  is  an  hour  of  added 
and  deepened  peril  to  the  Union.  I  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  your 
Embassadors  in  Europe.  It  is  freely  at  your  service,  not  mine.  Ask 
them  to  tell  you  candidly  whether  the  seeming  subserviency  of  your 
policy  to  the  slave-holding,  slavery-upholding  interest,  is  not  the  per 
plexity,  the  despair,  of  statesmen  of  all  parties  ;  and  be  admonished  by 
the  general  answer  ! 

"  I  close,  as  I  began,  with  the  statement  that  what  an  immense 
majority  of  the  loyal  millions  of  your  countrymen  require  of  you  is  a 
frank,  declared,  unqualified,  ungrudging  execution  of  the  laws  of  the 
land,  more  especially  of  the  Confiscation  Act.  That  Act  gives  freedom 
to  the  slaves  of  rebels  coming  within  our  lines,  or  whom  those  lines 
may  at  any  time  inclose, — we  ask  you  to  render  it  due  obedience  by 
publicly  requiring  all  your  subordinates  to  recognize  and  obey  it.  The 
rebels  are  everywhere  using  the  late  anti-negro  riots  in  the  North — as 
they  have  long  used  your  officers'  treatment  of  negroes  in  the  South — 
to  convince  the  slaves  that  they  have  nothing  to  hope  from  a  Union  suc 
cess — that  we  mean  in  that  case  to  sell  them  into  a  bitter  bondage  to  defray 
the  cost  of  the  war.  Let  them  impress  this  as  a  truth  on  the  great  mass 
of  their  ignorant  and  credulous  bondmen,  and  the  Union  will  never  be 
restored — never.  We  can  not  conquer  ten  millions  of  people  united  in 
solid  phalanx  against  us,  powerfully  aided  by  Northern  sympathizers 
and  European  allies.  We  must  have  scouts,  guides,  spies,  cooks,  team 
sters,  diggers,  and  choppers,  from  the  blacks  of  the  South — whether 
we  allow  them  to  fight  for  us  or  not — or  we  shall  be  baffled  and  re 
pelled.  As  one  of  the  millions  who  would  gladly  have  avoided  this 
struggle  at  any  sacrifice  but  that  of  principle  and  honor,  but  who  now 
feel  that  the  triumph  of  the  Union  is  indispensable  not  only  to  the 
existence  of  our  country,  but  to  the  well-being  of  mankind,  I  entreat 
you  to  render  a  hearty  and  unequivocal  obedience  to  the  law  of  the  land. 

"  Yours, 

"  HORACE  GREELEY."  * 

lGreelcy,  vol.  ii.  pp.  249,  250. 


254    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

It  was  an  open  letter.  Mr.  Greeley  had  evidently  lost  sight  of 
his  economic  theories  as  applied  to  slavery  in  the  abstract,  and 
now.  as  a  practical  philosopher,  caught  hold  of  the  question  by 
the  handle.  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  within  a  few  days,  but  was  still 
joined  to  his  abstract  theories  of  constitutional  law.  He  loved 
the  Union,  and  all  he  should  do  for  the  slave  should  be  done  to 
help  the  Union,  not  the  slave.  He  was  not  desirous  of  saving  or 
destroying  slavery.  But  certainly  he  had  spoken  more  wisely 
than  he  knew  when  he  had  asserted,  a  few  years  before,  that  "  a 
nation  half  free  and  half  slave,  could  not  long  exist."  That  was 
an  indestructible  truth.  Had  he  adhered  to  that  doctrine  the 
way  would  have  been  easier.  In  every  thing  he  consulted  the 
Constitution.  His  letter  is  interesting  reading. 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  ) 

"  AugUSt  22,    1862.  I 

"  Hon.  HORACE  GREELEY  : 

"Dear  Sir :  I  have  just  read  yours  of  the  ipth  instant,  addressed  to 
myself  through  the  New  York  Tribune. 

"  If  there  be  in  it  any  statements  or  assumptions  of  fact  which  I 
may  know  to  be  erroneous,  I  do  not  now  and  here  controvert  them. 

"  If  there  be  any  inferences  which  I  may  believe  to  be  falsely  drawn, 
I  do  not  now  and  here  argue  against  them. 

"  If  there  be  perceptible  in  it  an  impatient  and  dictatorial  tone,  I 
waive  it  in  deference  to  an  old  friend  whose  heart  I  have  always  sup 
posed  to  be  right. 

"  As  to  the  policy  '  I  seem  to  be  pursuing,'  as  you  say,  I  have  not 
meant  to  leave  any  one  in  doubt.  I  would  save  the  Union.  I  would 
save  it  in  the  shortest  way  under  the  Constitution. 

"  The  sooner  the  national  authority  can  be  restored,  the  nearer  the 
Union  will  be  the  Union  as  it  was. 

"  If  there  be  those  who  would  not  save  the  Union  unless  they  could 
at  the  same  time  save  slavery,  I  do  not  agree  with  them. 

"  If  there  be  those  who  would  not  save  the  Union  unless  they  could 
at  the  same  time  destroy  slavery,  I  do  not  agree  with  them. 

"  My  paramount  object  is  to  save  the  Union,  and  not  either  to  save  or 
destroy  slavery. 

"  If  I  could  save  the  Union  without  freeing  any  slave,  I  would  do  it ; 
if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing  all  the  slaves,  I  would  do  it ;  and  if  I  could 
do  it  by  freeing  some  and  leaving  others  alone,  I  would  also  do  that. 

"  What  I  do  about  slavery  and  the  Colored  race,  I  do  because  I 
believe  it  helps  to  save  this  Union  ;  and  what  I  forbear,  I  forbear  be 
cause  I  do  not  believe  it  would  help  to  save  the  Union. 


"A    WHITE  MAN'S  WAR."  255 

"  I  shall  do  less  whenever  I  shall  believe  what  I  am  doing  hurts  the 
cause  ;  and  I  shall  do  more  whenever  I  believe  doing  more  will  help  the 
cause. 

"  I  shall  try  to  correct  errors  when  shown  to  be  errors  ;  and  I  shall 
adopt  new  views  so  fast  as  they  shall  appear  to  be  true  views. 

"  I  have  here  stated  my  purpose  according  to  my  views  of  official 
duty  ;  and  I  intend  no  modification  of  my  oft-expressed  personal  wish 

that  all  men  everywhere  could  be  free. 

"  Yours, 

"  A.  LINCOLN."  1 

But  there  were  few  men  among  the  general  officers  of  the 
army  who  either  reached  the  conclusion  by  their  own  judgment, 
or  were  aided  by  the  action  of  General  Butler,  that  it  was  their 
duty  to  confiscate  all  the  property  of  the  enemy.  Acting  upon 
the  plainest  principle  of  military  law,  Major-General  John  C. 
Fremont,  commanding  the  Department  of  the  Missouri,  or  the 
Union  forces  in  that  State,  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  WESTERN  DEP'T,  ) 
"ST.  Louis,  August  3ist.  [ 

"  Circumstances,  in  my  judgment,  of  sufficient  urgency,  render  it 
necessary  that  the  Commanding  General  of  this  Department  should 
assume  the  administrative  power  of  the  State.  Its  disorganized  condi 
tion,  the  helplessness  of  the  civil  authority,  the  total  insecurity  of  life, 
and  the  devastation  of  property  by  bands  of  murderers  and  marauders, 
who  infest  nearly  every  county  in  the  State,  and  avail  themselves  of  the 
public  misfortunes  and  the  vicinity  of  a  hostile  force  to  gratify  private 
and  neighborhood  vengeance,  and  who  find  an  enemy  wherever  they 
find  plunder,  finally  demand  the  severest  measures  to  repress  the  daily 
increasing  crimes  and  outrages  which  are  driving  off  the  inhabitants  and 
ruining  the  State.  In  this  condition,  the  public  safety  and  the  success 
of  our  arms  require  unity  of  purpose,  without  let  or  hindrance  to  the 
prompt  administration  of  affairs. 

"  In  order,  therefore,  to  suppress  disorders,  to  maintain,  as  far  as 
now  practicable,  the  public  peace,  and  to  give  security  and  protection 
to  the  persons  and  property  of  loyal  citizens,  I  do  hereby  extend  and 
declare  established  martial  law  throughout  the  State  of  Missouri.  The 
lines  of  the  army  of  occupation  in  this  State  are,  for  the  present,  de 
clared  to  extend  from  Leavenworth,  by  way  of  the  posts  of  Jefferson 
City,  Rolla,  and  Ironton,  to  Cape  Girardeau,  on  the  Mississippi  River. 

1  Greeley,  vol.  ii.  p.  250. 


256    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

All  persons  who  shall  be  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands,  within  these 
lines,  shall  be  tried  by  Court  Martial,  and,  if  found  guilty,  will  be  shot. 
The  property,  real  and  personal,  of  all  persons  in  the  State  of  Missouri 
who  shall  take  up  arms  against  the  United  States,  or  shall  be  directly 
proven  to  have  taken  active  part  with  their  enemies  in  the  field,  is  de 
clared  to  be  confiscated  to  the  public  use  ;  and  their  slaves,  if  any  they 
have,  are  hereby  declared  free  men. 

"  All  persons  who  shall  be  proven  to  have  destroyed,  after  the  publi 
cation  of  this  order,  railroad  tracks,  bridges,  or  telegraphs,  shall  suffer 
the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law. 

"  All  persons  engaged  in  treasonable  correspondence,  in  giving  or 
procuring  aid  to  the  enemies  of  the  United  States,  in  disturbing  the 
public  tranquillity  by  creating  and  circulating  false  reports  or  incendiary 
documents,  are  in  their  own  interest  warned  that  they  are  exposing 
themselves. 

"  All  persons  who  have  been  led  away  from  their  allegiance  are  re 
quired  to  return  to  their  homes  forthwith  ;  any  such  absence,  without 
sufficient  cause,  will  be  held  to  be  presumptive  evidence  against  them. 

"  The  object  of  this  declaration  is  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the 
military  authorities  the  power  to  give  instantaneous  effect  to  existing 
laws,  and  to  supply  such  deficiencies  as  the  conditions  of  war  demand. 
But  it  is  not  intended  to  suspend  the  ordinary  tribunals  of  the  country, 
where  the  law  will  be  administered  by  the  civil  officers  in  the  usual 
manner  and  with  their  customary  authority,  while  the  same  can  be 
peaceably  exercised. 

"  The  Commanding  General  will  labor  vigilantly  for  the  public 
welfare,  and,  in  his  efforts  for  their  safety,  hopes  to  obtain  not  only  the 
acquiescence,  but  the  active  support,  of  the  people  of  the  country. 

"  J.  C.  FREMONT,  Major-Gen.  Com"  ' 

This  magnificent  order  thrilled  the  loyal  hearts  of  the  North 
with  joy;  but  the  President,  still  halting  and  hesitating,  requested 
a  modification  of  the  order  so  far  as  it  related  to  the  liberation  of 
slaves.  This  Gen.  Fremont  declined  to  do  unless  ordered  to  do 
so  by  his  superior.  Accordingly  the  President  wrote  him  as  fol 
lows  : 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Sept.  n,  1861. 

"  Major-Gen.  JOHN  C.  FREMONT  : 

"  Sir : — Yours  of  the  8th,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  2d  inst.,  is  just 
received.  Assured  that  you,  upon  the  ground,  could  better  judge  of 
the  necessities  of  your  position  than  I  could  at  this  distance,  on  seeing 

1  Greeley,  vol.  i.  p.  585. 


"A    WHITE  MAN'S  WAR."  257 

your  proclamation  of  August  3oth,  I  perceived  no  general  objection 
to  it  ;  the  particular  clause,  however,  in  relation  to  the  confiscation 
of  property  and  the  liberation  of  slaves,  appeared  to  me  to  be  objec 
tionable  in  its  non-conformity  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  passed  the  6th 
of  last  August,  upon  the  same  subjects  ;  and  hence  I  wrote  you,  ex 
pressing  my  wish  that  that  clause  should  be  modified  accordingly. 
Your  answer,  just  received,  expresses  the  preference  on  your  part  that 
I  should  make  an  open  order  for  the  modification,  which  I  very  cheer 
fully  do.  It  is,  therefore,  ordered  that  the  said  clause  of  said  proclama 
tion  be  so  modified,  held,  and  construed,  as  to  conform  with,  and  not 
to  transcend,  the  provisions  on  the  same  subject  contained  in  the  Act 
of  Congress  entitled  '  An  Act  to  Confiscate  Property  Used  for  Insur 
rectionary  Purposes/  approved  August  6,  1861;  and  that  the  said  act  be 
published  at  length  with  this  order. 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"A.  LINCOLN."1 

Gen.  Fremont's  removal  followed  speedily.  He  was  in  ad 
vance  of  the  slow  coach  at  Washington,  and  was  sent  where  he 
could  do  no  harm  to  the  enemy  of  the  country,  by  emancipating 
Negroes.  It  seems  as  if  there  were  nothing  else  left  for  Gen. 
Fremont  to  do  but  to  free  the  slaves  in  his  military  district. 
They  were  the  bone  and  sinew  of  Confederate  resistance.  It  was 
to  weaken  the  enemy  that  the  general  struck  down  this  peculiar 
species  of  property,  upon  which  the  enemy  of  the  country  relied 
so  entirely. 

Major-Gen.  David  Hunter  assumed  command  at  Hilton  Head, 
South  Carolina,  on  the  3ist  of  March,  1862.  On  the  o,th  of  May 
he  issued  the  following  "  General  Order :  " 

"  HEADQUARTERS  DEP'T  OF  THL  SOUTH,  ) 
"HILTON  HEAD,  S.  C.,  May  9,  1862.      j 
"  General  Order,  No.  n. 

"  The  three  States  of  Georgia,  Florida,  and  South  Carolina,  com 
prising  the  Military  Department  of  the  South,  having  deliberately  de 
clared  themselves  no  longer  under  the  United  States  of  America,  and 
having  taken  up  arms  against  the  United  States,  it  becomes  a  military 
necessity  to  declare  them  Under  martial  law. 

"This  was  accordingly  done  on  the  25th  day  of  April,  1862.  Sla 
very  and  martial  law  in  a  free  country  are  altogether  incompatible.  The 
persons  in*  these  States — Georgia,  Florida,  and  South  Carolina — hereto 
fore  held  as  slaves,  are  therefore  declared  forever  free."  a 

1  Greeley,  vol.  ii.  pp.  239,  240. 

2  Greeley,  vol.  ii.  p.  246. 


258    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

But  the  President,  in  ten  days  after  its  publication,  rescinded 
the  order  of  General  Hunter,  in  the  following  Proclamation : 

"  And  whereas,  The  same  [Hunter's  proclamation]  is  producing  some 
excitement  and  misunderstanding,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  proclaim  and  declare  that  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  had  no  knowledge  or  belief  of  an  intention  on  the  part 
of  Gen.  Hunter  to  issue  such  a  proclamation,  nor  has  it  yet  any  authentic 
information  that  the  document  is  genuine  :  and,  further,  that  neither  Gen. 
Hunter  nor  any  other  commander  or  person  have  been  authorized  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  to  make  proclamation  declaring  the 
slaves  of  any  State  free  ;  and  that  the  supposed  proclamation  now  in 
question,  whether  genuine  or  false,  is  altogether  void,  so  far  as  respects 
such  declaration.  I  further  make  known  that,  whether  it  be  competent 
for  me,  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  to  declare  the 
slaves  of  any  State  or  States  free  ;  and  whether  at  any  time,  or  in  any 
case,  it  shall  have  become  a  necessity  indispensable  to  the  maintenance 
of  the  Government  to  exercise  such  supposed  power,  are  questions  which, 
under  my  responsibility,  I  reserve  to  myself,  and  which  I  cannot  feel 
justified  in  leaving  to  the  decision  of  commanders  in  the  field. 

"  Those  are  totally  different  questions  from  those  of  police  regula 
tions  in  armies  or  in  camps. 

"On  the  sixth  day  of  March  last,  by  a  special  Message,  I  recom 
mended  to  Congress  the  adoption  of  a  joint  resolution,  to  be  substantially 
as  follows  : 

"  *  Resolved,  That  the  United  States  ought  to  cooperate  with  any 
State  which  may  adopt  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery,  giving  to  such  State 
pecuniary  aid,  to  be  used  by  such  State  in  its  discretion,  to  compensate 
for  the  inconveniences,  public  and  private,  produced  by  such  change  of 
system.' 

"  The  resolution,  in  the  language  above  quoted,  was  adopted  by 
large  majorities  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  and  now  stands  an 
authentic,  definite,  and  solemn  proposal  of  the  nation  to  the  States  and 
people  most  interested  in  the  subject-matter.  To  the  people  of  these 
States  now  I  mostly  appeal.  I  do  not  argue — I  beseech  you  to  make 
the  arguments  for  yourselves.  You  cannot,  if  you  would,  be  blind  to 
the  signs  of  the  times. 

"  I  beg  of  you  a  calm  and  enlarged  consideration  of  them,  ranging, 
if  it  may  be,  far  above  partisan  and  personal  politics. 

"  This  proposal  makes  common  cause  for  a  common  object,  casting 
no  reproaches  upon  any.  It  acts  not  the  Pharisee.  The  change  it  con 
templates  would  come  gently  as  the  dews  of  Heaven,  not  rending  or 
wrecking  any  thing.  Will  you  not  embrace  it  ?  So  much  good  has  not 
been  done  by  one  effort  in  all  past  time.  as.  in  the  Providence  of  God, 


"A   WHITE  MAN'S  WAR."  259 

it  is  now  your  high  privilege  to  do.     May  the  vast  future  not  have  to 
lament  that  you  have  neglected  it ! 

"  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  hereunto  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  ipth  day  of  May,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1862,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  the  eighty-sixth. 

"  (Signed)  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  By  the  President : 
"  W.  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State." 

The  conservative  policy  of  the  President  greatly  discouraged 
the  friends  of  the  Union,  who  felt  that  a  vigorous  prosecution  of 
the  war  was  the  only  hope  of  the  nation.  Slavery  and  the  Union 
had  joined  in  a  terrible  struggle  for  the  supremacy.  Both  could 
not  exist.  Our  treasury  was  empty  ;  our  bonds  depreciated ;  our 
credit  poor ;  our  industries  languishing ;  and  the  channels  of 
commerce  were  choked.  European  governments  were  growing 
impatient  at  the  dilatory  policy  of  our  nation  ;  and  everyday  we 
were  losing  sympathy  and  friends.  Our  armies  were  being  re 
pulsed  and  routed ;  and  Columbia's  war  eagles  were  wearily  flap 
ping  their  pinions  in  the  blood-dampened  dust  of  a  nerveless 
nation.  But  the  Negro  was  still  on  the  outside, — it  was  "a 
white  man's  war." 


260    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  NEGRO  ON  FATIGUE  DUTY. 

NEGROES  EMPLOYED  AS  TEAMSTERS  AND  IN  THE  QUARTERMASTER'S  DEPARTMENT.  —  GENERAL 
MERCER'S  ORDER  TO  THE  SLAVE-HOLDERS  ISSUED  FROM  SAVANNAH.  —  HE  RECEIVES  ORDERS- 
FROM  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR  TO  IMPRESS  A  NUMBER  OF  NEGROES  TO  BUILD  FORTIFICATIONS. 
—  THE  NEGRO  PROVES  HIMSELF  INDUSTRIOUS  AND  EARNS  PROMOTION. 

THE  light  began  to  break  through  the  dark  cloud  of  preju 
dice  in  the  minds  of  the  friends  of  the  Union.  If  a  Negro 
were  useful  in  building  rebel  fortifications,  why  not  in 
casting  up  defences  for  the  Union  army?  Succeeding  Gen.  But 
ler  in  command  at  Fortress  Monroe,  on  the  I4th  of  October,  1861, 
Major-Gen.  Wool  issued  an  order,  directing  that  "  all  colored 
persons  called  contrabands,"  employed  by  officers  or  others 
within  his  command,  must  be  furnished  with  subsistence  by  their 
employers,  and  paid,  if  males,  not  less  than  four  dollars  per  month, 
and  that  "  all  able-bodied  colored  persons,  not  employed  as  afore, 
said,"  will  be  immediately  put  to  work  in  the  Engineer's  or  the 
Quartermaster's  Department.  On  the  1st  of  November,  Gen. 
Wool  directed  that  the  compensation  of  "  contrabands  "  working 
for  the  government  should  be  five  to  ten  dollars  per  month,  with 
soldier's  rations.-  These  Negroes  rendered  valuable  service  in 
the  sphere  they  were  called  upon  to  fill. 

In  the  Western  army,  Gen.  James  B.  Steedman  was  the  first 
man  to  suggest  the  idea  of  employing  Negroes  as  teamsters.  He 
saw  that  every  Negro  who  drove  a  team  of  mules  gave  to  the  army 
one  more  white  soldier  with  a  musket  in  his  hands ;  and  so  with 
the  sympathy  and  approval  of  the  gallant  Gen.  Geo.  H.  Thomas, 
Gen.  Steedman  put  eighty  Negroes  into  uniforms,  and  turned  them 
over  to  an  experienced  white  "  wagon-master."  The  Negroes 
made  excellent  teamsters,  and  the  plan  was  adopted  quite  generally. 

In  September,  1862,  an  order  from  Washington  directed  the 
employment  of  fifty  thousand  Negro  laborers  in  the  Quarter 
master's  Department,  under  Generals  Hunter  and  Saxton  !  This 
showed  that  the  authorities  at  Washington  had  begun  to  get 


THE  NEGRO  ON  FATIGUE  DUTY.  261 

their  eyes  open  on  this  question.  "  And  while  speaking  of  the 
negroes,"  wrote  a  "  Times  "  correspondent,  in  1862,  from  Hilton 
Head,  "  let  me  present  a  few  statistics  obtained  from  an  official 
source,  respecting  the  success  which  has  crowned  the  experiment 
of  employing  them  as  free  paid  laborers  upon  the  plantations. 
The  population  of  the  Division  (including  Port  Royal,  St. 
Helena  and  Ladies'  islands,  with  the  smaller  ones  thereto  adja 
cent,  but  excluding  Hilton  Head  and  its  surroundings)  is  as  fol 
lows : 

"  Effective 3,817 

"Non-effective 3,110 

"Total 6,927 

"  The  number  of  acres  under  cultivation  on  the  same  islands, 

is: 

"  Of  Corn 6,444 

"  Of  Cotton 3,384 

"  Of  Potatoes 1,407 

"  A  little  calculation  will  show  that  the  negroes  have  raised 
enough  corn  and  potatoes  to  support  themselves,  besides  a  crop 
of  cotton  (now  ripe)  somewhat  smaller  than  in  former  years,  but 
still  of  very  considerable  value  to  the  Government." 3 

Gen.  Mercer  issued  the  following  order  at  Savannah,  Georgia, 
which  shows  that  the  rebels  did  not  despise  the  fatigue  services 

of  Negroes : 

"  C.  S.  ENGINEER'S  OFFICE,      ) 
"SAVANNAH,  GA.,  Aug.  i,  1863.  f 

"  The  Brigadier-General  Commanding  desires  to  inform  the  slave 
holders  of  Georgia  that  he  has  received  authority  from  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  impress  a  number  of  negroes  sufficient  to  construct  such  addi 
tional  fortifications  as  are  necessary  for  the  defence  of  Savannah. 

"  He  desires,  if  possible,  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  impressment,  and 
therefore  urges  the  owners  of  slave  property  to  volunteer  the  services 
of  their  negroes.  He  believes  that,  while  the  planters  of  South  Caro 
lina  are  sending  their  slaves  by  thousands  to  aid  the  defence  of  Charles 
ton,  the  slave-holders  of  Georgia  will  not  be  backward  in  contributing 
in  the  same  patriotic  manner  to  the  defence  of  their  own  seaport,  which 
has  so  far  resisted  successfully  all  the  attacks  of  the  enemy  at  Fort 
McAllister  and  other  points. 

"  Remember,  citizens  of  Georgia,  that  on  the  successful  defence  of 
Georgia  depends  the  security  of  the  interior  of  your  State,  where  so. 

1  Times,  Sept.  4,  1862. 


262    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

much  of  value  both  to  yourselves  and  to  the  Confederacy  at  large  is 
concentrated.  It  is  best  to  meet  the  enemy  at  the  threshold,  and  to 
hurl  back  the  first  wave  of  invasion.  Once  the  breach  is  made,  all  the 
horrors  of  war  must  desolate  your  now  peaceful  and  quiet  homes.  Let 
no  man  deceive  himself.  If  Savannah  falls  the  fault  will  be  yours,  and 
your  own  neglect  will  have  brought  the  sword  to  your  hearth-stones. 

"  The  Brigadier-General  Commanding,  therefore,  calls  on  all  the 
slave-holders  of  Eastern,  Southern,  and  Southwestern  Georgia,  but  espe 
cially  those  in  the  neighborhood  of  Savannah,  to  send  him  immediately 
one  fifth  of  their  able-bodied  male  slaves,  for  whom  transportation  will 
be  furnished  and  wages  paid  at  the  rate  of  twenty-five  dollars  per 
month,  the  Government  to  be  responsible  for  the  value  of  such  Negroes 
as  may  be  killed  by  the  enemy,  or  may  in  any  manner  fall  into  his 
hands.  By  order  of 

"  Brig. -Gen.  MERCER,  Commanding. 
"  JOHN  Me  CRADY, 

"  Captain  and  Chief  Engineer,  State  of  Georgia" ' 

Negroes  built  most  of  the  fortifications  and  earth-works  for 
Gen.  Grant  in  front  of  Vicksburg.  The  works  in  and  about  Nash 
ville  were  cast  up  by  the  strong  arm  and  willing  hand  of  the  loyal 
Blacks.  Dutch  Gap  was  dug  by  Negroes,  and  miles  of  earth 
works,  fortifications,  and  corduroy-roads  were  made  by  Negroes. 
They  did  fatigue  duty  in  every  department  of  the  Union  army. 
Wherever  a  Negro  appeared  with  a  shovel  in  his  hand,  a  white 
soldier  took  his  gun  and  returned  to  the  ranks.  There  were 
200,000  Negroes  in  the  camps  and  employ  of  the  Union  armies, 
as  servants,  teamsters,  cooks,  and  laborers.  What  a  mighty  host ! 
Suppose  the  sentiment  that  early  met  the  Negro  on  the  picket 
lines  and  turned  him  back  to  the  enemy  had  continued,  50,000 
white  soldiers  would  have  been  required  in  the  Engineer's  and 
Quartermaster's  Department;  while  25,000  white  men  would 
have  been  required  for  various  other  purposes,  outside  of  the 
ranks  of  the  army. 

A  narrow  prejudice  among  some  of  the  white  troops,  upon 
whose  pedigree  it  would  not  be  pleasant  to  dwell,  met  the  Negro 
teamster,  with  a  blue  coat  and  buttons  with  eagles  on  them,  with 
a  growl.  They  disliked  to  see  the  Negro  wearing  a  Union  uni 
form  ; — it  looked  too  much  like  equality. 

But  in  his  lowly  station  as  a  hewer  of  wood  and  a  drawer  of 
water,  the  Negro  proved  himself  industrious,  trustworthy,  efficient, 
and  cheerful.  He  earned  promotion,  and  in  due  time  secured  it. 

1  Rebellion  Recs. ,  vol.  vii.  Doc.  p.  479. 


THE  EMANCIPA  TION  PROCLAMA  TIONS.          263 


CHAPTER   XVII. 


THE   EMANCIPATION   PROCLAMATIONS. 

CONGRBSS  PASSES  AN  ACT  TO  CONFISCATE  PROPERTY  USED  FOR  INSURRECTIONARY  PURPOSES.  —  A 
FRUITLESS  APPEAL  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  TO  ISSUE  AN  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION.  —  HE 
THINKS  THE  TlME  NOT  YET  COME  FOR  SUCH  AN  ACTION,  BUT  WITHIN  A  FEW  WEEKS  CHANGES 
HIS  OPINION  AND  ISSUES  AN  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION.  —  THE  REBELS  SHOW  NO  DISPOSI 
TION  TO  ACCEPT  THE  MlLD  TERMS  OF  THE  PROCLAMATION.  —  MR.  DAVIS  GIVES  ATTENTION  TO 

THE  PROCLAMATION  IN  HIS  THIRD  ANNUAL  MESSAGE.  —  SECOND  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION 
ISSUED  BY  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  JANUARY  i,  1863. — THE  PROCLAMATION  IMPARTS  NEW  HOPE 
TO  THE  NEGRO. 

THE  position  taken  by  General  Butler  on  the  question  of 
receiving  into  the  Federal  lines  the  slaves  of  persons  who 
were  in  rebellion  against  the  National  Government,  and 
who  were  liable  to  be  used  in  service  against  the  government 
by  their  owners,  had  its  due  influence  in  Washington.  But  all 
the  general  officers  did  not  share  in  the  views  of  General  Butler. 
As  many  as  twenty  Union  generals  still  had  it  in  their  minds 
that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  army  "  to  catch  run-away  slaves  "  ; 
and  they  afforded  rebels  every  facility  to  search  their  camps. 
They  arrested  fugitive  Negroes  and  held  them  subject  to  the 
order  of  their  masters.  Congress  was  not  long  in  seeing  the 
suicidal  tendency  of  such  a  policy,  and  on  the  6th  of  August,  1861, 
passed  "  An  Act  to  Confiscate  Property  Used  for  Insurrectionary 
Purposes."  Notwithstanding  this  act,  General  McClellan  and 
other  officers  still  clung  to  the  obsolete  doctrine  of  "  the  sacred- 
ness  of  slave  property.'*  His  conduct  finally  called  forth  the 
following  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  : 

u  CONTRABANDS  IN  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  / 

"WASHINGTON  CITY,  December  4,  1861.  j 

"  To  Major-  General  George  B.  McClellan,  Washington : 

"  GENERAL  :     I  am  directed  by  the  President  to  call  your  attention 
to  the  following  subject : 


264   HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Persons  claimed  to  be  held  to  service  or  labor  under  the  laws  of 
the  State  of  Virginia,  and  actually  employed  in  hostile  service  against  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  frequently  escape  from  the  lines  of 
the  enemy's  forces  and  are  received  within  the  lines  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  This  Department  understands  that  such  persons,  afterward 
coming  into  the  city  of  Washington,  are  liable  to  be  arrested  by  the  city 
police,  upon  presumption,  arising  from  color,  that  they  are  fugitives 
from  service  or  labor. 

"  By  the  fourth  section  of  the  act  of  Congress,  approved  August  6, 
1 86 1,  entitled  'An  Act  to  Confiscate  Property  Used  for  Insurrectionary 
Purposes,'  such  hostile  employment  is  made  a  full  and  sufficient  answer 
to  any  further  claim  to  service  or  labor.  Persons  thus  employed  and 
escaping  are  received  into  the  military  protection  of  the  United  States, 
and  their  arrest  as  fugitives  from  service  or  labor  should  be  immediately 
followed  by  the  military  arrest  of  the  parties  making  the  seizure. 

"  Copies  of  this  communication  will  be  sent  to  the  Mayor  of  the  City 
of  Washington  and  to  the  Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  that  any 
collision  between  the  civil  and  military  authorities  may  be  avoided. 
"  I  am,  General,  your  very  obedient, 

"Wai.  H.  SEWARD." 

It  was  now  1862.  The  dark  war  clouds  were  growing  thicker. 
The  Union  army  had  won  but  few  victories  ;  our  troops  had  to 
fight  a  tropical  climate,  the  forces  of  nature,  and  an  arrogant, 
jubilant,  and  victorious'  enemy.  Autumn  had  come  but  nothing 
had  been  accomplished.  The  friends  of  the  Union  who  favored 
a  speedy  and  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  besieged  the  Presi 
dent  with  letters,  memorials,  and  addresses  to  "  do  something." 
But  intrenched  behind  his  "  constitutional  views "  of  how  the 
war  should  be  managed  he  heard  all,  but  would  not  yield.  On 
the  1 3th  of  September,  1862,  a  deputation  of  gentlemen,  repre 
senting  the  various  Protestant  denominations  of  Chicago,  called 
upon  the  President  and  urged  him  to  adopt  a  vigorous  policy  of 
emancipation  as  the  only  way  to  save  the  Union  ;  but  he  denied 
the  request.  He  said  : 

:<  The  subject  is  difficult,  and  good  men  do  not  agree.  For  in 
stance  :  the  other  day,  four  gentlemen  of  standing  and  intelligence 
from  New  York  called  as  a  delegation  on  business  connected  with  the 
war  ;  but  before  leaving  two  of  them  earnestly  besought  me  to  proclaim 
general  Emancipation;  upon  which  the  other  two  at  once  attacked  them. 
You  know  also  that  the  last  session  of  Congress  had  a  decided  majority 
of  anti-slavery  men,  yet  they  could  not  unite  on  this  policy.  And  the 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATIONS.         265 

same  is  true  of  the  religious  people.  Why,  the  Rebel  soldiers  are  pray 
ing  with  a  great  deal  more  earnestness,  I  fear,  than  our  own  troops,  and 
expecting  God  to  favor  their  side:  for  one  of  our  soldiers,  who  had  been 
taken  prisoner,  told  Senator  Wilson  a  few  days  since  that  he  met  noth 
ing  so  discouraging  as  the  evident  sincerity  of  those  he  was  among  in 
their  prayers.  But  we  will  talk  over  the  merits  of  the  case. 

"  What  good  would  a  proclamation  of  Emancipation  from  me  do, 
especially  as  we  are  now  situated  ?  I  do  not  want  to  issue  a  document 
that  the  whole  world  will  see  must  necessarily  be  inoperative,  like  the 
Pope's  bull  against  the  comet.  Would  my  word  free  the  slaves,  when  I 
cannot  even  enforce  the  Constitution  in  the  Rebel  States  ?  Is  there  a 
single  court,  or  magistrate,  or  individual,  that  would  be  influenced  by 
it  there  ?  And  what  reason  is  there  to  think  it  would  have  any  greater 
effect  upon  the  slaves  than  the  late  law  of  Congress,  which  I  approved, 
and  which  offers  protection  and  freedom  to  the  slaves  of  rebel  masters 
who  come  within  our  lines  ?  Yet  I  cannot  learn  that  that  law  has 
caused  a  single  slave  to  come  over  to  us.  And,  suppose  they  could  be 
induced  by  a  proclamation  of  freedom  from  me  to  throw  themselves 
upon  us,  what  should  we  do  with  them  ?  How  can  we  feed  and  care 
for  such  a  multitude  ?  Gen.  Butler  wrote  me  a  few  days  since  that  he 
was  issuing  more  rations  to  the  slaves  who  have  rushed  to  him  than  to 
all  the  White  troops  under  his  command.  They  eat,  and  that  is  all  ; 
though  it  is  true  Gen.  Butler  is  feeding  the  Whites  also  by  the  thousand; 
for  it  nearly  amounts  to  a  famine  there.  If,  now,  the  pressure  of  the 
war  should  call  off  our  forces  from  New  Orleans  to  defend  some  other 
point,  what  is  to  prevent  the  masters  from  reducing  the  Blacks  to 
Slavery  again  ;  for  I  am  told  that  whenever  the  rebels  take  any  Black 
prisoners,  free  or  slave,  they  immediately  auction  them  off  !  They  did 
so  with  those  they  took  from  a  boat  that  was  aground  in  the  Tennessee 
river  a  few  days  ago.  And  then  I  am  very  ungenerously  attacked  for 
it !  For  instance,  when,  after  the  late  battles  at  and  near  Bull  Run,  an 
expedition  went  out  from  Washington,  under  a  flag  of  truce,  to  bury 
the  dead  and  bring  in  the  wounded,  and  the  Rebels  seized  the  Blacks 
who  went  along  to  help,  and  sent  them  into  Slavery,  Horace  Greeley  said 
in  his  paper  that  the  Government  would  probably  do  nothing  about  it. 
What  could  I  do  ? 

"  Now,  then,  tell  me,  if  you  please,  what  possible  result  of  good 
would  follow  the  issuing  of  such  a  proclamation  as  you  desire  ?  Under 
stand  :  I  raise  no  objection  against  it  on  legal  or  constitutional  grounds  ; 
for,  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and  navy  in  time  of  war,  I  sup 
pose  I  have  a  right  to  take  any  measure  which  may  best  subdue  the 
enemy  ;  nor  do  I  urge  objections  of  a  moral  nature,  in  view  of  possible 
consequences  of  insurrection  and  massacre  at  the  South.  I  view  this 
matter  as  a  practical  war  measure,  to  be  decided  on  according  to  the 


266    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

advantages  or  disadvantages  it  may  offer  to  the  suppression  of  the  Re 
bellion." 

Not  discouraged,  the  deputation  urged  in  answer  to  his  con 
servative  views,  that  a  policy  of  emancipation  would  strengthen 
the  cause  of  the  Union  in  Europe,  and  place  the  government 
upon  high  humane  grounds,  where  it  could  boldly  and  confidently 
appeal  to  Almighty  God  in  an  honest  attempt  to  save  His  poor 
children  from  the  degrading  curse  of  American  slavery.  But 
the  President  replied : 

"  I  admit  that  Slavery  is  at  the  root  of  the  Rebellion,  or  at  least  its  sine 
qua  non.  The  ambition  of  politicians  may  have  instigated  them  to  act ; 
they  would  have  been  impotent  without  Slavery  as  their  instrument.  I 
will  also  concede  that  Emancipation  would  help  us  in  Europe,  and 
convince  them  that  we  are  incited  by  something  more  than  ambition. 
I  grant,  further,  that  it  would  help  somewhat  at  the  North,  though  not 
so  much,  I  fear,  as  you  and  those  you  represent  imagine.  Still,  some 
additional  strength  would  be  added  in  that  way  to  the  war  ;  and  then, 
unquestionably,  it  would  weaken  the  Rebels  by  drawing  off  their  labor 
ers,  which  is  of  great  importance  ;  but  I  am  not  so  sure  we  could  do 
much  with  the  Blacks.  If  we  were  to  arm  them,  I  fear  that  in  a  few  weeks 
the  arms  would  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Rebels  ;  and,  indeed,  thus  far,, 
we  have  not  had  arms  enough  to  equip  our  White  troops.  I  will  men 
tion  another  thing,  though  it  meet  only  your  scorn  and  contempt.  There 
are  fifty  thousand  bayonets  in  the  Union  army  from  the  Border  Slave 
States.  It  would  be  a  serious  matter  if,  in  consequence  of  a  proclama 
tion  such  as  you  desire,  they  should  go  over  to  the  Rebels.  I  do  not 
think  they  all  would— not  so  many,  indeed,  as  a  year  ago,  or  as  six 
months  ago — not  so  many  to-day  as  yesterday.  Every  day  increases 
their  Union  feeling.  They  are  also  getting  their  pride  enlisted,  and 
want  to  beat  the  Rebels.  Let  me  say  one  thing  more  :  I  think  you 
should  admit  that  we  already  have  an  important  principle  to  rally  and 
unite  the  people,  in  the  fact  that  constitutional  government  is  at  stake. 
This  is  a  fundamental  idea,  going  down  about  as  deep  as  anything."  ] 

But  there  were  millions  of  prayers  ascending  to  the  God  of 
Battles  daily  that  the  President  might  have  the  courage  and  dis 
position  to  pursue  a  course  required  by  the  lamentable  condition 
of  the  Union.  And  just  nine  days  from  the  time  he  thought  a 
proclamation  not  warranted  and  impracticable,  he  issued  the  fol 
lowing  : 

1  Greeley,  vol.  ii.  pp.  251,  252. 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATIONS.         267 

"  I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  thereof,  do  hereby 
proclaim  and  declare  that  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  the  war  will  be 
prosecuted  for  the  object  of  practically  restoring  the  constitutional  re 
lation  between  the  United  States  and  each  of  the  States,  and  the  people 
thereof,  in  which  States  that  relation  is  or  may  be  suspended  or  dis 
turbed. 

"  That  it  is  my  purpose,  upon  the  next  meeting  of  Congress,  to  again 
recommend  the  adoption  of  a  practical  measure  tendering  pecuniary  aid 
to  the  free  acceptance  or  rejection  of  all  Slave  States,  so  called,  the  peo 
ple  whereof  may  not  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  and 
which  States  may  then  have  voluntarily  adopted,  or  thereafter  may 
voluntarily  adopt,  immediate  or  gradual  abolishment  of  Slavery  within 
their  respective  limits ;  and  that  the  effort  to  colonize  persons  of 
African  descent,  with  their  consent,  upon  this  continent  or  elsewhere, 
with  the  previously  obtained  consent  of  the  governments  existing  there, 
will  be  continued. 

That,  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thou 
sand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within 
any  State,  or  designated  part  of  the  State,  the  people  whereof  shall 
then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thencefor 
ward,  and  forever  free  ;  and  the  Executive  Government  of  the  United 
States,  including  the  military  and  naval  authority  thereof,  will  recognize 
and  maintain  the  freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to 
repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts  they  may  make  for 
their  actual  freedom. 

"  That  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day  of  January  aforesaid,  by 
proclamation,  designate  the  States  and  parts  of  States,  if  any,  in  which 
the  people  thereof  respectively  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the 
United  States  ;  and  the  fact  that  any  State,  or  the  people  thereof,  shall 
on  that  day  be  in  good  faith  represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  by  members  chosen  thereto  at  elections  wherein  a  majority  of  the 
qualified  voters  of  such  State  shall  have  participated,  shall,  in  the  ab 
sence  of  strong  countervailing  testimony,  be  deemed  conclusive  evidence 
that  such  State,  and  the  people  thereof,  are  not  then  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States. 

"  That  attention  is  hereby  called  to  an  act  of  Congress  entitled  'An 
Act  to  make  an  additional  Article  of  War,'  approved  March  i3th,  1862  ; 
and  which  act  is  in  the  words  and  figures  following  : 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  hereafter  the  fol 
lowing  shall  be  promulgated  as  an  additional  article  of  war  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  and  shall  be  obeyed  and  ob 
served  as  such  : 


268    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  '  SECTION  i.  All  officers  or  persons  in  the  military  or  naval  ser 
vice  of  the  United  States  are  prohibited  -from  employing  any  of  the 
forces  under  their  respective  commands  for  the  purpose  of  returning 
fugitives  from  service  or  labor  who  may  have  escaped  from  any  persons 
to  whom  such  service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be  due  ;  and  any  officer 
who  shall  be  found  guilty  of  a  court-martial  of  violating  this  article 
shall  be  dismissed  from  the  service. 

"  '  SEC.  2.  And  bejt  further  enacted,  That  this  act  shall  take  effect 
from  and  after  its  passage.' 

"Also,  to  the  ninth  and  tenth  sections  of  an  act  entitled  'An  Act 
to  Suppress  Insurrection,  to  Punish  Treason  and  Rebellion,  to  Seize 
and  Confiscate  Property  of  Rebels,  and  for  other  Purposes,'  approved 
July  1 6,  1862  ;  and  which  sections  are  in  the  words  and  figures  follow 
ing: 

! '  SEC.  9.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  slaves  of  persons  who 
shall  hereafter  be  engaged  in  rebellion  against  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  or  who  shall  in  any  way  give  aid  or  comfort  thereto, 
escaping  from  such  persons  and  taking  refuge  within  the  lines  of  the 
army  ;  and  all  slaves  captured  from  such  persons,  or  deserted  by  them 
and  coming  under  the  control  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  ; 
and  all  slaves  of  such  persons  found  on  [or]  being  within  any  place  oc 
cupied  by  Rebel  forces  and  afterward  occupied  by  forces  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  deemed  captives  of  war,  and  shall  be  forever  free  of 
their  servitude,  and  not  again  held  as  slaves. 

'  '  SEC.  10.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  no  slave  escaping  into  any 
State,  Territory,  or  the  District  of  Columbia,  from  any  other  State,  shall 
be  delivered  up,  or  in  any  way  impeded  or  hindered  of  his  liberty,  ex 
cept  for  crime,  or  some  offense  against  the  laws,  unless  the  person 
claiming  said  fugitive  shall  first  make  oath  that  the  person  to 
whom  the  labor  or  service  of  such  fugitive  is  alleged  to  be  due  is  his 
lawful  owner,  and  has  not  borne  arms  against  the  United  States  in  the 
present  Rebellion,  nor  in  any  way  given  aid  and  comfort  thereto  ;  and 
no  person  engaged  in  the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  Unitecf  States 
shall,  under  any  pretense  whatever,  assume  to  decide  on  the  validity  of 
the  claim  of  any  person  to  the  service  or  labor  of  any  other  person,  or 
surrender  up  any  such  person  to  the  claimant,  on  pain  of  being  dis 
missed  from  the  service.' 

"  And  I  do  hereby  enjoin  upon  and  order  all  persons  engaged  in  the 
military  and  naval  service  of  the  United  States  to  observe,  obey,^  and 
enforce,  within  their  respective  spheres  of  service,  the  act  and  sections 
above  recited. 

"  And  the  Executive  will  in  due  time  recommend  that  all  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  who  shall  have  remained  loyal  thereto  throughout  the 
Rebellion,  shall  (upon  the  restoration  of  the  constitutional  relation  be- 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATIONS.          269 

tween  the  United  States  and  their  respective  States  and  people,  if  that 
relation  shall  have  been  suspended  or  disturbed)  be  compensated  for 
all  losses  by  acts  of  the  United  States,  including  the  loss  of  slaves. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at   the  City  of  Washington,  this   twenty-second  day  of 
r        -i       September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hun 
dred   and   sixty-two,   and  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  the  eighty-seventh. 

"ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
"  By  the  President  : 
"WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State" 

» 

But  why  this  change  in  the  views  of  the  President  ?  History, 
thus  far,  is  left  to  conjecture.  It  was  hinted  that  our  embassa- 
dors  in  Western  Europe  had  apprised  the  State  Department  at 
Washington  that  an  early  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confed 
eracy  was  possible,  even,  probable.  It  was  also  stated  that  he 
was  waiting  for  the  issue  at  the  battle  of  Antietam,  which  was 
fought  on  the  i/th — five  days  before  the  proclamation  was  issued. 
But  neither  explanation  stands  in  the  light  of  the  positive  and 
explicit  language  of  the  President  on  the  1 3th  of  September. 
However,  he  issued  the  proclamation, — the  Diving  Being  may 
have  opened  his  eyes  to  see  the  angel  that  was  to  turn  him  aside 
from  the  destruction  that  awaited  the  Union  that  he  sought  to 
save  with  slavery  preserved  ! 

The  sentiment  of  the  people  upon  the  wisdom  of  the  procla 
mation  was  expressed  in  the  October  elections.  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois  went 
democratic  ;  while  the  supporters  of  the  Administration  fell  off  in 
Michigan  and  other  Western  States.  In  the  Congress  of  1860 
there  were  78  Republicans  and  37  Democrats  ;  in  1862  there 
were  57  Administration  representatives,  and  67  in  the  Oppo 
sition. 

The  army  did  not  take  kindly  to  the  proclamation.  It  was 
charged  that  "  the  war  for  the  Union  was  changed  into  a  war 
for  the  Negro."  Some  officers  resigned,  while  many  others  said 
that  if  they  thought  they  were  fighting  to  free  the  "  niggers" 
they  would  resign.  This  sentiment  was  contagious.  It  found 
its  way  into  the  rank  and  file  of  the  troops,  and  did  no  little 
harm.  The  following  telegram  shows  that  the  rebels  were 
angered  not  a  little  at  the  President : 


270    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  CHARLESTON,  S.  C.,  Oct.  13,  1862. 
"  Hon.  WM.  P.  MILES,  Richmond,  Va.  : 

"  Has  the  bill  for  the  execution  of  Abolition  prisoners,  after  Janu 
ary  next,  been  passed  ?  Do  it ;  and  England  will  be  stirred  into  action. 
It  is  high  time  to  proclaim  the  black  flag  after  that  period.  Let  the 
execution  be  with  the  garrote. 

•'  (Signed)       G.  T.  BEAUREGARD." 

But  the  proclamation  was  a  harmless  measure.  First,  it 
declared  that  the  object  of  the  war  was  to  restore  "  the  consti 
tutional  relation  between  the  United  States  and  each  of  the 
States."  After  nearly  two  years  of  disastrous  war  Mr.  Lincoln 
declares  the  object  of  the  war.  Certainly  no  loyal  man  had  ever 
entertained  any  other  idea  than  the  one  expressed  in  the  proc 
lamation.  It  was  not  a  war  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to 
destroy  her  children,  nor  to  disturb  her  own  constitutional,  com 
prehensive  unity.  It  must  have  been  understood,  then,  from  the 
commencement,  that  the  war  begun  by  the  seceding  States  was 
waged  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  preserve  the  Union  of 
the  States,  and  restore  them  to  their  "  constitutional  relation." 

Second,  the  proclamation  implored  the  slave  States  to  accept 
(certainly  in  the  spirit  of  compromise)  a  proposition  from  the 
United  States  to  emancipate  their  slaves  for  a  pecuniary  consider 
ation,  and,  by  their  gracious  consent,  assist  in  colonizing  loyal 
Negroes  in  this  country  or  in  Africa  ! 

Third,  the  measure  proposed  to  free  slaves  of  persons  and 
States  in  rebellion  against  the  lawful  authority  of  the  United 
States  Government  on  the  first  day  of  January,  1863.  Nothing 
more  difficult  could  have  been  undertaken  than  to  free  only  the 
slaves  of  persons  and  States  in  actual  rebellion  against  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  Persons  in  actual  rebellion 
would  be  most  likely  to  have  immediate  oversight  of  this  species 
of  their  property;  and  the  owners  of  slaves  in  the  States  in 
actual  rebellion  against  the  United  States  Government  would 
doubtless  be  as  thoroughly  prepared  to  take  care  of  slave  prop 
erty  as  the  muskets  in  their  rebellious  hands. 

Fourth,  this  emancipation  proclamation  (?)  proposed  to  pay 
out  of  the  United  States  Treasury, — for  all  slaves  of  loyal 
masters  lost  in  a  rebellion  begun  by  slave-holders  and  carried  on 
by  slave-holders  ! 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATIONS.         271 

Under  the  condition  of  affairs  no  emancipation  proclamation 
was  necessary.  Treason  against  the  United  States  is  "  levying 
war  against  them,"  or  "  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them 
aid  and  comfort."  The  rebel  States  were  guilty  of  treason  ;  and 
from  the  moment  Sumter  was  fired  upon,  every  slave  in  the 
Confederate  States  was  ipso  facto  free  ! 

But  it  was  an  occasion  for  rejoicing.  The  President  had 
taken  a  step  in  the  right  direction,  and,  thank  God  !  he  never 
retraced  it. 

A  severe  winter  had  set  in.  The  rebels  had  shown  the  kind- 
hearted  President  no  disposition  to  accept  the  mild  terms  of  his 
proclamation.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  received  with  gnashing  of 
teeth  and  bitter  imprecations.  On  the  I2th  of  January,  1863, 
the  titular  President  of  the  Confederate  States,  in  his  third 
Annual  Message,  gave  attention  to  the  proclamation  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Davis  said : 

"  It  has  established  a  state  of  things  which  can  lead  to  but  one  of 
three  possible  consequences — the  extermination  of  the  slaves,  the  exile 
of  the  whole  white  population  of  the  Confederacy,  or  absolute  and  total 
separation  of  these  States  from  the  United  States.  This  proclamation 
is  also  an  authentic  statement  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
of  its  inability  to  subjugate  the  South  by  force  of  arms,  and,  as  such, 
must  be  accepted  by  neutral  nations,  which  can  no  longer  find  any 
justification  in  withholding  our  just  claims  to  formal  recognition.  It  is 
also,  in  effect,  an  intimation  to  the  people  of  the  North  that  they  must 
prepare  to  submit  to  a  separation  now  become  inevitable  ;  for  that 
people  are  too  acute  not  to  understand  that  a  restitution  of  the  Union 
has  been  rendered  forever  impossible  by  the  adoption  of  a  measure 
which,  from  its  very  nature,  neither  admits  of  retraction  nor  can  coexist 
with  union. 

"  We  may  well  leave  it  to  the  instincts  of  that  common  humanity 
which  a  beneficent  Creator  has  implanted  in  the  breasts  of  our  fellow- 
men  of  all  countries  to  pass  judgment  on  a  measure  by  which  several 
millions  of  human  beings  of  an  inferior  race — peaceful  and  contented 
laborers  in  their  sphere — are  doomed  to  extermination,  while  at  the 
same  time  they  are  encouraged  to  a  general  assassination  of  their  mas 
ters  by  the  insidious  recommendation  to  abstain  from  violence  unless  in 
necessary  self-defense.  Our  own  detestation  of  those  who  have  at 
tempted  the  most  execrable  measures  recorded  in  the  history  of  guilty 
man  is  tempered  by  profound  contempt  for  the  impotent  rage  which  it 


272    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA 

discloses.  So  far  as  regards  the  action  of  this  Government  on  such, 
criminals  as  may  attempt  its  execution,  I  confine  myself  to  informing 
you  that  I  shall — unless  in  your  wisdom  you  deem  some  other  course 
more  expedient — deliver  to  the  several  State  authorities  all  commis 
sioned  officers  of  the  United  States  that  may  hereafter  be  captured  by 
our  forces  in  any  of  the  States  embraced  in  the  proclamation,  that  they 
may  be  dealt  with  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  those  States  providing 
for  the  punishment  of  criminals  engaged  in  exciting  servile  insurrection. 
The  enlisted  soldiers  I  shall  continue  to  treat  as  unwilling  instruments 
in  the  commission  of  these  crimes,  and  shall  direct  their  discharge  and 
return  to  their  homes  on  the  proper  and  usual  parole." 

And  although  the  President  and  his  supporters  had  not 
reaped  the  blessings  their  hopes  had  sown,  they  were,  neverthe 
less,  not  without  hope.  For  when  the  sober  second  thought  of 
the  nation  took  the  place  of  prejudice  and  undue  excitement, 
the  proclamation  had  more  friends.  And  so,  in  keeping  with  his 
promise,  the  President  issued  the  following  proclamation  on  the 
first  of  January,  1863. 

"  Whereas^  on  the  22d  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1862,  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
containing,  among  other  things,  the  following,  to  wit : 

'  That  on  the  ist  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1863,  all 
persons  held  as  slaves  within  any  State  or  designated  part  of  a  State, 
the  people  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States, 
shall  be  then,  thenceforward,  and  forever  free  ;  and  the  Executive 
Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval 
authority  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  such  per 
sons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to  repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them, 
in  any  efforts  they  may  make  for  their  actual  freedom. 

'  That  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day  of  January  aforesaid,  by 
proclamation,  designate  the  States  and  parts  of  States,  if  any,  in  which 
the  people  thereof  respectively  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the 
United  States  ;  and  the  fact  that  any  State,  or  the  people  thereof,  shall 
on  that  day  be  in  good  faith  represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  by  members  chosen  thereto  at  elections  wherein  a  majority  of 
the  qualified  voters  of  such  State  shall  have  participated,  shall,  in  the 
absence  of  strong  countervailing  testimony,  be  deemed  conclusive  evi 
dence  that  such  State,  and  the  people  thereof,  are  not  then  in  rebellion 
against  the  United  States.' 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as  Commander-in-Chief  of 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATIONS.          273 

the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States  in  time  of  actual  armed  rebel 
lion  against  the  authority  and  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  as 
a  fit  and  necessary  war  measure  for  suppressing  said  rebellion,  do,  on 
this  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  in  accordance  with  my  purpose  so  to  do, 
publicly  proclaimed  for  the  full  period  of  one  hundred  days  from  the 
day  first  above  mentioned,  order  and  designate  as  the  States  and  parts 
of  States  wherein  the  people  thereof  respectively  are  this  day  in  rebel 
lion  against  the  United  States,  the  following,  to  wit  : 

"  Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisiana  (except  the  parishes  of  St.  Bernard, 
Plaquemine,  Jefferson,  St.  John,  St.  Charles,  St.  James,  Ascension, 
Assumption,  Terre  Bonne,  Lafourche,  St.  Mary,  St.  Martin,  and  Or 
leans,  including  the  city  of  New  Orleans),  Mississippi,  Alabama, 
Florida,  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  Virginia  (except 
the  forty-eight  counties  designated  as  West  Virginia,  and  also  the  coun 
ties  of  Berkeley,  Accomac,  Northampton,  Elizabeth  City,  York,  Princess 
Anne,  and  Norfolk,  including  the  cities  of  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth), 
and  which  excepted  parts  are,  for  the  present,  left  precisely  as  if  this 
proclamation  were  not  issued. 

"And,  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  I  do  or 
der  and  declare  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  said  designated 
States  and  parts  of  States,  are  and  henceforward  shall  be  free  ;  and  that 
the  Executive  Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military 
and  naval  authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom 
of  said  persons. 

"  And  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared  to  be  free,  to  ab 
stain  from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self-defense  ;  and  I  recom 
mend  to  them  that,  in  all  cases  when  allowed,  they  labor  faithfully  for 
reasonable  wages. 

"  And  I  further  declare  and  make  known  that  such  persons,  of  suit 
able  condition,  will  be  received  into  the  armed  service  of  the  United 
States  to  garrison  forts,  positions,  stations,  and  other  places,  and'  to  man 
vessels  of  all  sorts  in  said  service. 

"  And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an ,  act  of  justice,  war 
ranted  by  the  Constitution  upon  military  necessity,  I  invoke  the  consid 
erate  judgment  of  mankind,  and  the  gracious  favor  of  Almighty  God. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  name  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this   ist   day   of   January,  in  the 
[L.  s.]       year  of  our  Lord  1863,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  the  8yth. 

"  By  the  President  :  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State" 


274    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Even  this  proclamation — not  a  measure  of  humanity — to  save 
the  Union,  not  the  slave — left  slaves  in  many  counties  and 
States  at  the  South.  It  was  a  war  measure,  pure  and  simple. 
It  was  a  blow  aimed  at  the  most  vulnerable  part  of  the  Confed 
eracy.  It  was  destroying  its  corner-stone,  and  the  ponderous  fab 
ric  was  doomed  to  a  speedy  and  complete  destruction.  It  dis 
covered  that  the  strength  of  this  Sampson  of  rebellion  lay  in  its 
vast  slave  population.  To  the  slave  the  proclamation  came  as 
the  song  of  the  rejoicing  angels  to  the  shepherds  upon  the  plains 
'of  Bethlehem.  It  was  like  music  at  night,  mellowed  by  the  dis 
tance,  that  rouses  slumbering  hopes,  gives  wings  to  fancy,  and 
peoples  the  brain  with  blissful  thoughts.  TThe  notes  of  freedom 
came  careering  to  them  across  the  red,  billowy  waves  of  battle 
and  thrilled  their  souls  with  ecstatic  peace.  Old  men  who,  like 
Samuel  the  prophet,  believing  the  ark  of  God  in  the  hands  of 
the  Philistines,  and  were  ready  to  give  up  the  ghost,  felt  that  it 
was  just  the  time  to  begin  to  live.  Husbands  were  transported 
with  the  thought  of  gathering  to  their  bosoms  the  wife  that  had 
been  sold  to  the  "  nigger  traders  ";  mothers  swooned  under  the  ten 
der  touch  of  the  thought  of  holding  in  loving  embrace  the  chil 
dren  who  pined  for  their  care  ;  and  young  men  and  maidens 
could  only  "  think  thanksgiving  and  weep  gladness." 

The  slave-holder  saw  in  this  proclamation  the  handwriting 
upon  the  walls  of  the  institution  of  slavery.  The  brightness  and 
revelry  of  his  banqueting  halls  were  to  be  succeeded  by  gloom 
and  sorrow.  His  riches,  consisting  in  human  beings,  were  to  dis 
appear  under  the  magic  touch  of  the  instrument  of  freedom. 
The  chattel  was  to  be  transformed  into  a  person,  the  person  into 
a  soldier,  the  soldier  into  a  citizen — and  thus  the  Negro  slave, 
like  the  crawling  caterpillar,  was  to  leave  his  grovelling  situa 
tion,  and  in  new  form,  wing  himself  to  the  sublime  heights  of 
free  American  citizenship  ! 

The  Negroes  had  a  marvellous  facility  of  communicating 
news  to  each  other.  The  proclamation,  in  spite  of  the  pre 
cautions  of  the  rebel  authorities,  took  to  itself  wings.  It 
came  to  the  plantation  of  weary  slaves  as  the  glorious  light 
of  a  new-born  day.  It  flooded  the  hovels  of  slaves  with  its 
golden  light  and  rich  promise  of  "forever  free."  Like  St. 
Paul  the  poor  slaves  could  exclaim  : 

'*  In  stripes,  in  imprisonments,  in  tumults,  in  labors,  in  watchings, 
in  fastings  ;  by  pureness,  by  knowledge,  by  long-suffering,  by  kindness, 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATIONS.          275 

by  the  Holy  Ghost,  by  love  unfeigned,  by  the  word  of  truth,  by  the 
power  of  God,  by  the  armor  of  righteousness  on  the  right  hand  and  on 
the  left,  by  honor  and  dishonor,  by  evil  report  and  good  report ;  as  de 
ceivers,  and  yet  true  ;  as  unknown,  and  yet  well  known  ;  as  dying,  and, 
behold,  we  live  ;  as  chastened,  and  not  killed  ;  as  sorrowful,  yet  al- 
way  rejoicing  ;  as  poor,  yet  making  many  rich  ;  as  having  nothing,  and 
yet  possessing  all  things." 

And  the  significant  name  of  Abraham — "  father  of  the  faith 
ful  " — was  pronounced  by  the  Negroes  with  blessings,  and  min 
gled  in  their  songs  of  praise. 


276    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

EMPLOYMENT   OF   NEGROES  AS   SOLDIERS. 

THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  —  THE  REBELS  TAKE  THE  FIRST  STEP  TOWARD 
THE  MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES.  —  GRAND  REVIEW  OF  THE  REBEL  TROOPS  AT  NEW 
ORLEANS.  —  GENERAL  HUNTER  ARMS  THE  FIRST  REGIMENT  OF  LOYAL  NEGROES  AT  THE 
SOUTH.  —  OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR  AND  GENERAL 
HUNTER  RESPECTING  THE  ENLISTMENT  OF  THE  BLACK  REGIMENT. —THE  ENLISTMENT  OF  FIVE 
NEGRO  REGIMENTS  AUTHORIZED  BY  THE  PRESIDENT. — THE  POLICY  OF  GENERAL  PHELPS  IN 
REGARD  TO  THE  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS  IN  LOUISIANA.  —  A  SECOND  CALL  FOR 
TROOPS  BY  THE  PRESIDENT.  —  AN  ATTEMPT  TO  AMEND  THE  ARMY  APPROPRIATION  BILL  so  AS 

TO    PROHIBIT  THE   FURTHER  EMPLOYMENT   OF    COLORED  TROOPS.  —  GOVERNOR   JOHN  A.  ANDREW, 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  AUTHORIZED  BY  SECRETARY  OF  WAR  TO  ORGANIZE  Two  REGIMENTS  OF 
COLORED  TROOPS.  —  GENERAL  LORENZO  THOMAS  is  DESPATCHED  TO  THE  MISSISSIPPI  VALLEY 

TO    SUPERINTEND  THE   ENLISTMENT   OF   NEGRO    SOLDIERS    IN    THE  SPRING   OF    1863.  —  AN    ORDER 

ISSUED  BY  THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT  IN  THE  FALL  OF  1863  FOR  THE  ENLISTMENT  OF  COLORED- 
TROOPS. — THE  UNION  LEAGUE  CLUB  OF  NEW  YORK  CITY.—  RECRUITING  OF  COLORED  TROOPS 
IN  PENNSYLVANIA.  —  GEORGE  L.  STEARNS  ASSIGNED  CHARGE  OF  THE  RECRUITING  OF  COLORED 
TROOPS  IN  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.  —  FREE  MILITARY  SCHOOL  ESTABLISHED 
AT  PHILADELPHIA,  PENNSYLVANIA.  —  ENDORSEMENT  OF  THE  SCHOOL  BY  SECRETARY  STANTON.— 
THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  SCHOOL.  — OFFICIAL  TABLE  GIVING  NUMBER  OF  COLORED  TROOPS  IN 
THE  ARMY.  —  THE  CHARACTER  OF  NEGRO  TROOPS.  —  MR.  GREELEY'S  EDITORIAL  ON  "NEGRO 
TROOPS."  —  LETTER  FROM  JUDGE  ADVOCATE  HOLT  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR  ON  THE 
"ENLISTMENT  OF  SLAVES."  —  THE  NEGRO  LEGALLY  AND  CONSTITUTIONALLY  A  SOLDIER. — 
HISTORY  RECORDS  HIS  DEEDS  OF  PATRIOTISM. 

AT  no  time  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  war  was  the 
President  or  the  Congress  willing  to  entertain  the  idea  of 
employing  Negroes  as  soldiers.  It  has  been  shown  that 
the  admission  of  loyal  Negroes  into  the  Union  lines,  and  into  the 
service  of  the  Engineer's  and  Quartermaster's  Department,  had 
been  resisted  with  great  stubbornness  by  the  men  in  the  "  chief 
places."  There  were,  however,  a  few  men,  both  in  and  out  of 
the  army,  who  secretly  believed  that  the  Negro  was  needed  in 
the  army,  and  that  he  possessed  all  the  elements  necessary  to 
make  an  excellent  soldier.  Public  sentiment  was  so  strong 
against  the  employment  of  Negroes  in  the  armed  service  that 
few  men  had  the  courage  of  conviction ;  few  had  the  temerity  to 
express  their  views  publicly.  In  the  summer  of  1860, — before 
the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln, — General  J.  Watts  De  Peyster, 
of  New  York,  wrote  an  article  for  a  Hudson  paper,  in  which  he 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       277 

advocated  the  arming  of  Negroes  as  soldiers,  should  the  Southern 
States  declare  war  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
The  article  was  reproduced  in  many  other  papers,  pronounced  a 
fire-brand,  and  General  De  Peyster  severely  denounced  for  his 
advice.  But  he  stood  his  ground,  and  when  the  war  did  come 
he  gave  to  his  country's  service  three  gallant  sons ;  and  from  the 
first  to  the  last  was  an  efficient  and  enthusiastic  supporter  of  the 
war  for  the  Union. 

The  rebels  took  the  first  step  in  the  direction  of  the  military 
employment  of  Negroes  as  soldiers.  Two  weeks  after  the  firing 
upon  Sumter  took  place,  the  following  note  appeared  in  the 
"Charleston  Mercury"  : 

Several  companies  of  the  Third  and  Fourth  Regiments  of  Georgia 
passed  through  Augusta  for  the  expected  scene  of  warfare — Virginia. 
Sixteen  well-drilled  companies  of  volunteers  and  one  negro  company, 
from  Nashville,  Tennessee,  offered  their  services  to  the  Confederate 
States."  l 

In  the  "  Memphis  Avalanche  "  and  "  Memphis  Appeal  of 
the  Qth,  loth,  and  nth  of  May,  1861,  appeared  the  following 
notice: 

"  ATTENTION,  VOLUNTEERS  :  Resolved  by  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
that  C.  Deloach,  D.  R.  Cook,  and  William  B.  Greenlaw  be  authorized 
to  organize  a  volunteer  company  composed  of  our  patriotic  free  men  of 
color,  of  the  city  of  Memphis,  for  the  service  of  our  common  defence. 
All  who  have  not  enrolled  their  names  will  call  at  the  office  of  W.  B. 
Greenlaw  &  Co.  "  F.  TITUS,  President. 

"  F.  W.  FORSYTHE,  Secretary:' 

On  the  Qth  of  February,  1862,  the  rebel  troops  had  a  grand 
review,  and  the  "  Picayune,"  of  New  Orleans,  contained  the  fol 
lowing  paragraph  : 

"  We  must  also  pay  a  deserved  compliment  to  the  companies  of  free 
colored  men,  all  very  well  drilled,  and  comfortably  uniformed.  Most  of 
these  companies,  quite  unaided  by  the  administration,  have  supplied 
themselves  with  arms  without  regard  to  cost  or  trouble.  One  of  these 
companies,  commanded  by  the  well-known  veteran,  Captain  Jordan,  was 
presented,  a  little  before  the  parade,  with  a  fine  war-flag  of  the  new 
style.  This  interesting  ceremony  took  place  at  Mr.  Cushing's  store,  on 

'Charleston   Mercury,   April  30,  1861. 


278    HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Camp,  near  Common  Street.  The  presentation  was  made  by  Mr. 
Bigney,  and  Jordan  made,  on  this  occasion,  one  of  his  most  felicitous 
speeches." 

And  on  the  4th  of  February,  1862,  the  "  Baltimore  Traveller  " 
contained  the  following  paragraph  : 

"ARMING  OF  NEGROES  AT  RICHMOND.— Contrabands  who  have 
recently  come  within  the  Federal  lines  at  Williamsport,  report  that  all 
the  able-bodied  colored  men  in  that  vicinity  are  being  taken  to  Rich 
mond,  formed  into  regiments,  and  armed  for  the  defence  of  that  city." 

The  following  telegram  was  sent  out : 

"NEW  ORLEANS,  Nov.  23,  1861. 

"  Over  twenty-eight  thousand  troops  were  reviewed  to-day  by  Gov 
ernor  Moore,  Major-General  Lovell,  and  Brig.-General  Ruggles.  The 
line  was  over  seven  miles  long.  One  regiment*comprised  fourteen  hun 
dred  free  colored  men." 

These  are  sufficient  to  show  that  from  the  earliest  dawn  of 
the  war  the  rebel  authorities  did  not  frown  upon  the  action  of 
local  authorities  in  placing  arms  into  the  hands  of  free  Negroes. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  was  still  opposing  any  at 
tempt  on  the  part  of  the  supporters  of  the  war  to  constrain  him 
to  approve  of  the  introduction  of  Negroes  into  the  army.  But 
the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  had  sent  an  order 
to  Brig.-Gen.  T.  W.  Sherman,  directing  him  to  accept  the  services 
of  all  loyal  persons  who  desired  to  aid  in  the  suppression  of  the 
Rebellion  in  and  about  Port  Royal.  When  Gen.  David  Hunter 
relieved  Gen.  Sherman,  the  latter  turned  over  to  him  the  instruc 
tions  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  There  was  no  mention  of  color, 
nor  was  any  class  of  persons  mentioned  save  "  loyal  persons." 
Gen.  Hunter  was  a  gentleman  of  broad,  liberal,  and  humane  views, 
and  seeing  an  opportunity  open  to  employ  Negroes  as  soldiers, 
in  the  spring  of  1862  directed  the  organization  of  a  regiment  of 
blacks.  He  secured  the  best  white  officers  for  the  regiment,  and 
it  soon  obtained  a  fine  condition  of  discipline.  The  news  of  a 
Union  Negro  regiment  in  South  Carolina  completely  surprised  the 
people  at  Washington.  On  the  Qth  of  June,  1862,  Mr.  Wickliffe, 
of  Kentucky,  introduced  in  the  National  House  of  Representa 
tives  a  resolution  of  inquiry,  calling  upon  Gen.  Hunter  to  ex 
plain  to  Congress  his  unprecedented  conduct  in  arming  Negroes 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       279 

'to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Union.  Mr.  Stanton  was  now  at  the 
head  of  the  War  Department,  and  the  following  correspondence 
took  place : 

"GENERAL  HUNTER'S   NEGRO  REGIMENT. 

"  OFFICIAL   CORRESPONDENCE. 

.     "  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  June  14,  1862. 
"Hon.  G.  A.  Grow,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  : 

"  SIR  :  A  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  has  been  re 
ceived,  which  passed  the  ninth  instant,  to  the  following  effect : 

"  '  Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  War  be  directed  to  inform  this 
House  if  Gen.  Hunter,  of  the  Department  of  South  Carolina,  has  organ 
ized  a  regiment  of  South  Carolina  volunteers  for  the  defence  of  the 
Union,  composed  of  black  men  (fugitive  slaves),  and  appointed  a  Col 
onel  and  officers  to  command  them. 

'  *  2d.  Was  he  authorized  by  the  Department  to  organize  and 
muster  into  the  army  of  the  United  States,  as  soldiers,  the  fugitive  or 
captive  slaves  ? 

'  *  3d.  Has  he  been  furnished  with  clothing,  uniforms,  etc.,  for 
such  force  ? 

"  '  4th.  Has  he  been  furnished,  by  order  of  the  Department  of 
War,  with  arms  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  slaves  ? 

"  '  5th.  To  report  any  orders  given  said  Hunter,  and  correspond 
ence  between  him  and  the  Department.' ' 

"  In  answer  to  the  foregoing  resolution,  I  have  the  honor  to  inform 
the  House  : 

"  i st.  That  this  Department  has  no  official  information  whether 
Gen.  Hunter,  of  the  Department  of  South  Carolina,  has  or  has  not 
organized  a  regiment  of  South  Carolina  volunteers  for  the  defence  of 
the  Union,  composed  of  black  men,  fugitive  slaves,  and  appointed  the 
Colonel  and  other  officers  to  command  them.  In  order  to  ascertain 
whether  he  has  done  so  or  not,  a  copy  of  the  House  resolution  has 
been  transmitted  to  Gen.  Hunter,  with  instructions  to  make  immediate 
report  thereon. 

"  2d.  Gen.  Hunter  was  not  authorized  by  the  Department  to 
organize  and  muster  into  the  army  of  the  United  States  the  fugitive  or 
captive  slaves. 

"  3d.  Gen.  Hunter,  upon  his  requisition  as  Commander  of  the 
South,  has  been  furnished  with  clothing  and  arms  for  the  force  under 
his  command,  without  instructions  as  to  how  they  should  be  used. 

"  4th.  He  has  not  been  furnished  by  order  of  the  Department  of 
War  with  arms  to  be  placed  within  the  hands  of  *  those  slaves.' 


280    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"5th.  In  respect  to  so  much  of  said .  resolution  as  directs  the 
Secretary  *  to  report  to  the  House  my  orders  given  said  Hunter,  and 
correspondence  between  him  and  the  Department,'  the  President  in 
structs  me  to  answer  that  the  report,  at  this  time,  of  the  orders  given  to 
and  correspondence  between  Gen.  Hunter  and  this  Department  would, 
in  his  opinion,  be  incompatible  with  the  public  welfare. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

"  Secretary  of  War" 

"WAR  DEPARTMENT,      \ 
"  WASHINGTON,  July  2,  1862.  f 

"  SIR  :  On  reference  to  the  answer  of  this  Department  of  the 
fourteenth  ultimo  to  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  ninth  of  last  month,  calling  for  information  respecting  the  organiza 
tion  by  Gen.  Hunter,  of  the  Department  of  South  Carolina,  of  a  regi 
ment  of  volunteers  for  the  defence  of  the  Union,  composed  of  black 
men,  fugitive  slaves,  etc.,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  resolution  had  been 
referred  to  that  officer  with  instructions  to  make  an  immediate  report 
thereon.  I  have  now  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  the  copy  of  a 
communication  just  received  from  Gen.  Hunter,  furnishing  information 
as  to  his  action  touching  the  various  matters  indicated  in  the  resolution. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

"  Secretary  of  War. 
"  Hon.  G.  A.  GROW, 

"  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives" 

"  HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH,  ) 
"  PORT  ROYAL,  S.  C.,  June  23,  1862.  j" 

"  Hon.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War\  Washington. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  communi 
cation  from  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  army,  dated  June  thirteenth, 
1862,  requesting  me  to  furnish  you  with  the  information  necessary  to 
answer  certain  resolutions  introduced  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
June  ninth,  1862,  on  motion  of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky, 
their  substance  being  to  inquire  : 

"  First.  Whether  I  had  organized  or  was  organizing  a  regiment  of 
'  fugitive  slaves  '  in  this  department  ? 

"  Second.  Whether  any  authority  had  been  given  to  me  from  the 
War  Department  for  such  organization  ?  and 

"  Third.  Whether  I  had  been  furnished,  by  order  of  the  War  Depart 
ment,  with  clothing,  uniforms,  arms,  equipments,  etc.,  for  such  a  force  ? 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       281 

"  Only  having  received  the  letter  covering  these  inquiries  at  a  late 
hour  on  Saturday  night,  I  urge  forward  my  answer  in  time  for  the 
steamer  sailing  to-day  (Monday) — this  haste  preventing  me  from  enter 
ing  as  minutely  as  I  could  wish  upon  maay  points  of  detail,  such  as  the 
paramount  importance  of  the  subject  calls  for.  But,  in  view  of  the 
near  termination  of  the  present  session  of  Congress,  and  the  widespread 
interest  which  must  have  been  awakened  by  Mr.  Wickliffe's  resolutions, 
I  prefer  sending  even  this  imperfect  answer  to  waiting  the  period  neces 
sary  for  the  collection  of  fuller  and  more  comprehensive  data. 

"  To  the  first  question,  therefore,  I  reply  that  no  regiment  of  '  fugi 
tive  slaves  '  has  been  or  is  being  organized  in  this  department.  There 
is,  however,  a  fine  regiment  of  persons  whose  late  masters  are  *  fugitive 
rebels,' — men  who  everywhere  fly  before  the  appearance  of  the  national 
flag,  leaving  their  servants  behind  them  to  shift  as  best  they  can  for 
themselves.  So  far,  indeed,  are  the  loyal  persons  composing  this  regi 
ment  from  seeking  to  avoid  the  presence  of  their  late  owners,  that  they 
are  now,  one  and  all,  working  with  remarkable  industry  to  place  them 
selves  in  a  position  to  go  in  full  and  effective  pursuit  of  their  fugacious 
and  traitorous  proprietors. 

"  To  the  second  question  I  have  the  honor  to  answer  that  the  in 
structions  given  to  Brig.-Gen.  T.  W.  Sherman,  by  the  Hon.  Simon 
Cameron,  late  Secretary  of  War,  and  turned  over  to  me  by  succession 
for  my  guidance,  do  distinctly  authorize  me  to  employ  all  loyal  persons 
offering  their  services  in  defence  of  the  Union  and  for  the  suppression 
of  this  rebellion  in  any  manner  I  might  see  fit,  or  that  the  circumstances 
might  call  for.  There  is  no  restriction  as  to  the  character  or  color  of 
the  persons  to  be  employed,  or  the  nature  of  the  employment,  whether 
civil  or  military,  in  which  their  services  should  be  used.  I  conclude, 
therefore,  that  I  have  been  authorized  to  enlist  '  fugitive  slaves '  as  sol 
diers,  could  any  such  be  found  in  this  department.  No  such  charac 
ters,  however,  have  yet  appeared  within  view  of  our  most  advanced 
pickets,  the  loyal  slaves  everywhere  remaining  on  their  plantations  to 
welcome  us,  aid  us,  and  supply  us  with  food,  labor,  and  information. 
It  is  the  masters  who  have  in  every  instance  been  the  '  fugitives,'  run 
ning  away  from  loyal  slaves  as  well  as  loyal  soldiers,  and  whom  we  have 
only  partially  been  able  to  see — chiefly  their  heads  over  ramparts,  or, 
rifle  in  hand,  dodging  behind  trees — in  the  extreme  distance.  In  the 
absence  of  any  *  fugitive-master  law,'  the  deserted  slaves  would  be 
wholly  without  remedy,  had  not  the  crime  of  treason  given  them  the 
right  to  pursue,  capture,  and  bring  back  those  persons  of  whose  protec 
tion  they  have  been  thus  suddenly  bereft. 

"  To  the  third  interrogatory  it  is  my  painful  duty  to  reply  that  I 
never  have  received  any  specific  authority  for  issues  of  clothing,  uni 
forms,  arms,  equipments,  and  so  forth,  to  the  troops  in  question — my 


282    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

general  instructions  from  Mr.  Cameron  to  employ  them  in  any  manner 
I  might  find  necessary,  and  the  military  exigencies  of  the  department 
and  the  country  being  my  only,  but,  in  my  judgment,  sufficient  justifica 
tion.  Neither  have  I  had  any  specific  authority  for  supplying  these 
persons  with  shovels,  spades,  and  pickaxes  when  employing  them  as 
laborers,  nor  with  boats  and  oars  when  using  them  as  lightermen  ;  but 
these  are  not  points  included  in  Mr.  Wickliffe's  resolution.  To  me  it 
seemed  that  liberty  to  employ  men  in  any  particular  capacity  implied 
with  it  liberty  also  to  supply  them  with  the  necessary  tools  ;  and  acting 
upon  this  faith  I  have  clothed,  equipped,  and  armed  the  only  loyal  regi 
ment  yet  raised  in  South  Carolina. 

"  I  must  say,  in  vindication  of  my  own  conduct,  that  had  it  not  been 
for  the  many  other  diversified  and  imperative  claims  on  my  time,  a  much 
more  satisfactory  result  might  have  been  hoped  for  ;  and  that  in  place 
of  only  one,  as  at  present,  at  least  five  or  six  well-drilled,  brave,  and 
thoroughly  acclimated  regiments  should  by  this  time  have  been  added 
to  the  loyal  forces  of  the  Union. 

"  The  experiment  of  arming  the  blacks,  so  far  as  I  have  made  it, 
has  been  a  complete  and  even  marvellous  success.  They  are  sober,  do 
cile,  attentive,  and  enthusiastic,  displaying  great  natural  capacities  for 
acquiring  the  duties  of  the  soldier.  They  are  eager  beyond  all  things 
to  take  the  field  and  be  led  into  action  ;  and  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion 
of  the  officers  who  have  had  charge  of  them,  that  in  the  peculiarities  of 
this  climate  and  country  they  will  prove  invaluable  auxiliaries,  fully- 
equal  to  the  similar  regiments  so  long  and  successfully  used  by  the 
British  authorities  in  the  West-India  Islands. 

"  In  conclusion,  I  would  say  it  is  my  hope — there  appearing  no  pos 
sibility  of  other  reinforcements,  owing  to  the  exigencies  of  the  campaign 
in  the  Peninsula — to  have  organized  by  the  end  of  next  fall,  and  to  be 
able  to  present  to  the  Government,  from  forty-eight  to  fifty  thousand  of 
these  hardy  and  devoted  soldiers. 

"  Trusting  that  this  letter  may  form  part  of  your  answer  to  Mr. 
Wickliffe's  resolutions,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  most  respectfully,  your 
very  obedient  servant, 

"  D.  HUNTER, 
"Major- General  Commanding" 

Mr.  Wickliffe  seemed  to  feel  that  he  had  received  an  exhaust 
ive  reply  to  his  resolution  of  inquiry,  but  his  colleague,  Mr. 
Dunlap,  offered  the  following  resolution  on  the  3d  of  July,  1862,. 
which  was  never  acted  upon: 

"  Resolved,  That  the  sentiments  contained  in  the  paper  read  to  this 
body  yesterday,  approving  the  arming  of  slaves,  emanating  from  Major- 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       283 

General  David  Hunter,  clothed  in  discourteous  language,  are  an  indig 
nity  to  the  American  Congress,  an  insult  to  the  American  people  and 
our  brave  soldiers  in  arms  ;  for  which  sentiments,  so  uttered,  he  justly 
merits  our  condemnation  and  censure." 

There  was  quite  a  flutter  among  the  politicians  in  the  rear, 
and  many  army  officers  felt  that  the  United  States  uniform  had 
been  disgraced  by  being  put  upon  "  fugitive  slaves." 

Within  a  few  weeks  after  the  affair  in  Congress  alluded  to 
above,  two  United  States  Senators,1  charmed  with  the  bold  idea 
of  General  Hunter,  called  upon  the  President  to  urge  him  to  ac 
cept  the  services  of  two  Negro  regiments.  The  "  New  York 
Herald  "  of  the  5th  of  August,  1862,  gave  an  account  of  the  in 
terview  under  the  caption  of  "  Important  Decision  of  the  Presi 
dent:' 

11  The  efforts  of  those  who  love  the  negro  more  tnan  the  Union  to 
induce  the  President  to  swerve  from  his  established  policy  are  unavail 
ing.  He  will  neither  be  persuaded  by  promises  nor  intimidated  by 
threats.  To  day  he  was  called  upon  by  two  United  States  Senators  and 
rather  peremptorily  requested  to  accept  the  services  of  two  negro  regi 
ments.  They  were  flatly  and  unequivocally  rejected.  The  President 
did  not  appreciate  the  necessity  of  employing  the  negroes  to  fight  the 
battles  of  the  country  and  take  the  positions  which  the  white  men  of 
the  nation,  the  voters,  and  sons  of  patriotic  sires,  should  be  proud  to 
occupy  ;  there  were  employments  in  which  the  negroes  of  rebel  masters 
might  well  be  engaged,  but  he  was  not  willing  to  place  them  upon  an 
equality  with  our  volunteers,  who  had  left  home  and  family  and  lucra 
tive  occupations  to  defend  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  while  there 
were  volunteers  or  militia  enough  in  the  loyal  States  to  maintain  the 
Government  without  resort  to  this  expedient.  If  the  loyal  people  were 
not  satisfied  with  the  policy  he  had  adopted,  he  was  willing  to  leave  the 
administration  to  other  hands.  One  of  the  Senators  was  impudent 
enough  to  tell  the  President  he  wished  to  God  he  would  resign."2 

But  there  the  regiment  was, — one  thousand  loyal  and  com 
petent  soldiers ;  and  there  was  no  way  out  but  for  the  govern 
ment  to  father  the  regiment,  and,  therefore,  on  the  25th  of 
August,  1862,  the  Secretary  of  War  sent  General  Rufus  Saxton 
the  following  order : 

1  They  were,  no  doubt,  from  Massachusetts. 

2  New  York  Herald,  Tuesday,  August  5,  1862. 


284    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"3.  In  view  of  the  small  force  under  your  command,  and  the  ina 
bility  of  the  Government  at  the  present  time  to  increase  it,  in  order  to 
guard  the  plantations  and  settlements  occupied  by  the  United  States 
from  invasion,  and  protect  the  inhabitants  thereof  from  captivity  and 
murder  by  the  enemy,  you  are  also  authorized  to  arm,  uniform,  equip, 
and  receive  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  such  number  of  Vol 
unteers  of  African  descent  as  you  may  deem  expedient,  not  exceeding 
five  thousand  ;  and  may  detail  officers  to  instruct  them  in  military  drill, 
discipline,  and  duty,  and  to  command  them  ;  the  persons  so  received 
into  service,  and  their  officers,  to  be  entitled  to  and  receive  the  same 
pay  and  rations  as  are  allowed  by  law  to  Volunteers  in  the  service. 

"4.  You  will  occupy,  if  possible,  all  the  islands  and  plantations  here 
tofore  occupied  by  the  Government,  and  secure  and  harvest  the  crops, 
and  cultivate  and  improve  the  plantations. 

''5.  The  population  of  African  descent,  that  cultivate  the  land  and 
perform  the  labor  of  the  Rebels,  constitute  a  large  share  of  their  military 
strength,  and  enable  the  White  masters  to  fill  the  Rebel  armies,  and 
wage  a  cruel  and  murderous  war  against  the  people  of  the  Northern 
States.  By  reducing  the  laboring  strength  of  the  Rebels,  their  military 
power  will  be  reduced.  You  are,  therefore,  authorized,  by  every  means 
in  your  power,  to  withdraw  from  the  enemy  their  laboring  force  and 
population,  and  to  spare  no  effort,  consistent  with  civilized  warfare,  to 
weaken,  harass,  and  annoy  them,  and  to  establish  the  authority  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  within  your  Department." 

But  public  sentiment  was  growing  with  every  passing  day. 
The  very  presence  of  the  Negro  regiment  at  Port  Royal  con 
verted  the  most  pronounced  enemies  of  Negro  troops  into 
friends  and  admirers.  The  newspaper  correspondents  filled  their 
letters  to  the  papers  North  with  most  extravagant  praise  of  the 
Negro  soldier;  and  the  President  was  driven  from  his  position  of 
""  no  negro  soldiers." 

The  correspondent  of  the  "  Times,"  in  a  letter  dated  Sep 
tember  4,  1862,  wrote  : 

"  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  next  mail  from  the  North  will  bring 
an  order  from  the  War  Department  recalling  Major-Gen.  Hunter  to  a 
field  of  greater  activity.  The  Government  had  not  lent  him  a  hearty 
support  in  carrying  out  his  policy  of  arming  the  blacks,  by  which  alone 
he  could  make  himself  useful  in  this  department  to  the  National  cause  ; 
and,  therefore,  more  than  two  months  since  he  applied  to  be  relieved, 
rather  than  sit  supinely  with  folded  hands  when  his  military  abilities 
might  be  found  of  service  elsewhere.  Now,  however,  I  have  reason  to 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       285 

believe  that  Gen.  Hunter's  views  upon  the  question,  of  forming  negro 
regiments,  have  been  unreservedly  adopted  by  the  President,  and  the 
whole  question  has  assumed  such  a  different  phase  that  Gen.  Hunter 
almost  regrets  that  he  is  to  leave  the  department.  The  last  mail 
brought  the  authorization  of  the  President  to  enlist  five  negro  regiments, 
each  of  a  thousand  negroes,  to  be  armed  and  uniformed  for  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  and  also  authorizes  the  enrollment  of  an  additional 
50,000  to  be  employed  in  the  Quartermaster's  Department  nominally  as 
laborers,  but  as  they  are  to  be  organized  into  companies  and  uniformed, 
and  a  portion  of  their  time  is  to  be  spent  in  drilling,  it  is  easy  to  under 
stand  that  the  possibility  of  their  being  used  as  soldiers  is  not  lost  sight 
of.  The  exact  time  of  commencing  the  work  of  enlisting  the  colored 
recruits,  I  am  not  able  to  state,  but  that  it  will  be  shortly,  to  my  mind, 
there  is  not  a  shadow  of  doubt.  The  only  way  in  which  the  men  can 
be  obtained  is  by  the  establishment  of  posts  at  various  places  upon  the 
coast,  where  the  negroes,  assured  of  protection,  will  flock  to  us  by  thou 
sands.  Past  experience  and  present  information  both  go  to  prove  this 
fact,  and  to  establish  these  posts  more  men  will  be  required  ;  therefore 
we  may  soon  expect  that  the  Government  will  be  deriving  positive  ad 
vantages  from  this  department  which,  heretofore,  has  been  only  nega 
tive  of  service,  as  the  field  of  experiments  and  the  testing  of  ideas. 
Gen.  Saxton  will  go  to  Washington  by  the  first  steamer,  for  consultation 
with  the  President  on  the  subject." 

Just  what  one  thing  changed  the  President  so  suddenly  upon 
the  question  of  the  employment  of  Negroes  as  soldiers  was  not 
known. 

In  Louisiana  the  Negroes  were  anxious  to  enlist  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  Union,  and  with  this  object  in  view  thousands  of 
them  sought  the  Federal  camps.  Brig.-Gen.  J.  W.  Phelps,  com 
manding  the  forces  at  Carrolton,  La.,  found  his  camps  daily 
crowded  with  fugitives  from  slavery.  What  to  do  with  them 
became  a  question  of  great  moment.  Gen.  Phelps  became  con 
vinced  that  it  was  impossible  to  subdue  a  great  rebellion  if 
slavery  were  to  have  the  protection  of  Federal  bayonets.  He 
gave  the  Negroes  who  came  to  his  camp  protection ;  and  for  this  . 
was  reported  to  his  superior  officer,  Gen.  Butler.  In  a  report  to 
the  latter  officer's  Adjutant-General,  on  June  16,  1862,  he  said  : 

"The  enfranchisement  of  the  people  of  Europe  has  been,  and  is 
still,  going  on,  through  the  instrumentality  of  military  service  ;  and  by 
this  means  our  slaves  might  be  raised  in  the  scale  of  civilization  and 
prepared  for  freedom.  Fifty  regiments  might  be  raised  among  them  at 


286    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

once,  which  could  be  employed  in  this  climate  to  preserve  order,  and 
thus  prevent  the  necessity  of  retrenching  our  liberties,  as  we  should  do 
by  a  large  army  exclusively  of  Whites.  For  it  is  evident  that  a  con 
siderable  army  of  Whites  would  give  stringency  to  our  Government  ; 
while  an  army  partly  of  Blacks  would  naturally  operate  in  favor  of  free 
dom  and  against  those  influences  which  at  present  most  endanger  our 
liberties.  At  the  end  of  five  years,  they  could  be  sent  to  Africa,  and 
their  places  filled  with  new  enlistments." 

Receiving  no  specific  response  to  this  overture,  Gen.  Phelps 
made  a  requisition  of  arms,  clothing,  etc.,  for  "  three  regiments 
of  Africans,  which  I  propose  to  raise  for  the  defense  of  this 
point  " ;  adding: 

"  The  location  is  swampy  and  unhealthy  ;  and  our  men  are  dying  at 
the  rate  of  two  or  three  a  day. 

"  The  Southern  loyalists  are  willing,  as  I  understand,  to  furnish 
their  share  of  the  tax  for  the  support  of  the  war  ;  but  they  should 
also  furnish  their  quota  of  men  ;  which  they  have  not  thus  far  done. 
An  opportunity  now  offers  of  supplying  the  deficiency  ;  and  it  is  not 
safe  to  neglect  opportunities  in  war.  I  think  that,  with  the  proper  fa 
cilities,  I  could  raise  'the  three  regiments  proposed  in  a  short  time. 
Without  holding  out  any  inducements,  or  offering  any  reward,  I  have 
now  upward  of  300  Africans  organized  into  five  companies,  who  are  all 
willing  and  ready  to  show  their  devotion  to  our  cause  in  any  way  that  it 
may  be  put  to  the  test.  They  are  willing  to  submit  to  any  thing  rather 
than  to  slavery. 

"  Society,  in'  the  South,  seems  to  be  on  the  point  of  dissolution  ;  and 
the  best  way  of  preventing  the  African  from  becoming  instrumental  in 
a  general  state  of  anarchy,  is  to  enlist  him  in  the  cause  of  the  Republic. 
If  we  reject  his  services,  any  petty  military  chieftain,  by  offering  him 
freedom,  can  have  them  for  the  purpose  of  robbery  and  plunder.  It 
is  for  the  interests  of  the  South,  as  well  as  of  the  North,  that  the 
African  should  be  permitted  to  offer  his  block  for  the  temple  of 
freedom.  Sentiments  unworthy  of  the  man  of  the  present  day — worthy 
only  of  another  Cain — could  alone  prevent  such  an  offer  from  being 
accepted. 

"  I  would  recommend  that  the  cadet  graduates  of  the  present  year 
should  be  sent  to  South  Carolina  and  this  point,  to  organize  and  dis 
cipline  our  African  levies  ;  and  that  the  more  promising  non-commis 
sioned  officers  and  privates  of  the  army  be  appointed  as  company  offi 
cers  to  command  them.  Prompt  and  energetic  efforts  in  this  direction 
would  probably  accomplish  more  toward  a  speedy  termination  of  the 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       287 

war,  and  an  early  restoration  of  peace  and  unity,  than  any  other  course 
which  could  be  adopted."  ' 

Gen.  Butler  advised  Gen.  Phelps  to  employ  "  contrabands " 
for  mere  fatigue  duty,  and  charged  him  not  to  use  them  as  sol 
diers.  On  the  3 1st  of  July,  1862,  Gen.  Phelps  rejoined  by  in 
forming  Gen.  Butler:  "I  am  not  willing  to  become  the  mere 
slave-driver  you  propose,  having  no  qualifications  that  way,"  and 
immediately  tendered  his  resignation. 

Nothing  could  stay  the  mighty  stream  of  fugitives  that 
poured  into  the  Union  lines  by  day  and  by  night.  Nothing 
could  cool  the  ardor  of  the  loyal  Negroes  who  so  earnestly  de 
sired  to  share  the  perils  and  honors  of  the  Federal  army.  There 
was  but  one  course  left  and  that  was  to  call  the  Negroes  to  arms 
as  Gen.  Jackson  had  done  nearly  a  half  century  before.  Gen. 
Butler  repented  his  action  toward  the  gallant  and  intelligent 
Phelps,  and  on  the  24th  of  August,  1862,  appealed  to  the  free 
Colored  men  of  New  Orleans  to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  the 
Union.  As  in  the  War  of  1812,  they  responded  to  the  call  with 
enthusiasm  ;  and  in  just  two  weeks  one  thousand  Negroes  were 
organized  into  a  regiment.  All  the  men  and  line  officers  were 
Colored  ;  the  staff-officers  were  white.  Another  regiment  was 
raised  and  officered  like  the  first — only  two  white  men  in  it; 
while  the  third  regiment  was  officered  without  regard  to  nation 
ality.  Two  Colored  batteries  were  raised,  but  all  the  officers 
were  white  because  there  were  no  Negroes  found  who  under 
stood  that  arm  of  the  service. 

The  summer  was  gone,  and  Gen.  McClellan,  instead  of  "  tak 
ing  Richmond,"  had  closed  his  campaign  on  the  Peninsula  most 
ingloriously.  The  President  was  compelled  to  make  another  call 
for  troops — 60,000.  Conscription  was  unavoidable  in  many 
places,  and  prejudice  against  the  military  employment  of  Negroes 
began  to  decrease  in  proportion  to  the  increase  of  the  chances  of 
white  men  to  be  drafted.  On  the  i6th  of  July,  1862,  Gen.  Henry 
Wilson,  United  States  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  and  Chair 
man  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  introduced  a  bill  in 
the  Senate  amending  the  act  of  1795,  prescribing  the  manner  of 
the  calling  forth  of  the  militia'  to  suppress  insurrections,  etc. 
Several  amendments  were  offered,  much  debate  was  had,  and 
finally  it  passed,  amended,  empowering  the  President  to  accept 

1  Greeley,  vol.  ii,  pp.  517,  518. 


288    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  persons  of  African  descent,  for  the  purpose  of  constructing  en 
trenchments  or  performing  camp  service,  or  any  war  service  for 
which  they  may  be  found  competent."  It  was  agreed,  grudging 
ly,  to  free  the  slaves  of  rebels  only  who  should  faithfully  serve 
the  country, — but  not  their  wives  and  children  !  The  vote  was  28 
yeas  to  9  nays.  It  went  to  the  House,  where  it  was  managed 
by  Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  upon  a  call  of  the  previous 
question  was  passed.  On  the  next  day,  July  i/th,  it  received 
the  signature  of  the  President,  and  became  the  law  of  the  land. 

On  the  28th  of  January  the  Army  Appropriation  bill  was 
under  consideration  in  the  United  States  Senate.  Garrett  Davis, 
of  Kentucky,  had  opposed,,  by  the  most  frantic  and  desperate 
efforts,  every  attempt  to  use  Negroes  in  any  capacity  to  aid  in 
the  suppression  of  the  Rebellion.  Accordingly  he  offered  the 
following  amendment  to  the  Appropriation  bill : 

"Provided,  That  no  part  of  the  sums  appropriated  by  this  act  shall  be 
disbursed  for  the  pay,  subsistence,  or  any  other  supplies,  of  any  negro, 
free  or  slave,  in  the  armed  military  service  of  the  United  States." 

It  received  8  votes,  with  28  against  it.  Those  who  sustained 
the  amendment  were  all  Democrats  : 

Messrs.  Carlyle,  G.  Davis,  Kennedy,  Latham,  Nesmith, 
Powell,  Turpie,  and  Wall. 

The  fight  against  the  employment  of  Negroes  as  soldiers  was 
renewed.  On  every  occasion  the  opposition  was  led  by  a  Ken 
tucky  representative  !  On  the  2 1st  of  December,  1863,  during 
the  pendency  of  the  Deficiency  bill  in  the  House,  Mr.  Harding, 
of  Kentucky,  desired  to  amend  it  by  inserting  the  following : 

"  Provided,  That  no  part  of  the  moneys  aforesaid  shall  be  applied  to 
the  raising,  arming,  equipping,  or  paying  of  negro  soldiers." 

It  was  rejected  :  yeas,  41  ;  nays,  105.  The  yeas  were  : 
Messrs.  Ancona,  Bliss,  James  S.  Brown,  Coffroth,  Cox,  Daw- 
son,  Dennison,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eldridge,  Finck,  Grider,  Hall, 
Harding,  Harrington,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Charles  M.  Harris, 
Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  King,  Knapp,  Law,  Long, 
Marcy,  McKinney,  William  H.  Miller,  James  R.  Morris,  Mor 
rison,  Noble,  John  O'Neill,  Pendleton,  Samuel  J.  Randall, 
Rogers,  Ross,  Scott,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Chilton  A.  White, 
Joseph  W.  White,  Yeaman. 


EM  FLO  YMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       289 

On  the  26th  of  January,  1863,  the  Secretary  of  War  author 
ized  Gov.  John  A.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  to  raise  two  regi 
ments  of  Negro  troops  to  serve  three  years.  The  order  allowed 
the  governor  to  raise  "  volunteer  companies  of  artillery  for  duty 
in  the  forts  of  Massachusetts  and  elsewhere,  and  such  companies 
of  infantry  for  the  volunteer  military  service  as  he  may  find  con 
venient,  and  may  include  persons  of  African  descent,  organized 
into  separate  corps." 

The  Governor  of  Massachusetts  immediately  delegated  au 
thority  to  John  W.  M.  Appleton  to  superintend  the  recruiting  of 
the  54th  Massachusetts,  the  first  regiment  of  free  Colored  men 
raised  at  the  North.  The  regiment  was  filled  by  the  1 3th  of 
May,  and  ready  to  march  to  the  front.  It  had  been  arranged 
that  the  regiment  should  pass  through  New  York  City  on  its  way 
to  the  scene  of  the  war  in  South  Carolina,  but  the  Chief  of 
Police  of  New  York  suggested  that  the  regiment  would  be  sub 
ject  to  insult  if  it  came.  The  regiment  was  sent  forth  with  the 
blessings  of  Massachusetts  and  the  prayers  of  its  patriotic  people. 
It  went  by  water  to  South  Carolina. 

While  Massachusetts  was  engaged  in  recruiting  Negro  sol 
diers,  Gen.  Lorenzo  Thomas,  Adjutant-General  of  the  United 
States  Army,  was  despatched  from  Washington  to  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  where  he  inaugurated  a  system  of  recruiting  service  for 
Negroes.  In  a  speech  to  the  officers  and  men  in  the  organization 
of  white  troops,  he  said,  on  the  8th  of  April,  1863,  at  Lake 
Providence,  La. : 

"  You  know  full  well — for  you  have  been  over  this  country — that 
the  Rebels  have  sent  into  the  field  all  their  available  fighting  men — 
every  man  capable  of  bearing  arms  ;  and  you  know  they  have  kept 
at  home  all  their  slaves  for  the  raising  of  subsistence  for  their  armies  in 
the  field.  In  this  way  they  can  bring  to  bear  against  us  all  the  strength 
of  their  so-called  Confederate  States  ;  while  we  at  the  North  can  only 
send  a  portion  of  our  fighting  force,  being  compelled  to  leave  behind 
another  portion  to  cultivate  our  fields  and  supply  the  wants  of  an  im 
mense  army.  The  Administration  has  determined  to  take  from  the 
Rebels  this  source  of  supply — to  take  their  negroes  and  compel  them 
to  send  back  a  portion  of  their  whites  to  cultivate  their  deserted  planta 
tions — and  very  poor  persons  they  would  be  to  fill  the  place  of  the  dark- 
hued  laborer.  They  must  do  this,  or  their  armies  will  starve.  *  *  * 

11  All  of  you  will  some  day  be  on  picket  duty  ;  and  I  charge  you  all, 
if  any  of  this  unfortunate  race  come  within  your  lines,  that  you  do  not 


290    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

turn  them  away,  but  receive  them  kindly  and  cordially.  They  are  to  be 
encouraged  to  come  to  us  ;  they  are  to  be  received  with  open  arms  ; 
they  are  to  be  fed  and  clothed  ;  they  are  to  be  armed." 

On  the  ist  of  May,  1863,  Gen.  Banks,  in  an  order  directing 
the  recruiting  of  the  "  Corps  d'Afrique,"  said  : 

"  The  prejudices  or  opinions  of  men  are  in  no  wise  involved" ;  and 
"  it  is  not  established  upon  any  dogma  of  equality,  or  other  theory,  but 
as  a  practical  and  sensible  matter  of  business.  The  Government  makes 
use  of  mules,  horses,  uneducated  and  educated  White  men,  in  the  de 
fense  of  its  institutions.  Why  should  not  the  negro  contribute  whatever 
is  in  his  power  for  the  cause  in  which  he  is  as  deeply  interested  as  other 
men  ?  We  may  properly  demand  from  him  whatever  service  he  can 
render,"  etc.,  etc.  . 

In  the  autumn  of  1863,  Adjutant-General  Thomas  issued  the 
following  order  respecting  the  military  employment  of  Negroes 
as  soldiers  : 

"ENLISTMENT  OF  COLORED  TROOPS. 
"  GENERAL  ORDERS,  No.  329. 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  ) 
"WASHINGTON,  D.  C,  October  13,  1863.  ) 

"  WHEREAS,  The  exigencies  of  the  war  require  that  colored  troops 
be  enlisted  in  the  States  of  Maryland,  Missouri,  and  Tennessee,  it  is 

"  ORDERED  BY  THE  PRESIDENT,  That  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  for 
the  Organization  of  Colored  Troops  shall  establish  recruiting  stations  at 
convenient  places  within  said  States,  and  give  public  notice  thereof,  and 
be  governed  by  the  following  regulations  : 

"  First.     None  but  able-bodied  persons  shall  be  enlisted. 

"  Second,  The  State  and  county  in  which  the  enlistments  are  made 
shall  be  credited  with  the  recruits  enlisted. 

"  Third.  All  .persons  enlisted  into  the  military  service  shall  forever 
thereafter  be  FREE. 

"  Fourth.  Free  persons,  and  slaves  with  the  written  consent  of 
their  owners,  and  slaves  belonging  to  those  who  have  been  engaged  in 
or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the  rebellion,  may  now  be  enlisted — the 
owners  who  have  not  been  engaged  in  or  given  aid  to  the  rebellion  be 
ing  entitled  to  compensation  as  hereinafter  provided. 

"  Fifth.  If  within  thirty  days  from  the  date  of  opening  enlistments, 
notice  thereof  and  of  the  recruiting  stations  being  published,  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  the  description  of  persons  aforesaid  to  meet  the  exi- 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       291 

gencies  of  the  service  should  not  be  enlisted,  then  enlistments  may  be 
made  of  slaves  without  requiring  consent  of  their  owners,  but  they  may 
receive  compensation  as  herein  provided  for  owners  offering  their  slaves 
for  enlistment. 

"  Sixth.  Any  citizen  of  said  States,  who  shall  offer  his  or  her  slave 
for  enlistment  into  the  military  service,  shall,  if  such  slave  be  accepted, 
receive  from  the  recruiting  officer  a  certificate  thereof,  and  become  en 
titled  to  compensation  for  the  service  of  said  slave,  not  exceeding  the 
sum  of  three  hundred  dollars,  upon  filing  a  valid  deed  of  manumission 
and  of  release,  and  making  satisfactory  proof  of  title.  And  the  recruit 
ing  officer  shall  furnish  to  any  claimant  of  descriptive  list  of  any  person 
enlisted  and  claimed  under  oath  to  be  his  or  her  slave,  and  allow  any 
one  claiming  under  oath  that  his  or  her  slave  has  been  enlisted  without 
his  or  her  consent,  the  privilege  of  inspecting  the  enlisted  man  for  the 
purpose  of  identification. 

"Seventh.  A  board  of  three  persons  shall  be  appointed  by  the 
President,  to  whom  the  rolls  and  recruiting  lists  shall  be  furnished  for 
public  information,  and,  on  demand  exhibited,  to  any  person  claiming 
that  his  or  her  slave  has  been  enlisted  against  his  or  her  will. 

"  Eighth.  If  a  person  shall  within  ten  days  after  the  filing  of  said 
rolls,  make  a  claim  for  the  service  of  any  person  so  enlisted,  the  board 
shall  proceed  to  examine  the  proof  of  title,  and,  if  valid,  shall  award 
just  compensation,  not  exceeding  three  hundred  dollars  for  each  slave 
enlisted  belonging  to  the  claimant,  and  upon  the  claimant  filing  a  valid 
deed  of  manumission  and  release  of  service,  the  board  shall  give  the 
claimant  a  certificate  of  the  sum  awarded,  which  on  presentation  shall 
be  paid  by  the  chief  of  the  Bureau. 

"  Ninth.  All  enlistments  of  colored  troops  in  the  State  of  Mary- 
land,  otherwise  than  in  accordance  with  these  regulations,  are  forbidden. 

"  Tenth.  No  person  who  is  or  has  been  engaged  in  the  rebellion 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  who  in  any  way  has  or 
shall  give  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  of  the  Government,  shall  be 
permitted  to  present  any  claim  or  receive  any  compensation  for  the  la 
bor  or  service  of  any  slave,  and  all  claimants  shall  file  with  their  claim 
an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  By  order  of  the  President. 

"E.  D.  TOWNSEND, 

"Assistant  A  djutant-  General. " 

This  order  was  extended,  on  October  26th,  to  Delaware,  at 
the  personal  request  of  Governor  Cannon. 

On  the  I2th  of  November,  1863,  the  Union  League  Club  of 
New  York  City  appointed  a  committee  for  the  purpose  of  re 
cruiting  Colored  troops.  Col.  George  Bliss  was  made  chairman 


292    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  entered  upon  the  work  with  energy  and  alacrity.  On  the 
23d  of  November  the  committee  addressed  a  letter  to  Horatio 
Seymour,  Governor  of  New  York,  stating  that  as  he  had  no 
authority  to  grant  them  permission  to  enlist  a  Negro  regiment ; 
and  as  the  National  Government  was  unwilling  to  grant  such 
authority  without  the  sympathy  and  assent  of  the  State  govern 
ment,  they  would  feel  greatly  obliged  should  his  excellency 
grapt  the  committee  his  official  concurrence.  Gov.  Seymour 
assured  the  committee  of  his  official  inability  to  grant  authority 
for  the  raising  of  Colored  troops, — just  what  the  committee  had 
written  him, — and  referred  them  to  the  National  Government,  on 
the  2/th  of  November.  The  committee  applied  to  the  authori 
ties  at  Washington,  and  on  the  5th  of  December,  1863,  the  Sec 
retary  of  War  granted  them  authority  to  raise  the  2oth  Regi 
ment  of  United  States  Colored  Troops.  Having  secured  the 
authority  of  the  Government  to  begin  their  work,  the  committee 
wrote  Gov.  Seymour :  "  We  express  the  hope  that,  so  far  as  in 
your  power,  you  will  give  to  the  movement  your  aid  and  coun 
tenance."  The  governor  never  found  the  time  to  answer  the 
request  of  the  committee  ! 

The  work  was  pushed  forward  with  zeal  and  enthusiasm.  The 
Colored  men  rallied  to  the  call,  and  within  two  weeks  from  the 
time  the  committee  called  for  Colored  volunteers  1,000  men  re- 
sponded.  By  the  2/th  of  January,  1 864,  a  second  regiment  was  full ; 
and  thus  in  forty-five  days  the  Union  League  Club  Committee 
on  the  Recruiting  of  Colored  Regiments  had  raised  2,000  soldiers! 

Out  of  9,000  men  of  color,  eligible  by  age — 18  to  45  years — • 
to  go  into  the  service,  2,300  enlisted  in  less  than  sixty  days.. 
There  was  no  bounty  held  out  to  them  as  an  incentive  to  enlist ; 
no  protection  promised  to  their  families,  nor  to  them  should  they 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  But  they  were  patriots! 
They  were  willing  to  endure  any  thing  rather  than  the  evils  that 
would  surely  attend  the  triumph  of  the  Confederacy.  They 
went  to  the  front  under  auspicious  circumstances. 

The  2Oth.  Regiment,  under  the  command  of  Col.  Bartram, 
landed  at  Thirty-Sixth  Street,  was  headed  by  the  police  and  the 
patriotic  members  of  the  Union  League  Club,  and  had  a  trium 
phal  march  through  the  city. 

"The  scene  of  yesterday,"  says  a  New  York  paper,  "was  one  which 
marks  an  era  of  progress  in  the  political  and  social  history  of  New  York. 
A  thousand  men  with  black  skins  and  clad  and  equipped  with  the  uni- 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       293 

forms  and  arms  of  the  United  States  Government,  marched  from  their 
camp  through  the  most  aristocratic  and  busy  streets,  received  a  grand 
ovation  at  the  hands  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  respectable  ladies  and 
gentlemen  of  New  York,  and  then  moved  down  Broadway  to  the  steamer 
which  bears  them  to  their  destination — all  amid  the  enthusiastic  cheers, 
the  encouraging  plaudits,  the  waving  handkerchiefs,  the  showering  bou 
quets  and  other  approving  manifestations  of  a  hundred  thousand  of  the 
most  loyal  of  our  people. 

"  In  the  month  of  July  last  the  homes  of  these  people  were  burned 
and  pillaged  by  an  infuriated  political  mob  ;  they  and  their  families 
were  hunted  down  and  murdered  in  the  public  streets  of  this  city  ;  and 
the  force  and  majesty  of  the  law  were  powerless  to  protect  them. 
Seven  brief  months  have  passed,  and  a  thousand  of  these  despised  and 
persecuted  men  march  through  the  city  in  the  garb  of  United  States 
soldiers,  in  vindication  of  their  own  manhood,  and  with  the  approval  of 
a  countless  multitude — in  effect  saving  from  inevitable  and  distasteful 
conscription  the  same  number  of  those  who  hunted  their  persons  and 
destroyed  their  homes  during  those  days  of  humiliation  and  disgrace. 
This  is  noble  vengeance — a  vengeance  taught  by  Him  who  commanded, 
'  Love  them  that  hate  you  ;  do  good  to  them  that  persecute  you.'  " 

The  recruiting  of  Colored  troops  in  Pennsylvania  was  carried 
on,  perhaps,  with  more  vigor,  intelligence,  and  enthusiasm  than 
in  any  of  the  other  free  States.  A  committee  for  the  recruiting 
of  men  of  color  for  the  United  States  army  was  appointed  at 
Philadelphia,  with  Thomas  Webster  as  Chairman,  Cadwalader 
Biddle,  as  Secretary,  and  S.  A.  Mercer,  as  Treasurer.  This  com 
mittee  raised  $33, 388.00  for  the  recruiting  of  Colored  regiments. 
The  54th  and  55th  Massachusetts  regiments  had  cost  about 
$60,000,  but  this  committee  agreed  to  raise  three  regiments  at  a 
cost  of  $10,000  per  regiment. 

The  committee  founded  a  camp,  and  named  it  u  Camp 
William  Penn,"  at  Shelton  Hill,  near  Philadelphia.  On  the 
26th  of  June,  1863,  the  first  squad  of  eighty  men  went  into 
camp.  On  the  3d  of  February,  1864,  the  committee  made  the 
following  statement,  in  reference  to  the  raising  of  regiments  : 

"  On  the  24th  July,  1863,  the  First  (3d  United  States)  regiment  was 
full. 

"  On  the  i3th  September,  1863,  the  Second  (6th  United  States) 
regiment  was  full. 

"  On  the  4th  December,  1863,  the  Third  (8th  United  States)  regi 
ment  was  full. 


?94    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  On  the  6th  January,  1864,  the  Fourth  (22^  United  States)  regi* 
ment  was  full. 

"  On  the  3d  February,  1864,  the  Fifth  (25th  United  States)  regi 
ment  was  full. 

"  August  1 3th,  1863,  the  Third  United  States  regiment  left  Camp 
William  Penn,  and  was  in  front  of  Fort  Wagner  when  it  surrendered. 

"  October  i4th,  1863,  the  Sixth  United  States  regiment  left  for 
Yorktown. 

"  January  i6th,  1864,  the  Eighth  United  States  regiment  left  for 
Hilton  Head. 

"  The  22d  and  25th  regiments  are  now  at  Camp  William  Penn, 
waiting  orders  from  the  Government." 

The  duty  of  recruiting  "  Colored  troops  "  in  the  Department 
of  the  Cumberland  was  committed  by  Secretary  Stanton  to  an 
able,  honest,  and  patriotic  man,  Mr.  George  L.  Stearns,  of  Massa 
chusetts.  Mr.  Stearns  had  devoted  his  energies,  wealth,  and 
time  to  the  cause  of  the  slave  during  the  holy  anti-slavery  agita 
tion.  He  was  a  wealthy  merchant  of  Boston  ;  dwelt,  with  a  noble 
wife  and  beautiful  children,  at  Medford.  He  had  been,  from  the 
commencement  of  the  agitation,  an  ultra  Abolitionist.  He  re 
garded  slavery  as  a  gigantic  system  of  complicated  evils,  at  war 
with  all  the  known  laws  of  civilized  society  ;  inimical  to  the 
fundamental  principles  of  political  economy ;  destructive  to 
republican  institutions  ;  hateful  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  ever 
abhorrent  to  all  honest  men.  He  hated  slavery.  He  hated 
truckling,  obsequious,  cringing  hypocrites.  He  put  his  feelings 
into  vigorous-  English,  and  keyed  his  deeds  and  actions  to  the 
sublime  notes  of  charity  that  filled  his  heart  and  adorned  a  long 
and  eminently  useful  life.  He  gave  shelter  to  the  majestic  and 
heroic  John  Brown.  His  door  was — like  the  heavenly  gates — 
ajar  to  every  fugitive  from  slavery,  and  his  fiery  earnestness 
kindled  the  flagging  zeal  of  many  a  conservative  friend  of  God's 
poor. 

Such  a  man  was  chosen  to  put  muskets  into  the  hands  of  the 
Negroes  in  the  Department  of  the  Cumberland.  His  rank  was 
that  of  major,  with  the  powers  of  an  assistant  adjutant-general. 
He  took  up  his  headquarters  at  Nashville,  Tennessee.  He  carried 
into  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  important  office  large 
executive  ability,  excellent  judgment,  and  rare  fidelity.  He 
organized  the  best  regiments  that  served  in  the  Western  army. 
When  he  had  placed  the  work  in  excellent  condition  he  com- 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       295 

mitted  it  to  the  care  of  Capt.  R.  D.  Mussey,  who  afterward  was 
made  the  Colonel  of  the  looth  U.  S.  Colored  Troops. 

The  intense  and  unrelenting  prejudice  against  the  Negroes, 
and  their  ignorance  of  military  tactics,  made  it  necessary  for  the 
Government  to  provide  suitable  white  commissioned  officers. 
The  prospect  was  pleasing  to  many  young  white  men  in  the 
ranks ;  and  ambition  went  far  to  irradicate  prejudice  against 
Negro  soldiers.  Nearly  every  white  private  and  non-commis 
sioned  officer  was  expecting  the  lightning  to.  strike  him  ;  every 
one  expected  to  be  promoted  to  be  a  commissioned  officer,  and, 
therefore,  had  no  prejudice  against  the  men  they  hoped  to  com 
mand  as  their  superior  officers.  To  prepare  the  large  number  of 
applicants  for  commissions  in  Colored  regiments  a  "  Free  Mili 
tary  School"  was  established  at  No.  1210  Chestnut  Street, 
Philadelphia,  Pa.  Secretary  Stanton  gave  the  school  the  follow 
ing  official  endorsement  in  the  spring  of  1864. 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ) 

"WASHINGTON  CITY,  March  21,  1864.  j 

"THOMAS  WEBSTER,  ESQ.,  Chairman, 

"1210  Chestnut  Street,  Philadelphia. 

"  SIR  :  The  project  of  establishing  a  free  Military  School  for  the 
education  of  candidates  for  the  position  of  commissioned  officers  in 
the  Colored  Troops,  received  the  cordial  approval  of  this  Department. 
Sufficient  success  has  already  attended  the  workings  of  the  institution 
to  afford  the  promise  of  much  usefulness  hereafter  in  sending  into 
the  service  a  class  of  instructed  and  efficient  officers. 

"  Very  respectfully, 

"Your  obedient  servant, 

"  EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

"  Secretary  of  War." 

In  reply  to  a  letter  from  Thomas  Webster,  Esq.,  Chairman, 
etc.,  of  the  Recruiting  Committee,  General  Casey  sent  the  fol 
lowing  letter : 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  March  7,  1864. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Yours  of  the  4th  instant  is  received,  and  I  have 
directed  the  Secretary  of  the  Board  to  attend  to  your  request. 

"  It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  learn  that  your  School  is  prospering, 
and  I  am  also  pleased  to  inform  you  that  the  Board  of  which  I  am 
President  has  not  as  yet  rejected  one  of  your  candidates.  I  am  grati- 


296    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

fied  to  see  that  the  necessity  of  procuring  competent  officers  for  the 
armies  of  the  Republic  is  beginning  to  be  better  appreciated  by  the 
public. 

"  I  trust  I  shall  never  have  occasion  to  regret  my  agency  in  sug 
gesting  the  formation  of  your  School,  and  I  am  sure  the  country  owes 
your  Committee  much  for  the  energy  and  judgment  with  which  it  has 
carried  it  out.  The  liberality  which  opens  its  doors  to  the  young 
men  of  all  the  States  is  noble,  and  does  honor  to  those  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  from  whom  its  support  is  principally  derived. 

"  Truly  yours, 

"SILAS  CASEY, 

'  'Major-  General. 
"  To  THOMAS  WEBSTER,  ESQ.,  Chairman, 

"  1 2 10  Chestnut  Street,  Philadelphia." 


In  reference  to  applicants  the  following  letter  was  written  by 
the  Adjutant-General : 

"  GENERAL  ORDERS,  ) 

"No.  125."          J          "WAR  DEPARTMENT, 

"  ADJUTANT-GEN. 's  OFFICE, 

"WASHINGTON,  March  29,  1864. 

"  Furloughs,  not  to  exceed  thirty  days  in  each  case,  to  the  non 
commissioned  officers  and  privates  of  the  army  who  may  desire  to 
enter  the  Free  Military  School  at  Philadelphia,  may  be  granted  by  the 
Commanders  of  Armies  and  Departments,  when  the  character,  conduct, 
and  capacity  of  the  applicants  are  such  as  to  warrant  their  immediate 
and  superior  commanders  in  recommending  them  for  commissioned  ap 
pointments  in  the  regiments  of  colored  troops. 

"  By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  ^ 

"E.  D.   TOWNSEND, 

4 '  A  ssistant  A  djutant-  General. ' ' 


The  organization  of  the  school  was  as  follows : 

Chief  Preceptor. 

JOHN  H.  TAGGART 

(Late  Colonel  i2th  Regiment  Pennsylvania  Reserve  Corps), 
Professor  of  Infantry   Tactics  and  Army  Regulations. 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       297 

Assistant  Professors. 

MILITARY    STAFF. 

ALBERT  L.  MAGILTON 

{Graduate  of  West  Point  Military  Academy,  and  late  Colonel  4th 

Regiment  Pennsylvania  Reserve  Corps), 
Professor  of  Infantry  Tactics  and  Army  Regulations. 

LEVI  FETTERS 

(Late  Captain  i75th  Pennsylvania  Regiment), 
Professor  of  Infantry  Tactics  and  Army  Regulations. 

STUDENT   DANL.  W.  HERR 

{Late  ist  Lieutenant  Co.  E.,   i22d  Pennsylvania  Regiment), 
Post  Adjutant. 

STUDENT  J.  HALE  SYPHER,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 
Field  Adjutant. 

STUDENT  LOUIS  M.  TAFT.  M.D. 

(Graduate  of  University  of  Penn.), 

Surgeon. 

ACADEMIC  STAFF. 

JOHN  P.  BIRCH,  A.M., 

A.  E.  ROGERSON,  A.M., 

Professors  of  Mathematics,  Geography,  and  History 

WM.  L.  WILSON, 
Librarian  and  Phonographic  Clerk. 

STUDENT  CHARLES  BENTRICK,  SR., 
Postmaster. 

JAMES  BUCHANAN  (COLORED), 

Messenger. 

Within  less  than  six  months  1,051  applicants  had  been  exam 
ined  ;  560  passed,  and  491  were  rejected. 

Four  regular  classes  were  formed,  and  in  addition  to  daily 
recitations  the  students  were  required  to  drill  twice  every  day. 
The  school  performed  excellent  work ;  and  furnished  for  the  ser 
vice  many  brave  and  efficient  officers. 

By  December,  1863,  100,000  Colored  Troops  were  in  the  ser 
vice.  About  50,000  were  armed  by  that  time  and  in  the  field. 


298    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Everywhere  they  were  winning  golden  laurels  by  their  apti 
tude  in  drill,  their  patient  performance  of  the  duties  of  the  camp, 
and  by  their  matchless  courage  in  the  deadly  field.  The  young 
white  officers  who  so  cheerfully  bore  the  odium  of  commanding 
Colored  Troops,  and  who  so  heroically  faced  the  dangers  of  capt 
ure  and  cruel  death,  had  no  superiors  in  the  army.  They  had 
the  supreme  satisfaction  of  commanding  brave  men  to  whom 
they  soon  found  themselves  deeply  attached.  It  was  a  school  in 
which  the  noblest  and  purest  patriot  might  feel  himself  honored 
and  inspired  to  the  performance  of  deathless  deeds  of  valor. 

The  following  tables  indicate  the  manner  in  which  the  work 
was  done. 

Analysis  of  Examination  of  Applicants  for  Command  of  Colored  Troops^ 
before  the  Board  at  Washington,  of  which  Major-General  Silas 
Casey  is  President,  from  the  organization  of  the  Board  to  March 
1864,  inclusive. 


Number  accepted    and   for 

rd 

what  rank  recommended. 

o 

•d 

a 

t/2 

c/i 

M 

^ 

Rank. 

'•§ 

c 

C 

cj 

C 

rs 

o 

CD 

x 

O 

C 

C 

S 

. 

'o 

C/!3 

QJ 

i! 

i) 

jS 

O 

NJ 

c 

^3 

3 

<u 

^ 

jj 

i 

E 

"  *"f 

<U 

<U 

,0 

a 

o 

3 

O 

0, 

'^ 

13 

S 

3 

~o 

<U 

ctf 

rt 

4_, 

3 

fc 

CJ 

3 

^ 

CJ 

C/3 

<N 

2 

Colonels     .         .         .         . 

4 

— 

— 

2 







2 

Lieutenant-Colonels 

3 

— 

2 



— 

I 





Majors       .... 

9 

2 

3 

I 

2 





I 

Captains 

68 

3 

7 

8 

2O 

5 

3 

22 

ist  Leutenants  . 

S2 

3 

— 

4 

IO 

8 

7 

20 

2d  Lieutenants 

24 

— 

— 

— 

9 

2 

3 

10 

Sergeants  .... 

5°5 

— 

i 

— 

62 

75 

133 

234 

Corporals 

230 

— 

— 

— 

23 

46 

64 

97 

Privates      .... 

449 

— 

— 

— 

26 

57 

124 

242 

Civilians 

429 

i 

6 

15 

48 

49 

94 

216 

1,773 

9 

19 

30 

200 

243 

428 

844 

Students  of  the  Philadelphia 

Free  Military  School  .    . 

94 

2 

4 

6 

28 

25 

25 

4 

1,867 

I  I 

23 

36 

228 

268 

453 

848 

EMPLO  YMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       599 


Analysts  of  the  Examination  to  $isf  March,  1864,  of  the  Students  of 
the  Philadelphia  Free  Military  School,  before  the  Board  of  Ex 
aminers  at  Washington,  for  Applicants  for  Command  of  Colored 
Troops,  Major -General  Silas  Casey,.  President. 


. 

Number   accepted   and  for 

- 

•2 

what  rank  recommended. 

•d 

C/5 

t/5 

C/3 

Rank. 

rt 
X 

c 

o 

c 

c 
c 

.2, 

w 

o 

yj 

<u 

<u 

8 

& 

u 

£ 

..s 

s 

<u 

(U 

• 

3 

~o 

3 

•2, 

Q. 

t-1 

3 

1 

fc 

U 

2 

^ 

U 

N 

« 

5 

Sergeants  .... 

U 

— 

i 

— 

3 

3 

6 

I 

Corporals       ... 

8 

— 

— 

— 

2 

4 

2 

—  ' 

Privates     .... 

33 

i 

— 

i 

9 

ii 

10 

I 

Civilians  *        .        •         . 

39 

i 

3 

5 

14 

6 

8 

2 

94 

2 

4 

6 

28 

24 

26 

4 

The  following  official  table  gives  the  entire  number  of  Colored 
Troops  in  the  army  from  beginning  to  end. 

STATES  AND  TERRITORIES. 


Connecticut  .        .        . 

Maine         .... 

Massachusetts 

New  Hampshire 

Rhode  Island        .         .        . 

Vermont    .  .        . 

Total  of  New  England  States 

New  Jersey   .        . 

New  York          .        .        . 

Pennsylvania 

Total  of  Middle  States 


7,916 


13,922 


1  Many  of  these  had  previously  been  in  the  three  months',  nine  months',  and  three 
years'  service,  from  which  they  had  been  honorably  discharged. 


300    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA 
STATES  AND  TERRITORIES. — (Continued?) 

Colored  Troops  furnished 
1861-65. 

Colorado  Ter 95 

Dakota  Ter .      . 

Illinois 1,811 

Indiana      ........  1,537 

Iowa ,  440 

Kansas 2,080 

Michigan 1,387 

Minnesota           .......  104 

Nebraska  Ter 

New  Mexico  Ter 

Ohio      .         .         .         .         .         .        .         .         .  5,092 

Wisconsin           .......  165 

Total,  Western  States  and  Territories         .        .       12,711 

California 

Nevada  ........ 

Oregon       ........ 

Washington  Ter.    ....... 

Delaware 954 

Dist.  Columbia  ......         3,269 

Kentucky       ........  23,703 

Maryland 8,718 

Missouri         ......         .         .     8,344 

West  Virginia     .         .         .         .         .        .         .  196 

Total,  Border  States 45,184 

Alabama 4,969 

Arkansas 5,526 

Florida 1,044 

Georgia          ........ 

Louisiana  ........         3,486 

Mississippi     ........  17,869 

North  Carolina  .......         5,°35 

South  Carolina       .......     5,462 

Tennessee 20,133 

Texas 47 

Virginia . 


Total,  Southern  States 


63,571 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       301 
STATES  AND  TERRITORIES.— (Continued?] 

Colored  Troops  furnished 

I86i-'6s. 

Indian  Nation    .         .         .         .         . 
Colored  Troops  *  .        .        •        . 

to 

Grand  Total      .         .        .   t    . 
At  Large  .        • 

Not  accounted  for  .        . 

Officers  .... 

Total          .        .        . 

Notwithstanding-  the  complete  demonstration  of  fact  that 
Negroes  were  required  as  United  States  soldiers,  there  were  many 
opposers  of  the  movement.  Some  of  the  L?st  men  and  leading 
journals  were  very  conservative  on  this  question.  An  elaborate 
and  cautious  editorial  in  the  **  New  York  Times  "  of  February 
16,  1863,  fairly  exhibits  the  nervousness  of  the  North  on  the 
subject  of  the  military  employment  of  the  Negro 

"USE  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS. 

"  One  branch  of  Congress  has  rejected  a  bill  authorizing  the  enlist 
ment  of  negro  soldiers.  Mr.  Sumner  declares  his  intention  to  persist  in 
forcing  the  passage  of  such  a  law  by  offering  it  as  an  amendment  to 
some  other  bill.  Meantime  the  President,  by  laws  already  enacted, 
has  full  authority  over  the  subject,  and  we  can  see  no  good  object  to  be 
attained  by  forcing  it  into  the  discussions  of  Congress  and  adding  it  to 
the  causes  of  dissension  already  existing  in  the  country  at  large. 

"  A  law  of  last  Congress  authorized  the  President  to  use  the  negroes 
as  laborers  or  otherwise,  as  they  can  be  made  most  useful  in  the  work  of 
quelling  the  rebellion.  Under  this  authority,  it  is  understood  that  he 
has  decided  to  use  them  in  certain  cases  as  soldiers.  Some  of  them  are 
already  employed  in  garrisoning  Southern  forts,  on  the  Mississippi 
River,  which  whites  cannot  safely  occupy  on  account  of  the  climate. 
Governor  Sprague  has  authority  to  raise  negro  regiments  in  Rhode 
Island,  and  has  proclaimed  his  intention  to  lead  them  when  raised  in 
person,  and  Gov  Andrew  has  received  similar  authority  for  the  State  of 
Massachusetts.  We  see,  therefore,  not  the  slightest  necessity  for  any 
further  legislation  on  this  subject,  and  hope  Mr.  Sumner  will  consent 
that  Congress  may  give  its  attention,  during  the  short  remainder  of  its 
session,  to  topics  of  pressing  practical  importance. 

1  This  gives  Colored  Troops  enlisted  in  the  States  in  rebellion  ;  besides  this,  there 
were  92,576  Colored  Troops  (included  with  the  white  soldiers)  in  the  quotas  of  the 
.several  States. 


302    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Whether  negroes  shall  or  shall  not  be  employed  as  soldiers,  seems 
to  us  purely  a  question  of  expediency,  and  to  be  solved  satisfactorily 
only  by  experiment.  As  to  our  right  so  to  employ  them,  it  seems  ab 
surd  to  question  it  for  a  moment.  The  most  bigoted  and  inveterate 
stickler  for  the  absolute  divinity  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States  would 
scarcely  insist  that,  as  a  matter  of  right,  either  constitutional  or  moral, 
we  could  not  employ  negroes  as  soldiers  in  the  army.  Whether  they 
are,  or  are  not,  by  nature,  by  law,  or  by  usage,  the  equals  of  the  white 
man,  makes  not  the  slightest  difference  in  this  respect.  Even  those  at 
the  North  who  are  so  terribly  shocked  at  the  prospect  of  their  being 
thus  employed,  confine  their  objections  to  grounds  of  expediency.  They 
urge: 

"  ist.  That  the  negroes  will  not  fight.  This,  if  true,  is  exclusive 
against  their  being  used  as  soldiers.  But  we  see  no  way  of  testing  the 
question  except  by  trying  the  experiment.  It  will  take  but  a  very  short 
time  and  but  very  few  battles  to  determine  whether  they  have  courage, 
steadiness,  subjection  to  military  discipline  and  the  other  qualities  es 
sential  to  good  soldiership  or  not.  If  they  have,  this  objection  will 
fall,  if  not  then  beyond  all  question  they  will  cease  to  be  employed. 

"  2d.  It  is  said  that  the  whites  will  not  fight  with  them — that  the 
prejudice  against  them  is  so  strong  that  our  own  citizens  will  not  enlist, 
or  will  quit  the  service,  if  compelled  to  fight  by  their  side, — and  that  we 
shall  thus  lose  two  white  soldiers  for  one  black  one  that  we  gain.  If 
this  is  true,  they  ought  not  to  be  employed.  The  object  of  using  them 
is  to  strengthen  our  military  force  ;  and  if  the  project  does  not  accom 
plish  this,  it  is  a  failure.  The  question,  moreover,  is  one  of  fact,  not  of 
theory.  It  matters  nothing  to  say  that  it  ought  not  to  have  this  effect — 
that  the  prejudice  is  absurd  and  should  not  be  consulted.  The  point  is, 
not  what  men  ought  to  do,  but  what  they  will  do.  We  have  to  deal  with 
human  nature,  with  prejudice,  with  passion,  with  habits  of  thought  and 
feeling,  as  well  as  with  reason  and  sober  judgment  and  the  moral  sense. 
Possibly  the  Government  may  have  made  a  mistake  in  its  estimate  of 
the  effect  of  this  measure  on  the  public  mind.  The  use  of  negroes  as 
soldiers' may  have  a  worse  effect  on  the  army  and  on  the  people  than 
they  have  supposed. 

"  But  this  is  a  matter  of  opinion  upon  which  men  have  differed. 
Very  prominent  and  influential  persons,  Governors  of  States,  Senators, 
popular  Editors  and  others  have  predicted  the  best  results  from  such  a 
measure,  while  others  have  anticipated  the  worst.  The  President  has 
resolved  to  try  the  experiment.  If  it  works  well,  the  country  will  be 
the  gainer.  If  not,  we  have  no  doubt  it  will  be  abandoned.  If  the 
effect  of  using  negroes  as  soldiers  upon  the  army  and  the  country, 
proves  to  be  depressing  and  demoralizing,  so  as  to  weaken  rather  than 
strengthen  our  military  operations,  they  will  cease  to  be  employed. 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       303 

The  President  is  a  practical  man,  not  at  all  disposed  to  sacri6ce  practi 
cal  results  to  abstract  theories. 

"  3d.  It  is  said  we  shall  get  no  negroes — or  not  enough  to  prove  of 
any  service.  In  the  free  States  very  few  will  volunteer,  and  in  the 
Slave  States  we  can  get  but  few,  because  the  Rebels  will  push  them 
Southward  as  fast  as  we  advance  upon  them.  This  may  be  so.  We 
confess  we  share,  with  many  others,  the  opinion  that  it  will. 

"  But  we  may  as  well  wait  patiently  the  short  time  required  to  settle 
the  point.  When  we  hear  more  definitely  from  Gov.  Sprague's  black 
battalions  and  Gov.  Andrew's  negro  brigades,  we  shall  know  more 
accurately  what  to  think  of  the  measure  as  one  for  the  Free  States  ; 
and  when  we  hear  further  of  the  success  of  Gen.  Banks  and  Gen.  Sax- 
ton  in  enlisting  them  at  the  South,  we  can  form  a  better  judgment  of 
the  movement  there.  If  we  get  very  few  or  even  none,  the  worst  that 
can  be  said  will  be  that  the  project  is  a  failure  ;  and  the  demonstration 
that  it  is  so  will  have  dissipated  another  of  the  many  delusions  which 
dreamy  people  have  cherished  about  this  war. 

"  4th.  The  use  of  negroes  will  exasperate  the  South  ;  and  some  of 
our  Peace  Democrats  make  that  an  objection  to  the  measure.  We 
presume  it  will ;  but  so  will  any  other  scheme  we  may  adopt  which  is 
warlike  and  effective  in  its  character  and  results.  If  that  consideration  is 
to  govern  us,  we  must  follow  Mr.Vallandingham's  advice  and  stop  the  war 
entirely,  or  as  Mr.  McMasters  puts  it  in  his  Newark  speech,  go  '  for  an 
immediate  and  unconditional  peace.'  We  are  not  quite  ready  for  that  yet. 

"  The  very  best  thing  that  can  be  done  under  existing  circumstances, 
in  our  judgment,  is  to  possess  our  souls  in  patience  while  the  experiment 
is  being  tried.  The  problem  will  probably  speedily  solve  itself — much 
more  speedily  than  heated  discussion  or  harsh  criminations  can  solve  it." 

It  did  n't  require  a  great  deal  of  time  for  the  Black  troops  to 
make  a  good  impression ;  and  while  the  Congress,  the  press,  and 
the  people  were  being  exercised  over  the  probable  out-come,  the 
first  regiment  of  ex-slaves  ever  equipped  for  the  service  was 
working  a  revolution  in  public  sentiment.  On  the  last  day  of 
January,  1863,  the  "  New  York  Tribune"  printed  the  following 
editorial  on  the  subject : 

'"  A  disloyal  minority  in  the  House  is  factiously  resisting  the  pas 
sage  of  the  Steven's  bill,  authorizing  the  President  to  raise  and  equip 
150,000  soldiers  of  African  descent.  Meanwhile,  in  the  Department  of 
the  South  a  full  regiment  of  blacks  has  been  enlisted  under  Gen. 
Saxton  ;  is  already  uniformed  and  armed,  and  has  been  actively  drill 
ing  for  the  last  seven  weeks.  A  letter  which  we  printed  on  Wednesday 
from  our  Special  Correspondent,  who  is  usually  well  qualified  to  judge 


304    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  its  military  proficiency,  says  of  this  regiment  that  no  honest-minded, 
unprejudiced  observer  could  come  to  any  other  conclusion  than  that  it 
had  attained  a  remarkable  proficiency  in  the  short  period  during  which 
it  had  been  drilled.  We  have  in  addition  from  an  officer  of  the  regi 
ment,  who  is  thoroughly  informed  as  to  its  condition,  a  very  interesting 
statement  of  its  remarkable  progress,  and  some  valuable  suggestions  on 
the  employment  of  negro  troops  in  general. 

'This  regiment  —  the  ist  South  Carolina  Volunteers,  Colonel 
Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson — marched  on  the  iyth  for  the  first 
time  through  the  streets  of  Beaufort.  It  was  the  remark  of  many 
bitterly  pro-slavery  officers  that  they  looked  "splendidly."  They 
marched  through  by  platoons,  and  returned  by  the  flank  ;  the  streets 
were  filled  with  soldiers  and  citizens,  but  every  man  looked  straight 
before  him  and  carried  himself  steadily.  How  many  white  regiments 
do  the  same?  One  black  soldier  said  :  "  We  did  n't  see  a  thing  in 
Beaufort  ;  ebery  man  hold  his  head  straight  up  to  de  front,  ebery  step 
was  worth  a  half  dollar." 

"  '  Many  agreed  with  what  is  my  deliberate  opinion,'  writes  this 
officer,  'that  no  regiment  in  this  department  can,  even  now,  surpass  this 
one.  In  marching  in  regimental  line  I  have  not  seen  it  equalled.  In 
the  different  modes  of  passing  from  line  into  column,  and  from  column 
into  line,  in  changing  front,  countermarching,  forming  divisions,  and 
forming  square,  whether  by  the  common  methods,  or  by  Casey's 
methods,  it  does  itself  the  greatest  credit.  Nor  have  I  yet  discovered 
the  slightest  ground  of  inferiority  to  white  troops. 

'  '  So  far  is  it  from  being  true  that  the  blacks  as  material  soldiers  are 
inferior  to  white,  that  they  are  in  some  respects  manifestly  superior  ; 
especially  in  aptness  for  drill,  because  of  their  imitativeness  and  love  of 
music  ;  docility  in  discipline,  when  their  confidence  is  once  acquired  ; 
and  enthusiasm  for  the  cause.  They  at  least  know  what  they  are  fight 
ing  for.  They  have  also  a  pride  as  soldiers,  which  is  not  often  found 
in  our  white  regiments,  where  every  private  is  only  too  apt  to  think 
himself  specially  qualified  to  supersede  his  officers.  They  are  above 
all  things  faithful  and  trustworthy  on  duty  from  the  start.  In  the  best 
white  regiments  it  has  been  found  impossible  to  trust  newly-enlisted 
troops  with  the  countersign — they  invariably  betray  it  to  their  com 
rades.  There  has  been  but  one  such  instance  in  this  black  regiment, 
and  that  was  in  the  case  of  a  mere  boy,  whose  want  of  fidelity  excited 
the  greatest  indignation  among  his  comrades. 

*  Drunkenness,  the  bane  of  our  army,  does  not  exist  among  the 
black  troops.  There  has  not  been  one  instance  in  the  regiment. 
Enough.  The  only  difficulty  which  threatened  to  become  at  all  serious 
was  that  of  absence  without  leave  and  overstaying  passes,  but  this  was 
checked  by  a  few  decided  measures  and  has  ceased  entirely. 


EMPLO  YMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       30$ 

"  '  When  this  regiment  was  first  organized,  some  months  ago,  it  had 
to  encounter  bitter  hostility  from  the  white  troops  at  Port  Royal,  and 
there  was  great  exultation  when  General  Hunter  found  himself  obliged 
to  disband  it.  Since  its  reorganization  this  feeling  seems  to  have 
almost  disappeared.  There  is  no  complaint  by  the  privates  of  insult  or 
ill-treatment,  formerly  disgracefully  common  from  their  white  comrades. 

"  '  It  has  been  supposed  that  these  black  troops  would  prove  fitter 
for  garrison  duty  than  active  service  in  the  field.  No  impression  could 
be  more  mistaken.  Their  fidelity  as  sentinels  adapts  them  especially, 
no  doubt,  to  garrison  duty  ;  but  their  natural  place  is  in  the  advance. 
There  is  an  inherent  dash  and  fire  about  them  which  white  troops  of 
more  sluggish  Northern  blood  do  not  emulate,  and  their  hearty  enthu 
siasm  shows  itself  in  all  ways.  Such  qualities  are  betrayed  even  in 
drill,  as  anybody  may  know  who  has  witnessed  the  dull,  mechanical 
way  in  which  ordinary  troops  make  a  bayonet  charge  on  the  parade 
ground,  and  contrasts  it  with  the  spirit  of  those  negro  troops  in  the 
same  movement.  They  are  to  be  used,  moreover,  in  a  country  which 
they  know  perfectly.  Merely  from  their  knowledge  of  wood-craft  and 
water-craft,  it  would  be  a  sheer  waste  of  material  to  keep  them  in  gar 
rison.  It  is  scarcely  the  knowledge  which  is  at  once  indispensable  and 
impossible  to  be  acquired  by  our  troops.  See  these  men  and  it  is 
easier  to  understand  the  material  of  which  the  famous  Chasseurs 
d'  Afrique  are  composed/ 

"  General  Saxton,  in  a  letter  published  yesterday,  said  :  '  In  no  regi 
ment  have  I  ever  seen  duty  performed  with  so  much  cheerfulness  and 
alacrity.  *  *  *  In  the  organization  of  this  regiment  I  have  labored 
under  difficulties  which  might  have  discouraged  one  who  had  less  faith 
in  the  wisdom  of  the  measure ;  but  I  am  glad  to  report  that  the  experi 
ment  is  a  complete  success.  My  belief  is  that  when  we  get  a  footing 
on  the  mainland  regiments  may  be  raised  which  will  do  more  than  any 
now  in  the  service  to  put  an  end  to  this  rebellion.' 

"  We  are  learning  slowly,  very  slowly,  in  this  war  to  use  the  means 
of  success  which  lie  ready  to  our  hands.  We  have  learnt  at  last  that 
the  negro  is  essential  to  our  success,  but  we  are  still  hesitating  whether 
to  allow  him  to  do  all  he  can  or  only  a  part. 

"  It  will  not  take  many  such  proofs  as  this  black  regiment  now  offers 
to  convince  us  of  the  full  value  of  our  new  allies.  But  we  ought  to  go 
beyond  that  selfishness  which  regards  only  our  own  necessities  and  re 
member  that  the  negro  has  a  right  to  fight  for  his  freedom,  and  that  he 
will  be  all  the  more  fit  to  enjoy  his  new  destiny  by  helping  to  achieve  it." 

On  the  28th  of  March,  1863,  Mr.  Greeley  sent  forth  the  fol* 
lowing  able  and  sensible  editorial  on  the  Negro  as  a  soldier: 


.306    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  NEGRO  TROOPS. 

"  Facts  are  beginning  to  dispel  prejudices.  Enemies  of  the  negro 
xace,  who  have  persistently  denied  the  capacity  and  doubted  the 
courage  of  the  Blacks,  are  unanswerably  confuted  by  the  good  conduct 
.and  gallant  deeds  of  the  men  whom  they  persecute  and  slander.  From 
many  quarters  come  evidence  of  the  swiftly  approaching  success  which 
is  to  crown  what  is  still  by  some  persons  deemed  to  be  the  experiment 
of  arming  whom  the  Proclamation  of  Freedom  liberates. 

"  The  ist  and  2d  South  Carolina  Volunteers,  under  Colonels  Hig- 
ginson  and  Montgomery,  have  ascended  the  St.  John's  River  in  Florida 
as  far  as  Jacksonville,  and  have  re-occupied  that  important  town  which 
was  once  before  taken  and  afterward  abandoned  by  the  Union  forces. 
Many  of  the  negroes  composing  these  regiments  had  been  slaves  in  this 
very  place.  Their  memory  of  old  wrongs,  of  the  privations,  outrages  and 
tortures  of  Slavery,  must  here,  if  anywhere,  have  been  fresh  and  vivid, 
and  the  passions  which  opportunity  for  just  revenges  stimulates  even  in 
white  breasts,  ought  to  have  been  roused  more  than  in  all  other  places 
<on  the  spot  where  they  had  suffered. 

"  If,  then,  Jacksonville  were  to-day  in  ashes,  and  the  ghastly  spirit 
visions  of  '  The  World'  materialized  into  terrible  realities,  the  negro 
haters  would  have  no  cause  to  be  disappointed.  '  The  World'  hailed 
the  alleged  repulse  and  massacre  of  the  negroes  and  white  officers — a 
report  which  it  invented  outright,  in  sheer  malignity,  in  order  to  fore 
stall  public  opinion  by  creating  a  belief  in  the  failure  of  the  expedition 
—would  have  changed  into  agonized  shrieks  over  the  outrages  on  its 
Southern  brethren.  The  experiment  of  subjecting  negroes  to  military 
rules  and  accustoming  them  to  those  amenities  of  civilized  warfare 
which  the  rebels  so  uniformly  practice  would  again  have  been  declared 
to  be  a  hopeless  failure  ;  and  for  the  hundredth  time  the  Proclamation 
and  the  radicals  who  advised  it  would  have  been  pilloried  for  public 
execration. 

"  Since,  however,  the  contrary  of  all  this  is  true,  it  may  be  presumed 
by  a  confiding  public  which  does  not  read  it  that  'The  World'  has 
honestly  acknowledged  the  injustice  of  its  slanders.  It  is  unpleasant  to 
disabuse  a  confiding  public  on  any  subject,  but  we  who  are  sometimes 
obliged  to  look  at  that  paper  as  a  professional  duty,  regret  to  say  that  we 
have  not  discovered  a  single  evidence  of  its  repentance.  The  facts 
are,  however,  that  Colonel  Higginson's  men  landed  quietly  at  Jackson 
ville,  marched  through  its  streets  in  perfect  order,  committed  no  out 
rages  or  excesses  of  any  kind,  and  by  the  testimony  of  all  witnesses 
conducted  themselves  with  a  military  decorum  and  perfect  discipline 
which  is  far  from  common  among  white  regiments  in  similar  circum 
stances.  They  have  gone  before  this  time  still  further  into  the  interior, 


, 
EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       307 

and  will  doubtless  do  good  service  in  a  direction  where  their  presence 
has  been  least  expected  by  the  Rebels.  In  the  only  instance  in  which 
the  white  chivalry  ventured  to  make  a  stand  against  them,  the  whites 
were  defeated  and  driven  off  the  field  by  the  Blacks. 

''  The  truth  is  that  the  fitness  of  negroes  to  be  soldiers  has  long 
since,  in  this  country  and  elsewhere,  been  amply  demonstrated,  and  the 
success  of  Col.  Higginson's  Black  Troops  is  no  matter  of  surprise  to 
any  person  tolerably  well  informed  about  the  history  of  the  race.  If  it 
were  in  any  sense  an  experiment,  the  only  thing  to  be  tested  was  the 
obstinacy  of  our  Saxon  prejudice  which  denied  the  possibility  of  suc 
cess,  and  did  what  it  could  to  prevent  it.  But  even  Saxon  prejudice 
must  shortly  yield  to  the  logic  of  facts." 

In  the  face  of  the  fact  that  the  United  States  Government 
had  employed  Negroes  as  soldiers  to  fight  the  battles  of  the 
Union,  there  were  men  of  intelligence  who  held  that  it  was  all 
wrong  in  fact,  in  policy,  and  in  point  of  law.  And  this  opinion 
attained  such  proportions  that  the  Secretary  of  War  felt  called 
upon  to  request  the  opinion  of  Judge  Advocate  Holt.  It  is 
given  here. 

ENLISTMENT  OF  SLAVES. 

In  a  letter  to  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  dated  Aug. 
20,  1863,  Judge  Advocate  Holt  said  :  "  The  right  of  the  Government 
to  employ  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  persons  of  African  De 
scent  held  to  service  or  labor  under  the  local  law,  rests  firmly  on  two 
grounds  : 

"  First,  as  property.  Both  our  organic  law  and  the  usages  of  our 
institutions  under  it  recognize  fully  the  authority  of  the  Government  to 
seize  and  apply  to  public  use  private  property,  on  making  compensation 
therefor.  What  the  use  may  be  to  which  it  is  to  be  applied  does  not 
enter  into  the  question  of  the  right  to  make  the  seizure,  which  is  un 
trammelled  in  its  exercise,  save  by  the  single  condition  mentioned. 

"  Secondly,  as  persons.  While  those  of  African  Descent  held  to 
service  or  labor  in  several  of  the  States,  occupy  under  the  laws  of  such 
States,  the  status  of  property  ;  they  occupy  also  under  the  Federal 
Government,  the  status  of  'persons.'  They  are  referred  to  so  nomine 
in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  it  is  not  as  property  but 
as  'persons'  that  they  are  represented  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  and 
thus  form  a  prominent  constituent  element  alike  in  the  organization  and 
practical  administration  of  the  Government. 

"The  obligation  of  all  persons— irrespective  of  creed  or  color — to 
bear  arms,  if  physically  capable  of  doing  so,  in  defence  of  the  Govern- 


308    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

ment  under  which  they  live  and  by  which  they  are  protected,  is  one  that 
is  universally  acknowledged  and  enforced.  Corresponding  to  this  ob- 
.ligation  is  the  duty  resting  on  those  charged  with  the  administration  of 
the  Government,  to  employ  such  persons  in  the  military  service  when 
ever  the  public  safety  may  demand  it.  Congress  realized  both  this  ob 
ligation  on  the  one  hand,  and  this  duty  on  the  other  when,  by  the  i2th 
section  of  the  Act  of  the  iyth  of  July,  1862,  it  was  enacted  that  'the 
President  be  and  is  hereby  authorized  to  receive  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States  for  the  purpose  of  constructing  intrenchments,  or  per 
forming  camp  service  or  any  other  labor,  or  any  military  or  naval  service 
for  which  they  may  be  found  competent,  persons  of  African  Descent, 
and  such  persons  shall  be  enrolled  and  organized  under  such  regula 
tions  not  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  as  the  Presi 
dent  may  prescribe.' 

"  The  terms  of  this  Act  are  without  restriction  and  no  distinction  is 
made,  or  was  intended  to  be  made,  between  persons  of  African  Descent 
held  to  service  or  labor  or  those  not  so  held. 

"  The  President  is  empowered  to  receive  them  all  into  the  military 
service,  and  assign  them  such  duty  as  they  may  be  found  competent  to 
perform. 

"  The  tenacious  and  brilliant  valor  displayed  by  troops  of  this  race 
at  Port  Hudson,  Milliken's  Bend,  and  Fort  Wagner,  has  sufficiently  dem 
onstrated  to  the  President  and  to  the  country,  the  character  of  service 
of  which  they  are  capable.  In  the  interpretation  given  to  the  Enrol 
ment  Act,  free  citizens  of  African  Descent  are  treated  as  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  in  the  sense  of  the  law,  and  are  everywhere  being  drafted 
into  the  military  service. 

"  In  reference  to  the  other  class  of  persons  of  this  race — those  held 
to  service  or  labor — the  i2th  section  of  the  Act  of  July  i7th  is  still  in 
full  force,  and  the  President  may  in  his  discretion  receive  them  into  the 
army  and  assign  them  to  such  field  of  duty  as  he  may  deem  them  pre 
pared  to  occupy.  In  view  of  the  loyalty  of  this  race,  and  of  the  ob 
stinate  courage  which  they  have  shown  themselves  to  possess,  they  cer 
tainly  constitute  at  this  crisis  in  our  history  a  most  powerful  and  reliable 
arm  of  the  public  defence.  Whether  this  arm  shall  now  be  exerted  is 
not  a  question  of  power  or  right,  but  purely  of  policy,  to  be  determined 
by  the  estimate  which  may  be  entertained  of  the  conflict  in  which  we 
are  engaged,  and  of  the  necessity  that  presses  to  bring  this  waste  of 
blood  and  treasure  to  a  close.  A  man  precipitated  into  a  struggle  for 
his  life  on  land  or  sea,  instinctively  and  almost  necessarily  puts  forth 
every  energy  with  which  he  is  endowed,  and  eagerly  seizes  upon  every 
source  of  strength  within  his  grasp  ;  and  a  nation  battling  for  existence, 
that  does  not  do  the  same,  may  well  be  regarded  as  neither  wise  nor 
obedient  to  that  great  law  of  self-preservation,  from  which  are  derived 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.       3°9 

our  most  urgent  and  solemn  duties.  That  there  exists  a  prejudice 
against  the  employment  of  persons  of  African  Descent  is  undeniable  ; 
it  is,  however,  rapidly  giving  way,  and  never  had  any  foundation  in  rea 
son  or  loyalty  It  originated  with  and  has  been  diligently  nurtured  by 
those  in  sympathy  with  the  Rebellion,  and  its  utterance  at  this  moment 
is  necessarily  in  the  interests  of  treason. 

"  Should  the  President  feel  that  the  public  interests  require  he  shall 
exert  the  power  with  which  he  is  clothed  by  the  i2th  section  of  the  Act 
of  the  i yth  of  July,  his  action  should  be  in  subordination  to  the  Consti 
tutional  principle  which  exacts  that  compensation  shall  be  made  for 
private  property  devoted  to  the  public  uses.  A  just  compensation  to 
loyal  claimants  to  the  service  or  labor  of  persons  of  African  Descent 
enlisted  in  our  army,  would  accord  with  the  uniform  practice  of  the 
Government  and  the  genius  of  our  institutions  ! 

"Soldiers  of  this  class,  after  having  perilled  their  lives  in  the  defence 
of  the  Republic,  could  not  be  re-enslaved  without  a  national  dishonor 
revolting  and  unendurable  for  all  who  are  themselves  to  be  free.  The 
compensation  made,  therefore,  should  be  such  as  entirely  to  exhaust  the 
interest  of  claimants  ;  so  that  when  soldiers  of  this  class  lay  down  their 
arms  at  the  close  of  the  war,  they  may  at  once  enter  into  the  enjoyment 
of  that  freedom  symbolized  by  the  flag  which  they  have  followed  and 
defended." 

The  Negro  was  now  a  soldier,  legally,  "  constitutionally."  He 
had  donned  the  uniform  of  an  American  soldier ;  was  entrusted 
with  the  honor  and  defence  of  his  country,  and  had  set  before 
him  liberty  as  his  exceeding  great  reward.  Rejected  at  first  he 
was  at  last  urged  into  the  service — even  drafted!  He  was 
charged  with  the  solution  of  a  great  problem — his  fitness,  his 
valor.  History  shall  record  his  deeds  of  patriotism,  his  marvel 
lous  achievements,  his  splendid  triumphs. 


310    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

NEGROES     AS     SOLDIERS. 

JUSTIFICATION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  EMPLOYMENT  OF  SLAVES  AS  SOLDIERS.  — 
TRIALS  OF  THE  NEGRO  SOLDIER.  —  HE  UNDERGOES  PERSECUTION  FROM  THE  WHITE  NORTHERN 
TROOPS,  AND  BARBAROUS  TREATMENT  FROM  THE  REBELS.  —  EDITORIAL  OF  THE  u  NEW  YORK 
TIMES"  ON  THE  NEGRO  SOLDIER  IN  BATTLE.  —  REPORT  OF  THE  "TRIBUNE"  ON  THE  GALLANT 
EXPLOITS  OF  THE  IST  SOUTH  CAROLINA  VOLUNTEERS.  —  NEGRO  TROOPS  IN  ALL  THE  DEPART 
MENTS.  —  NEGRO  SOLDIERS  IN  THE  BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON.  —  DEATH  OF  CAPTAIN  ANDRE 
CALLIOUX.  —  DEATH  OF  COLOR-SERGEANT  ANSELMAS  PLANCIANCOIS.  —  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE 
BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON.  —  OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  GEN.  BANKS.  —  HE  APPLAUDS  THE  VALOR 
OF  THE  COLORED  REGIMENTS  AT  PORT  HUDSON.  —  GEORGE  H.  BOKER'S  POEM  ON  "  THE 
BLACK  REGIMENT."  —  BATTLE  OF  MILLIKEN'S  BEND,  JUNE,  1863.  —  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE 
BATTLE.  —  MEMORABLE  EVENTS  OF  JULY,  1863.  —  BATTLE  ON  MORRIS  ISLAND.  —  BRAVERY  OF 
SERGEANT  CARNEY.  —  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  S4TH  MASSACHUSETTS  REGIMENT  BY  EDWARD  L. 
PIERCE  TO  GOVERNOR  ANDREW.  —  DEATH  OF  COL.  SHAW.  —  COLORED  TROOPS  IN  THE  ARMY 
OF  TH-K  POTOMAC.  —  BATTLE  OF  PETERSBURG.  — TABLE  SHOWING  THE  LOSSES  AT  NASHVILLE. 
— ADJT.-GEN.  THOMAS  ON  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  —  AN  EXTRACT  FROM  THE  "NEW  YORK  TRIBUNE" 
IN  BEHALF  OF  THE  SOLDIERLY  QUALITIES  OF  THE  NEGROES.  —  LETTER  RECEIVED  BY  COL.  DAR 
LING  FROM  MR.  ADEN  AND  COL.  FOSTER  PRAISING  THE  EMINENT  QUALIFICATIONS  OF  THE 
NEGRO  FOR  MILITARY  LIFE.  —  HISTORY  RECORDS  THEIR  DEEDS  OF  VALOR  IN  THE  PRESERVA 
TION  OF  THE  UNION. 

ALL  history,  ancient  and  modern,  Pagan  and  Christian, 
justified  the  conduct  of  the  Federal  Government  in  the 
employment  of  slaves  as  soldiers.  Greece  had  tried  the 
experiment ;  and  at  the  battle  of  Marathon  there  were  two  regi 
ments  of  heavy  infantry  composed  of  slaves.  The  beleaguered 
city  of  Rome  offered  freedom  to  her  slaves  who  should  volun 
teer  as  soldiers ;  and  at  the  battle  of  Cannae  a  regiment  of  Ro 
man  slaves  made  Hannibal's  cohorts  reel  before  their  unequalled 
courage.  When  Abraham  heard  of  the  loss  of  his  stock,  he 
armed  his  slaves,  pursued  the  enemy,  and  regained  his  posses 
sions.  Negro  officers  as  well  as  soldiers  had  shared  the  perils 
and  glories  of  the  campaigns  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte ;  and  even 
the  royal  guard  at  the  Court  of  Imperial  France  had  been 
mounted  with  black  soldiers.  In  two  wars  in  North  America 
Negro  soldiers  had  followed  the  fortunes  of  military  life,  and  won 
the  applause  of  white  patriots  on  two  continents.  So  then  all  his 
tory  furnished  a  precedent  for  the  guidance  of  the  United  States 
Government  in  the  Civil  War  in  America. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  311 

But  there  were  several  aggravating  questions  which  had  to  be 
referred  to  the  future.  In  both  wars  in  this  country  the  Negro 
had  fought  a  foreign  foe — an  enemy  representing  a  Christian  civil 
ization.  He  had  a  sense  of  security  in  going  to  battle  with  the 
colonial  fathers  ;  for  their  sacred  battle-songs  gave  him  purpose 
and  courage.  And,  again,  the  Negro  knew  that  the  English  sol 
dier  had  never  disgraced  the  uniform  of  Hampden  or  Wellington 
by  practising  the  cruelties  of  uncivilized  warfare  upon  helpless 
prisoners.  In  the  Rebellion  it  was  altogether  different.  Here 
was  a  war  between  the  States  of  one  Union.  Here  was  a  war 
between  two  sections  differing  in  civilization.  Here  was  a  war  all 
about  the  Negro  ;  a  war  that  was  to  declare  him  forever  bond,  or 
forever  free.  Now,  in  such  a  war  the  Negro  appeared  in  battle 
against  his  master.  For  two  hundred  and  forty-three  years  the 
Negro  had  been  learning  the  lesson  of  obedience  and  obsequious 
submission  to  the  white  man.  The  system  of  slavery  under 
which  he  had  languished  had  destroyed  the  family  relation,  the 
source  of  all  virtue,  self-respect,  and  moral  growth.  The  ten 
dency  of  slavery  was  to  destroy  the  confidence  of  the  slave  in 
his  ability  and  resources,  and  to  disqualify  him  for  those  rela 
tions  where  the  noblest  passion  of  mankind  is  to  be  exercised 
in  an  intelligent  manner — amor  patrice. 

Negro  soldiers  were  required  by  an  act  of  Congress  to  fight 
for  the  Union  at  a  salary  of  $10  per  month,  with  $3  deducted 
for  clothing — leaving  them  only  $7  per  month  as  their  actual 
pay.  White  soldiers  received  $13  per  month  and  clothing.1 

The  Negro  soldiers  had  to  run  the  gauntlet  of  the  persecuting 
hate  of  white  Northern  troops,  and,  if  captured,  endure  the 
most  barbarous  treatment  of  the  rebels,  without  a  protest  on  the 
part  of  the  Government — for  at  least  nearly  a  year.  Hooted  at, 
jeered,  and  stoned  in  the  streets  of  Northern  cities  as  they 
marched  to  the  front  to  fight  for  the  Union  ;  scoffed  at  and 
abused  by  white  troops  under  the  flag  of  a  common  country, 
there  was  little  of  a  consoling  or  inspiring  nature  in  the  experi 
ence  of  Negro  soldiers. 

1  This  was  remedied  at  length,  after  the  54th  Massachusetts  Infantry  had  refused 
pay  for  a  year,  unless  the  regiment  could  be  treated  as  other  regiments.  Major 
Sturges,  Agent  for  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  made  up  the  difference  between  $7  and 
$13  to  disabled  and  discharged  soldiers  of  this  regiment,  until  the  i$th  June,  1864, 
when  the  Government  came  to  its  senses  respecting  this  great  injustice  to  its  gallant 
soldiers. 


312    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  But  none  of  these  things  "  moved  the  Negro  soldier.  His 
qualifications  for  the  profession  of  arms  were  ample  and  admir 
able.  To  begin  with,  the  Negro  soldier  was  a  patriot  of  the 
highest  order.  No  race  of  people  in  the  world  are  more  thor 
oughly  domestic,  have  such  tender  attachments  to  home  and 
friends  as  the  Negro  race.  And  when  his  soul  was  quickened 
with  the  sublime  idea  of  liberty  for  himself  and  kindred — that 
his  home  and  country  were  to  be  rid  of  the  triple  curse  of  slavery 
— his  enthusiasm  was  boundless.  His  enthusiasm  was  not  mere 
animal  excitement.  No  white  soldier  who  marched  to  the  music 
of  the  Union  possessed  a  more  lofty  conception  of  the  sacred- 
ness  of  the  war  for  the  Union  than  the  Negro.  The  intensity  of 
his  desires,  the  sincerity  of  his  prayers,  and  the  sublimity  of  his 
faith  during  the  long  and  starless  night  of  his  bondage  made  the 
Negro  a  poet,  after  a  fashion.  To  him  there  was  poetry  in  our 
flag — the  red,  white,  and  blue.  Our  national  odes  and  airs  found 
a  response  in  his  soul,  and  inspired  him  to  the  performance  of 
heroic  deeds.  He  was  always  seeing  something  "  sublime," 
"  glorious,"  "beautiful,"  "grand,"  and  "wonderful"  in  war. 
There  was  poetry  in  the  swinging,  measured  tread  of  companies 
and  regiments  in  drill  or  battle  ;  and  dress  parade  always  found 
the  Negro  soldier  in  the  height  of  his  glory.  His  love  of  har 
monious  sounds,  his  musical  faculty,  and  delight  of  show  aided 
him  in  the  performance  of  the  most  difficult  manoeuvres.  His 
imitativeness  gave  him  facility  in  handling  his  musket  and  sabre ; 
and  his  love  of  domestic  animals,  and  natural  strength  made  him 
a  graceful  cavalryman  and  an  efficient  artilleryman. 

The  lessons  of  obedience  the  Negro  had  learned  so 
thoroughly  as  a  slave  were  turned  to  good  account  as  a 
soldier.  He  obeyed  orders  to  the  letter.  He  never  used 
his  discretion  ;  he  added  nothing  to,  he  subtracted  noth 
ing  from,  his  orders;  he  made  no  attempt  at  reading  be 
tween  the  lines ;  he  did  not  interpret — he  obeyed.  Used  to  out 
door  life,  with  excellent  hearing,  wonderful  eyesight,  and  great 
vigilance,  he  was  a  model  picket.  Heard  every  sound,  observed 
every  moving  thing,  and  was  quick  to  shoot,  and  of  steady  aim. 
He  was  possessed  of  exceptionally  good  teeth,  and,  therefore, 
could  bite  his  cartridge  and  hard  tack.  He  had  been  trained  to 
long  periods  of  labor,  poor  food,  and  miserable  quarters,  and 
therefore,  could  endure  extreme  fatigue  and  great  exposure. 

His  docility  of  nature,  patient  endurance,  and  hopeful  dispo- 


.  NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  313 

sition  enabled  him  to  endure  long  marches,  severe  hardships,  and 
painful  wounds.  His  joyous,  boisterous  songs  on  the  march  and 
in  the  camp  ;  his  victorious  shout  in  battle,  and  his  merry  laugh 
ter  in  camp  proclaimed  him  the  insoluble  enigma  of  military  life. 
He  never  was  discouraged  ;  melancholia  had  no  abiding  place  in 
his  nature. 

But  how  did  the  Negro  meet  his  master  in  battle  ?  How 
did  he  stand  fire?  On  the  3ist  of  July,  1863,  the  "  New  York 
Times,"  editorially  answered  these  questions  as  follows  : 

"  Negro  soldiers  have  now  been  in  battle  at  Port  Hudson  and  at 
Milliken's  Bend  in  Louisiana  ;  at  Helena  in  Arkansas,  at  Morris  Island 
in  South  Carolina,  and  at  or  near  Fort  Gibson  in  the  Indian  Territory. 
In  two  of  these  instances  they  assaulted  fortified  positions  and  led  the 
assault  ;  in  two  they  fought  on  the  defensive,  and  in  one  they  attacked 
rebel  infantry.  In  all  of  them  they  acted  in  conjunction  with  white 
troops  and  under  command  of  white  officers.  In  some  instances  they 
acted  with  distinguished  bravery,  and  in  all  they  acted  as  well  as  could 
be  expected  of  raw  troops. 

"  Some  of  these  negroes  were  from  the  cotton  States,  others  from 
New  England  States,  and  others  from  the  slave  States  of  the  Northwest. 
Those  who  fought  at  Port  Hudson  were  from  New  Orleans  ;  those  who 
fought  at  Battery  Wagner  were  from  Boston  ;  those  who  fought  at 
Helena  and  Young's  Point  were  from  the  river  counties  of  Arkansas, 
Mississippi,  and  Tennessee.  Those  who  fought  in  the  Indian  Territory 
were  from  Missouri." 

This  is  warm  praise  from  a  journal  of  the  high,  though  con 
servative,  character  of  the  "  Times."  Warmer  praise  and  more 
unqualified  praise  of  the  Negro  soldier's  fighting  qualities  could 
not  be  given.  And  it  was  made  after  a  careful  weighing  of  all 
the  facts  and  evidence  supplied  from  careful  and  reliable  corre 
spondents.  But  more  specific  evidence  was  being  furnished  on 
every  hand.  The  1st  South  Carolina  Volunteers — the  first  regi 
ment  of  Negroes  enlisted  during  the  war, — commanded  by  Col. 
Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson,  was  the  first  Black  regiment  of 
its  character  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  The  regiment  covered 
itself  with  glory  during  an  expedition  upon  the  St.  John's  River 
in  Florida.  The  "  Times  "  gave  the  following  editorial  notice  of 
the  expedition  at  the  time,  based  upon  the  official  report  of  the 
colonel  and  a  letter  from  its  special  correspondent: 


3 14    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  THE  NEGROES  IN  BATTLE. 

"Colonel  Higginson,  of  the  ist  S.  C.  Volunteers,  furnishes  an  enter 
taining  official  report  of  the  exploits  of  his  black  regiment  in  Florida. 
He  seems  to  think  it  necessary  to  put  his  case  strongly,  and  in 
rather  exalted  language,  as  well  as  in  such  a  way  as  to  convince  the 
public  that  negroes  will  fight.  In  this  expedition,  his  battalion  was 
repeatedly  under  fire — had  rebel  cavalry,  infantry,  and,  says  he,  '  even 
artillery'  arranged  against  them,  yet  in  every  instance  came  off  with 
unblemished  honor  and  undisputed  triumph.  His  men  made  the 
most  urgent  appeals  to  him  to  be  allowed  to  press  the  flying  enemy. 
They  exhibited  the  Tnost  fiery  energy  beyond  anything  of  which  Col 
onel  Higginson  ever  read,  unless  it  may  be  in  the  case  of  the  French 
Zouaves.  He  even  says  that  'it  would  have  been  madness  to  attempt 
with  the  bravest  white  troops  what  he  successfully  accomplished  with 
black  ones.'  No  wanton  destruction  was  permitted,  no  personal  out 
rages  desired,  during  the  expedition.  The  regiment,  besides  the  vic 
tories  which  it  achieved,  and  the  large  amount  of  valuable  property 
which  it  secured,  obtained  a  cannon  and  a  flag  which  the  Colonel 
very  properly  asks  permission  for  the  regiment  to  retain.  The  officers. 
and  men  desire  to  remain  permanently  in  Florida,  and  obtain  sup 
plies  of  lumber,  iron,  etc.,  for  the  Government.  The  Colonel  puts 
forth  a  very  good  sugggstion,  to  the  effect  that  a  '  chain  of  such  posts 
would  completely  alter  the  whole  aspect  of  the  war  in  the  seaboard 
slave  States,  and  would  accomplish  what  no  accumulation  of  Northern 
regiments  can  so  easily  effect.'  This  is  the  very  use  for  negro  soldiers 
suggested  in  the  Proclamation  of  the  President.  We  have  no  doubt 
that  the  whole  State  of  Florida  might  easily  be  held  for  the  Government 
in  this  way,  by  a  dozen  negro  regiments."  1 

On  the  nth  of  February,  1863,  the  "  Times"  gave  the  fol 
lowing  account  of  the  exploits  of  this  gallant  regiment  in  the 
following  explicit  language : 

"  ACCOUNT    OF  A  SUCCESSFUL  EXPEDITION   INTO  GEORGIA  AND 
FLORIDA  WITH  A  FORCE  OF  FOUR  HUNDRED  AND  SIXTY- 
TWO  OFFICERS   AND    MEN   OF    THE    IST    SOUTH 
CAROLINA  VOLUNTEERS. 

"  The  bravery  and  good  conduct  of  the  regiment  more  than  equalled 
the  high  anticipations  of  its  commander.  The  men  were  repeatedly 
under  fire, — were  opposed  by  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery, — fought 
on  board  a  steamer  exposed  to  heavy  musketry  fire  from  the  banks  of  a 

1  Times,  Feb.  10,  1863. 


NEGROES  A  S  SOLDIERS.  315 

narrow  river, — were  tried  in  all  ways,  and  came  off  invariably  with  honor 
and  success.  They  brought  away  property  to  a  large  amount,  capturing 
also  a  cannon  and  a  flag,  which  the  Colonel  asks  leave  to  keep  for  the 
regiment,  and  which  he  and  they  have  fairly  won. 

"  It  will  not  need  many  such  reports  as  this — and  there  have 
been  several  before  it — to  shake  our  inveterate  Saxon  prejudice 
against  the  capacity  and  courage  of  negro  troops.  Everybody  knows 
that  they  were  used  in  the  Revolution,  and  in  the  last  war  with  Great 
Britain  fought  side  by  side  with  white  troops,  and  won  equal  praises 
from  Washington  and  Jackson.  It  is  shown  also  that  black  sailors 
employed  on  our  men-of-war,  are  valued  by  their  commanders,  and 
are  on  equal  terms  with  their  white  comrades.  If  on  the  sea,  why 
not  on  the  land  ?  No  officer  who  has  commanded  black  troops  has 
yet  reported  against  them.  They  are  tried  in  the  most  unfavorable  and 
difficult  circumstances,  but  never  fail.  When  shall  we  learn  to  use  the 
full  strength  of  the  formidable  ally  who  is  only  waiting  for  a  summons 
to  rally  under  the  flag  of  the  Union  ?  Colonel  Higginson  says  :  '  No 
officer  in  this  regiment  now  doubts  that  the  successful  prosecution  of 
this  war  lies  in  the  unlimited  employment  of  black  troops.'  The  re 
mark  is  true  in  a  military  sense,  and  it  has  a  still  deeper  political 
significance. 

"  When  General  Hunter  has  scattered  50,000  muskets  among  the 
negroes  of. the  Carolinas,  and  General  Butler  has  organized  the  100,000 
or  200,000  blacks  for  whom  he  may  perhaps  shortly  carry  arms  to  New 
Orleans,  the  possibility  of  restoring  the  Union  as  it  was,  with  slavery 
again  its  dormant  power,  will  be  seen  to  have  finally  passed  away.  The 
negro  is  indeed  the  key  to  success."  ] 

So  here,  in  the  Department  of  the  South,  where  General 
Hunter  had  displayed  such  admirable  military  judgment,  first,  in 
emancipating  the  slave,  and  second,  in  arming  them  ;  here  where 
the  white  Union  soldiers  and  their  officers  had  felt  themselves 
insulted  ;  and  where  the  President  had  disarmed  the  1st  regiment 
of  ex-slaves  and  removed  the  officer  who  had  organized  it,  a  few 
companies  of  Negro  troops  had  fought  rebel  infantry,  cavalry, 
artillery,  and  guerillas,  and  put  them  all  to  flight.  They  had  in 
vaded  the  enemy's  country,  made  prisoners,  and  captured  arms 
and  flags;  and  without  committing  a  single  depredation.  Preju 
dice  gave  room  to  praise,  and  the  exclusive,  distant  spirit  of 
white  soldiers  was  converted  into  the  warm  and  close  admiration 
of  comradeship.  The  most  sanguine  expectations  and  high  opin- 

1  Times,  Feb.  n,  1863. 


3i6    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

ions  of  the  advocates  of  Negro  soldiers  were  more  than  realized, 
while  the  prejudice  of  Negro  haters  was  disarmed  by  the  flinty 
logic  and  imperishable  glory  of  Negro  soldiership.1 

Every  Department  had  its  Negro  troops  by  this  time ;  and 
everywhere  the  Negro  was  solving  the  problem  of  his  military 
existence.  At  Port  Hudson  in  May,  1863,  he  proved  himself 
worthy  of  his  uniform  and  the  object  of  the  most  extravagant 
eulogies  from  the  lips  of  men  who  were,  but  a  few  months  before 
the  battle,  opposed  to  Negro  soldiers.  Mention  has  been  made 
in  another  chapter  of  the  Colored  regiment  raised  in  New  Orleans 
under  General  Butler.  After  remaining  in  camp  from  the  /th  of 
September,  1862,  until  May,  1863,  they  were  quite  efficient  in 
the  use  of  their  arms.  The  1st  Louisiana  regiment  was  ordered 
to  report  to  General  Dwight.  The  regiment  was  at  Baton  Rouge. 
Its  commanding  officer,  Colonel  Stafford  [white],  was  under  arrest 
when  the  regiment  was  about  ready  to  go  to  the  front. 

The  line  officers  assembled  at  his  quarters  to  assure  him  that 
the  regiment  would  do  its  duty  in  the  day  of  battle,  and  to  ten 
der  their  regrets  that  he  could  not  lead  them  on  the  field.  At 
this  moment  the  color-guard  marched  up  to  receive  the  regimen 
tal  flags.  Colonel  Stafford  stepped  into  his  tent  and  returned 
with  the  flags.  He  made  a  speech  full  of  patriotism  and  feeling, 
and  concluded  by  saying  :  "  Color-guard,  protect,  defend,  die  for, 
but  do  not  surrender  these  flags  !  "  Sergeant  Planciancois  said  : 
*'  Colonel,  I  will  bring  back  these  colors  to  you  in  honor,  or  report 
to  God  the  reason  why !  "  Noble  words  these,  and  brave  !  And 
no  more  fitting  epitaph  could  mark  the  resting-place  of  a  hero 
who  has  laid  down  his  life  in  defence  of  human  liberty!  A  king 
might  well  covet  these  sublime  words  of  the  dauntless  Plancian 
cois  ! 

PORT   HUDSON. 

It  was  a  question  of  grave  doubt  among  white  troops  as  to 
the  fighting  qualities  of  Negro  soldiers.  There  were  various 
doubts  expressed  by  the  officers  on  both  sides  of  the  line.  The 
Confederates  greeted  the  news  that  "  niggers  "  were  to  meet  them 
in  battle  with  derision,  and  treated  the  whole  matter  as  a  huge 
joke.  The  Federal  soldiers  were  filled  with  amazement  and  fear 
as  to  the  issue. 

1  For  the  official  report  of  Colonel  Higginson  and  the  war  correspondent,  see  Re 
bellion  Records,  vol.  vii.  Document,  pp.  176-178. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  31/ 

It  was  the  determination  of  the  commanding  officer  at  Port 
Hudson  to  assign  this  Negro  regiment  to  a  post  of  honor  and 
danger.  The  regiment  marched  all  night  before  the  battle  of 
Port  Hudson,  and  arrived  at  one  Dr.  Chambers's  sugar  house  on 
the  2/th  of  May,  1863.  It  was  just  5  A.  M.  when  the  regiment 
stacked  arms.  Orders  were  given  to  rest  and  breakfast  in  one 
hour.  The  heat  was  intense  and  the  dust  thick,  and  so  thorough 
ly  fatigued  were  the  men  that  many  sank  in  their  tracks  and 
slept  soundly. 

Arrangements  were  made  for  a  field  hospital,  and  the  drum 
corps  instructed  where  to  carry  the  wounded.  Officers'  call  was 
beaten  at  5:30,  when  they  received  instructions  and  encourage 
ment.  "  Fall  in  "  was  sounded  at  6  o'clock,  and  soon  thereafter 
the  regiment  was  on  the  march.  The  sun  was  now  shining  in  his 
full  strength  upon  the  field  where  a  great  battle  was  to  be  fought. 
The  enemy  was  in  his  stronghold,  and  his  forts  were  crowned  with 
angry  and  destructive  guns.  The  hour  to  charge  had  come.  It 
was  7  o'clock.  There  was  a  feeling  of  anxiety  among  the  white 
troops  as  they  watched  the  movements  of  these  Blacks  in  blue. 
The  latter  were  anxious  for  the  fray.  At  last  the  command 
came,  "  Forward,  double-quick,  march  !  "  and  on  they  went  over 
the  field  of  death.  Not  a  musket  was  heard  until  the  command 
was  within  four  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy's  works,  when  a 
blistering  fire  was  opened  upon  the  left  wing  of  the  regiment. 
Unfortunately  Companies  A,  B,  C,  D,  and  E  wheeled  suddenly 
by  the  left  flank.  Some  confusion  followed,  but  was  soon  over. 
A  shell — the  first  that  fell  on  the  line — killed  and  wounded  about 
twelve  men.  The  regiment  came  to  a  right  about,  and  fell  back 
for  a  few  hundred  yards,  wheeled  by  companies,  and  faced  the 
enemy  again  with  the  coolness  and  military  precision  of  an  old 
regiment  on  parade.  The  enemy  was  busy  at  work  now.  Grape, 
canister,  shell,  and  musketry  made  the  air  hideous  with  their 
noise.  A  masked  battery  commanded  a  bluff,  and  the  guns 
could  be  depressed  sufficiently  to  sweep  the  entire  field  over 
which  the  regiment  must  charge.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
this  regiment  occupied  the  extreme  right  of  the  charging  line. 
The  masked  battery  worked  upon  the  left  wing.  A  three-gun 
battery  was  situated  in  the  centre,  while  a  half  dozen  large  pieces 
shelled  the  right,  and  enfiladed  the  regiment  front  and  rear  every 
time  it  charged  the  battery  on  the  bluff.  A  bayou  ran  under 
the  bluff,  immediately  in  front  of  the  guns.  It  was  too  deep  to 


318    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

be  forded  by  men.      These  brave  Colored  soldiers  made  six 
perate  charges  with  indifferent  success,  because 

"  Cannon  to  right  of  them, 
Cannon  to  left  of  them, 
Cannon  in  front  of  them 

Volleyed  and  thundered  ; 
Stormed  at  with  shot  and  shell." 

The  men  behaved  splendidly.  As  their  ranks  were  thinned 
by  shot  and  grape,  they  closed  up  into  place,  and  kept  a  good 
line.  But  no  matter  what  high  soldierly  qualities  these  men 
were  endowed  with,  no  matter  how  faithfully  they  obeyed  the 
oft-repeated  order  to  "  charge,"  it  was  both  a  moral  and  physical 
impossibility  for  these  men  to  cross  the  deep  bayou  that  flowed 
at  their  feet — already  crimson  with  patriots'  blood — and  capture 
the  battery  on  the  bluff.  Colonel  Nelson,  who  commanded  this 
black  brigade,  despatched  an  orderly  to  General  Dwight,  inform 
ing  him  that  it  was  not  in  the  nature  of  things  for  his  men  to 
accomplish  any  thing  by  further  charges.  "  Tell  Colonel  Nel 
son,"  said  General  Dwight,  "  I  shall  consider  that  he  has  accom 
plished  nothing  unless  he  takes  those  guns."  This  last  order  of 
General  Dwight's  will  go  into  history  as  a  cruel  and  unnecessary 
act.  He  must  have  known  that  three  regiments  of  infantry,  torn 
and  shattered  by  about  fifteen  or  twenty  heavy  guns,  with  an 
impassable  bayou  encircling  the  bluff,  could  accomplish  nothing 
by  charging.  But  the  men,  what  could  they  do  ? 

"  Theirs  not  to  make  reply, 
Theirs  not  to  reason  why, 
Theirs  but  to  do  and  die." 

DEATH  OF  CAPTAIN  ANDRE  CALLIOUX. 

Again  the  order  to  charge  was'given,  and  the  men,  worked  up 
to  a  feeling  of  desperation  on  account  of  repeated  failures,  raised 
a  cry  and  made  another  charge.  The  ground  was  covered  with 
dead  and  wounded.'  Trees  were  felled  by  shell  and  solid  shot ; 
and  at  one  time  a  company  was  covered  with  the  branches  of  a 
falling  tree.  Captain  Callioux  was  in  command  of  Company  E, 
the  color  company.  He  was  first  wounded  in  the  left  arm — the 
limb  being  broken  above  the  elbow.  He  ran  to  the  front  of  his. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  319 

* 

•company,  waving  his  sword  and  crying,  "  Follow  me."  But  when 
within  about  fifty  yards  of  the  enemy  he  was  struck  by  a  shell 
and  fell  dead  in  front  of  his  company. 

Many  Greeks  fell  defending  the  pass  at  Thermopylae  against 
the  Persian  army,  but  history  has  made  peculiarly  conspicuous 
Leonidas  and  his  four  hundred  Spartans.  In  a  not  distant  future, 
when  a  calm  and  truthful  history  of  the  battle  of  Port  Hudson 
is  written,  notwithstanding  many  men  fought  and  died  there,  the 
heroism  of  the  "  Black  Captain,"  the  accomplished  gentleman 
and  fearless  soldier,  Andre  Callioux,  and  his  faithful  followers, 
will  make  a  most  fascinating  picture  for  future  generations  to 
look  upon  and  study. 

DEATH  OF  COLOR-SERGEANT  ANSELMAS  PLANCIANCOIS. 

"  Colonel,  I  will  bring  back  these  colors  to  you  in  honor,  or 
report  to  God  the  reason  why."  It  was  now  past  1 1  A.M.,  May 
27,  1863.  The  men  were  struggling  in  front  of  the  bluff.  The 
brave  Callioux  was  lying  lifeless  upon  the  field,  that  was  now 
slippery  with  gore  and  crimson  with  blood.  The  enemy  was  di 
recting  his  shell  and  shot  at  the  flags  of  the  First  Regiment.  A 
shell,  about  a  six-pounder,  struck  the  flag-staff,  cut  it  in  two,  and 
carried  away  part  of  the  head  of  Planciancois.  He  fell,  and  the 
flag  covered  him  as  a  canopy  of  glory,  and  drank  of  the  crimson 
tide  that  flowed  from  his  mutilated  head.  Corporal  Heath  caught 
up  the  flag,  but  no  sooner  had  he  shouldered  the  dear  old  banner 
than  a  musket  ball  went  crashing  through  his  head  and  scattered 
his  brains  upon  the  flag,  and  he,  still  clinging  to  it,  fell  dead  upon 
the  body  of  Sergeant  Planciancois.  Another  corporal  caught  up 
the  banner  and  bore  it  through  the  fight  with  pride. 

This  was  the  last  charge — the  seventh  ;  and  what  was  left  of 
this  gallant  Black  brigade  came  back  from  the  hell  into  which 
they  had  plunged  with  so  much  daring  and  forgetfulness  seven 
times. 

They  did  not  capture  the  battery  on  the  bluff  it 's  true,  but 
they  convinced  the  white  soldiers  on  both  sides  that  they  were 
both  willing  and  able  to  help  fight  the  battles  of  the  Union. 
And  if  any  person  doubts  the  abilities  of  the  Negro  as  a  soldier, 
let  him  talk  with  General  Banks,  as  we  have,  and  hear  "  his  golden 
eloquence  on  the  black  brigade  at  Port  Hudson." 

A  few  days  after  the  battle  a  "  New  York  Times  "  corre 
spondent  sent  the  following  account  to  that  journal : 


320    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON. 

"  In  an  account  of  the  Battle  of  Port  Hudson,  the  '  Times' '  corre 
spondent  says  :  '  Hearing  the  firing  apparently  more  fierce  and  continu 
ous  to  the  right  than  anywhere  else,  I  hurried  in  that  direction,  past  the 
sugar  house  of  Colonel  Chambers,  where  I  had  slept,  and  advanced  to 
near  the  pontoon  bridge  across  the  Big  Sandy  Bayou,  which  the  negro 
regiments  had  erected,  and  where  they  were  fighting  most  desperately. 
I  had  seen  these  brave  and  hitherto  despised  fellows  the  day  before  as 
I  rode  along  the  lines,  and  I  had  seen  General  Banks  acknowledge  their 
respectful  salute  as  he  would  have  done  that  of  any  white  troops  ;  but 
still  the  question  was — with  too  many, — "  Will  they  fight  ?  "  The  black 
race  was,  on  this  eventful  day,  to  be  put  to  the  test,  and  the  question  to 
be  settled — now  and  forever, — whether  or  not  they  are  entitled  to  assert 
their  right  to  manhood.  Nobly,  indeed,  have  they  acquitted  themselves, 
and  proudly  may  every  colored  man  hereafter  hold  up  his  head,  and 
point  to  the  record  of  those  who  fell  on  that  bloody  field. 

"  '  General  Dwight,  at  least,  must  have  had  the  idea,  not  only  that 
they  were  men,  but  something  more  than  men,  from  the  terrific  test  to 
which  he  put  their  valor.  Before  any  impression  had  been  made  upon 
the  earthworks  of  the  enemy,  and  in  full  face  of  the  batteries  belching 
forth  their  62  pounders,  these  devoted  people  rushed  forward  to  en 
counter  grape,  canister,  shell,  and  musketry,  with  no  artillery  but  two 
small  howitzers — that  seemed  mere  pop-guns  to  their  adversaries — and 
no  reserve  whatever. 

'Their  force  consisted  of  the  ist.  Louisiana  Native  Guards  (with 
colored  field-officers)  under  Lieut.-Colonel  Bassett,  and  the  3d  Louisiana 
Native  Guards,Colonel  Nelson  (with  white  field-officers),  the  whole  under 
command  of  the  latter  officer. 

' '  On  going  into  action  they  were  1,080  strong,  and  formed  into  four 
lines,  Lieut.-Colonel  Bassett,  ist  Louisiana,  forming  the  first  line,  and 
Lieut.-Colonel  Henry  Finnegas  the  second.  When  ordered  to  charge 
up  the  works,  they  did  so  with  the  skill  and  nerve  of  old  veterans, 
(black  people,  be  it  remembered  who  had  never  been  in  action  before,) 
but  the  fire  from  the  rebel  guns  was  so  terrible  upon  the  unprotected 
masses,  that  the  first  few  shots  mowed  them  down  like  grass  and  so 
continued. 

;  '  Colonel  Bassett  being  driven  back,  Colonel  Finnegas  took  his 
place,  and  his  men  being  similarly  cut  to  pieces,  Lieut.-Colonel  Bassett 
reformed  and  recommenced  ;  and  thus  these  brave  people  went  in,  from 
morning  until  3:30  p.  m.,  under  the  most  hideous  carnage  that  men  ever 
had  to  withstand,  and  that  very  few  white  ones  would  have  had  nerve  to 
encounter,  even  if  ordered  to.  During  this  time,  they  rallied,  and  were 
ordered  to  make  six  distinct  charges,  losing  thirty-seven  killed,  and  one 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  32 * 

hundred  and  fifty-five  wounded,  and  one  hundred  and  sixteen  missing,. 
— the  majority,  if  not  all,  of  these  being,  in  all  probability,  now  lying 
dead  on  the  gory  field,  and  without  the  rites  of  sepulture  ;  for  when,  by 
flag  of  truce,  our  forces  in  other  directions  were  permitted  to  reclaim 
their  dead,  the  benefit,  through  some  neglect,  was  not  extended  to  these 
black  regiments. 

!  *  The  deeds  of  heroism  performed  by  these  colored  men  were  such  as 
the  proudest  white  men  might  emulate.  Their  colors  are  torn  to  pieces 
by  shot,  and  literally  bespattered  by  blood  and  brains.  The  color- 
sergeant  of  the  i st.  La.,  on  being  mortally  wounded,  hugged  the 
colors  to  his  breast,  when  a  struggle  ensued  between  the  two  color-cor 
porals  on  each  side  of  him,  as  to  who  should  have  the  honor  of  bearing 
the  sacred  standard,  and  during  this  generous  contention  one  was  seri 
ously  wounded.  One  black  lieutenant  actually  mounted  the  enemy's, 
works  three  or  four  times,  and  in  one  charge  the  assaulting  party  came 
within  fifty  paces  of  them.  Indeed,  if  only  ordinarily  supported  by 
artillery  and  reserve,  no  one  can  convince  us  that  they  would  not  have 
opened  a  passage  through  the  enemy's  works. 

1 '  Ca.pt.  Callioux  of  the  ist.  La.,  a  man  so  black  that  he  actually 
prided  himself  upon  his  blackness,  died  the  death  of  a  hero,  leading 
on  his  men  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  One  poor  wounded  fellow 
came  along  with  his  arm  shattered  by  a  shell,  and- jauntily  swinging  it 
with  the  other,  as  he  said  to  a  friend  of  mine  :  "  Massa,  guess  I  can 
fight  no  more."  I  was  with  one-  of  the  captains,  looking  after  the 
wounded  going  in  the  rear  of  the  hospital,  when  we  met  one  limping 
along  toward  the  front.  On  being  asked  where  he  was  going,  he  said  : 
"  I  been  shot  bad  in  the  leg,  captain,  and  dey  want  me  to  go  to  de  hos 
pital,  but  I  guess  I  can  gib  'em  some  more  yet."  I  could  go  on  filling 
your  columns  with  startling  facts  of  this  kind,  but  I  hope  I  have  told 
enough  to  prove  that  we  can  hereafter  rely  upon  black  arms  as  well  as 
white  in  crushing  this  iniernal  rebellion.  I  long  ago  told  you  there  was 
an  army  of  250,000  men  ready  to  leap  forward  in  defence  of  freedom  at 
the  first  call.  You  know  where  to  find  them  and  what  they  are  worth. 
'  '  Although  repulsed  in  an  attempt  which — situated  as  things  were — 
was  all  but  impossible,  these  regiments,  though  badly  cut  up,  are  still 
on  hand,  and  burning  with  a  passion  ten  times  hotter  from  their  fierce 
baptism  of  blood.  Who  knows  but  that  it  is  a  black  hand  which  shall 
first  plant  the  standard  of  the  Republic  upon  the  doomed  ramparts  of 
Port  Hudson  ?  "  ' 

The  official  report  of  Gen.  Banks  is  given  in  full.  It  shows 
the  disposition  of  the  troops,  and  applauds  the  valor  of  the 
Colored  regiments. 

1  New  York  Times,  June  13,  1863. 


322    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

11  HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  GULF,  / 
"BEFORE  PORT  HUDSON,  May  30,  1863.  j 

"  Major-General  H.   W.  Halleck,  General-in-Chief ,   Washington. 

"  GENERAL  : — Leaving  Sommesport  on  the  Atchafalaya,  where  my 
•command  was  at  the  date  of  my  last  dispatch,  I  landed  at  Bayou  Sara 
at  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  2ist. 

"  A  portion  of  the  infantry  were  transported  in  steamers,  and  the 
balance  of  the  infantry,  artillery,  cavalry,  and  wagon-train  moving  down 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  and  from  this  to  Bayou  Sara. 

"  On  the  23d  a  junction  was  effected  with  the  advance  of  Major- 
General  Augur  and  Brigadier-General  Sherman,  our  line  occupying  the 
Bayou  Sara  road  at  a  distance  five  miles  from  Port  Hudson. 

"  Major-General  Augur  had  an  encounter  with  a  portion  of  the 
enemy  on  the  Bayou  Sara  road  in  the  direction  of  Baton  Rouge,  which 
resulted  in  the  repulse  of  the  enemy,  with  heavy  loss. 

"  On  the  25th  the  enemy  was  compelled  to  abandon  his  first  line  of 
works. 

"  General  Weitzel's  brigade,  which  had  covered  our  rear  in  the  march 
from  Alexandria,  joined  us  on  the  26th,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  2yth 
a  general  assault  was  made  upon  the  fortifications. 

"  The  artillery  opened  fire  between  5  and  6  o'clock,  which  was  con 
tinued  with  animation  during  the  day.  At  10  o'clock  Weitzel's  brigade, 
with  the  division  of  General  Grover,  reduced  to  about  two  brigades, 
and  the  division  of  General  Emory,  temporarily  reduced  by  detachments 
to  about  a  brigade,  under  command  of  Colonel  Paine,  with  two  regi 
ments  of  colored  troops,  made  an  assault  upon  the  right  of  the  enemy's 
works,  crossing  Sandy  Creek,  and  driving  them  through  the  woods  to 
their  fortifications. 

"  The  fight  lasted  on  this  line  until  4  o'clock,  and  was  very  severely 
contested.  On  the  left,  the  infantry  did  not  come  up  until  later  in  the 
day  ;  but  at  2  o'clock  an  assault  was  opened  on  the  centre  and  left  of 
-centre  by  the  divisions  under  Major-General  Augur  and  Brigadier-Gen 
eral  Sherman. 

"  The  enemy  was  driven  into  his  works,  and  our  troops  moved  up 
to  the  fortifications,  holding  the  opposite  sides  of  the  parapet  with  the 
enemy  on  the  right.  Our  troops  still  hold  their  position  on  the  left. 
After  dark  the  main  body,  being  exposed  to  a  flank  fire,  withdrew 
to  a  belt  of  woods,  the  skirmishers  remaining  close  upon  the  fortifica 
tions. 

"  In  the  assault  of  the  27th,  the  behavior  of  the  officers  and  men  was 
most  gallant,  and  left  nothing  to  be  desired.  Our  limited  acquaintance 
,of  the  ground  and  the  character  of  the  works,  which  were  almost  hid- 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  323 

den  from  our  observation  until  the  moment  of  approach,  alone  prevented 
the  capture  of  the  post. 

"  On  the  extreme  right  of  our  line  I  posted  the  first  and  third  regi 
ments  of  negro  troops.  The  First  regiment  of  Louisiana  Engineers, 
composed  exclusively  of  colored  men,  excepting  the  officers,  was  also  en 
gaged  in  the  operations  of  the  day.  The  position  occupied  by  these 
troops  was  one  of  importance,  and  called  for  the  utmost  steadiness  and 
bravery  in  those  to  whom  it  was  confided. 

"  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  report  that  they  answered  every  expecta 
tion.  Their  conduct  was  heroic.  No  troops  could  be  more  determined 
or  more  daring.  They  made,  during  the  day,  three  charges  upon  the 
batteries  of  the  enemy,  suffering  very  heavy  losses,  and  holding  their 
position  at  nightfall  with  the  other  troops  on  the  right  of  our  line.  The 
highest  commendation  is  bestowed  upon  them  by  all  the  officers  in  com 
mand  on  the  right.  Whatever  doubt  may  have  existed  before  as  to  the 
efficiency  of  organizations  of  this  character,  the  history  of  this  day  proves 
conclusively  to  those  who  were  in  a  condition  to  observe  the  conduct  of 
these  regiments,  that  the  Government  will  find  in  this  class  of  troops 
effective  supporters  and  defenders. 

"  The  severe  test  to  which  they  were  subjected,  and  the  determined 
manner  in  which  they  encountered  the  enemy,  leave  upon  my  mind  no 
doubt  of  their  ultimate  success.  They  require  only  good  officers,  com 
mands  of  limited  numbers,  and  careful  discipline,  to  make  them  excel 
lent  soldiers. 

"  Our  losses  from  the  23d  to  this  date,  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing,  are  nearly  1,000,  including,  I  deeply  regret  to  say,  some  of 
the  ablest  officers  of  the  corps.  I  am  unable  yet  to  report  them  in 
detail. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  much  respect 
"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  N.  P.  BANKS, 

' ' 'Major-  General  Commanding. ' ' 

The  effect  of  this  battle  upon  the  country  can  scarcely  be  de 
scribed.  Glowing  accounts  of  the  charge  of  the  Black  Regi 
ments  appeared  in  nearly  all  the  leading  journals  of  the  North. 
The  hearts  of  orators  and  poets  were  stirred  to  elegant  utter 
ance.  The  friends  of  the  Negro  were  encouraged,  and  their 
number  multiplied.  The  Colored  people  themselves  were  jubi 
lant.  Mr.  George  H.  Boker,  of  Philadelphia,  the  poet  friend  of 
the  Negro,  wrote  the  following  elegant  verses  on  the  gallant 
charge  of  the  1st  Louisiana: 


324   HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

THE    BLACK    REGIMENT. 

MAY  27,  1863. 
BY  GEORGE  H.  BOKER. 


Dark  as  the  clouds  of  even, 
Ranked  in  the  western  heaven, 
Waiting  the  breath  that  lifts 
All  the  dread  mass,  and  drifts 
Tempest  and  falling  brand 
Over  a  ruined  land  ; — 
So  still  and  orderly, 
Arm  to  arm,  knee  to  knee, 
Waiting  the  great  event, 
Stands  the  black  regiment. 

Down  the  long  dusky  line 
Teeth  gleam  and  eyeballs  shine  ; 
And  the  bright  bayonet, 
Bristling  and  firmly  set, 
Flashed  with  a  purpose  grand, 
Long  ere  the  sharp  command 
Of  the  fierce  rolling  drum 
Told  them  their  time  had  come, 
Told  them  what  work  was  sent 
For  the  black  regiment. 

"  Now,"  the  flag-sergeant  cried, 
"  Though  death  and  hell  betide, 
Let  the  whole  nation  see 
If  we  are  fit  to  be 
Free  in  this  land  ;  or  bound 
Down,  like  the  whining  hound- 
Bound  with  red  stripes  of  pain 
In  our  old  chains  again  !  " 
Oh  !  what  a  shout  there  went 
From  the  black  regiment ! 

"  Charge  !  "  Trump  and  drum  awoke, 
Onward  the  bondmen  broke  ; 
Bayonet  and  sabre-stroke 
Vainly  opposed  their  rush. 


WEGXOES  AS  SOLDIERS  325 

Through  the  wild  battle's  crush, 
With  but  one  thought  aflush, 
Driving  their  lords  like  chaff, 
In  the  guns'  mouths  they  laugh  ; 
Or  at  the  slippery  brands 
Leaping  with  open  hands, 
Down  they  tear  man  and  horse, 
Down  in  their  awful  course  ; 
Trampling  with  bloody  heel 
Over  the  crashing  steel, 
All  their  eyes  forward  bent, 
Rushed  the  black  regiment. 

"  Freedom  !  "  their  battle-cry— 
"  Freedom  !  or  leave  to  die  !  " 
Ah  !  and  they  meant  the  word, 
Not  as  with  us  't  is  heard, 
Not  a  mere  party-shout  : 
They  gave  their  spirits  out  • 
Trusted  the  end  to  God, 
And  on  the  gory  sod 
Rolled  in  triumphant  blood. 
Glad  to  strike  one  free  blow, 
Whether  for  weal  or  woe  ; 
Glad  to  breathe  one  free  breath, 
Though  on  the  lips  of  death. 
Praying — alas  !  in  vain  ! — 
That  they  might  fall  again, 
So  they  could  once  more  see 
That  burst  to  liberty  ! 
This  was  what  "  freedom  "  lent 
To  the  black  regiment. 

Hundreds  on  hundreds  fell ; 
But  they  are  resting  well  ; 
Scourges  and  shackles  strong 
Never  shall  do  them  wrong. 
Oh,  to  the  living  few, 
Soldiers,  be  just  and  true  ! 
Hail  them  as  comrades  tried  ; 
Fight  with  them  side  by  side ; 
Never,  in  field  or  tent, 
Scorn  the  black  regiment ! 


326    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  battle  of  Milliken's  Bend  was  fought  on  the  6th  of  June, 
1863.  The  troops  at  this  point  were  under  the  command  of 
Brig.-Gen.  E.  S.  Dennis.  The  force  consisted  of  the  2$d  Iowa, 
160  men;  9th  La.,  500;  nth  La.,  600;  1st  Miss.,  150;  total, 
1,410.  Gen.  Dennis's  report  places  the  number  of  his  troops 
at  1,061  ;  but  evidently  a  clerical  error  crept  into  the  report. 
Of  the  force  engaged,  1,250  were  Colored,  composing  the  Qth 
and  nth  Louisiana,  and  the  1st  Mississippi.  The  attacking 
force  comprised  six  Confederate  regiments — about  3,000  men, — 
under  the  command  of  Gen.  Henry  McCulloch.  This  force, 
coming  from  the  interior  of  Louisiana,  by  the  way  of  Richmond, 
struck  the  Qth  Louisiana  and  two  companies  of  Federal  cavalry, 
and  drove  them  within  sight  of  the  earthworks  at  the  Bend.  It 
was  now  nightfall,  and  the  enemy  rested,  hoping  and  believing 
himself  able  to  annihilate  the  Union  forces  on  the  morrow. 

During  the  night  a  steamboat  passed  the  Bend,  and  Gen. 
Dennis  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  of  sending  to  Admiral 
Porter  for  assistance.  The  gun-boats,  "  Choctaw  "  and  "  Lexing 
ton  "  were  despatched  to  Milliken's  Bend  from  Helena.  As  the 
"  Choctaw  "  was  coming  in  sight,  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
rebels  made  their  first  charge  on  the  Federal  earthworks,  filling 
the  air  with  their  vociferous  cries  :  "  No  quarter !  "  to  Negroes 
and  their  officers.  The  Negro  troops  had  just  been  recruited,  and 
hence  knew  little  or  nothing  of  the  manual  or  use  of  arms.  But 
the  desperation  with  which  they  fought  has  no  equal  in  the  an 
nals  of  modern  wars.  The  enemy  charged  the  works  with  des 
perate  fury,  but  were  checked  by  a  deadly  fire  deliberately  de 
livered  by  the  troops  within.  The  enemy  fell  back  and  charged 
the  flanks  of  the  Union  columns,  and,  by  an  enfilading  fire,  drove 
them  back  toward  the  river,  where  they  sought  the  protection  of 
the  gun-boats.  The  "  Choctaw  "  opened  a  broadside  upon  the 
exulting  foe,  and  caused  him  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat.  The  Negro 
troops  were  ordered  to  charge,  and  it  was  reported  by  a  "  Tri 
bune  "  correspondent  that  many  of  the  Union  troops  were  killed 
before  the  gun-boats  could  be  signalled  to  "  cease  firing"  The 
following  description  of  the  battle  was  given  by  an  eye-witness 
of  the  affair,  and  a  gentleman  of  exalted  character : 

"  My  informant  states  that  a  force  of  about  one  thousand  negroes 
and  two  hundred  men  of  the  Twenty-third  Iowa,  belonging  to  the 
Second  brigade,  Carr's  division  (the  Twenty-third  Iowa  had  been  up 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  327 

the  river  with  prisoners,  and  was  on  its  way  back  to  this  place),  was 
surprised  in  camp  by  a  rebel  force  of  about  two  thousand  men.  The 
first  intimation  that  the  commanding  officer  received  was  from  one  of 
the  black  men,  who  went  into  the  colonel's  tent  and  said  :  '  Massa,  the 
secesh  are  in  camp.'  The  colonel  ordered  him  to  have  the  men  load 
their  guns  at  once.  He  instantly  replied  :  '  We  have  done  did  dat 
now,  massa.'  Before  the  colonel  was  ready,  the  men  were  in  line,  ready 
for  action.  As  before  stated,  the  rebels  drove  our  force  toward  the 
gun-boats,  taking  colored  men  prisoners  and  murdering  them.  This  so 
enraged  them  that  they  rallied  and  charged  the  enemy  more  heroi 
cally  and  desperately  than  has  been  recorded  during  the  war.  It  was  a 
genuine  bayonet  charge,  a  hand-to-hand  fight,  that  has  never  occurred  to 
any  extent  during  this  prolonged  conflict.  Upon  both  sides  men  were 
killed  with  the  butts  of  muskets.  White  and  black  men  were  lying  side 
by  side,  pierced  by  bayonets,  and  in  some  instances  transfixed  to  the 
earth.  In  one  instance,  two  men,  one  white  and  the  other  black,  were 
found  dead,  side  by  side,  each  having  the  other's  bayonet  through  his 
body.  If  facts  prove  to  be  what  they  are  now  represented,  this  engage 
ment  of  .Sunday  morning  will  be  recorded  as  the  most  desperate  of  this 
war.  Broken  limbs,  broken  heads,  the  mangling  of  bodies,  all  prove 
that  it  was  a  contest  between  enraged  men  :  on  the  one  side  from  hatred 
to  a  race  ;  and  on  the  other,  desire  for  self-preservation,  revenge  for  past 
grievances  and  the  inhuman  murder  of  their  comrades.  One  brave 
man  took  his  former  master  prisoner,  and  brought  him  into  camp  with 
great  gusto.  A  rebel  prisoner  made  a  particular  request,  that  his  own 
negroes  should  not  be  placed  over  him  as  a  guard.  Dame  Fortune  is 
capricious  !  His  request  was  not  granted.  Their  mode  of  warfare  does 
not  entitle  them  to  any  privileges.  If  any  are  granted,  it  is  from  mag 
nanimity  to  a  fellow-foe. 

"  The  rebels  lost  five  cannon,  two  hundred  men  killed,  four  hundred 
to  five  hundred  wounded,  and  about  two  hundred  prisoners.  Our  loss 
is  reported  to  be  one  hundred  killed  and  five  hundred  wounded  ;  but 
few  were  white  men."  3 

Mr.  G.  G.  Edwards,  who  was  in  the  fight,  wrote,  on  the  I3th 
of  June : 

"  Tauntingly  it  has  been  said  that  negroes  won't  fight.  Who  say  it, 
and  who  but  a  dastard  and  a  brute  will  dare  to  say  it,  when  the  battle 
of  Milliken's  Bend  finds  its  place  among  the  heroic  deeds  of  this  war  ? 
This  battle  has  significance.  It  demonstrates  the  fact  that  the  freed 
slaves  will  fight." 

1  Rebellion  Records,  vol.  vii.    Doc.  p.  15. 


328    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  month  of  July,  1863,  was  memorable.  Gen.  Mead  had 
driven  Lee  from  Gettysburg,  Grant  had  captured  Vicksburg, 
Banks  had  captured  Port  Hudson,  and  Gillmore  had  begun  his 
operations  on  Morris  Island.  On  the  I3th  of  July  the  New  York 
Draft  Riot  broke  out.  The  Democratic  press  had  advised  the 
people  that  they  were  to  be  called  upon  to  fight  the  battles  of 
the  "  Niggers  "  and  "  Abolitionists  ";  while  Gov.  Seymour  "  re 
quested"  the  rioters  to  await  the  return  of  his  adjutant-general 
whom  he  had  despatched  to  Washington  to  have  the  President 
suspend  the  draft.  The  speech  was  either  cowardly  or  trea 
sonous.  It  meant,  when  read  between  the  lines,  it  is  unjust  for 
the  Government  to  draft  you  men ;  I  will  try  and  get  the  Gov 
ernment  to  rescind  its  order,  and  until  then  you  are  respectfully 
requested  to  suspend  your  violent  acts  against  property.  But  the 
riot  went  on.  When  the  troops  under  Gen.  Wool  took  charge  of 
the  city,  thirteen  rioters  were  killed,  eighteen  wounded,  and 
twenty-four  made  prisoners.  The  rioters  rose  ostensibly  to  resist 
the  draft,  but  there  were  three  objects  before  them :  robbery, 
the  destruction  of  the  property  of  the  rich  sympathizers  with  the 
Union,  and  the  assassination  of  Colored  persons  wherever  found. 
They  burned  the  Colored  Orphans'  Asylum,  hung  Colored  men 
to  lamp  posts,  and  destroyed  the  property  of  this  class  of  citizens 
with  impunity. 

During  these  tragic  events  in  New  York  a  gallant  Negro  regi 
ment  was  preparing  to  lead  an  assault  upon  the  rebel  Fort 
Wagner  on  Morris  Island,  South  Carolina.  On  the  morning  of 
the  1 6th  of  July,  1863,  the  54th  Massachusetts — first  Colored 
regiment  from  the  North — was  compelled  to  fall  back  upon  Gen. 
Terry  from  before  a  strong  and  fresh  rebel  force  from  Georgia. 
This  was  on  James  Island.  The  54th  was  doing  picket  duty,  and 
these  early  visitors  thought  to  find  Terry  asleep ;  but  instead 
found  him  awaiting  their  coming  with  all  the  vigilance  of  an  old 
soldier.  And  in  addition  to  the  compliment  his  troops  paid 
the  enemy,  the  gunboats  "  Pawnee,"  "  Huron,"  "  Marblehead," 
"John  Adams,"  and  "  Mayflower"  paid  their  warmest  respects 
to  the  intruders.  They  soon  withdrew,  having  sustained  a  loss 
of  200,  while  Gen.  Terry's  loss  was  only  about  100.  It  had 
been  arranged  to  concentrate  the  Union  forces  on  Morris  Island, 
open  a  bombardment  upon  Fort  Wagner,  and  then  charge  and 
take  it  on  the  i8th.  The  troops  on  James  Island  were  put  in 
motion  to  form  a  junction  with  the  forces  already  upon  Morris 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  329 

Island.     The  march  of  the  54th  Mass.,  oegan  on  the  night  of  the 
i6th  and  continued   until  the  afternoon  of  the  i8th.      Through 
ugly  marshes,  over  swollen  streams,  and  broken  dykes — through 
darkness  and   rain,  the   regiment  made  its  way  to  Morris  Island 
where  it  arrived  at  6  A.  M.  of  the  i8th  of  July.      The  bombard 
ment  of  Wagner  was   to  have  opened   at  daylight  of  this  day ; 
but  a  terrific  storm  sweeping  over  land  and  sea  prevented.    It  was 
12:30  P.M.  when   the   thunder  of  siege  guns,  batteries,  and  gun 
boats   announced  the   opening  of  the  dance  of  death.      A  semi 
circle  of  batteries,  stretching  across  the  island  for  a  half  mile,  sent 
their  messages  of  destruction  into  Wagner,  while  the  fleet  of  iron 
vessels  battered   down  the  works  of  the  haughty  and  impregna 
ble  little  fort.      All  the  afternoon  one  hundred  great  guns  thun 
dered  at  the  gates  of  Wagner.      Toward  the  evening  the  bom 
bardment   began   to    slacken   until  a  death-like  stillness  ensued. 
To  close  this  part  of  the   dreadful  programme  Nature  lifted  her 
hoarse  and  threatening  voice,  and  a  severe  thunder-storm  broke 
over  the  scene.      Darkness  was  coming  on.      The  brave   Black 
regiment  had  reached  Gen.  Strong's  headquarters  fatigued,  hun 
gry,  and   damp.      No  time  could   be  allowed   for  refreshments. 
Col.  Shaw  and  Gen.  Strong  addressed  the  regiment  in  eloquent, 
inspiring  language.     Line  of  battle  was  formed  in  three  brigades. 
The   first  was   led  by  Gen.  Strong,  consisting  of  the  54th  Massa 
chusetts  (Colored),  Colonel  Robert  Gould   Shaw ;  the  6th  Con 
necticut,  Col.  Chatfield ;  the  48th  New  York,  Col.  Barton  ;  the 
3d  New   Hampshire,  Col.  Jackson  ;  the   /6th  Pennsylvania,  Col. 
Strawbridge  ;  and  the  9th  Maine.      The  54th  was  the  only  regi 
ment   of   Colored  men  in  the  brigade,  and  to  it  was  assigned  the 
post   of  honor  and  danger  in  the  front  of  the  attacking  column. 
The   shadows  of  night  were   gathering  thick   and    fast.      Gen. 
Strong  took  his  position,  and  the  order  to  charge  was  given.    On 
the  brave  Negro  regiment  swept  amid  the  shot  and  shell  of  Sum- 
ter,  Cumming's  Point,  and  Wagner.     Within  a  few  minutes  the 
troops  had  double-quicked  a  half  mile  ;  and  but  few  had  suffered 
from  the  heavy  guns ;  but  suddenly  a  terrific  fire  of  small  arms 
was  opened  upon  the  54th.    But  with  matchless  courage  the  regi 
ment   dashed  on  over  the   trenches  and  up  the  side  of  the  fort, 
upon  the  top  of  which  Sergt.  Wm.  H.  Carney  planted  the  colors 
of  the  regiment.      But  the  howitzers  in  the  bastions  raked  the 
ditch,  and  hand-grenades  from  the  parapet  tore  the  brave  men  as 
they  climbed  the  battle-scarred  face  of  the  fort.    Here  waves  the 


330    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

flag  of  a  Northern  Negro  regiment ;  and  here  its  brave,  beautiful, 
talented  young  colonel,  Robert  Gould  Shaw,  was  saluted  by 
death  and  kissed  by  immortality  !  Gen.  Strong  received  a  mor 
tal  wound,  while  Col.  Chatfield  and  many  other  heroic  officers 
yielded  a  full  measure  of  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  Union. 
Three  other  colonels  were  wounded, — Barton,  Green,  and  Jack 
son.  The  shattered  brigade  staggered  back  into  line  under  the 
command  of  Major  Plympton,  of  the  3d  New  Hampshire,  while 
the  noble  54th  retired  in  care  of  Lieutenant  Francis  L.  Higginson.. 
The  second  brigade,  composed  of  the  /th  New  Hampshire, 
Col.  H.  S.  Putnam;  62d  Ohio,  Col.  Steele ;  6;th  Ohio,  CoL 
Vorhees;  and  the  icoth  New  York,  under  Col.  Danby,  was  led 
against  the  fort,  by  Col.  Putnam,  who  was  killed  in  the  assault. 
So  this  brigade  was  compelled  to  retire.  One  thousand  and  five 
hundred  (1,500)  men  were  thrown  away  in  this  fight,  but  one  fact 
was  clearly  established,  that  Negroes  could  and  would  fight  as 
bravely  as  white  men.  The  following  letter,  addressed  to  the 
Military  Secretary  of  Gov.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  narrates  an 
instance  of  heroism  in  a  Negro  soldier  which  deserves  to  go  into 
history : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  54TH  MASSACHUSETTS  VOLS.,  ) 
"  MORRIS  ISLAND,  S.  C.,  Oct.   15,  1863.         ) 

"  COLONEL  :  I  have  the  honor  to  forward  you  the  following  letter, 
received  a  few  days  since  from  Sergeant  W.  H.  Carney,  Company  C,  of 
this  regiment.  Mention  has  before  been  made  of  his  heroic  conduct  in 
preserving  the  American  flag  and  bearing  it  from  the  field,  in  the 
assault  on  Fort  Wagner  on  the  i8th  of  July  last,  but  that  you  may  have 
the  history  complete,  I  send  a  simple  statement  of  the  facts  as  I  have 
obtained  them  from  him,  and  an  officer  who  was  an  eye-witness  ' 

"  When  the  Sergeant  arrived  to  within  about  one  hundred  yards  of 
the  fort. — he  was  with  the  first  battalion,  which  was  in  the  advance  of 
the  storming  column — he  received  the  regimental  colors,  pressed  for 
ward  to  the  front  rank,  near  the  Colonel,  who  was  leading  the  men  over 
the  ditch.  He  says,  as  they  ascended  the  wall  of  the  fort,  the  ranks 
were  full,  but  as  soon  as  they  reached  the  top,  '  they  melted  away  '  before 
the  enemy's  fire  '  almost  instantly.'  He  received  a  severe  wound  in 
the  thigh,  but  fell  only  upon  his  knees.  He  planted  the  flag  upon  the 
parapet,  lay  down  on  the  outer  slope,  that  he  might  get  as  much 
shelter  as  possible  ;  there  he  remained  for  over  half  an  hour,  till  the 
2d  brigade  came  up.  He  kept  the  colors  flying  until  the  second  con 
flict  was  ended.  When  our  forces  retired  he  followed,  creeping  on  one 
knee,  still  holding  up  the  flag.  It  was  thus  that  Sergeant  Carney  came 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  331 

from  the  field,  having  held  the  emblem  of  liberty  over  the  walls  of  Fort 
Wagner  during  the  sanguinary  conflict  of  the  two  brigades,  and  having 
received  two  very  severe  wounds,  one  in  the  thigh  and  one  in  the  head. 
Still  he  refused  to  give  up  his  sacred  trust  until  he  found  an  officer  of 
his  regiment. 

"  When  he  entered  the  field  hospital,  where  his  wounded  comrades 
were  being  brought  in,  they  cheered  him  and  the  colors.  Though 
nearly  exhausted  with  the  loss  of  blood,  he  said  :  '  Boys,  the  old  flag 
never  touched  the  ground.' 

"  Of  him  as  a  man  and  soldier,  I  can  speak  in  the  highest  term  of 
praise. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Colonel,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  M.    S.    LlTTLEFIELD, 

"  Col.  Comtfg  54^  Regt  Mass.  Vols. 

"  Col.  A.  G.  BROWN,  Jr.,  Military  Secretary  to  his  Excellency  John  A. 
Andrew,  Mass." 

It  was  natural  that  Massachusetts  should  feel  a  deep  interest 
in  her  Negro  regiment :  for  it  was  an  experiment ;  and  the  fair 
name  of  the  Old  Bay  State  had  been  committed  to  its  keeping. 
Edward  L.  Pierce  gave  the  following  account  of  the  regiment  to 
Gov.  John  A.  Andrew: 

"BEAUFORT,  July  22,  1863. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  You  will  probably  receive  an  official  report  of 
the  losses  in  the  Fifty-fourth  Massachusetts  by  the  mail  which  leaves 
to-morrow,  but  perhaps  a  word  from  me  may  not  be  unwelcome.  I 
saw  the  officers  and  men  on  James  Island  on  the  thirteenth  instant,  and 
on  Saturday  last  saw  them  at  Brigadier-General  Strong's  tent,  as  they 
passed  on  at  six  or  half-past  six  in  the  evening  to  Fort  Wagner,  which 
is  some  two  miles  beyond.  I  had  been  the  guest  of  General  Strong, 
who  commanded  the  advance  since  Tuesday.  Colonel  Shaw  had  be 
come  attached  to  General  Strong  at  St.  Helena,  where  he  was  under 
him,  and  the  regard  was  mutual.  When  the  troops  left  St.  Helena  they 
were  separated,  the  Fifty-fourth  going  to  James  Island.  While  it  was 
there,  General  Strong  received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Shaw,  in  which  the 
desire  was  expressed  for  the  transfer  of  the  Fifty-fourth  to  General 
Strong's  brigade.  So  when  the  troops  were  brought  away  from  James 
Island,  General  Strong  took  this  regiment  into  his  command.  It  left 
James  Island  on  Thursday,  July  sixteenth,  at  nine  P.  M.,  and  marched 
to  Cole's  Island,  which  they  reached  at  four  o'clock  on  Friday  morning, 
marching  all  night,  most  of  the  way  in  single  file,  over  swampy  and 


332    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

muddy  ground.  There  they  remained  during  the  day,  with  hard-tack 
and  coffee  for  their  fare,  and  this  only  what  was  left  in  their  haver 
sacks  ;  not  a  regular  ration.  From  eleven  o'clock  of  Friday  evening 
until  four  o'clock  of  Saturday  they  were  being  put  on  the  transport,  the 
General  Hunter,  in  a  boat  which  took  about  fifty  at  a  time.  There 
they  breakfasted  on  the  same  fare,  and  had  no  other  food  before  enter 
ing  into  the  assault  on  Fort  Wagner  in  the  evening. 

"The  General  Hunter  left  Cole's  Island  for  Folly  Island  at  six 
A.M.,  and.  the  troops  landed  at  the  Pawnee  Landing  about  half-past 
nine  A.M.,  and  thence  marched  to  the  point  opposite  Morris  Island, 
reaching  there  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  They  were  trans 
ported  in  a  steamer  across  the  inlet,  and  at  five  P.M.  began  their  march 
for  Fort  Wagner.  They  reached  Brigadier-General  Strong's  quarters, 
about  midway  on  the  island,  about  six  or  half-past  six,  where  they 
halted  for  five  minutes.  I  saw  them  here,  and  they  looked  worn  and 
weary. 

"  General  Strong  expressed  a  great  desire  to  give  them  food  and 
stimulants,  but  it  was  too  late,  as  they  were  to  lead  the  charge.  They 
had  been  without  tents  during  the  pelting  rains  of  Thursday  and  Friday 
nights.  General  Strong  had  been  impressed  with  the  high  character  of 
the  regiment  and  its  officers,  and  he  wished  to  assign  them  the  post 
where  the  most  severe  work  was  to  be  done,  and  the  highest  honor  was 
to  be  won.  I  had  been  his  guest  for  some  days,  and  knew  how  he  re 
garded  them.  The  march  across  Folly  and  Morris  Islands  was  over  a 
very  sandy  road,  and  was  very  wearisome.  The  regiment  went  through 
the  centre  of  the  island,  and  not  along  the  beach  where  the  marching 
was  easier.  When  they  had  come  within  about  one  thousand  six  hun 
dred  yards  of  Fort  Wagner,  they  halted  and  formed  in  line  of  battle — • 
the  Colonel  leading  the  right  and  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  the  left  wing. 
They  then  marched  four  hundred  yards  further  on  and  halted  again. 
There  was  little  firing  from  the  enemy  at  this  point,  one  solid  shot 
falling  between  the  wings,  and  another  falling  to  the  right,  but  no 
musketry. 

"  At  this  point  the  regiment,  together  with  the  next  supporting  regi 
ments,  the  Sixth  Connecticut,  Ninth  Maine,  and  others,  remained  half 
an  hour.  The  regiment  was  addressed  by  General  Strong  and  Colonel 
Shaw.  Then  at  half-past  seven  or  a  quarter  before  eight  o'clock  the 
order  for  the  charge  was  given.  The  regiment  advanced  at  quick  time, 
changed  to  double-quick  when  at  some  distance  on.  The  intervening 
distance  between  the  place  where  the  line  was  formed  and  the  Fort  was 
run  over  in  a  few  minutes.  When  within  one  or  two  hundred  yards  of 
the  Fort,  a  terrific  fire  of  grape  and  musketry  was  poured  upon  them 
along  the  entire  line,  and  with  deadly  results.  It  tore  the  ranks  to 
pieces  and  disconcerted  some.  They  rallied  again,  went  through  the 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.*  333 

ditch,  in  which  were  some  three  feet  of  water,  and  then  up  the  parapet. 
They  raised  the  flag  on  the  parapet,  where  it  remained  for  a  few  min 
utes.  Here  they  melted  away  before  the  enemy's  fire,  their  bodies  fall 
ing  down  the  slope  and  into  the  ditch.  Others  will  give  a  more  detailed 
and  accurate  account  of  what  occurred  during  the  rest  of  the  conflict. 

"  Colonel  Shaw  reached  the  parapet,  leading  his  men,  and  was  prob 
ably  killed.  Adjutant  James  saw  him  fall.  Private  Thomas  Burgess, 
of  Company  I,  told  me  that  he  was  close  to  Colonel  Shaw  ;  that  he 
waved  his  sword  and  cried  out :  '  Onward,  boys  !  '  and,  as  he  did  so, 
fell.  Burgess  fell,  wounded,  at  the  same  time.  In  a  minute  or  two,  as 
he  rose  to  crawl  away,  he  tried  to  pull  Colonel  Shaw  along,  taking  hold 
of  his  feet,  which  were  near  his  own  head,  but  there  appeared  to  be  no 
life  in  him.  There  is  a  report,  however,  that  Colonel  Shaw  is  wounded 
and  a  prisoner,  and  that  it  was  so  stated  to  the  officers  who  bore  a  flag  of 
truce  from  us,  but  I  cannot  find  it  well  authenticated.  It  is  most  likely 
that  this  noble  youth  has  given  his  life  to  his  country  and  to  mankind. 
Brigadier-General  Strong  (himself  a  kindred  spirit)  said  of  him  to-day, 
in  a  message  to.  his  parents  :  *  I  had  but  little  opportunity  to  be  with 
him,  but  I  already  loved  him.  No  man  ever  went  more  gallantly  into 
battle.  None  knew  but  to  love  him.'  I  parted  with  Colonel  Shaw  be 
tween  six  and  seven,  Saturday  evening,  as  he  rode  forward  to  his  regi 
ment,  and  he  gave  me  the  private  letters  and  papers  he  had  with  him, 
to  be  delivered  to  his  father.  Of  the  other  officers,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Hallowell  is  severely  wounded  in  the  groin  ;  Adjutant  James  has  a 
wound  from  a  grape-shot  in  his  ankle,  and  a  flesh-wound  in  his  side 
from  a  glancing  ball  or  piece  of  shell.  Captain  Pope  has  had  a  musket- 
ball  extracted  from  his  shoulder.  Captain  Appleton  is  wounded  in  the 
thumb,  and  also  has  a  contusion  on  his  right  breast  from  a  hand-gre 
nade.  Captain  Willard  has  a  wound  in  the  leg,  and  is  doing  well.  Cap 
tain  Jones  was  wounded  in  the  right  shoulder.  The  ball  went  through 
and  he  is  doing  well.  Lieutenant  Romans  wounded  by  a  ball  from  a 
smooth-bore  musket  entering  the  left  side,  which  has  been  extracted 
from  the  back.  He  is  doing  well. 

"  The  above-named  officers  are  at  Beaufort,  all  but  the  last  arriving 
there  on  Sunday  evening,  whither  they  were  taken  from  Morris  Island 
to  Pawnee  Landing,  in  the  Alice  Price,  and  thence  to  Beaufort  in  the 
Cosmopolitan,  which  is  specially  fitted  up  for  hospital  service  and  is 
provided  with  skilful  surgeons  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Bontecou. 
They  are  now  tenderly  cared  for  with  an  adequate  corps  of  surgeons 
and  nurses,  and  provided  with  a  plentiful  supply  of  ice,  beef  and 
chicken  broth,  and  stimulants.  Lieutenant  Smith  was  left  at  the  hos 
pital  tent  on  Morris  Island.  Captain  Emilio  and  Lieutenants  Grace, 
Appleton,  Johnston,  Reed,  Howard,  Dexter,  Jennison,  and  Emerson, 
were  not  wounded  and  are  doing  duty.  Lieutenants  Jewett  and 


334    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Tucker  were  slightly  wounded  and  are  doing  duty  also.  Lieut.  Pratt 
was  wounded  and  came  in  from  the  field  on  the  following  day.  Cap 
tains  Russell  and  Simpkins  are  missing.  The  Quartermaster  and  Sur 
geon  are  safe  and  are  with  the  regiment, 

"  Dr.  Stone  remained  on  the  Alice  Price  during  Saturday  night, 
caring  for  the  wounded  until  she  left  Morris  Island,  and  then  returned 
to  look  after  those  who  were  left  behind.  The  Assistant  Surgeon  was 
at  the  camp  on  St.  Helena  Island,  attending  to  duty  there.  Lieuten 
ant  Littlefield  was  also  in  charge  of  the  camp  at  St.  Helena.  Lieuten 
ant  Higginson  was  on  Folly  Island  with  a  detail  of  eighty  men.  Cap 
tain  Bridge  and  Lieutenant  Walton  are  sick  and  were  at  Beaufort  or 
vicinity.  Captain  Partridge  has  returned  from  the  North,  but  not  in 
time  to  participate  in  the  action. 

"  Of  the  privates  and  non-commissioned  officers  I  send  you  a  list  of 
one  hundred  and  forty-four  who  are  now  in  the  Beaufort  hospitals.  A 
few  others  died  on  the  boats  or  since  their  arrival  here.  There  may 
be  others  at  the  Hilton  Head  Hospital  ;  and  others  are  doubtless  on 
Morris  Island  ;  but  I  have  no  names  or  statistics  relative  to  them. 
Those  in  Beaufort  are  well  attended  to — just  as  well  as  the  white  sol 
diers,  the  attentions  of  the  surgeons  and  nurses  being  supplemented 
by  those  of  the  colored  people  here,  who  have  shown  a  great  interest 
in  them.  The  men  of  the  regiment  are  very  patient,  and  where  their 
condition  at  all  permits  them,  are  cheerful.  They  express  their  readi 
ness  to  meet  the  enemy  again,  and  they  keep  asking  if  Wagner  is  yet 
taken.  Could  any  one  from  the  North  see  these  brave  fellows  as  they 
lie  here,  his  prejudice  against  them,  if  he  had  any,  would  all  pass  away. 
They  grieve  greatly  at  the  loss  of  Colonel  Shaw,  who  seems  to  have  ac 
quired  a  strong  hold  on  their  affections.  They  are  attached  to  their 
other  officers,  and  admire  General  Strong,  whose  courage  was  so  con 
spicuous  to  all.  I  asked  General  Strong  if  he  had  any  testimony  in 
relation  to  the  regiment  to  be  communicated  to  you.  These  are  his 
precise  words,  and  I  give  them  to  you  as  I  noted  them  at  the  time  : 

"  '  The  Fifty-fourth  did  well  and  nobly,  only  the  fall  of  Colonel  Shaw 
prevented  them  from  entering  the  Fort.  They  moved  up  as  gallantly 
as  any  troops  could,  and  with  their  enthusiasm  they  deserve  a  better 
fate.'  The  regiment  could  not  have  been  under  a  better  officer  than 
Colonel  Shaw.  He  is  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  genuine  men.  His 
soldiers  loved  him  like  a  brother,  and  go  where  you  would  through  the 
camps  you  would  hear  them  speak  of  him  with  enthusiasm  and  affec 
tion.  His  wound  is  severe,  and  there  are  some  apprehensions  as  to  his 
being  able  to  recover  from  it.  .Since  I  found  him  at  the  hospital  tent 
on  Morris  Island,  about  half-past  nine  o'clock  on  Saturday,  I  have 
been  all  the  time  attending  to  him  or  the  officers  of  the  Fifty-fourth, 
both  on  the  boats  and  here.  Nobler  spirits  it  has  never  been  my  fort- 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  335 

une  to  be  with.  General  Strong,  as  he  lay  on  the  stretcher  in  the 
tent,  was  grieving  all  the  while  for  the  poor  fellows  who  lay  uncared 
for  on  the  battle-field,  and  the  officers  of  the  Fifty-fourth  have  had 
nothing  to  say  of  their  own  misfortunes,  but  have  mourned  constantly 
for  the  hero  who  led  them  to  the  charge  from  which  he  did  not  return. 
I  remember  well  the  beautiful  day  when  the  flags  were  presented  at 
Readville,  and  you  told  the  regiment  that  your  reputation  wag  to  be 
identified  with  its  fame.  It  was  a  day  of  festivity  and  cheer.  I  walk 
now  in  these  hospitals  and  see  mutilated  forms  with  every  variety  of 
wound,  and  it  seems  all  a  dream.  But  well  has  the  regiment  sus 
tained  the  hope  which  you  indulged,  and  justified  the  identity  of  fame 
which  you  trusted  to  it. 

"  I  ought  to  add  in  relation  to  the  fight  on  James  Island,  on  July 
sixteenth,  in  which  the  regiment  lost  fifty  men,  driving  back  the  rebels, 
and  saving,  as  it  is  stated,  three  companies  of  the  Tenth  Connecticut, 
that  General  Terry,  who  was  in  command  on  that  Island,  said  to  Adju 
tant  James  : 

"  '  Tell  your  Colonel  that  I  am  exceedingly  pleased  with  the  conduct 
of  your  regiment.  They  have  done  all  they  could  do.' 

"  Yours  truly, 

"EDWARD  L.  PIERCE."* 

The  Negro  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  in  the  Department 
of  the  South  had  won  an  excellent  reputation  as  a  soldier.  In 
the  spring  of  1864  Colored  Troops  made  their  dtbut  in  the  army 
of  the  Potomac.  In  the  battles  at  Wilson's  Wharf,  Petersburg, 
Deep  Bottom,  Chapin's  Farm,  Fair  Oaks,  Hatcher's  Run,  Farm- 
ville,  and  many  other  battles,  these  soldiers  won  for  themselves 
lasting  glory  and  golden  opinions  from  the  officers  and  men  of 
the  white  organizations.  On  the  24th  of  May,  1864,  Gen.  Fitz- 
Hugh  Lee  called  at  Wilson's  Wharf  to  pay  his  respects  to  two 
Negro  regiments  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Wild.  But  the 
chivalry  of  the  South  were  compelled  to  retire  before  the  de 
structive  fire  of  Negro  soldiers.  A  "  Tribune "  correspondent 
who  witnessed  the  engagement  gave  the  following  account  the 
next  day : 

"  At  first  the  fight  raged  fiercely  on  the  left.  The  woods  were 
riddled  with  bullets ;  the  dead  and  wounded  of  the  rebels  were  taken 
away  from  this  part  of  the  field,  but  I  am  informed  by  one  accustomed 
to  judge,  and  who  went  over  the  field  to-day,  that  from  the  pools  of 

'Rebellion  Recs.,  vol.  vii.  Doc.,  p.  215,  216. 


336    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

blood  and  other  evidences  the  loss  must  have  been  severe.  Finding 
that  the  left  could  not  be  broken,  Fitz-Hugh  Lee  hurled  his  chivalry — 
dismounted  of  course — upon  the  right.  Steadily  they  came  on,  through 
obstructions,  through  slashing,  past  abattis  without  wavering.  Here  one 
of  the  advantages  of  colored  troops  was  made  apparent.  They  obeyed 
orders,  and  bided  their  time.  When  well  tangled  in  the  abattis  the 
death-warrant,  '  Fire,'  went  forth.  Southern  chivalry  quailed  before 
Northern  balls,  though  fired  by  negro  hands.  Volley  after  volley  was 
rained  upon  the  superior  by  the  inferior  race,  and  the  chivalry  broke 
and  tried  to  run." 

On  the  8th  of  June  Gen.  Gillmore,  at  the  head  of  3,500 
troops,  crossed  the  Appomattox,  and  moved  on  Petersburg  by 
turnpike  from  the  north.  Gen.  Kautz,  with  about  1,500  cavalry, 
was  to  charge  the  city  from  the  south,  or  southwest ;  and  two 
gun-boats  and  a  battery  were  to  bombard  Fort  Clinton,  defending 
the  approach  up  the  river.  Gillmore  was  somewhat  dismayed  at 
the  formidable  appearance  of  the  enemy,  and,  thinking  himself 
authorized  to  use  his  own  discretion,  did  not  make  an  attack. 
On  the  loth  of  June,  Gen.  Kautz  advanced  without  meeting  any 
serious  resistance  until  within  a  mile  and  one  half  of  the  city, 
drove  in  the  pickets  and  actually  entered  the  city !  Gillmore 
had  attracted  considerable  attention  on  account  of  the  display 
he  made  of  his  forces ;  but  when  he  declined  to  fight,  the  rebels 
turned  upon  Kautz  and  drove  him  out  of  the  city. 

Gen.  Grant  had  taken  up  his  headquarters  at  Bermuda  Hun 
dreds,  whence  he  directed  Gen.  Butler  to  despatch  Gen.  W. 
F.  Smith's  corps  against  Petersburg.  The  rebel  general,  A.  P. 
Hill,  commanding  the  rear  of  Lee's  army,  was  now  on  the  south 
front  of  Richmond.  Gen.  Smith  moved  on  toward  Petersburg, 
and  at  noon  of  the  I5th  of  June,  1864,  his  advance  felt  the  out 
posts  of  the  enemy's  defence  about  two  and  one  half  miles  from 
the  river.  Here  again  the  Negro  soldier's  fighting  qualities  were 
to  be  tested  in  the  presence  of  our  white  troops.  Gen.  Hinks 
commanded  a  brigade  of  Negro  soldiers.  This  brigade  was  to 
open  the  battle  and  receive  the  fresh  fire  of  the  enemy.  Gen. 
Hinks — a  most  gallant  soldier — took  his  place  and  gave  the 
order  to  charge  the  rebel  lines.  Here,  under  a  clear  Virginia 
sky,  in  full  view  of  the  Union  white  troops,  the  Black  brigade 
swept  across  the  field  in  magnificent  line.  The  rebels  received 
them  with  siege  gun,  musket,  and  bayonet,  but  they  never  wa 
vered.  In  a  short  time  they  had  carried  a  line  of  rifle-pits, 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  337 

driven  the  enemy  out  in  confusion,  and  captured  two  large  guns. 
It  was  a  supreme  moment ;  all  that  was  needed  was  the  order, 
"  On  to  Petersburg,"  and  the  city  could  have  been  taken  by  the 
force  there  was  in  reserve  for  the  Black  brigade.  But  he  who 
doubts  is  damned,  and  he  who  dallies  is  a  dastard.  Gen.  Smith 
hesitated.  Another  assault  was  not  ordered  until  near  sundown, 
when  the  troops  cleared  another  line  of  rifle-pits,  made  three 
hundred  prisoners,  and  captured  sixteen  guns,  sustaining  a  loss 
of  only  six  hundred.  The  night  was  clear  and  balmy  ;  there  was 
nothing  to  hinder  the  battle  from  being  carried  on  ;  but  Gen.  Smith 
halted  for  the  night — a  fatal  halt.  During  the  night  the  enemy 
was  reenforced  by  the  flower  of  Lee's  army,  and  when  the  sun 
light  of  the  next  morning  fell  upon  the  battle  field  it  revealed  an 
almost  new  army, — a  desperate  and  determined  enemy.  Then 
it  seems  that  Gens.  Meade  and  Hancock  did  not  know  that 
Petersburg  was  to  be  attacked.  Hancock's  corps  had  lingered 
in  the  rear  of  the  entire  army,  and  did  not  reach  the  front  until 
dusk.  Why  Gen.  Smith  delayed  the  assault  until  evening  was 
not  known.  Even  Gen.  Grant,  in  his  report  of  the  battle,  said : 
"  Smith,  for  some  reason  that  I  have  never  been  able  to  satisfacto 
rily  understand,  did  not  get  ready  to  assault  the  enemy's  main 
lines  until  near  sundown."  But  whatever  the  reason  was,  his 
conduct  cost  many  a  noble  life  and  the  postponement  of  the  end 
of  the  war. 

On  the  i6th  of  June,  1864,  Gens.  Burnside  and  Warren  came 
up.  The  i8th  corps,  under  Gen.  Smith,  occupied  the  right  of 
the  Federal  lines,  with  its  right  touching  the  Appomattox  River. 
Gens.  Hancock,  Burnside,  and  Warren  stretched  away  to  the  ex 
treme  left,  which  was  covered  by  Kautz's  cavalry.  After  a  con 
sultation  with  Gen.  Grant,  Gen.  Meade  ordered  a  general  attack 
all  along  the  lines,  and  at  6  P.M.  on  the  i6th  of  June,  the  bat 
tle  of  Petersburg  was  opened  again.  Once  more  a  division 
of  Black  troops  was  hurled  into  the  fires  of  battle,  and  once 
more  proved  that  the  Negro  was  equal  to  all  the  sudden 
and  startling  changes  of  war.  The  splendid  fighting  of  these 
troops  awakened  the  kindliest  feelings  for  them  among  the  white 
troops,  justified  the  Government  in  employing  them,  stirred  the 
North  to  unbounded  enthusiasm,  and  made  the  rebel  army  feel 
that  the  Negro  was  the  equal  of  the  Confederate  soldier  under  all 
circumstances.  Secretary  Stanton  was  in  a  state  of  ecstasy  over 
the  behavior  of  the  Colored  troops  at  Petersburg,  an  unusual 
thing  for  him.  In  his  despatch  on  this  battle,  he  said  : 


338    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  The  hardest  fighting  was  done  by  the  black  troops.  The  forts 
they  stormed  were  the  worst  of  all.  After  the  affair  was  over  Gen. 
Smith  went  to  thank  them,  and  tell  them  he  was  proud  of  their  courage 
and  dash.  He  says  they  cannot  be  exceeded  as  soldiers,  and  that 
hereafter  he  will  send  them  in  a  difficult  place  as  readily  as  the  best 
white  troops."  x 

The  "Tribune"  correspondent  wrote  on  the  day  of  the 
battle  : 

"  The  charge  upon  the  advanced  works  was  made  in  splendid 
style ;  and  as  the  '  dusky  warriors '  stood  shouting  upon  the  parapet, 
Gen.  Smith  decided  that  '  they  would  do,'  and  sent  word  to  storm  the 
first  redoubt.  Steadily  these  troops  moved  on,  led  by  officers  whose 
unostentatious  bravery  is  worthy  of  emulation.  With  a  shout  and 
rousing  cheers  they  dashed  at  the  redoubt.  Grape  and  canister  were 
hurled  at  them  by  the  infuriated  rebels.  They  grinned  and  pushed  on, 
and  with  a  yell  that  told  the  Southern  chivalry  their  doom,  rolled  irre 
sistibly  over  and  into  the  work.  The  guns  were  speedily  turned  upon 
tho$e  of  our  'misguided  brethren,'  who  forgot  that  discretion  was  the 
better  part  of  valor.  Another  redoubt  was  carried  in  the  same  splendid 
style,  and  the  negroes  have  established  a  reputation  that  they  will 
surely  maintain. 

"  Officers  on  Gen.  Hancock's  staff,  as  they  rode  by  the  redoubt, 
surrounded  by  a  moat  with  water  in  it,  over  which  these  negroes 
charged,  admitted  that  its  capture  was  a  most  gallant  affair.  The 
negroes  bear  their  wounds  quite  as  pluckily  as  the  white  soldiers." 

Here  the  Colored  Troops  remained,  skirmishing,  fighting, 
building  earthworks,  and  making  ready  for  the  next  assault 
upon  Petersburg,  which  was  to  take  place  on  the  3<Dth  proximo. 
In  the  actions  of  the  i8th,  2ist,  23d,  24th,  25th,  and  28th  of  June, 
the  Colored  Troops  had  shared  a  distinguished  part.  The  follow 
ing  letter  on  the  conduct  of  the  Colored  Troops  before  Peters 
burg,  written  by  an  officer  who  participated  in  all  the  actions 
around  that  city,  is  worth  its  space  it  gold : 

"  IN    THE    Fl2LD,    NEAR    PETERSBURG,    VIRGINIA,  ) 

"  June  27,  1864.  J 

"  The  problem  is  solved.  The  negro  is  a  man,  a  soldier,  a  hero. 
Knowing  of  your  laudable  interest  in  the  colored  troops,  but  particu 
larly  those  raised  under  the  immediate  auspices  of  the  Supervisory 

1  Herald,  June  18,  1864. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  339 

Committee,  I  have  thought  it  proper  that  I  should  let  you  know  how 
they  acquitted  themselves  in  the  late  actions  in  front  of  Petersburg,  of 
which  you  have  already  received  newspaper  accounts.  If  you  re 
member,  in  my  conversations  upon  the  character  of  these  troops,  I 
carefully  avoided  saying  anything  about  their  fighting  qualities  till  I 
could  have  an  opportunity  of  trying  them. 

"  That  opportunity  came  on  the  fifteenth  instant,  and  since,  and  I 
am  now  prepared  to  say  that  I  never,  since  the  beginning  of  this  war, 
saw  troops  fight  better,  more  bravely,  and  with  more  determination  and 
enthusiasm.  Our  division,  commanded  by  General  Hinks,  took  the 
advance  on  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth  instant,  arrived  in  front  of  the 
enemy's  works  about  nine  o'clock  A.M.,  formed  line,  charged  them,  and 
took  them  most  handsomely.  Our  regiment  was  the  first  in  the  enemy's 
works,  having  better  ground  to  charge  over  than  some  of  the  others, 
and  the  only  gun  that  was  taken  on  this  first  line  was  taken  by  our  men. 
The  color-sergeant  of  our  regiment  planted  his  colors  on  the  works  of 
the  enemy,  a  rod  in  advance  of  any  officer  or  man  in  the  regiment. 
The  effect  of  the  colors  being  thus  in  advance  of  the  line,  so  as  to  be 
seen  by  all,  Was  truly  inspiring  to  our  men,  and  to  a  corresponding  de 
gree  dispiriting  to  the  enemy.  We  pushed  on  two  and  a  half  miles 
further,  till  we  came  in  full  view  of  the  main  defences  of  Petersburg. 
We  formed  line  at  about  two  o'clock  P.M.,  reconnoitred  and  skirmished 
the  whole  afternoon,  and  were  constantly  subject  to  the  shells  of  the 
enemy's  artillery.  At  sunset  we  charged  these  strong  works  and  carried 
them.  Major  Cook  took  one  with  the  left  wing  of  our  regiment  as 
skirmishers,  by  getting  under  the  guns,  and  then  preventing  their  gun 
ners  from  using  their  pieces,  while  he  gained  the  rear  of  the  redoubt, 
where  there  was  no  defence  but  the  infantry,  which,  classically  speak 
ing,  'skedaddled.'  We  charged  across  what  appeared  to  be  an  almost 
impassable  ravine,  with  the  right  wing  all  the  time  subject  to  a  hot  fire 
of  grape  and  canister,  until  we  got  so  far  under  the  guns  as  to  be 
sheltered,  when  the  enemy  took  to  their  rifle-pits  as  infantrymen.  Our 
brave  fellows  went  steadily  through  the  swamp,  and  up  the  side  of  a 
hill,  at  an  angle  of  almost  fifty  degrees,  rendered  nearly  impassable  by 
fallen  timber.  Here  again  our  color-sergeant  was  conspicuous  in  keep 
ing  far  ahead  of  the  most  advanced,  hanging  on  to  the  side  of  the  hill, 
till  he  would  turn  about  and  wave  the  stars  and  stripes  at  his  advancing 
comrades ;  then  steadily  advancing  again,  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy, 
till  he  could  almost  have  reached  their  rifle-pits  with  his  flagstaff. 
How  he  kept  from  being  killed  I  do  not  know,  unless  it  can  be  attribu 
ted  to  the  fact  that  the  party  advancing  up  the  side  of  the  hill  always 
has  the  advantage  of  those  who  hold  the  crest.  It  was  in  this  way  that 
we  got  such  decided  advantage  over  the  enemy  at  South  Mountain. 
We  took,  in  these  two  redoubts,  four  more  guns,  making,  in  all,  five  for 


340    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

our  regiment,  two  redoubts,  and  part  of  a  rifle-pit  as  our  day's  work. 
The  Fifth,  Sixth,  and  Seventh  United  States  colored  troops  advanced 
against  works  more  to  the  left.  The  Fourth  United  States  colored 
troops  took  one  more  redoubt,  and  the  enemy  abandoned  the  other. 
In  these  two  we  got  two  more  guns,  which  made,  in  all,  seven.  The 
Sixth  regiment  did  not  get  up  in  time,  unfortunately,  to  have  much  of 
the  sport,  as  it  had  been  previously  formed  in  the  second  line.  We  left 
forty-three  men  wounded  and  eleven  killed  in  the  ravine,  over  which 
our  men  charged  the  last  time.  Our  loss  in  the  whole  day's  operations 
was  one  hundred  and  forty-three,  including  six  officers,  one  of  whom 
was  killed.  Sir,  there  is  no  underrating  the  good  conduct  of  these  fel 
lows  during  these  charges  ;  with  but  a  few  exceptions,  they  all  went  in 
as  old  soldiers,  but  with  more  enthusiasm.  I  am  delighted  that  our  first 
action  resulted  in  a  decided  victory. 

"  The  commendations  we  have  received  from  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac,  including  its  general  officers,  are  truly  gratifying.  Hancock's 
corps  arrived  just  in  time  to  relieve  us  (we  being  out  of  ammunition), 
before  the  rebels  were  reinforced  and  attempted  to  retake  these  strong 
works  and  commanding  positions,  without  which  they  could  not  held 
Petersburg  one  hour,  if  it  were  a  part  of  Grant's  plan  to  advance  against 
it  on  the  right  here. 

"  General  Smith  speaks  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  day's  work,  as 
you  have  doubtless  seen,  and  he  assured  me,  in  person,  that  our  division 
should  have  the  guns  we  took  as  trophies  of  honor.  He  is  also  making 
his  word  good  in  saying  that  he  could  hereafter  trust  colored  troops  in 
the  most  responsible  positions.  Colonel  Ames,  of  the  Sixth  United 
States  colored  troops,  and  our  regiment,  have  just  been  relieved  in  the 
front,  where  we  served  our  tour  of  forty-eight  hours  in  turn  with  the 
other  troops  of  the  corps.  While  out,  we  were  subjected  to  some  of  the 
severest  shelling  I  have  ever  seen,  Malvern  Hill  not  excepted.  The 
enemy  got  twenty  guns  in  position  during  the  night,  and  opened  on  us 
yesterday  morning  at  daylight.  Our  men  stood  it,  behind  their  works, 
of  course,  as  well  as  any  of  the  white  troops.  Our  men,  unfortunately, 
owing  to  the  irregular  features  of  ground,  took  no  prisoners.  Sir,  we 
can  bayonet  the  enemy  to  terms  on  this  matter  of  treating  colored  sol 
diers  as  prisoners  of  war  far  sooner  than  the  authorities  at  Washington 
can  bring  him  to  it  by  negotiation.  This  I  am  morally  persuaded  of. 
I  know,  further,  that  the  enemy  won't  fight  us  if  he  can  help  it.  I  am 
sure  that  the  same  number  of  white  troops  could  not  have  taken  those 
works  on  the  evening  of  the  fifteenth  ;  prisoners  that  we  took  told  me 
so.  I  mean  prisoners  who  came  in  after  the  abandonment  of  the  fort, 
because  they  could  not  get  away.  They  excuse  themselves  on  the 

ground  of  pride  ;  as  one  of  them  said  to  me :  *  D d  if  men  educated 

as  we  have  been  will  fight  with  niggers,  and  your  government  ought  not 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  341 

to  expect  it.'  The  real  fact  is,  the  rebels  will  not  stand  against  our  col 
ored  soldiers  when  there  is  any  chance  of  their  being  taken  prisoners, 
for  they  are  conscious  of  what  they  justly  deserve.  Our  men  went  into 
these  works  after  they  were  taken,  yelling  '  Fort  Pillow  !  '  The  enemy 
Well  knows  what  this  means,  and  I  will  venture  the  assertion,  that  that 
piece  of  infernal  brutality  enforced  by  them  there  has  cost  the  enemy 
already  two  men  for  every  one  they  so  inhumanly  murdered."  ' 

The  Qth  corps,  under  Burnside,  containing  a  splendid  brigade 
of  Colored  Troops,  had  finally  pushed  its  way  up  to  one  hundred 
and  fifty  yards  of  the  enemy's  works.  In  the  immediate  front  a 
small  fort  projected  out  quite  a  distance  beyond  the  main  line  of 
the  enemy's  works.  It  was  decided  to  place  a  mine  under  this 
fort  and  destroy  it.  Just  in  the  rear  of  the  Qth  corps  was  a  ra 
vine,  which  furnished  a  safe  and  unobserved  starting-point  for  the 
mine.  It  was  pushed  forward  with  great  speed  and  care.  When 
the  point  was  reached  directly  under  the  fort,  chambers  were 
made  to  the  right  and  left,  and  then  packed  with  powder  or  other 
combustibles.  It  was  understood  from  the  commencement  that 
the  Colored  Troops  were  to  have  the  post  of  honor  again,  and 
charge  after  the  mine  should  be  sprung.  The  inspecting  officer 
having  made  a  thorough  examination  of  the  entire  works  re 
ported  to  Gen.  Burnside  that  the  "  Black  Division  was  the  fittest 
for  this  perilous  service."  But  Gen.  Grant  was  not  of  the  same 
opinion.  Right  on  the  eve  of  the  great  event  he  directed  the 
three  white  commanders  of  divisions  to  draw  lots — who  should 
not  go  into  the  crater !  The  lot  fell  to  the  poorest  officer,  for  a 
dashing,  brilliant  movement,  in  the  entire  army,  Gen.  Ledlie. 

The  mine  was  to  be  fired  at  3:30  A.M.,  on  the  morning  of  the 
3<Dth  of  July,  1864.  The  match  was  applied,  but  the  train  did  not 
work.  Lieut.  Jacob  Douty  and  Sergt.  Henry  Rees,  of  the  48th 
Pennsylvania,  entered  the  gallery,  removed  the  hindering  cause, 
and  at  4:45  A.M.  the  match  was  applied  and  the  explosion  took 
place.  The  fort  was  lifted  into  the  air  and  came  down  a  mass 
of  ruins,  burying  300  men.  Instead  of  a  fort  there  was  a  yawning 
chasm,  150  feet  long,  25  feet  wide,  and  about  25  or  30  feet  deep. 
At  the  same  moment  all  the  guns  of  the  Union  forces  opened 
from  one  end  of  their  line  to  the  other.  It  was  verily  a  judgment 
morn.  Confusion  reigned  among  the  Confederates.  The  enemy 
fled  in  disorder  from  his-  works.  The  way  to  Petersburg  was 

1  Rebellion  Recs.,  vol.  xi.  Doc.  pp.  580,  581. 


342    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

open,  unobstructed  for  several  hours  ;  all  the  Federal  troops  had 
to  do  was  to  go  into  the  city  at  a  trail  arms  without  firing  a  gun. 
Gen.  Ledlie  was  not  equal  to  the  situation.  He  tried  to  mass  his 
division  in  the  mouth  of  the  crater.  The  loth  New  Hampshire 
went  timidly  into  line,  and  when  moved  forward  broke  into  the 
shape  of  a  letter  V,  and  confusion  indescribable  followed.  Gens. 
Potter  and  Wilcox  tried  to  support  Ledlie,  but  the  latter  division 
had  halted  after  they  had  entered  the  crater,  although  the  enemy 
had  not  recovered  from  the  shock.  Gen.  Potter,  by  some  means, 
got  his  division  out  of  the  crater  and  gallantly  led  a  charge  tow 
ard  the  crest,  but  so  few  followed  him  that  he  was  compelled  to 
retire.  After  all  had  been  lost,  after  the  rebels  had  regained 
their  composure,  Gen.  Burnside  was  suffered  to  send  in  his 
"  Black  Division."  It  charged  in  splendid  order  to  the  right  of 
the  crater  toward  the  crest,  but  was  hurled  back  into  the  crater 
by  a  destructive  fire  from  batteries  and  muskets.  But  they 
rallied  and  charged  the  enemy  again  and  again  until  nightfall ; 
exhausted  and  reduced  in  numbers,  they  fell  back  into  the 
friendly  darkness  to  rest.  The  Union  loss  was  4,400  killed, 
wounded,  and  captured.  Again  the  Negro  had  honored  his 
country  and  covered  himself  with  glory.  Managed  differently, 
with  the  Black  Division  as  the  charging  force,  Petersburg  would 
have  fallen,  the  war  would  have  ended  before  the  autumn,  and 
thousands  of  lives  would  have  been  saved.  But  a  great  sacrifice 
had  to  be  laid  upon  the  cruel  altar  of  race  prejudice. 

In  the  battles  around  Nashville  about  8,000  or  10,000  Colored 
Troops  took  part,  and  rendered  efficient  aid.  Here  the  Colored 
Troops,  all  of  them  recruited  from  slave  States,  stormed  fortified 
positions  of  the  enemy  with  the  bayonet  through  open  fields,  and 
behaved  like  veterans  under  the  most  destructive  fire.  In  his  re 
port  of  the  battle  of  Nashville,  Major-Gen.  James  B.  Steedman  said : 

"  The  larger  portion  of  these  losses,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to 
fully  twenty-five  per  cent,  of  the  men  under  my  command  who  were 
taken  into  action,  it  will  be  observed,  fell  upon  the  Colored  Troops. 
The  severe  loss  of  this  part  of  my  troops  was  in  the  brilliant  charge  on 
the  enemy's  works  on  Overton  Hill  on  Friday  afternoon.  I  was  unable 
to  discover  that  color  made  any  difference  in  the  fighting  of  my  troops. 
All,  white  and  black,  nobly  did  their  duty  as  soldiers,  and  evinced 
cheerfulness  and  resolution,  such  as  I  have  never  seen  excelled  in  any 
campaign  of  the  war  in  which  I  have  borne  a  part."  1 

1  Rebellion  Recs.,  vol.  xi.  Doc.,  p.  89. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS. 
The  following  table  shows  the  losses  in  this  action : 


343 


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344    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

At  the  battle  of  Appomattox  a  division  of  picked  Colored 
Troops  (Gen.  Birney1)  accomplished  some  most  desperate  and 
brilliant  fighting,  and  received  the  praise  of  the  white  troops  who 
acted  as  their  support. 

From  the  day  the  Government  put  arms  into  the  hands  of 
Negro  soldiers  to  the  last  hour  of  the  Slave-holders'  Rebellion 
they  rendered  effective  aid  in  surpressing  the  rebellion  and  in 
saving  the  Union.  They  fought  a  twofold  battle — conquered 
the  prejudices  and  fears  of  the  white  people  of  the  North  and  the 
swaggering  insolence  and  lofty  confidence  of  the  South. 

As  to  the  efficiency  of  Negroes  as  soldiers  abundant  testi 
mony  awaits  the  hand  of  the  historian.  The  following  letter 
speaks  for  itself. 

ADJ.-GEN.  THOMAS  ON  NEGRO  SOLDIERS. 

"WAR  DEP'T,  ADJ.-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  ) 
"WASHINGTON,  May  30,  1864.          ) 
"Hon.  H.WILSON: 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  On  several  occasions  when  on  the  Mississippi  River, 
I  contemplated  writing  to  you  respecting  the  colored  troops  and  to  sug 
gest  that,  as  they  have  been  fully  tested  as  soldiers,  their  pay  should  be 
raised  to  that  of  white  troops,  and  I  desire  now  to  give  my  testimony  in 
their  behalf.  You  are  aware  that  I  have  been  engaged  in  the  organiza 
tion  of  freedmen  for  over  a  year,  and  have  necessarily  been  thrown  in 
constant  contact  with  them. 

"  The  negro  in  a  state  of  slavery  is  brought  up  by  the  master,  from 
early  childhood,  to  strict  obedience  and  to  obey  implicitly  the  dictates 
of  the  white  man,  and  they  are  thus  led  to  believe  that  they  are  an  in 
ferior  race.  Now,  when  organized  into  troops,  they  carry  this  habit  of 
obedience  with  them,  and  their  officers  being  entirely  white  men,  the  ne 
groes  promptly  obey  their  orders. 

"  A  regiment  is  thus  rapidly  brought  into  a  state  of  discipline.  They 
are  a  religious  people — another  high  quality  for  making  good  soldiers. 
They  are  a  musical  people,  and  thus  readily  learn  to  march  and  accu 
rately  perform  their  manoeuvres.  They  take  pride  in  being  elevated  as 
soldiers,  and  keep  themselves,  as  their  camp  grounds,  neat  and  clean. 
This  I  know  from  special  inspection,  two  of  my  staff-officers  being  con 
stantly  on  inspecting  duty.  They  have  proved  a  most  important  addi- 

1  I  remember  now,  as  I  was  in  the  battle  of  Appomattox  Court  House,  that  Gen. 
Birney  was  relieved  just  after  the  battle  of  Farmville,  because  he  refused  to  march  his 
division  in  the  rear  of  all  the  white  troops.  It  was  doubtless  Gen.  Foster  who  led  the 
Colored  Troops  in  the  action  at  Appomattox. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  345 

tion  to  our  forces,  enabling  the  Generals  in  active  operations  to  take  a 
large  force  of  white  troops  into  the  field  ;  and  now  brigades  of  blacks 
are  placed  with  the  whites.  The  forts  erected  at  the  important  points 
on  the  river  are  nearly  all  garrisoned  by  blacks — artillery  regiments 
raised  for  the  purpose, — say  at  Paducah  and  Columbus,  Kentucky, 
Memphis,  Tennessee,  Vicksburg  and  Natchez,  Mississippi  and  most  of 
the  works  around  New  Orleans. 

"  Experience  proves  that  they  manage  "heavy  guns  very  well.  Their 
fighting  qualities  have  also  been  fully  tested  a  number  of  times,  and  I 
am  yet  to  hear  of  the  first  case  where  they  did  not  fully  stand  up  to 
their  work.  I  passed  over  the  ground  where  the  ist  Louisiana  made 
the  gallant  charge  at  Port  Hudson,  by  far  the  stronger  part  of  the  rebel 
works.  The  wonder  is  that  so  many  have  made  their  escape.  At  Mil- 
liken's  Bend  where  I  had  three  incomplete  regiments, — one  without 
arms  until  the  day  previous  to  the  attack, — greatly  superior  numbers  of 
the  rebels  charged  furiously  up  to  the  very  breastworks.  The  negroes 
met  the  enemy  on  the  ramparts,  and  both  sides  freely  used  the  bayonet 
— a  most  rare  occurrence  in  warfare,  as  one  of  the  other  party  gives 
way  before  coming  in  contact  with  the  steel.  The  rebels  were  defeated 
with  heavy  loss.  The  bridge  at  Moscow,  on  the  line  of  railroad  from 
Memphis  to  Corinth,  was  defended  by  one  small  regiment  of  blacks.  A 
cavalry  attack  of  three  times  their  number  was  made,  the  blacks  de 
feating  them  in  three  charges  made  by  the  Rebels. 

"  They  fought  them  hours  till  our  cavalry  came  up,  when  the  defeat 
was  made  complete,  many  of  the  dead  being  left  on  the  field. 

"  A  cavalry  force  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  attacked  three  hundred 
rebel  cavalry  near  the  Big  Black  with  signal  success,  a  number  of  pris 
oners  being  taken  and  marched  to  Vicksburg.  Forrest  attacked  Padu 
cah  with  7,500  men.  The  garrison  was  between  500  and  600,  nearly 
400  being  colored  troops  recently  raised.  What  troops  could  have 
done  better  ?  So,  too,  they  fought  well  at  Fort  Pillow  till  overpowered 
by  greatly  superior  numbers. 

"  The  above  enumerated  cases  seem  to  me  sufficient  to  demonstrate 
the  value  of  the  colored  troops. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully, 

"Your  obedient  servant, 

"  L.  THOMAS,  Adj.- General. 

In  regard  to  the  conduct  of  the  Colored  Troops  at  Peters 
burg,  a  correspondent  to  the  "  Boston  Journal"  gave  the  follow 
ing  account  from  the  lips  of  Gen.  Smith  : 

"  A  few  days  ago  I  sat  in  the  tent  of  Gen.  W.  F.  Smith,  commander 
of  the  1 8th  Corps,  and  heard  his  narration  of  the  manner  in  which 


346    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Gen.  Kinks'  division  of  colored  troops  stood  the  fire  and  charged  upon 
the  Rebel  works  east  of  Petersburg  on  the  i6th  of  June.  There  were 
thirteen  guns  pouring  a  constant  fire  of  shot  and  shell  upon  those 
troops,  enfilading  the  line,  cutting  it  lengthwise  and  crosswise,  *  Yet 
they  stood  unmoved  for  six  hours.  Not  a  man  flinched.  [These  are 
the  words  of  the  General.]  It  was  as  severe  a  test  as  I  ever  saw.  But 
they  stood  it,  and  when  my  arrangements  were  completed  for  charging 
the  works,  they  moved  with  the  steadiness  of  veterans  to  the  attack.  I 
expected  that  they  would  fall  back,  or  be  cut  to  pieces  ;  but  when  I 
saw  them  move  over  the  field,  gain  the  works  and  capture  the  guns, 
I  was  astounded.  They  lost  between  500  and  600  in  doing  it.  There 
is  material  in  the  negroes  to  make  the  best  troops  in  the  world,  if  they 
are  properly  trained.' 

"  These  are  the  words  of  one  of  the  ablest  commanders  and  engi 
neers  in  the  service.  A  graduate  of  West  Point,  who,  earlier  in  the  war, 
had  the  prejudices  which  were  held  by  many  other  men  against  the 
negro.  He  has  changed  his  views.  He  is  convinced,  and  honorably 
follows  his  convictions,  as  do  all  men  who  are  not  stone  blind  or  per 
versely  wilful." 1 

Gen.  Blunt  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  speaks  of  the  valor  of  Col 
ored  Troops  at  the  battle  of  Honey  Springs.  He  says: 

"The  negroes  (ist  colored  regiment)  were  too  much  for  the  enemy,, 
and  let  me  here  say  that  I  never  saw  such  fighting  as  was  done  by  that 
negro  regiment.  They  fought  like  veterans,  with  a  coolness  and  valor 
that  is  unsurpassed.  They  preserved  their  line  perfect  throughout  the 
whole  engagement,  and  although  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight,  they  never 
once  faltered.  Too  much  praise  cannot  be  awarded  them  for  their  gal 
lantry.  The  question  that  negroes  will  fight  is  settled,  besides  they 
make  better  soldiers  in  every  respect,  than  any  troops  I  have  ever  had. 
under  my  command."3 

The  following  from  the  Washington  correspondent  of  the 
"  New  York  Tribune  "  is  of  particular  value  : 

"  In  speaking  of  the  soldierly  qualities  of  our  colored  troops,  I  da 
not  refer  specially  to  their  noble  action  in  the  perilous  edge  of  battle  ; 
that  is  settled,  but  to  their  docility  and  their  patience  of  labor  and  suf 
fering  in  the  camp  and  on  the  march. 

"  I  have  before  me  a  private  letter  from  a  friend,  now  Major  in  one 
of  the  Pennsylvania  colored  regiments,  a  portion  of  which  I  think  the 

tribune,  July  26,  1864.  2  Tribune,  August  19,  1863. 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  347 

public  should  find  in  your  columns.  He  says  in  speaking  of  service  in 
his  regiment  :  '  I  am  delighted  with  it.  I  find  that  these  colored  men 
learn  every  thing  that  pertains  to  the  duties  of  a  soldier  much  faster 
than  any  white  soldiers  I  have  ever  seen.  The  reason  is  apparent, — 
not  that  they  are  smarter  than  white  men,  but  they  feel  promoted  ;  they 
feel  as  though  their  whole  sphere  of  life  was  advanced  and  enlarged. 
They  are  willing,  obedient,  and  cheerful ;  move  with  agility,  and  are 
full  of  music,  which  is  almost  a  sine  qua  non  to  soldierly  bearing.' 

"  Soon  after  the  letter  of  which  the  above  is  an  extract  was  written, 
the  regiment  was  ordered  to  the  field  from  which  the  Major  writes 
again  :  *  The  more  I  know  and  see  of  these  negro  regiments,  the  more 
I  am  delighted  with  the  whole  enterprise.  It  is  truly  delightful  to 
command  a  regiment  officered  as  these  are.  In  all  my  experience  I 
have  never  known  a  better  class  of  officers.  ...  I  have  charge 
of  the  school  of  non-commissioned  officers  here.  I  drill  them  once  a 
day  and  have  them  recite  from  the  oral  instructions  given  them  the  day 
before.  I  find  them  more  anxious  to  learn  their  duties  and  more  ready 
to  perform  them  when  they  know  them  than  any  set  of  non-commis 
sioned  officers  I  ever  saw.  .  .  .  There  is  no  discount  on  these 
fellows  at  all.  Give  me  a  thousand  such  men  as  compose  this  regiment 
and  I  desire  no  stronger  battalion  to  lead  against  an  enemy  that  is  at 
once  their  oppressors  and  traitors  to  my,  and  my  soldiers'  country.' 

"  This  testimony  is  worth  a  chapter  of  speculation.  The  Major  al 
ludes  to  one  fact  above,  moreover,  to  which  the  public  attention  has 
not  been  often  directed — the  excellent  and  able  men  who  are  in  com 
mand  of  our  colored  troops.  They  are  generally  men  of  heart — men  of 
opinions — men  whose  generous  impulses  have  not  been  chilled  in  *  the 
cold  shade  of  West  Point.' 

"  The  officer  from  whose  letter  I  have  quoted  was  a  volunteer  in  the 
ranks  of  a  Pennsylvania  regiment  from  the  day  of  the  attack  on  Sumter 
until  August,  1862.  His  bravery,  his  devotion  to  the  principles  of  free 
dom,  his  zeal  in  the  holy  cause  of  his  country  through  all  the  campaigns 
of  the  calamitous  McClellan,  won  the  regard  and  attention  of  our  loyal 
Governor  Curtin,  who,  with  rare  good  sense  and  discrimination,  took 
him  from  the  ranks  and  made  him  first,  Lieut-Colonel,  and  then 
Colonel  of  a  regiment  in  the  nine  months'  service.  He  carried  himself 
through  all  in  such  a  manner  as  fully  justified  the  Governor's  confidence, 
and  has  stepped  now  into  a  position  where  his  patriotic  zeal  can  con 
centrate  the  valor  of  these  untutored  free  men  in  defense  of  our  imper- 
rilled  country.  So  long  as  these  brave  colored  men  are  officered  by 
gallant,  high-hearted,  slave-hating  men,  we  can  never  despair  of  the 
Republic."  a 

1  New  York  Tribune,  Nov.  14,  1863. 


348    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Mr.  D.  Aden  in  a  letter  to  Col.  Darling,  dated  Norfolk,  Va., 
Feb.  22,  1864,  said  : 

"  During  the  expedition  last  October  to  Charles  City  Court  House, 
on  the  Peninsula,  the  colored  troops  marched  steadily  through  storm 
and  mud  ;  and  on  coming  up  with  the  enemy,  behaved  as  bravely  under 
fire  as  veterans.  An  officer  of  the  ist  N.  Y.  Mounted  Rifles — a  most 
bitter  opponent  and  reviler  of  colored  troops — who  was  engaged  in  this 
affair,  volunteered  the  statement  that  they  had  fought  bravely,  and,  in 
his  own  language,  more  expressive  than  elegant,  were  *  bully  boys  ' — 
which  coming  from  such  a  source,  might  be  regarded  as  the  highest 
praise. 

"  During  the  recent  advance  toward  Richmond  to  liberate  the  Union 
prisoners,  the  4th,  5th,  and  gih  regiments  formed  part  of  the  expedition 
and  behaved  splendidly.  They  marched  thirty  miles  in  ten  hours,  and 
an  unusually  small  number  straggled  on  the  route." 

Col.  John  A.  Foster  of  the  i/Sth  New  York,  in  January,  1864, 
wrote  to  Col.  Darling  as  follows : 

"While  before  Port  Hudson,  during  the  siege  of  that  place,  I  was 
acting  on  Col.  Gooding's  staff,  prior  to  the  arrival  of  my  regiment  at 
that  place.  On  the  assault  of  May  27,  1863,  Col.  Gooding  was  ordered 
to  proceed  to  the  extreme  right  of  our  lines  and  oversee  the  charge  of 
the  two  regiments  constituting  the  negro-brigade,  and  I  accompanied 
him. 

"  We  witnessed  them  in  line  of  battle,  under  a  very  heavy  fire  of 
musketry,  and  siege  and  field  pieces.  There  was  a  deep  gully  or  bayou 
before  them,  which  they  could  not  cross  nor  ford  in  the  presence  of  the 
enemy,  and  hence  an  assault  was  wholly  impracticable.  Yet  they  made 
five  several  attempts  to  swim  and  cross  it,  preparatory  to  an  assault  on 
the  enemy's  works  ;  and  in  this,  too,  in  fair  view  of  the  enemy,  and  at 
short  musket  range.  Added  to  this,  the  nature  of  the  enemy's  works 
was  such  that  it  allowed  an  enfilading  fire.  Success  was  impossible  ; 
yet  they  behaved  as  cool  as  if  veterans,  and  when  ordered  to  retire, 
marched  off  as  if  on  parade.  I  feel  satisfied  that,  if  the  position  of  the 
bayou  had  been  known  and  the  assault  made  a  quarter  of  a  mile  to  the 
left  of  where  it  was,  the  place  would  have  been  taken  by  this  negro 
brigade  on  that  day. 

"  On  that  day  I  witnessed  the  attack  made  by  the  divisions  of  Gen 
erals  Grover  and  Paine,  and  can  truly  say  I  saw  no  steadier  fighting  by 
those  daring  men  than  did  the  negroes  in  this  their  first  fight. 

"  On  the  second  assault,  June  i4th,  in  the  assault  made  by  Gen. 
Paine's  division,  our  loss  was  very  great  in  wounded,  and,  as  there  was 


NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS.  349 

a  want  of  ambulance  men,  I  ordered  about  a  hundred  negroes,  who 
were  standing  idle  and  unharmed,  to  take  the  stretchers  and  carry  the 
wounded  from  the  field.  Under  a  most  severe  fire  of  musketry,  grape, 
and  canister,  they  performed  this  duty  with  unflinching  courage  and 
nonchalance.  They  suffered  severely  in  this  duty  both  in  killed  and 
wounded  ;  yet  not  a  man  faltered.  These  men  had  just  been  recruited, 
and  were  not  even  partially  disciplined.  But  I  next  saw  the  negroes 
(engineers)  working  in  these  trenches,  under  a  heavy  fire  of  the  enemy. 
They  worked  faithfully,  and  wholly  regardless  of  exposure  to  the  ene 
my's  fire." 

Mr.  Cadwallader  in  his  despatch  concerning  the  battle  of 
Spottsylvania,  dated  May  i8th,  says: 

"  It  is  a  subject  of  considerable  merriment  in  camp  that  a  charge  of 
the  famous  Hampton  Legion,  the  flower  of  Southern  chivalry,  was  re 
pulsed  by  the  Colored  Troops  of  General  Ferrero's  command."  : 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  tributes  that  brave  and  true  white 
men  cheerfully  gave  to  the  valor  and  loyalty  of  Colored  Troops 
during  the  war.  No  officer,  whose  privilege  it  was  to  command 
or  observe  the  conduct  of  these  troops,  has  ever  hesitated  to  give 
a  full  and  cheerful  endorsement  of  their  worth  as  men,  their 
loyalty  as  Americans,  and  their  eminent  qualifications  for  the 
duties  and  dangers  of  military  life.  No  history  of  the  war  has 
ever  been  written,  no  history  of  the  war  ever  can  be  written,  with 
out  mentioning  the  patience,  endurance,  fortitude,  and  heroism 
of  the  Negro  soldiers  who  prayed,  wept,  fought,  bled,  and  died 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  of  the  United  States  of 
America ! 

1  New  York  Herald,  May  20,  1864. 


350    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

CAPTURE  AND  TREATMENT  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS. 

THE  MILITARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF  NEGROES  DISTASTEFUL  TO  THE  REBEL  AUTHORITIES.  —  THE  CON 
FEDERATES  THE  FIRST  TO  EMPLOY    NEGROES  AS  SOLDIERS. — JEFFERSON    DAVIS  REFERS  TO  THE 

SUBJECT  IN  HIS  MESSAGE,  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  CONGRESS  ORDERS  ALL  NEGROES  CAPTURED 
TO  BE  TURNED  OVER  TO  THE  STATE  AUTHORITIES,  AND  RAISES  THE  "  BLACK  FLAG"  UPON 
WHITE  OFFICERS  COMMANDING  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  —  THE  NEW  YORK  PRESS  CALLS  UPON  THE 
GOVERNMENT  TO  PROTECT  ITS  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  —  SECRETARY  STANTON'S  ACTION.  —  THE 
PRESIDENT'S  ORDER.  —  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  GEN.  PECK  AND  GEN.  PICKETT  IN  REGARD 
TO  THE  KILLING  OF  A  COLORED  MAN  AFTER  HE  HAD  SURRENDERED  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW- 
BERN.  —  SOUTHERN  PRESS  ON  THE  CAPTURE  AND  TREATMENT  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  —  THE 
REBELS  REFUSE  TO  EXCHANGE  NEGRO  SOLDIERS  CAPTURED  ON  MORRIS  AND  JAMES  ISLANDS  ON 
ACCOUNT  OF  THE  ORDER  OF  THE  CONFEDERATE  CONGRESS  WHICH  REQUIRED  THEM  TO  BB 

TURNED    OVER  TO   THE   AUTHORITIES    OF    THE    SEVERAL    STATES.  —  JEFFERSON     DAVIS     ISSUES    A 

PROCLAMATION  OUTLAWING  GEN.  B.  F.  BUTLER.  —  HE  is  TO  BE  HUNG  WITHOUT  TRIAL  BY 
ANY  CONFEDERATE  OFFICER  WHO  MAY  CAPTURE  HIM.  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  PILLOW.  —  THE 
GALLANT  DEFENCE  BY  THE  LITTLE  BAND  OF  UNION  TROOPS.  —  IT  REFUSES  TO  CAPITULATE 
AND  IS  ASSAULTED  AND  CAPTURED  BY  AN  OVERWHELMING  FORCE.  —  THE  UNION  TROOPS 
BUTCHERED  IN  COLD  BLOOD. — THE  WOUNDED  ARE  CARRIED  INTO  HOUSES  WHICH  ARE  FIRED 

AND    BURNED  WITH   THEIR    HELPLESS   VICTIMS.  —  MEN   ARE   NAILED   TO   THE   OUTSIDE    OF    BuiLD- 

INGS  THROUGH  THEIR  HANDS  AND  FEET  AND  BURNT  ALIVE.  —  THE  WOUNDED  AND  DYING 
ARE  BRAINED  WHERE  THEY  LAY  IN  THEIR  EBBING  BLOOD. — THE  OUTRAGES  ARE  RENEWED 
IN  THE  MORNING.  —  DEAD  AND  LIVING  FIND  A  COMMON  SEPULCHRE  IN  THE  TRENCH. —  GENERAL 
CHALMERS  ORDERS  THE  KILLING  OF  A  NEGRO  CHILD.  —  TESTIMONY  OF  THE  FEW  UNION 
SOLDIERS  WHO  WERE  ENABLED  TO  CRAWL  OUT  OF  THE  GILT  EDGE,  FIRE  PROOF  HELL  AT 
PILLOW.  —  THEY  GIVE  A  SICKENING  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MASSACRE  BEFORE  THE  SENATE 
COMMITTEE  ON  THE  CONDUCT  OF  THE  WAR. —  GEN.  FORREST'S  FUTILE  ATTEMPT  TO  DE 
STROY  THE  RECORD  OF  HIS  FOUL  CRIME.— FORT  PILLOW  MASSACRE  WITHOUT  A  PARALLEL 
IN  HISTORY. 

THE  appearance  of  Negroes  as  soldiers  in  the  armies  of  the 
United  States  seriously  offended  the  Southern  view  of 
"  the  eternal  fitness  of  things."     No  action  on  the  part  of 
the  Federal  Government  was  so  abhorrent  to  the  rebel  army.     It 
called  forth  a  bitter  wail  from  Jefferson  Davis,  on  the  I2th  of 
January,  1863,  and  soon  after  the  Confederate  Congress  elevated 
its  olfactory  organ  and  handled  the  subject  with  a  pair  of  tongs. 
After  a  long  discussion  the  following  was  passed : 

"  Resolved,  by  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  In 
response  to  the  message  of  the  President,  transmitted  to  Congress  at 
the  commencement  of  the  present  session,  That,  in  the  opinion  of 
Congress,  the  commissioned  officers  of  the  enemy  ought  not  to  be  de- 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  35 1 

livered  to  the  authorities  of  the  respective  States,  as  suggested  in  the 
said  message,  but  all  captives  taken  by  the  Confederate  forces  ought 
to  be  dealt  with  and  disposed  of  by  the  Confederate  Government. 

"  SEC.  2.  That,  in  the  judgment  of  Congress,  the  proclamations  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  dated  respectively  September  22, 
1862,  and  January  i,  1863,  and  the  other  measures  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  and  of  its  authorities,  commanders,  and  forces, 
designed  or  tending  to  emancipate  slaves  in  the  Confederate  States, 
or  to  abduct  such  slaves,  or  to  incite  them  to  insurrection,  or  to  em 
ploy  negroes  in  war  against  the  Confederate  States,  or  to  overthrow 
the  institution  of  African  Slavery,  and  bring  on  a  servile  war  in  these 
States,  would,  if  successful,  produce  atrocious  consequences,  and  they 
are  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of  those  usages  which,  in  modern  war 
fare,  prevail  among  civilized  nations  ;  they  may,  therefore,  be  properly 
and  lawfully  repressed  by  retaliation. 

"  SEC.  3.  That  in  every  case  wherein,  during  the  present  war,  any 
violation  of  the  laws  or  usages  of  war  among  civilized  nations  shall 
be,  or  has  been,  done  and-  perpetrated  by  those  acting  under  the 
authority  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  on  the  persons  or 
property  of  citizens  of  the  Confederate  States,  or  of  those  under  the 
protection  or  in  the  land  or  naval  service  of  the  Confederate  States, 
or  of  any  State  of  the  Confederacy,  the  President  of  the  Confederate 
States  is  hereby  authorized  to  cause  full  and  ample  retaliation  to  be 
made  for  every  such  violation,  in  such  manner  and  to  such  extent  as  he 
may  think  proper. 

"  SEC.  4.  That  every  white  person,  being  a  commissioned  officer, 
or  acting  as  such,  who,  during  the  present  war,  shall  command  negroes 
or  mulattoes  in  arms  against  the  Confederate  States,  or  who  shall  arm, 
train,  organize,  or  prepare  negroes  or  mulattoes  for  military  service 
against  the  Confederate  States,  or  who  shall  voluntarily  aid  negroes  or 
mulattoes  in  any  military  enterprise,  attack,  or  conflict  in  such  service, 
shall  be  deemed  as  inciting  servile  insurrection,  and  shall,  if  capt 
ured,  be  put  to  death,  or  be  otherwise  punished  at  the  discretion  of  the 
court. 

"  SEC.  5.  Every  person,  being  a  commissioned  officer,  or  acting 
as  such  in*  the  service  of  the  enemy,  who  shall,  during  the  present 
war,  excite,  attempt  to  excite,  or  cause  to  be  excited,  a  servile  insur 
rection,  or  who  shall  incite,  or  cause  to  be  incited,  a  slave  or  rebel, 
shall,  if  captured,  be  put  to  death,  or  be  otherwise  punished  at  the  dis 
cretion  of  the  court. 

"  SEC.  6.  Every  person  charged  with  an  offence  punishable  un 
der  the  preceding  resolutions  shall,  during  the  present  war,  be  tried 
before  the  military  court  attached  to  the  army  or  corps  by  the  troops  of 
which  he  shall  have  been  captured,  or  by  such  other  military  court  as  the 


35^    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

President  may  direct,  and  in  such  manner  and  under  such  regulations 
as  the  President  shall  prescribe  ;  and,  after  conviction,  the  President  may 
commute  the  punishment  in  such  manner  and  on  such  terms  as  he  may 
deem  proper. 

"  SEC.  7.  All  negroes  and  mulattoes  who  shall  be  engaged  in 
war,  or  be  taken  in  arms  against  the  Confederate  States,  or  shall 
give  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  of  the  Confederate  States,  shall, 
when  captured  in  the  Confederate  States,  be  delivered  to  the  au 
thorities  of  the  State  or  States  in  which  they  shall  be  captured,  to 
be  dealt  with  according  to  the  present  or  future  laws  of  such  State 
or  States." 

This  document  stands  alone  among  the  resolves  of  the  civil 
ized  governments  of  all  Christendom.  White  persons  acting  as 
commissioned  officers  in  organizations  of  Colored  Troops  were 
to  "  be  put  to  death !  "  And  all  Negroes  and  Mulattoes  taken  in 
arms  against  the  Confederate  Government  were  to  be  turned  over 
to  the  authorities — civil,  of  course — of.  the  States  in  which  they 
should  be  captured,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  present  or 
future  laws  of  such  States !  Now,  what  were  the  laws  of  the 
Southern  States  respecting  Negroes  in  arms  against  white  people  ? 
The  most  cruel  death.  And  fearing  some  of  those  States  had 
modified  their  cruel  slave  Code,  the  States  were  granted  the  right 
to 'pass  ex  post  facto  laws  in  order  to  give  the  cold-blooded  mur 
der  of  captured  Negro  soldiers  the  semblance  of  law, — and  by  a 
civil  law  too.  Colored  soldiers  and  their  officers  had  been  butch 
ered  before  this  in  South  Carolina,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and 
Florida,  notwithstanding  the  rebels  were  the  first  to  arm  Negroes, 
as  has  been  already  shown.  If  the  Confederates  had  a  right  to 
arm  Negroes  and  include  them  in  their  armies,  why  could  not 
the  Federal  Government  pursue  the  same  policy  ?  But  the 
Rebel  Government  had  determined  upon  a  barbarous  policy 
in  dealing  with  captured  Negro  soldiers, — and  barbarous  as 
that  policy  was,  the  rebel  soldiers  exceeded  its  cruel  provisions 
tenfold.  Their  treatment  of  Negroes  was  perfectly  fiendish. 

But  what  was  the  attitude  of  the  Federal  Government  ?  Si 
lence,  until  the  butcheries  of  its  gallant  defenders  had  sickened 
the  civilized  world,  and  until  the  Christian  governments  of  Europe 
frowned  upon  the  inhuman  indifference  of  the  Government  that 
would  force  its  slaves  to  fight  its  battles  and  then  allow  them  to 
be  tortured  to  death  in  the  name  of  "  State  laws  !  "  Even  the 
most  conservative  papers  of  the  North  began  to  feel  that  some 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  353 

policy  ought  to  be  adopted  whereby  the  lives  of  Colored  soldiers 
could  be  protected  against  the  inhuman  treatment  bestowed  upon 
them  when  captured  by  the  rebels.  In  the  spring  of  1863,  the 
"  Tribune,"  referring  to  this  subject,  said,  editorially : 

"  The  Government  has  sent  Adj. -General  Thomas  to  the  West  with 
full  authority  to  arm  and  organize  the  negroes  for  service  against  the 
Rebels.  They  are  to  be  employed  to  protect  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  and  other  rivers  against  guerrillas,  and  as  garrisons  at  forti 
fied  posts,  and  are  evidently  destined  for  all  varieties  of  military  duty. 
Seven  thousand  soldiers  who  listened  to  this  announcement  at  Fort 
Curtis  received  it  with  satisfaction  and  applause.  Gen.  Thomas,  here 
tofore  known  as  opposed  to  this  and  all  similar  measures,  urged  in  his 
address  that  the  Blacks  should  be  treated  with  kindness  ;  declared  his 
belief  in  their  capacity,  and  informed  the  officers  of  the  army  that  no 
one  would  be  permitted  to  oppose  or  in  any  way  interfere  with  this 
policy  of  the  Government. 

"  It  is  not  directly  stated,  but  may  be  inferred  from  the  Despatch, 
that  the  negroes  are  not  to  be  encouraged  to  enlist,  but  are  to  be  drafted. 
At  all  events,  the  policy  of  the  Government  to  employ  Black  Troops  in 
active  service  is  definitely  established,  and  it  becomes — as  indeed  it 
has  been  for  months — a  very  serious  question  what  steps  are  to  be 
taken  for  their  protection.  The  Proclamation  of  Jefferson  Davis  re 
mains  unrevoked.  By  it  he  threatened  death  or  slavery  to  every  negro 
taken  in  arms,  and  to  their  white  officers  the  same  fate.  What  is  the 
response  of  our  Government?  Hitherto,  silence.  The  number  of 
negroes  in  its  service  has  already  increased  ;  in  South  Carolina  they 
have  already  been  mustered  into  regiments  by  a  sweepingpconscription, 
and  now  in  the  West  apparently  the  same  policy  is  adopted  and  rigor 
ously  enforced. 

Does  the  Government  mean  that  the  men  are  to  be  exposed  not 
merely  to  the  chances  of  battle,  but  to  the  doom  which  the  unanswered 
Proclamation  of  the  Rebel  President  threatens  ? 

"  Every  black  soldier  now  marches  to  battle  with  a  halter  about  his 
neck.  The  simple  question  is  :  Shall  we  protect  and  insure  the  ordi 
nary  treatment  of  a  prisoner  of  war  ?  Under  it,  every  negro  yet  capt 
ured  has  suffered  death  or  been  sent  back  to  the  hell  of  slavery  from 
which  he  had  escaped.  The  bloody  massacre  of  black  prisoners  at 
Murfreesboro,  brooked,  so  far  as  the  public  knows,  no  retaliation  at 
Washington.  The  black  servants  captured  at  Galveston — free  men  and 
citizens  of  Massachusetts — were  sold  into  slavery  and  remained  there. 
In  every  instance  in  which  they  have  had  the  opportunity,  the  rebels 
have  enforced  their  barbarous  proclamation.  How  much  longer  are 
they  to  be  suffered  to  do  it  without  remonstrance  ? 


354    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  Gen.  Hunter — at  this  moment  in  the  field, — General  Butler,  and 
hundreds  of  other  white  officers  are  included  in  this  Proclamation,  or 
were  previously  outlawed  and  adjudged  a  felon's  death.  Delay  re 
monstrance  much  longer,  and  retaliation  must  supersede  it.  If  the 
Government  wishes  to  be  spared  the  necessity  of  retaliating,  it  has  only 
to  say  that  it  will  retaliate — to  declare  by  proclamation  or  general  order 
that  all  its  soldiers  who  may  be  captured  must  receive  from  the  Rebels 
the  treatment  to  which,  as  prisoners  of  war,  they  are,  by  the  usages  of 
war,  entitled.  The  Government  can  know  no  distinction  of  color 
under  its  flag.  The  moment  a  soldier  shoulders  a  musket  he  is  invested 
with  every  military  right  which  belongs  to  a  white  soldier.  He  is  at 
least  and  above  all  things  entitled  to  the  safeguards  which  surround 
his  white  comrades. 

"  It  is  not  possible  to  suppose  the  Government  means  to  withhold 
them ;  we  only  urge  that  the  wisest,  safest,  and  humanest,  as  well  as 
the  most  honorable  policy,  is  at  once  to  announce  its  purpose."1 

The  able  article  just  quoted  had  a  wholesome  effect  upon 
many  thoughtful  men  at  the  South,  and  brought  the  blush  to 
the  cheek  of  the  nation.  A  few  of  the  Southern  journals  agreed 
with  Mr.  Greeley  that  the  resolves  of  the  Confederate  Congress 
were  unjustifiable ;  that  the  Congress  had  no  right  to  say  what 
color  the  Union  soldiers  should  be ;  and  that  such  action  would 
damage  their  cause  in  the  calm  and  humane  judgment  of  all 
Europe.  But  the  Confederate  Congress  was  unmoved  and  un- 
movable  upon  this  subject. 

Three  Colored  men  had  been  captured  in  Stone  River  on  the 
gun-boat  "  Isaac  Smith."  They  were  free  men  ;  but,  notwith 
standing  this,  they  were  placed  in  close  confinement  and  treated 
like  felons.  Upon  the  facts  reaching  the  ear  of  the  Government, 
Secretary  Stanton  took  three  South  Carolina  prisoners  and  had 
them  subjected  to  the  same  treatment,  and  the  facts  telegraphed 
to  the  Rebel  authorities.  Commenting  upon  the  question  of  the 
treatment  of  captured  Colored  soldiers  the  "  Richmond  Exam 
iner"  said: 

"  It  is  not  merely  the  pretension  of  a  regular  Government  affecting 
to  deal  with  '  Rebels,'  but  it  is  a  deadly  stab  which  they  are  aiming  at 
our  institutions  themselves — because  they  know  that,  it  we  were  in 
sane  enough  to  yield  this  point,  to  treat  Black  men  as  the  equals  of 
White,  and  insurgent  slaves  as  equivalent  to  our  brave  soldiers,  the  very 
foundation  of  Slavery  would  be  fatally  wounded." 

1  New  York  Tribune,  April  14,  1863. 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  355 

Shortly  after  this  occurrence  an  exchange  of  prisoners  took 
place  in  front  of  Charleston.  The  rebels  returned  only  white 
prisoners.  When  upbraided  by  the  Union  officers  for  not  ex 
changing  Negroes  the  reply  came  that  under  the  resolutions  of 
the  Confederate  Congress  they  could  not  deliver  up. any  Negro 
soldiers.  This  fact  stirred  the  heart  of  the  North,  and  caused 
the  Government  to  act.  The  following  order  was  issued  by  the 
President : 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,      ) 
•  "WASHINGTON,  July  30,  1863.  j 

"  It  is  the  duty  of  every  Government  to  give  protection  to  its  citi 
zens,  of  whatever  class,  color,  or  condition,  and  especially  to  those  who 
are  duly  organized  as  soldiers  in  the  public  service.  The  law  of  nations, 
and  the  usages  and  customs  of  war,  as  carried  on  by  civilized  powers, 
permit  no  distinction  as  to  color  in  the  treatment  of  prisoners  of  war  as 
public  enemies.  To  sell  or  enslave  any  captured  person,  on  account  of 
his  color,  and  for  no  offense  against  the  laws  of  war,  is  a  relapse  into 
barbarism,  and  a  crime  against  the  civilization  of  the  age. 

"The  Government  of  the  United  States  will  give  the  same  protec 
tion  to  all  its  soldiers  ;  and  if  the  enemy  shall  sell  or  enslave  any  one 
because  of  his  color,  the  offense  shall  be  'punished  by  retaliation  upon 
the  enemy's  prisoners  in  our  possession. 

"  It  is  therefore  ordered  that,  for  every  soldier  of  the  United  States 
killed  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  war,  a  Rebel  soldier  shall  be  executed  ; 
and  for  every  one  enslaved  by  the  enemy  or  sold  into  Slavery,  a  Rebel 
soldier  shall  be  placed  at  hard  labor  on  public  works,  and  continued  at 
such  labor  until  the  other  shall  be  released  and  receive  the  treatment 
due  to  a  prisoner  of  war. 

"  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
"  By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
"E.   D.  TOWNSEND,  Assistant  Adjutant- General" 

In  the  early  spring  of  1864,  there  was  a  great  deal  said  in  the 
Southern  journals  and  much  action  had  in  the  rebel  army  re 
specting  the  capture  and  treatment  of  Negro  soldiers.  The 
"  Richmond  Examiner  "  contained  an  account  of  the  battle  of 
Newbern,  North  Carolina,  in  which  the  writer  seemed  to  gloat 
over  the  fact  that  a  captured  Negro  had  been  hung  after  he  had 
surrendered.  It  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Gen.  Peck,  command 
ing  the  army  of  the  District  of  North  Carolina,  when  the  follow 
ing  correspondence  took  place  : 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

11  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY  AND  DISTRICT  OF  V 
"  NORTH  CAROUNA,  NEWBERN,  NORTH 

"CAROLINA,  Feb.  n.  1864.  ) 

"  Major-General  PICKETT,  Department  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina, 
"  Confederate  Army,  Petersburg. 

"  GENERAL  :  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  a  slip  cut  from  the  Rich 
mond  'Examiner,'  February  eighth,  1864.  It  is  styled  'The  Advance 
on  Newbern,'  and  appears  to  have  been  extracted  from  the  Petersburg 
*  Register,'  a  paper  published  in  the  city  where  your  headquarters  are 
located. 

"Your  attention  is  particularly  invited  to  that  paragraph  which 
states  *  that  Colonel  Shaw  was  shot  dead  by  a  negro  soldier  from  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  which  he  was  spanning  with  a  pontoon  bridge, 
and  that  '  the  negro  was  watched,  followed,  taken,  and  hanged  after 
the  action  at  Thomasville.' 

"  '  THE  ADVANCE  ON  NEWBERN. — The  Petersburg  "  Register  gives 
the  following  additional  facts  of  the  advance  on  Newbern  :  Our  army, 
according  to  the  report  of  passengers  arriving  from  Weldon,  has  fallen 
back  to  a  point  sixteen  miles  west  of  Newbern.  The  reason  assigned 
for  this  retrograde  movement  was  that  Newbern  could  not  be  taken  by 
us  without  a  loss  on  our  part  which  would  find  no  equivalent  in  its  capt 
ure,  as  the  place  was  stronger  than  we  had  anticipated.  Yet,  in  spite 
of  this,  we  are  sure  that  the  expedition  will  result  in  good  to  our  cause. 
Our  forces  are  in  a  situation  to  get  large  supplies  from  a  country  still 
abundant,  to  prevent  raids  on  points  westward,  and  keep  tories  in  check, 
and  hang  them  when  caught. 

" '  From  a  private,  who  was  one  of  the  guard  that  brought  the  batch 
of  prisoners  through,  we  learn  that  Colonel  Shaw  was  shot  dead  by  a 
negro  soldier  from  the  other  side  of  the  river,  which  he  was  spanning 
with  a  pontoon  bridge.  The  negro  was  watched,  followed,  taken,  and 
hanged  after  the  action  at  Thomasville.  It  is  stated  that  when  our 
troops  entered  Thomasville,  a  number  of  the  enemy  took  shelter  in  the. 
houses  and  fired  upon  them.  The  Yankees  were  ordered  to  surrender, 
but  refused,  whereupon  our  men  set  fire  to  the  houses,  and  their  occu 
pants  got,  bodily,  a  taste  in  this  world  of  the  flames  eternal.' 

"  The  Government  of  the  United  States  has  wisely  seen  fit  to  enlist 
many  thousand  colored  citizens  to  aid  in  putting  down  the  rebellion, 
and  has  placed  them  on  the  same  footing  in  all  respects  as  her  white 
troops. 

"  Believing  that  this  atrocity  has  been  perpetrated  without  your 
knowledge,  and  that  you  will  take  prompt  steps  to  disavow  this  violation 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  357 

of  the  usages  of  war,  and  to  bring  the  offenders  to  justice,  I  shall  re 
frain  from  executing  a  rebel  soldier  until  I  learn  your  action  in  the 
premises. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"JOHN  J.  PECK, 

"  Major-  General. ' ' 

REPLY  OF  GENERAL  PICKETT. 

"HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  NORTH      ) 
"CAROLINA,  PETERSBURG,  VIRGINIA,  February  16,  1864.  j 

"  Major-General  JOHN  J.  PECK,  U.  S.  A.,  Commanding  at  Newbern  : 

"  GENERAL  :  Your  communication  of  the  eleventh  of  February  is 
received.  I  have  the  honor  to  state  in  reply,  that  the  paragraph  from  a 
newspaper  inclosed  therein,  is  not  only  without  foundation  in  fact,  but 
so  ridiculous  that  I  should  scarcely  have  supposed  it  worthy  of  consid 
eration  ;  but  I  would  respectfully  inform  you  that  had  I  caught  any 
•negro,  who  had  killed  either  officer,  soldier,  or  citizen  of  the  Confederate 
States,  I  should  have  caused  him  to  be  immediately  executed. 

"  To  your  threat  expressed  in  the  following  extract  from  your  com 
munication,  namely  :  '  Believing  that  this  atrocity  has  been  perpetrated 
without  your  knowledge,  and  that  you  will  take  prompt  steps  to  disavow 
this  violation  of  the  usages  of  war,  and  to  bring  the  offenders  to  justice, 
I  shall  refrain  from  executing  a  rebel  soldier  until  I  learn  of  your  action 
in  the  premises,'  I  have  merely  to  say  that  I  have  in  my  hands  and 
subject  to  my  orders,  captured  in  the  recent  operations  in  this  depart 
ment,  some  four  hundred  and  fifty  officers  and  men  of  the  United  States 
army,  and  for  every  man  you  hang  I  will  hang  ten  of  the  United  States 
army. 

"  I  am,  General,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  E.  PICKETT, 
"  Major-General  Commanding"  * 

As  already  indicated,  some  of  the  Southern  journals  did  not 
endorse  the  extreme  hardships  and  cruelties  to  which  the  rebels 
subjected  the  captured  Colored  men.  During  the  month  of  July, 
1863,  quite  a  number  of  Colored  soldiers  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  on  Morris  and  James  islands.  The  rebels 
did  not  only  refuse  to  exchange  them  as  prisoners  of  war,  but 
treated  them  most  cruelly. 

On  this  very  important  subject,  in  reply  to  some  strictures  of 

1  Rebellion  Recs.,  vol.  viii.  Doc.  pp.  418,  419. 


358    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  Charleston  "  Mercury "  (made  under  misapprehension),  the 
Chief  of  Staff  of  General  Beauregard  addressed  to  that  journal 
the  following  letter: 

"  HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  S.  C,  GA.,  AND  FLA.,  , 
"CHARLESTON,  S.  C.,  August  12,  1863.  J 

"  Colonel  R.  B.  RHETT,  Jr.,  Editor  of  '  Mercury ': 

"  In  the  '  Mercury  of  this  date  you  appear  to  have  written  under 
a  misapprehension  of  the  facts  connected  with  the  present  status  of  the 
negroes  captured  in  arms  on  Morris  and  James  Islands,  which  permit 
me  to  state  as  follows : 

"  The  Proclamation  of  the  President,  dated  December  twenty-fourth, 
1862,  directed  that  all  negro  slaves  captured  in  arms  should  be  at  once 
delivered  over  to  the  executive  authorities  of  the  respective  States  to 
which  they  belong,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  laws  of  said  States. 

"  An  informal  application  was  made  by  the  State  authorities  for  the 
negroes  captured  in  this  vicinity  ;  but  as  none  of  them,  it  appeared,  had 
been  slaves  of  citizens  of  South  Carolina,  they  were  not  turned  over  to 
the  civil  authority,  for  at  the  moment  there  was  no  official  information 
at  these  headquarters  of  the  Act  of  Congress  by  which  *  all  negroes  and 
mulattoes,  who  shall  be  engaged  in  war,  or  be  taken  in  arms  against  the 
confederate  States,  or  shall  give  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  of  the 
confederate  States/  were  directed  to  be  turned  over  to  the  authorities 
of  '  State  or  States  in  which  they  shall  be  captured,  to  be  dealt  with 
according  to  the  present  or  future  laws  of  such  State  or  States.' 

"  On  the  twenty-first  of  July,  however,  the  Commanding  General 
telegraphed  to  the  Secretary  of  War  for  instructions  as  to  the  disposition 
to  be  made  of  the  negroes  captured  on  Morris  and  James  Islands,  and 
on  the  twenty-second  received  a  reply  that  they  must  be  turned  over  to 
the  State  authorities,  by  virtue  of  the  joint  resolutions  of  Congress  in 
question. 

"  Accordingly,  on  the  twenty-ninth  July,  as  soon  as  a  copy  of  the 
resolution  or  act  was  received,  his  Excellency  Governor  Bonham  was 
informed  that  the  negroes  captured  were  held  subject  to  his  orders,  to 
be  dealt  with  according  to  the  laws  of  South  Carolina. 

"  On  the  same  day  (twenty-ninth  July)  Governor  Bonham  requested 
that  they  should  be  retained  in  military  custody  until  he  could  make 
.arrangements  to  dispose  of  them  ;  and  in  that  custody  they  still  remain, 
awaiting  the  orders  of  the  State  authorities. 

"  Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"THOMAS  JORDAN, 

"  Chief  of  Staff." 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  359 

The  Proclamation  of  Jefferson  Davis,  referred  to  in  the  second 
paragraph  of  Mr.  Jordan's  letter,  had  declared  Gen.  Butler  "  a 
felon,  an  outlaw,  and  an  enemy  of  mankind."  It  recited  his 
hanging  of  Mumford  ;  the  neglect  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
explain  or  disapprove  the  act ;  the  imprisonment  of  non-comba 
tants  ;  Butler  s  woman  order ;  his  sequestration  of  estates  in 
Western  Louisiana ;  and  the  inciting  to  insurrection  and  arming 
of  slaves.  Mr.  Davis  directed  any  Confederate  officer  who  should 
capture  Gen.  Butler  to  hang  him  immediately  and  without  trial. 
Mr.  Davis's  proclamation  is  given  here,  as  history  is  bound  to  hold 
him  personally  responsible  for  the  cruelties  practised  upon  Negro 
soldiers  captured  by  the  rebels  from  that  time  till  the  close  of 
the  war. 

"  First.  That  all  commissioned  officers  in  the  command  of  said 
Benjamin  F.  Butler  be  declared  not  entitled  to  be  considered  as  soldiers 
engaged  in  honorable  warfare,  but  as  robbers  and  criminals,  deserving 
death  ;  and  that  they  and  each  of  them  be,  whenever  captured,  reserved 
for  execution.  m 

"  Second.  That  the  private  soldiers  and  non-commissioned  officers 
in  the  army  of  said  Butler  be  considered  as  only  the  instruments  used 
for  the  commission  of  crimes  perpetrated  by  his  orders,  and  not  as  free 
agents  ;  that  they,  therefore,  be  treated,  when  captured  as  prisoners  of 
war,  with  kindness  and  humanity,  and  be  sent  home  on  the  usual  parole 
that  they  will  in  no  manner  aid  or  serve  the  United  States  in  any  ca 
pacity  during  the  continuance  of  this  war,  unless  duly  exchanged. 

"  Third.  That  all  negro  slaves  captured  in  arms  be  at  once  deliv 
ered  over  to  the  executive  authorities  of  the  respective  States  to  which 
they  belong,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  laws  of  said  States. 

"  Fourth.  That  the  like  orders  be  executed  in  all  cases  with  respect 
to  all  commissioned  officers  of  the  United  States,  when  found  serving 
in  company  with  said  slaves  in  insurrection  against  the  authorities  of  the 
different  States  of  this  Confederacy. 

"  [Signed  and  sealed  at  Richmond,  Dec.  23,  1862.] 

"JEFFERSON  DAVIS." 

The  ghastly  horrors  of  Fort  Pillow  stand  alone  in  the  wide 
field  of  war  cruelties.  The  affair  demands  great  fortitude  in  the 
historian  who  would  truthfully  give  a  narrative  of  such  bloody, 
sickening  detail. 

On  the  1 8th  of  April,  1864,  Gen.  N.  B.  Forrest,  commanding 
a  corps  of  Confederate  cavalry,  appeared  before  Fort  Pillow,  situ- 


360    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

ated    about   forty  miles  above    Memphis,    Tennessee,    and    de 
manded  its  surrender.      It  was  held  by  Major  L.  F.  Booth,  with 
a  garrison  of  557  men,  262  of  whom  were  Colored  soldiers  of  the 
6th   U.  S.  Heavy  Artillery ;  the  other  troops  were   white,  under 
Major  Bradford   of  the   I3th  Tennessee  Cavalry.      The  garrison 
was  mounted  with  six  guns.    From  before  sunrise^intil  nine  A.M. 
the  Union  troops  had  held  an  outer  line  of  intrenchments  ;  but 
upon  the  death  of  Major  Booth  Major  Bradford  retired  his  force 
into  the  fort.       It  was  situated  upon  a  high  bluff  on  the  Missis 
sippi  River,  flanked  by  two  ravines  with  sheer  declivities  and  par 
tially  timbered.     The  gun-boat  "  New  Era  "  was  to  have  cooper 
ated  with  the  fort,  but  on   account  of  the  extreme  height  of  the 
bluff,  was   unable   to   do   much.      The   fighting  continued  until 
about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  firing  slackened  on 
both    sides   to  allow   the   guns  to   cool   off.     The   "  New  Era," 
nearly  out   of  shell,   backed   into  the  river  to   clean  her   guns. 
During  this  lull  Gen.  Forrest  sent  a  flag  of  truce  demanding  the 
unconditional  surrender  of  the  fort.      A  consultation  of  the  Fed 
eral  officers  was  held,  and  a  request  made  for  twenty  minutes  to 
consult  the   officers   of  the  gun-boat.     Gen.   Forrest  refused  to 
grant   this,  saying  that  he  only  demanded   the  surrender  of  the 
fort  and  not  the  gun-boat.       He  demanded  an  immediate  surren 
der,  which  was  promptly  declined  by   Major  Bradford.       During 
the   time  these  negotiations  were  going  on,  Forrest's  men  were 
stealing  horses,  plundering  the  buildings  in  front  of  the  fort,  and 
closing  in  upon   the   fort  through  the  ravines,  which  was  unsol- 
dierly  and  cowardly  to  say  the  least.     Upon  receiving  the  refusal 
of  Major  Booth  to  capitulate,  Forrest  gave  a  signal  and  his  troops 
made  a  frantic  charge  upon  the  fort.       It  was  received  gallantly 
and  resisted  stubbornly,  but  there  was  no  use  of  fighting.    In  ten 
minutes  the  enemy,  assaulting  the  fort  in  the  centre,  and  striking 
it  on    the  flanks,   swept    in.     The  Federal  troops  surrendered ; 
but  an  indiscriminate  massacre  followed.       Men  were  shot  down 
in  their  tracks  ;   pinioned  to  the  ground  with  bayonet  and  sa 
bre.      Some    were    clubbed    to    death    while  dying  of  wounds ; 
others  were  made  to  get  down  upon  their  knees,  in  which  con 
dition  they  were  shot  to  death.     Some  were  burned  alive,  hav 
ing  been  fastened  into    the    buildings,  while    still   others  were 
nailed  against  the  houses,  tortured,  and  then   burned  to  a  crisp, 
A   little   Colored    boy  only  eight    years    old   was    lifted  to  the 
horse  of  a  rebel  who  intended  taking  him  along  with  him,  when 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  361 

Gen.  Forrest  meeting  the  soldier  ordered  him  to  put  the  child 
down  and  shoot  him.  The  soldier  remonstrated,  but  the  stern 
and  cruel  order  was  repeated,  emphasized  with  an  oath,  and 
backed  with  a  threat  that  endangered  the  soldier's  life,  so  he 
put  the  child  on  the  ground  and  shot  him  dead !  From  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  until  the  merciful  darkness  came  and 
threw  the  sable  wings  of  night  over  the  carnival  of  death,  the 
slaughter  continued.  The  stars  looked  down  in  pity  upon  the 
dead — ah  !  they  were  beyond  the  barbarous  touch  of  the  rebel 
fiends — and  the  dying  ;  .and  the  angels  found  a  spectacle  worthy 
of  their  tears.  And  when  the  morning  looked  down  upon  the 
battle-field,  it  was  not  to  find  it  peaceful  in  death  and  the  human 
hyenas  gone.  Alas  !  those  who  had  survived  the  wounds  of  the 
day  before  were  set  upon  again  and  brained  or  shot  to  death. 

The  Committee  on  the  Conduct  and  Expenditures  of  the  War 
gave  this  "  Horrible  Massacre  "  an  investigation.  They  examined 
such  of  the  Union  soldiers  as  escaped  from  death  at  Fort  Pillow 
and  were  sent  to  the  Mound  City  Hospital,  Illinois.  The  follow 
ing  extracts  from  the  testimony  given  before  the  Committee,  the 
Hons.  Ben.  F.  Wade  and  D.  W.  Gooch,  give  something  of  an 
idea  of  this  the  most  cruel  and  inhuman  affair  in  the  history 
of  the  civilized  world. 

Manuel  Nichols  (Colored),  private,  Company  B,  Sixth  United 
States  Heavy  Artillery,  sworn  and  examined. 

By  Mr.  Gooch : 

Question.     Were  you  in  the  late  fight  at  Fort  Pillow  ? 

Answer.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     Were  you  wounded  there  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     When  ? 

A.     I  was  wounded  once  about  a  half  an  hour  before  we  gave  up. 

Q.     Did  they  do  any  thing  to  you  after  you  surrendered  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir  ;  they  shot  me  in  the  head  under  my  left  ear,  and  the 
morning  after  the  fight  they  shot  me  again  in  the  right  arm.  When 
they  came  up  and  killed  the  wounded  ones,  I  saw  some  four  or  five 
coming  down  the  hill.  I  said  to  one  of  our  boys  :  "  Anderson,  I  ex 
pect  if  those  fellows  come  here  they  will  kill  us."  I  was  lying  on  my 
right  side,  leaning  on  my  elbow.  One  of  the  black  soldiers  went  into 
the  house  where  the  white  soldiers  were.  I  asked  him  if  there  was  any 
water  in  there,  and  he  said  yes  ;  I  wanted  some,  and  took  a  stick  and 
tried  to  get  to  the  house.  I  did  not  get  to  the  house.  Some  of  them 


362    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

came  along,  and  saw  a  little  boy  belonging  to  Company  D.  One  of 
them  had  his  musket  on  his  shoulder,  and  shot  the  boy  down.  He 
said  :  "  All  you  damned  niggers  come  out  of  the  house  ;  I  am  going 
to  shoot  you."  Some  of  the  white  soldiers  said:  "  Boys,  it  is  only 
death  anyhow  ;  if  you  don't  go  out  they  will  come  in  and  carry  you 
out."  My  strength  seemed  to  come  to  me  as  if  I  had  never  been 
shot,  and  I  jumped  up  and  ran  down  the  hill.  I  met  one  of  them 
coming  up  the  hill  ;  he  said  :  "  Stop  !  "  but  I  kept  on  running.  As  I 
jumped  over  the  hill,  he  shot  me  through  the  right  arm. 

Q.     How  many  did  you  see  them  kill  after  they  had  surrendered  ? 

A.  After  I  surrendered  I  did  not  go  down  the  hill.  A  man  shot 
me  under  the  ear,  and  I  fell  down  and  said  to  myself  :  "  If  he  don't 
shoot  me  any  more  this  won't  hurt  me."  One  of  their  officers  came 
along  and  hallooed  :  "  Forrest  says  no  quarter  !  no  quarter  !  "  and 
the  next  one  hallooed  :  "  Black  flag  !  black  flag  !  " 

Q.     What  did  they  do  then  ? 

A.     They  kept  on  shooting.     I  could  hear  them  down  the  hill. 

Q.     Did  you  see  them  bury  any  body  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir  ;  they  carried  me  around  right  to  the  corner  of  the 
Fort,  and  I  saw  them  pitch  men  in  there. 

Q.     Was  there  any  alive  ? 

A.     I  did  not  see  them  bury  any  body  alive. 

Q.     How  near  to  you  was  the  man  who  shot  you  under  the  ear  ? 

A.  Right  close  to  my  head.  When  I  was  shot  in  the  side,  a  man 
turned  me  over,  and  took  my  pocket-knife  and  pocket-book.  I  had 
some  of  these  brass  things  that  looked  like  cents.  They  said  :  "  Here  's 
some  money;  here's  some  money."  I  said  to  myself:  "You  got 
fooled  that  time." 

Major  Williams  (Colored),  private,  Company  B,  Sixth  United 
States  Heavy  Artillery,  sworn  and  examined. 
By  the  Chairman : 

Q.  Where  were  you  raised  ? 

A.  In  Tennessee  and  North  Mississippi. 

Q.  Where  did  you  enlist  ? 

A.  In  Memphis. 

Q.  Who  was  your  captain  ? 

A.  Captain  Lamburg. 

Q.  Were  you  in  the  fight  at  Fort  Pillow? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Was  your  captain  with  you  ? 

A.  No,  sir  ;  I  think  he  was  at  Memphis. 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  363 

Q.     Who  commanded  your  company  ? 

A.  Lieutenant  Hunter  and  Sergeant  Fox  were  all  the  officers  we 
had. 

Q.     What  did  you  see  done  there  ? 

A.  We  fought  them  right  hard  during  the  battle,  and  killed  some 
of  them.  After  a  time  they  sent  in  a  flag  of  truce.  They  said  after 
ward  that  they  did  it  to  make  us  stop  firing  until  their  reinforcements 
could  come  up.  They  said  that  they  never  could  have  got  in  if  they 
had  not  done  that ;  that  we  had  whipped  them  ;  that  they  had  never 
seen  such  a  fight. 

Q.     Did  you  see  the  flag  of  truce  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     What  did  they  do  when  the  flag  of  truce  was  in  ? 

A.  They  kept  coming  up  nearer,  so  that  they  could  charge  quick.. 
A  heap  of  them  came  up  after  we  stopped  firing. 

Q.     When  did  you  surrender  ? 

A.     I  did  not  surrender  until  they  all  ran. 

Q.     Were  you  wounded  then  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir  ;  after  the  surrender. 

Q.     At  what  time  of  day  was  that  ? 

A.  They  told  me  it  was  about  half  after  one  o'clock,  I  was  wounded. 
Immediately  we  retreated. 

Q.     Did  you  have  any  arms  in  your  hands  when  they  shot  you  ? 

A.     No,  sir  ;  I  was  an  artillery  man,  and  had  no  arms. 

Q.     Did  you  see  the  man  who  shot  you  ? 

A.     No,  sir.' 

Q.     Did  you  hear  him  say  any  thing  ? 

A.  No,  sir  ;  I  heard  nothing.  He  shot  me,  and  I  was  bleeding 
pretty  free,  and  I  thought  to  myself :  "  I  will  make  out  it  was  a  dead 
shot,  and  maybe  I  will  not  get  another." 

Q.     Did  you  see  any  others  shot  ? 

A.     No,  sir. 

Q.     Was  there  any  thing  said  about  giving  quarter  ? 

A.  Major  Bradford  brought  in  a  black  flag,  which  meant  no  quar 
ter.  I  heard  some  of  the  rebel  officers  say  :  "  You  damned  rascals,  if 
you  had  not  fought  us  so  hard,  but  had  stopped  when  we  sent  in  a  flag 
of  truce,  we  would  not  have  done  any  thing  to  you."  I  heard  one  of 
the  officers  say:  "Kill  all  the  niggers";  another  one  said:  "No; 
Forrest  says  take  them  and  carry  them  with  him  to  wait  upon  him  and 
cook  for  him,  and  put  them  in  jail  and  send  them  to  their  masters." 
Still  they  kept  on  shooting.  They  shot  at  me  after  that,  but  did  not 
hit  me  ;  a  rebel  officer  shot  at  me.  He  took  aim  at  my  side  ;  at  the 
crack  of  his  pistol  I  fell.  He  went  on  and  said  :  "  There  's  another 
dead  nigger." 


364    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Q.     Was  there  any  one  shot  in  the  hospital  that  day  ? 

A.  Not  that  I  know  of.  I  think  they  all  came  away  and  made  a 
raft  and  floated  across  the  mouth  of  the  creek  and  got  into  a  flat 
bottom. 

Q.     Did  you  see  any  buildings  burned  ? 

A.  I  stayed  in  the  woods  all  day  Wednesday.  I  was  there  Thurs 
day  and  looked  at  the  buildings.  I  saw  a  great  deal  left  that  they  did 
not  have  a  chance  to  burn  up.  I  saw  a  white  man  burned  up  who  was 
nailed  up  against  the  house. 

Q.     A  private  or  an  officer  ? 

A.  An  officer ;  I  think  it  was  a  lieutenant  in  the  Tennessee  cav 
alry. 

Q.     How  was  he  nailed  ? 

A.     Through  his  hands  and  feet  right  against  the  house. 

Q.     Was  his  body  burned  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir  ;  burned  all  over — I  looked  at  him  good. 

Q.     When  did  you  see  that  ? 

A.     On  the  Thursday  after  the  battle. 

Q.     Where  was  the  man  ? 

A.     Right  in  front  of  the  Fort. 

Jacob  Thompson  (Colored),  sworn  and  examined. 
By  Mr.  Gooch : 

Q.     Were  you  a  soldier  at  Fort  Pillow  ? 

A.  No,  sir  ;  I  was  not  a  soldier  ;  but  I  went  up  in  the  Fort  and 
fought  with  the  rest.  I  was  shot  in  the  hand  and  the  head. 

Q.     When  were  you  shot  ? 

A.     After  I  surrendered. 

Q.     How  many  times  were  you  shot  ? 

A.  I  was  shot  but  once  ;  but  I  threw  my  hand  up,  and  the  shot 
went  through  my  hand  and  my  head. 

Q.     Who  shot  you  ? 

A.     A  private. 

Q.     What  did  he  say  ? 

A.     He  said  :  "  God  damn  you,  I  will  shoot  you,  old  friend." 

Q.     Did  you  see  anybody  else  shot  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir ;  they  just  called  them  out  like  dogs,  and  shot  them 
down.  I  reckon  they  shot  about  fifty,  white  and  black,  right  there. 
They  nailed  some  black  sergeants  to  the  logs,  and  set  the  logs  on  fire. 

Q.     When  did  you  see  that  ? 

A.  When  I  went  there  in  the  morning  I  saw  them  ;  they  were  burn 
ing  all  together. 


CAPTURE  OF  NEORO  SOLDIERS.  365 

Q.     Did  they  kill  them  before  they  burned  them  ? 

A.  No,  sir ;  they  nailed  them  to  the  logs  ;  drove  the  nails  right 
through  their  hands. 

Q.     How  many  did  you  see  in  that  condition  ? 

A.     Some  four  or  five  ;  I  saw  two  white  men  burned. 

Q.     Was  there  any  one  else  there  who  saw  that  ? 

A.     I  reckon  there  was  ;   I  could  not  tell  who. 

Q.     When  was  it  that  you  saw  them  ? 

A.  I  saw  them  in  the  morning  after  the  fight ;  some  of  them  were 
burned  almost  in  two.  I  could  tell  they  were  white  men,  because  they 
were  whiter  than  the  colored  men. 

Q.     Did  you  notice  how  they  were  nailed  ? 

A.  I  saw  one  nailed  to  the  side  of  a  house  ;  he  looked  like  he  was 
nailed  right  through  his  wrist.  I  was  trying  then  to  get  to  the  boat 
when  I  saw  it. 

Q.     Did  you  see  them  kill  any  white  men  ? 

"  A.  They  killed  some  eight  or  nine  there.  I  reckon  they  killed  more 
than  twenty  after  it  was  all  over ;  called  them  out  from  under  the  hill, 
and  shot  them  down.  They  would  call  out  a  white  man  and  shoot  him 
down,  and  call  out  a  colored  man  and  shoot  him  down  ;  do  it  just  as 
fast  as  they  could  make  their  guns  go  off. 

Q.  Did  you  see  any  rebel  officers  about  there  when  this  was  going 
on  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir  ;  old  Forrest  was  one. 

Q.     Did  you  know  Forrest  ? 

A:  Yes,  sir  ;  he  was  a  little  bit  of  a  man.  I  had  seen  him  before 
at  Jackson. 

Ransom  Anderson  (Colored),  Company  B,  Sixth  United  States 
Heavy  Artillery,  sworn  and  examined. 
By  Mr.  Gooch: 

Q.  Where  were  you  raised  ? 

A.  In  Mississippi. 

Q.  Were  you  a  slave  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Where  did  you  enlist  ? 

A.  At  Corinth. 

Q.  Were  you  in  the  fight  at  Fort  Pillow  t 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Describe  what  you  saw  done  there. 

A.  Most  all  the  men  that  were  killed  on  our  side  were  killed  after 
the  fight  was  over.  They  called  them  out  and  shot  them  down.  Then 


366   HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

they  put  some  in  the  houses  and  shut  them  up,  and  then  burned  the 
houses. 

Q.     Did  you  see  them  burn  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     Were  any  of  them  alive  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir  ;  they  were  woun4ed,  and  could  not  walk.  They  put 
them  in  the  houses,  and  then  burned  the  houses  down. 

Q.     Do  you  know  they  were  in  there  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir  ;  I  went  and  looked  in  there. 

Q.     Do  you  know  they  were  in  there  when  the  house  was  burned  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir  ;  I  heard  them  hallooing  there  when  the  houses  were 
burning. 

Q.  Are  you  sure  they  were  wounded  men,  and  not  dead  men,  when 
they  were  put  in  there  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir  ;  they  told  them  they  were  going  to  have  the  doctor  see 
them,  and  then  put  them  in  there  and  shut  them  up,  and  burned  them. 

Q.     Who  set  the  house  on  fire  ? 

A.  I  saw  a  rebel  soldier  take  some  grass  and  lay  it  by  the  door, 
and  set  it  on  fire.  The  door  was  pine  plank,  and  it  caught  easy. 

Q.     Was  the  door  fastened  up  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir  ;  it  was  barred  with  one  of  those  wide  bolts. 

James  Walls,  sworn  and  examined. 
By  Mr.  Gooch : 

• 

Q.     To  what  company  did  you  belong  ? 

A.     To  Company  E,  Thirteenth  Tennessee  Cavalry. 

Q.     Under  what  officers  did  you  serve  ? 

A.     I  was  under  Major  Bradford  and  Captain  Potter. 

Q.     Were  you  in  the  fight  at  Fort  Pillow  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.  State  what  you  saw  there  of  the  fight,  and  what  was  done  after 
the  place  was  captured. 

A.  We  fought  them  for  some  six  or  eight  hours  in  the  Fort,  and 
when  they  charged  our  men  scattered  and  ran  under  the  hill ;  some 
turned  back  and  surrendered,  and  were  shot.  After  the  flag  of  truce 
came  in  I  went  down  to  get  some  water.  As  I  was  coming  back  I 
turned  sick,  and  laid  down  behind  a  log.  The  secesh  charged,  and 
after  they  came  over  I  saw  one  go  a  good  ways  ahead  of  the  others. 
One  of  our  men  made  to  him  and  threw  down  his  arms.  The  bullets 
were  flying  so  thick  there  I  thought  I  could  not  live  there,  so  I  threw 
down  my  arms  and  surrendered.  He  did  not  shoot  me  then,  but  as  I 
turned  around  he  or  some  other  one  shot  me  in  the  back 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  367 

Q.     Did  they  say  any  thing  while  they  were  shooting? 

A.  All  I  heard  was  :  "  Shoot  him,  shoot  him  !  "  "  Yonder  he  goes  !  " 
"  Kill  him,  kill  him  !  "  That  is  about  all  I  heard. 

Q.  How  many  do  you  suppose  you  saw  shot  after  they  sur 
rendered  ? 

A.  I  did  not  see  but  two  or  three  shot  around  me.  One  of  the  boys 
of  our  company,  named  Taylor,  ran  up  there,  and  I  saw  him  shot  and 
fall.  Then  another  was  shot  just  before  me,  like — shot  down  after  he 
threw  down  his  arms. 

Q.     Those  were  white  men  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir.  I  saw  them  make  lots  of  niggers  stand  up,  and  then 
they  shot  them  down  like  hogs.  The  next  morning  I  was  lying  around 
there  waiting  for  the  boat  to  come  up.  The  secesh  would  be  prying 
around  there,  and  would  come  to  a  nigger,  and  say  :  "  You  ain't  dead, 
•are  you  ? "  They  would  not  say  any  thing  ;  and  then  the  secesh 
would  get  down  off  their  horses,  prick  them  in  their  sides,  and  say  : 
"  Damn  you,  you  ain't  dead  ;  get  up."  Then  they  would  make  them 
get  up  on  their  knees,  when  they  would  shoot  them  down  like  hogs. 

Q.  Did  you  see  any  rebel  officers  about  while  this  shooting  was 
going  on  ? 

A.  I  do  not  know  as  I  saw  any  officers  about  when  they  were  shoot 
ing  the  negroes.  A  captain  came  to  me  a  few  minutes  after  I  was  shot ; 
he  was  close  by  me  when  I  was  shot. 

Q      Did  he  try  to  stop  the  shooting  ? 

A.  I  did  not  hear  a  word  of  their  trying  to  stop  it.  After  they 
were  shot  down,  he  told  them  not  to  shoot  them  any  more.  I  begged 
him  not  to  let  them  shoot  me  again,  and  he  said  they  would  not.  One 
man,  after  he  was  shot  down,  was  shot  again.  After  I  was  shot  down, 
the  man  I  surrendered  to  went  around  the  tree  I  was  against  and  shot  a 
man,  and  then  came  around  to  me  again  and  wanted  my  pocket-book. 
I  handed  it  up  to  him,  and  he  saw  my  watch-chain  and  made  a  grasp  at 
it,  and  got  the  watch  and  about  half  the  chain.  He  took  an  old  Barlow 
knife  I  had  in  my  pocket.  It  was  not  worth  five  cents  ;  was  of  no  ac 
count  at  all,  only  to  cut  tobacco  with. 

Lieutenant  McJ.  Leming,  sworn  and  examined. 
By  Mr.  Gooch-. 

Q.     Were  you  in  the  fight  at  Fort  Pillow  ? 
A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     What  is  your  rank  and  position  ? 

A.  I  am  a  First  Lieutenant  and  Adjutant  of  the  Thirteenth  Tennes 
see  Cavalry.  A  short  time  previous  to  the  fight  I  was  Post-Adjutant  at 


368    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Fort  Pillow,  and  during  most  of  the  engagement  I  was  acting  as  Post- 
Adjutant.  After  Major  Booth  was  killed,  Major  Bradford  was  in  com 
mand.  The  pickets  were  driven  in  just  before  sunrise,  which  was  the 
first  intimation  we  had  that  the  enemy  were  approaching.  I  repaired  to 
the  Fort,  and  found  that  Major  Booth  was  shelling  the  rebels  as  they 
came  up  toward  the  outer  intrenchments.  They  kept  up  a  steady  fire 
by  sharp-shooters  behind  trees  and  logs  and  high  knolls.  The  Major 
thought  at  one  time  they  were  planting  some  artillery,  or  looking  for 
places  to  plant  it.  They  began  to  draw  nearer  and  nearer,  up  to  the  time 
our  men  were  all  drawn  into  the  Fort.  Two  companies  of  the  Thirteenth, 
Tennessee  Cavalry  were  ordered  out  as  sharp-shooters,  but  were  finally  or 
dered  in.  We  were  pressed  on  all  sides. 

I  think  Major  Booth  fell  not  later  than  nine  o'clock.  His  Adjutant, 
who  was  then  acting  Post-Adjutant,  fell  near  the  same  time.  Major 
Bradford  then  took  the  command,  and  I  acted  as  Post-Adjutant.  Pre 
vious  to  this,  Major  Booth  had  ordered  some  buildings  in  front  of  the 
Fort  to  be  destroyed,  as  the  enemy's  sharp- shootejs  were  endeavoring  to 
get  possession  of  them.  There  were  four  rows  of  buildings,  but  only 
the  row  nearest  the  fort  was  destroyed  ;  the  sharp-shooters  gained  pos 
session  of  the  others  before  they  could  be  destroyed.  The  fight  con 
tinued,  one  almost  unceasing  fire  all  the  time,  until  about  three  o'clock. 
They  threw  some  shells,  but  they  did  not  do  much  damage  with  their 
shells. 

I  think  it  was  about  three  o'clock  that  a  flag  of  truce  approached.  I 
went  out,  accompanied  by  Captain  Young,  the  Provost-Marshal  of  the 
post.  There  was  another  officer,  I  think,  but  I  do  not  recollect  now  par 
ticularly  who  it  was,  and  some  four  mounted  men.  The  rebels  announced 
that  they  had  a  communication  from  General  Forrest.  One  of  their 
officers  there,  I  think,  from  his  dress,  was  a  colonel.  I  received  the 
communication,  and  they  said  they  would  wait  for  an  answer.  As  near 
as  I  remember,  the  communication  was  as  follows  : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  CONFEDERATE  CAVALRY,  \ 
"NEAR  FORT  PILLOW,  April  12,  1864.      j 

"  As  your  gallant  defence  of  the  Fort  has  entitled  you  to  the  treat 
ment  of  brave  men  [or  something  to  that  effect],  I  now  demand  an 
unconditional  surrender  of  your  force,  at  the  same  time  assuring  you 
that  they  will  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war.  I  have  received  a  fresh 
supply  of  ammunition,  and  can  easily  take  your  position. 

"N.  B.  FORREST. 
"  Major  L.  F.  BOOTH, 

"  Commanding  United  States  Forces" 

I  took  this  message  back  to  the  Fort.  Major  Bradford  replied 
that  he  desired  an  hour  for  consultation  and  consideration  with  his 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  369 

officers  and  the  officers  of  the  gun-boat.  I  took  out  this  communication 
to  them,  and  they  carried  it  back  to  General  Forrest.  In  a  few  minutes 
another  flag  of  truce  appeared,  and  I  went  out  to  meet  it.  Some  one 
said,  when  they  handed  the  communication  to  me  :  "  That  gives  you 
twenty  minutes  to  surrender  ;  I  am  General  Forrest."  I  took  it  back. 
The  substance  of  it  was  :  "  Twenty  minutes  will  be  given  you  to  take 
your  men  outside  of  the  Fort.  If  in  that  time  they  are  not  out,  I  will, 
immediately  proceed  to  assault  your  works,"  or  something  of  that  kind. 
To  this  Major  Bradford  replied  :  "  I  will  not  surrender."  I  took  it  out 
in  a  sealed  envelope,  and  gave  it  to  him.  The  general  opened  it  and 
read  it.  Nothing  was  said  ;  we  simply  saluted,  and  they  went  their  way, 
and  I  returned  back  into  the  Fort. 

Almost  instantly  the  firing  began  again.  We  mistrusted,  while  this 
flag  of  truce  was  going  on,  that  they  were  taking  horses  out  at  a.  camp 
we  had.  It  was  mentioned  to  them,  the  last  time  that  this  and  other 
movements  excited  our  suspicion,  that  they  were  moving  their  troops. 
They  said  that  they  had  noticed  it  themselves,  and  had  it  stopped  ; 
that  it  was  unintentional  on  their  part,  and  that  it  should  not  be 
repeated. 

It  was  not  long  after  the  last  flag  of  truce  had  retired,  that  they 
made  their  grand  charge.  We  kept  them  back  for  several  minutes. 

What  was  called  brigade  or  battalion  attacked  the  centre  of  the 

Fort  where  several  companies  of  colored  troops  were  stationed.  They 
finally  gave  way,  and,  before  we  could  fill  up  the  breach,  the  enemy  got 
inside  the  Fort,  and  then  they  came  in  on  the  other  two  sides,  and  had 
complete  possession  of  the  Fort.  In  the  mean  time  nearly  all  the 
officers  had  been  killed,  especially  of  the  colored  troops,  and  there  was 
no  one  hardly  to  guide  the  men.  They  fought  bravely  indeed  until 
that  time.  I  do  not  think  the  men  who  broke  had  a  commissioned 
officer  over  them.  They  fought  with  the  most  determined  bravery,  until 
the  enemy  gained  possession  of  the  Fort.  They  kept  shooting  all  the 
time.  The  negroes  ran  down  the  hill  toward  the  river,  but  the  rebels 
kept  shooting  them  as  they  were  running  ;  shot  some  again  after  they 
had  fallen  ;  robbed  and  plundered  them.  After  every  thing  was  all  gone, 
after  we  had  given  up  the  Fort  entirely,  the  guns  thrown  away  and  the 
firing  on  our  part  stopped,  they  still  kept  up  their  murderous  fire,  more 
especially  on  the  colored  troops,  I  thought,  although  the  white  troops 
suffered  a  great  deal.  I  know  the  colored  troops  had  a  great  deal  the 
worst  of  it.  I  saw  several  shot  after  they  were  wounded  ;  as  they  were 
crawling  around,  the  secesh  would  step  out  and  blow  their  brains  out. 

About  this  time  they  shot  me.  It  must  have  been  four  or  half-past 
four  o'clock.  I  saw  there  was  no  chance  at  all,  and  threw  down  my 
sabre.  A  man  took  deliberate  aim  at  me,  but  a  short  distance  from  me, 
certainly  not  more  than  fifteen  paces,  and  shot  me. 


370    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Q.     With  a  musket  or  pistol  ? 

A.  I  think  it  was  a  carbine  ;  it  may  have  been  a  musket,  but  my  im 
pression  is,  that  it  was  a  carbine.  Soon  after  I  was  shot  I  was  robbed. 
A  secesh  soldier  came  along,  and  wanted  to  know  if  I  had  any  greenbacks. 
I  gave  him  my  pocket-book.  I  had  about  a  hundred  dollars,  I  think, 
more  or  less,  and  a  gold  watch  and  gold  chain.  They  took  every  thing 
in  the  way  of  valuables  that  I  had.  I  saw  them  robbing  others.  That 
seemed  to  be  the  general  way  they  served  the  wounded,  so  far  as  regards 
those  who  fell  in  my  vicinity.  Some  of  the  colored  troops  jumped  into 
the  river,  but  were  shot  as  fast  as  they  were  seen.  One  poor  fellow  was 
shot  as  he  reached  the  bank  of  the  river.  They  ran  down  and  hauled 
him  out.  He  got  on  his  hands  and  knees,  and  was  crawling  along,  when 
a  secesh  soldier  put  his  revolver  to  his  head,  and  blew  his  brains  out. 
It  was  about  the  same  thing  all  along,  until  dark  that  night. 

I  was  very  weak,  but  I  finally  found  a  rebel  who  belonged  to  a 
society  that  I  am  a  member  of  (the  Masons),  and  he  got  two  of  our 
colored  soldiers  to  assist  me  up  the  hill,  and  he  brought  me  some 
water.  At  that  time  it  was  about  dusk.  He  carried  me  up  just  to  the 
edge  of  the  Fort,  and  laid  me  down.  There  seemed  to  be  quite  a  num 
ber  of  dead  collected  there.  They  were  throwing  them  into  the  out 
side  trench,  and  I  heard  them  talking  about  burying  them  there.  I 
heard  one  of  them  say  :  "  There  is  a  man  who  is  not  quite  dead  yet." 
They  buried  a  number  there  ;  I  do  not  know  how  many. 

I  was  carried  that  night  to  a  sort  of  little  shanty  that  the  rebels  had 
occupied  during  the  day  with  their  sharp-shooters.  I  received  no  med 
ical  attention  that  night  at  all.  The  next  morning  early  I  heard  the 
report  of  cannon  down  the  river.  It  was  the  gun-boat  28  coming  up 
from  Memphis ;  she  was  shelling  the  rebels  along  the  shore  as  she 
came  up.  The  rebels  immediately  ordered  the  burning  of  all  the 
buildings,  and  ordered  the  two  buildings  where  the  wounded  were  to  be 
fired.  Some  one  called  to  the  officer  who  gave  the  order,  and  said 
there  were  wounded  in  them.  The  building  I  was  in  began  to  catch 
fire.  I  prevailed  upon  one  of  our  soldiers  who  had  not  been  hurt 
much  to  draw  me  out,  and  I  think  others  got  the  rest  out.  They  drew 
us  down  a  little  way,  in  a  sort  of  gully,  and  we  lay  there  in  the  hot 
sun  without  water  or  any  thing. 

About  this  time  a  squad  of  rebels  came  around,  it  would  seem  for 
the  purpose  of  murdering  what  negroes  they  could  find.  They  began 
to  shoot  the  wounded  negroes  all  around  there,  interspersed  with  the 
whites.  I  was  lying  a  little  way  from  a  wounded  negro,  when  a 
secesh  soldier  came  up  to  him,  and  said  :  "  What  in  hell  are  you  doing 
here  ?  "  The  colored  soldier  said  he  wanted  to  get  on  the  gun-boat. 
The  secesh  soldier  said  :  "  You  want  to  fight  us  again,  do  you  ? 
Damn  you,  I  '11  teach  you,"  and  drew  up  his  gun  and  shot  him  dead. 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  371 

Another  negro  was  standing'up -.erect  a  little  way  from  me — he  did  not 
seem  to  be  hurt  much.  The  rebel  loaded  his  gun  again  immediately. 
The  negro  begged  of  him  not  to  shoot  him,  but  he  drew  up  his  gun 
and  took  deliberate  aim  at  his  head.  The  gun  snapped,  but  he  fixed  it 
again,  and  then  killed  him.  I  saw  this.  I  heard  them  shooting  all 
around  there — I  suppose  killing  them 

By  the  Chairman : 

Q.  Do  you  know  of  any  rebel  officers  going  on  board  our  gun-boat 
after  she  came  up  ? 

A.  I  don't  know  about  the  gun-boat,  but  I  saw  some  of  them  on 
board  the-"  Platte  Valley,"  after  I  had  been  carried  on  her.  They  came 
on  board,  and  I  think  went  into  drink  with  some  of  our  officers.  I 
think  one  of  the  rebel  officers  was  General  Chalmers. 

Q.     Do  you  know  what  officers  of  ours  drank  with  them  ? 

A.     I  do  not. 

Q.  You  know  that  they  did  go  on  board  the  "  Platte  Valley  "  and 
drink  with  some  of  our  officers  ? 

A.  I  did  not  see  them  drinking  at  the  time,  but  I  have  no  doubt 
they  did  ;  that  was  my  impression  from  all  I  saw,  and  I  thought  our 
officers  might  have  been  in  better  business. 

Q.     Were  our  officers  treating  these  rebel  officers  with  attention  ? 

A.  They  seemed  to  be  ;  I  did  not  see  much  of  it,  as  they  passed 
along  by  me. 

Q.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  the  conduct  of  the  privates,  in 
murdering  our  soldiers  after  they  had  surrendered,  seemed  to  have  the 
approval  of  their  officers  ? 

A.  I  did  not  see  much  of  their  officers,  especially  during  the  worst 
of  those  outrages  ;  they  seemed  to  be  back. 

Q.  Did  you  observe  any  effort  on  the  part  of  their  officers  to  sup 
press  the  murders  ? 

A.  No,  sir  ;  I  did  not  see  any  where  I  was  first  carried  ;  just  about 
dusk,  all  at  once  several  shots  were  fired  just  outside.  The  cry  was  : 
"They  are  shooting  the  darkey  soldiers."  I  heard  an  officer  ride  up 
and  say  :  "  Stop  that  firing  ;  arrest  that  man."  I  suppose  it  was  a 
rebel  officer,  but  I  -do  not  know.  It  was  reported  to  me,  at  the  time, 
that  several  darkeys  were  shot  then.  An  officer  who  stood  by  me,  a 
prisoner,  said  that  they  had  been  shooting  them,  but  that  the  general 
had  had  it  stopped. 

Q.     Do  you  know  of  any  of  our  men  in  the  hospital  being  murdered  ? 

A.     I  do  not. 

Q.  Do  you  know  any  thing  of  the  fate  of  your  Quartermaster, 
Lieutenant  Akerstrom  ? 


372    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

A.  He  was  one  of  the  officers  who  went  with  me  to  meet  the  flag  of 
truce  the  last  time.  I  do  not  know  what  became  of  him  ;  that  was 
about  the  last  I  saw  of  him.  I  heard  that  he  was  nailed  to  a  board 
and  burned,  and  I  have  very  good  reason  for  believing  that  was  the 
case,  although  I  did  not  see  it.  The  First  Lieutenant  of  Company  D 
of  my  regiment  says  that  he  has  an  affidavit  to  that  effect  of  a  man 
who  saw  it. 

Francis  A.  Alexander,  sworn  and  examined. 
By  the  Chairman : 

Q.     To  what  company  and  regiment  do  you  belong? 

A.     Company  C,  Thirteenth  Tennessee  Cavalry. 

Q.     Were  you  at  Fort  Pillow  at  the  fight  there  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     Who  commanded  your  regiment  ? 

A.  Major  Bradford  commanded  the  regiment,  and  Lieutenant 
Logan  commanded  our  company. 

Q.     By  what  troops  was  the  Fort  attacked  ? 

A.     Forrest  was  in  command.     I  saw  him. 

Q.     Did  you  know  Forrest  ? 

A.  I  saw  him  there,  and  they  all  said  it  was  Forrest.  Their  own 
men  said  so. 

Q.     By  what  troops  was  the  charge  made 

A.     They  are  Alabamians  and  Texans. 

Q.     Did  you  see  any  thing  of  a  flag  of  truce  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     State  what  was  done  while  the  flag  of  truce  was  in. 

A.  When  the  flag  of  truce  came  up  our  officers  went  out  and  held 
a  consultation,  and  it  went  back.  They  came  in  again  with  a  flag  of 
truce  ;  and  while  they  were  consulting  the  second  time,  their  troops 
were  coming  up  a  gap  or  hollow,  where  we  could  have  cut  them  to 
pieces.  They  tried  it  before,  but  could  not  do  it.  I  saw  them  come  up 
there  while  the  flag  of  truce  was  in  the  second  time. 

Q.     That  gave  them  an  advantage  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     Were  you  wounded  there  ? 

A.  Not  in  the  Fort.  I  was  wounded  after  I  left  the  Fort,  and  was 
going  down  the  hill. 

Q.     Was  that  before  or  after  the  Fort  was  taken  ? 

A.     It  was  afterward. 

Q.     Did  you  have  any  arms  in  your  hand  at  the  time  they  shot  you? 

A.  No,  sir  ;  I  threw  my  gun  away,  and  started  down  the  hill,  and 
got  about  twenty  yards,  when  I  was  shot  through  the  calf  of  the  leg. 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  373 

Q.     Did  they  shoot  you  more  than  once  ? 

A.     No,  sir  ;  they  shot  at  me,  but  did  not  hit  me  more  than  once. 

Q.     Did  they  say  why  they  shot  you  after  you  had  surrendered  ? 

A.  They  said  afterward  they  intended  to  kill  us  all  for  being  there 
with  their  niggers. 

Q.  Were  any  rebel  officers  there  at  the  time  this  shooting  was  going 
on  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.     Did  they  try  to  stop  it  ? 

A.     One  or  two  of  them  did. 

Q.     What  did  the  rest  of  them  do  ? 

A.  They  kept  shouting  and  hallooing  at  the  men  to  give  no  quar 
ter.  I  heard  that  cry  very  frequent. 

Q.     Was  it  the  officers  that  said  that  ? 

A.  I  think  it  was.  I  think  it  was  them,  the  way  they  were  going 
on.  When  our  boys  were  taken  prisoners,  if  anybody  came  up  who 
knew  them,  they  shot  them  down.  As  soon  as  ever  they  recognized 
them,  wherever  it  was,  they  shot  them. 

Q.     After  they  had  taken  them  prisoners  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Did  you  know  any  thing  about  their  shooting  men  in  the  hos 
pitals  ? 

A.  I  know  of  their  shooting  negroes  in  there.  I  don't  know  about 
white  men. 

Q.     Wounded  negro  men  ? 

A.     Yes,  sir. 

Q.  •  Who  did  that  ? 

A.  Some  of  their  troops.  I  don't  know  which  of  them.  The  next 
morning  I  saw  several  black  people  shot  that  were  wounded,  and  some 
that  were  not  wounded.  One  was  going  down  the  hill  before  me,  and: 
the  officer  made  him  come  back  up  the  hill ;  and  after  I  got  in  the 
boat  I  heard  them  shooting  them. 

Q.  You  say  you  saw  them  shoot  negroes  in  the  hospital  the  next 
morning  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir  ;  wounded  negroes  who  could  not  get  along  ;  one  with 
his  leg  broke.  They  came  there  the  next  day  and  shot  him. 

John  F.  Ray,  sworn  and  examined. 
By  Mr.  Gooch  : 

Q.  To  what  company  and  regiment  do  you  belong? 

A.  Company  B,  Thirteenth  Tennessee  Cavalry. 

Q.  Were  you  at  Fort  Pillow  when  it  was  attacked  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 


374    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Q.     At  what  time  were  you  wounded  ? 

A.  I  was  wounded  about  two  o'clock,  after  the  rebels  got  in  the 
breastworks. 

Q.     Was  it  before  or  after  you  had  surrendered  t 

A.     It  was  after  I  threw  down  my  gun,  as  they  all  started  to  run. 

Q.     Will  you  state  what  you  saw  there  ? 

A.  After  I  surrendered  they  shot  down  a  great  many  white  fellows 
right  close  to  me — ten  or  twelve,  I  suppose — and  a  great  many  negroes, 
too. 

Q.  How  long  did  they  keep  shooting  our  men  after  they  surren 
dered  ? 

A.  I  heard  guns  away  after  dark  shooting  all  that  evening,  some 
where  ;  they  kept  up  a  regular  fire  for  a  long  time,  and  then  I  heard 
the  guns  once  in  a  while. 

Q.     Did  you  see  any  one  shot  the  next  day  ? 

A.     I  did  not ;  I  was  in  a  house,  and  could  not  get  up  at  all. 

Q.  Do  you  know  what  became  of  the  Quartermaster  of  your  regi 
ment,  Lieutenant  Akerstrom  ? 

A.     He  was  shot  by  the  side  of  me. 

Q.     Was  he  killed  ? 

A.  I  thought  so  at  the  time  ;  he  fell  on  his  'face.  He  was  shot  in 
the  forehead,  and  I  thought  he  was  killed.  I  heard  afterward  he  was 
not. 

Q.  Did  you  notice  any  thing  that  took  place  while  the  flag  of  truce 
was  in  ? 

A.  I  saw  the  rebels  slipping  up  and  getting  in  the  ditch  along  our 
breastworks. 

Q.     How  near  did  they  come  up  ? 

A.  They  were  right  at  us  ;  right  across  from  the  breastworks.  I 
asked  them  what  they  were  slipping  up  there  for.  They  made  answer 
that  they  knew  their  business. 

Q.     Are  you  sure  this  was  done  while  the  flag  of  truce  was  in  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir.  There  was  no  firing  ;  we  could  see  all  around  ;  we 
could  see  them  moving  up  all  around  in  large  force. 

Q.     Was  any  thing  said  about  it  except  what  you  said  to  the  rebels  ? 

A  I  heard  all  our  boys  talking  about  it.  I  heard  some  of  our 
officers  remark,  as  they  saw  it  coming,  that  the  white  flag  was  a  bad 
thing  ;  that  they  were  slipping  on  us.  I  believe  it  was  Lieutenant 
Akerstrom  that  I  heard  say  it  was  against  the  rules  of  war  for  them  to 
come  up  in  that  way. 

Q.     To  whom  did  he  say  that  ? 

A.     To  those  fellows  coming  up  ;  they  had  officers  with  them. 

Q.  Was  Lieutenant  Akerstrom  shot  before  or  after  he  had  surren 
dered  ? 


CAPTURE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS.  375 

A.  About  two  minutes  after  the  flag  of  truce  went  back,  during  the 
action. 

Q.  Do  you  think  of  any  thing  else  to  state  ?  If  so,  go  on  and 
state  it. 

A.  I  saw  a  rebel  lieutenant  take  a  little  negro  1  boy  up  on  the  horse 
behind  him  ;  and  then  I  heard  General  Chalmers — I  think  it  must  have 
been — tell  him  to  "  Take  that  negro"  down  and  shoot  him,"  or  "Take 
him  and  shoot  him,"  and  he  passed  him  down  and  shot  him. 

Q.     How  large  was  the  boy  ? 

A.  He  was  not  more  than  eight  years  old.  I  heard  the  lieutenant 
tell  the  other  that  the  negro  was  not  in  the  service  ;  that  he  was  noth 
ing  but  a  child  ;  that  he  was  pressed  and  brought  in  there.  The  other 
one  said  :  "  Damn  the  difference  ;  take  him  down  and  shoot  him,  or  I 
will  shoot  him."  I  think  it  must  have  been  General  Chalmers.  He 
was  a  smallish  man  ;  he  had  on  a  long  gray  coat,  with  a  star  on  his  coat.8 

The  country  and  the  world  stood  aghast.  The  first  account 
of  this  human  butchery  was  too  much  for  credence  :  after  a  while 
the  truth  began  to  dawn  upon  the  country ;  and  at  last  the 
people  admitted  that  in  a  Christian  land  like  America  a  deed  so 
foul — blacker  than  hell  itself! — had  actually  been  perpetrated. 
The  patience  of  the  North  and  the  Union  army  gave  way  to 
bitterest  imprecations  ;  the  exultation  and  applause  of  the 
South  and  Confederate  army  were  succeeded  by  serious  thoughts 
and  sad  reflections.  But  it  is  the  duty  of  impartial  history  to 
.record  that  this  bloody,  sickening  affair  was  not  endorsed  by  all 
the  rebels. 

In  a  letter  dated  Okalona,  Mississippi,  June  14,  1864,  to  the 
"Atlanta  Appeal,"  a  rebel  gives  this  endorsement  of  Forrest's 
conduct  at  Fort  Pillow : 

"  You  have  heard  that  our  soldiers  buried  negroes  alive  at  Fort  Pil 
low.  This  is  true.  At  the  first  fire  after  Forrest's  men  scaled  the  walls, 
many  of  the  negroes  threw  down  their  arms  and  fell  as  if  they  were 
dead.  They  perished  in  the  pretence,  and  could  only  be  restored  at 

1  Gen.  Chalmers  has  denied,  with  vehemence,  that  he  ever  did  any  cruel  act  at 
Fort  Pillow,  but  the  record  is  against  him.  Soldiers  under  brave,  intelligent,  and 
humane  officers  could  never  be  guilty  of  such  cruel  and  unchristian  conduct  as  these 
rebels  at  Pillow.  Gen.  Chalmers  is  responsible.  As  an  illustration  of  the  gentle 
and  forgiving  spirit  of  the  Negro,  it  should  be  recorded  here  that  many  supported  the 
candidacy  of  Gen.  Chalmers  for  Congress,  and  voted  for  him  at  the  recent  election  in 
Mississippi. 

8  See  Report  of  Committee  on  Conduct  of  War. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  point  of  the  bayonet.  To  resuscitate  some  of  them,  more  terrified 
than  the  rest,  they  were  rolled  into  the  trenches  made  as  receptacles  for 
the  fallen.  Vitality  was  not  restored  till  breathing  was  obstructed,  and 
then  the  resurrection  began.  On  these  facts  is  based  the  pretext  for 
the  crimes  committed  by  Sturgis,  Grierson,  and  their  followers.  You 
must  remember,  too,  that  in  the  extremity  of  their  terror,  or  for  other 
reasons,  the  Yankees  and  negroes  in  Fort  Pillow  neglected  to  haul  down 
their  flag.  In  truth,  relying  upon  their  gun-boats,  the  officers  expected 
to  annihilate  our  forces  after  we  had  entered  the  fortifications.  They 
did  not  intend  to  surrender. 

"  A  terrible  retribution,  in  any  event,  has  befallen  the  ignorant,  de 
luded  Africans." 

Gen.  Forrest  was  a  cold-blooded  murderer ;  a  fiend  in  human 
form.  But  as  the  grave  has  opened  long  since  to  receive  him ; 
and  as  the  cause  he  represented  has  perished  from  the  earth,  it 
is  enough  to  let  the  record  stand  without  comment,  and  God 
grant  without  malice !  It  is  the  duty  of  history  to  record  that 
there  is  to  be  found  no  apologist  for  cruelties  that  rebels  inflicted 
upon  brave  but  helpless  Black  soldiers  during  the  war  for  the 
extirpation  of  slavery.  The  Confederate  conduct  at  Pillow  must 
remain  a  foul  stain  upon  the  name  of  the  men  who  fought  to 
perpetuate  human  slavery  in  North  America,  but  failed. 


RECONS  TR  UCTION—MISCONSTR  UCTION.          377 


THE  FIRST  DECADE   OF  FREEDOM. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

RECONSTRUCTION1 — MISCONSTRUCTION. 
1865-1875. 

THE  WAR  OVER,  PEACE  RESTORED,  AND  THE  NATION  CLEANSED  OF  A  PLAGUE.  —  SLAVERY  GIVES 
PLACE  TO  A  LONG  TRAIN  OF  EVENTS.  —  UNSETTLED  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS  AT  THE  SOUTH.— 
THE  ABSENCE  OF  LEGAL  CIVIL  GOVERNMENT  NECESSITATES  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PRO 
VISIONAL  MILITARY  GOVERNMENT.  —  AN  ACT  ESTABLISHING  A  BUREAU  FOR  REFUGEES  AND 
ABANDONED  LANDS. — CONGRESSIONAL  METHODS  FOR  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  SOUTH. — 
GEN.  U.  S.  GRANT  CARRIES  THESE  STATES  IN  1868  AND  1872.  —  BOTH  BRANCHES  OF  THE  LEGIS 
LATURES  IN  ALL  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES  CONTAIN  NEGRO  MEMBERS. —THE  ERRORS  OF  RECON 
STRUCTION  CHARGEABLE  TO  BOTH  SECTIONS  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 

A  PPQMATTOX  had  taken  her  place  in  history;  and  the 
j[\^  echo  of  the  triumph  of  Federal  arms  was  heard  in  the 
palaces  of  Europe.  The  United  States  Government  had 
survived  the  shock  of  the  embattled  arms  of  a  gigantic  Rebellion; 
had  melted  the  manacles  of  four  million  slaves  in  the  fires  of  civil 
war  ;  had  made  four  million  bondmen  freemen  ;  had  wiped  slavery 
from  the  map  of  North  America ;  had  demonstrated  the  truth 
that  the  Constitution  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  and  that 
the  United  States  is  a  NATION,  not  a  league. 

The  brazen-mouthed,  shotted  cannon  were  voiceless  ;  a  mill 
ion  muskets  and  swords  hung  upon  the  dusty  walls  of  silent 
arsenals  ;  and  war  ceased  from  the  proud  altitudes  of  the  moun 
tains  of  Virginia  to  where  the  majestic  Atlantic  washes  the 
shores  of  the  Carolinas.  A  million  soldiers  in  blue  melted 

1  I  am  preparing  a  History  of  the  Reconstruction  of  the  Late  Confederate  States, 
1865-1880.  Hence  I  shall  not  enter  into  a  thorough  treatment  of  the  subject  in  this 
work.  It  will  follow  this  work,  and  comprise  two  volumes. 


3/8    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

quietly  into  the  modest  garb  of  citizens.  The  myriad  hum  of 
busy  shuttles,  clanking  machinery,  and  whirling  wheels  pro 
claimed  the  day  of  peace.  Families  and  communities  were  re 
stored  and  bound  together  by  the  indissoluble,  golden  ties  of 
domestic  charities.  The  war  was  over ;  peace  had  been  restored ; 
and  the  nation  was  cleansed  of  a  plague. 

But  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  millions  of  Negroes  at  the 
South  ?  The  war  had  made  them  free.  That  was  all.  They 
could  leave  the  plantation.  They  had  the  right  of  locomotion  ; 
were  property  no  longer.  But  what  a  spectacle  !  Here  were 
four  million  human  beings  without  clothing,  shelter,  homes,  and,, 
alas !  most  of  them  without  names.  The  galling  harness  of 
slavery  had  been  cut  off  of  their  weary  bodies,  and  like  a  worn- 
out  beast  of  burden  they  stood  in  their  tracks  scarcely  able  to  go 
anywhere.  Like  men  coming  from  long  confinement  in  a  dark 
dungeon,  the  first  rays  of  freedom  blinded  their  expectant  eyes.. 
They  were  almost  delirious  with  joy.  The  hopes  and  fears,  the 
joys  and  sorrows,  the  pain  and  waiting,  the  prayers  and  tears 
of  the  cruel  years  of  slavery  gave  place  to  a  long  train  of 
events  that  swept  them  out  into  the  rapid  current  of  a  life 
totally  different  from  the  checkered  career  whence  they  had  just 
emerged.  It  required  time,  patience,  and  extraordinary  wisdom 
on  the  part  of  the  Government  to  solve  the  problem  of  this 
people's  existence — of  this  "  Nation  born  in  a  day."  Their  joy 
was  too  full,  their  peace  too  profound,  and  their  thanksgiving 
too  sincere  to  attract  their  attention  at  once  to  the  vulgar  affairs 
of  daily  life.  One  fervent,  beautiful  psalm  of  praise  rose  from 
every  Negro  hut  in  the  South,  and  swelled  in  majestic  sweetness 
until  the  nation  became  one  mighty  temple  canopied  by  the 
stars  and  stripes,  and  the  Constitution  as  the  common  altar 
before  whose  undimmed  lights  a  ransomed  race  humbly  bowed. 

The  emancipated  Negroes  had  no  ability,  certainly  no  dis 
position,  to  reason  concerning  the  changes  and  disasters  which 
had  overtaken  their  former  masters.  The  white  people  of  the 
South  were  divided  into  three  classes.  First,  those  who  felt  that 
defeat  was  intolerable,  and  a  residence  in  this  country  incon- 
genial.  They  sought  the  service  of  the  Imperial  cause  in  war- 
begrimed  Mexico ;  they  went  to  Cuba,  Australia,  Egypt,  and 
to  Europe.  Second,  those  who  returned  to  their  homes  after  the 
"affair  at  Appomattox,"  and  sitting  down  under  the  portentous 
clouds  of  defeat,  refused  to  take  any  part  in  the  rehabilitation  of 


RECONSTR  UCTION—MISCONSTR  UCTION.          379 

their  States.     Third,  those  who  accepted  the  situation  and  stood 
ready  to  aid  in  the  work  of  reconstruction. 

In  the  unsettled  condition  of  affairs  at  the  close  of  hostilities, 
as  there  was  no  legal  State  governments  at  the  South,  necessity 
and  prudence  suggested  the  temporary  policy  of  dividing  the 
South  into  military  districts.  A  provisional  military  government 
in  the  conquered  States  was  to  pursue  a  pacific,  protective, 
helpful  policy.  The  people  of  both  races  were  to  be  fed  and 
clothed.  Schools  were  to  be  established  ;  agriculture  and  in 
dustry  encouraged.  Courts  were  to  be  established  of  competent 
jurisdiction  to  hear  and  decide  cases  among  the  people.  Such  a 
government  while  military  in  name  was  patriarchal  in  spirit.  As 
early  as  the  spring  of  1865,  before  the  war  was  over,  an  act  was 
passed  by  Congress  providing  for  the  destitute  of  the  South. 

"AN  ACT  TO  ESTABLISH  A  BUREAU   FOR  THE  RELIEF  OF  FREEDMEN 

AND  REFUGEES. 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  there  is  hereby  established 
in  the  War  Department,  to  continue  during  the  present  war  of  rebellion, 
and  for  one  year  thereafter,  a  Bureau  of  Refugees,  Freedmen,  and  Aban 
doned  Lands,  to  which  shall  be  committed,  as  hereinafter  provided,  the 
supervision  and  management  of  all  abandoned  lands,  and  the  control  of 
all  subjects  relating  to  refugees  and  freedmen  from  rebel  States,  or  from 
any  district  of  country  within  the  territory  embraced  in  the  operations 
of  the  army,  under  such  rules  and  regulations  as  may  be  prescribed  by 
the  head  of  the  bureau  and  approved  by  the  President.  The  said 
bureau  shall  be  under  the  management  and  control  of  a  commissioner, 
to  be  appointed  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate,  whose  compensation  shall  be  three  thousand  dollars  per 
annum,  and  such  number  of  clerks  as  may  be  assigned  to  him  by  the 
Secretary  of  War,  not  exceeding  one  chief  clerk,  two  of  the  fourth  class, 
two  of  the  third  class,  three  of  the  second  class,  and  five  of  the  first 
class.  And  the  commissioner  and  all  persons  appointed  under  this  act 
shall,  before  entering  upon  their  duties,  take  the  oath  of  office  prescribed 
in  an  act  entitled,  '  An  act  to  prescribe  an  oath  of  office,  and  for  other 
purposes,'  approved  July  2,  1862.  And  the  commissioners  and  the 
chief  clerk  shall,  before  entering  upon  their  duties,  give  bonds  to  the 
Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  the  former  in  the  sum  of  fifty  thousand 
dollars,  and  the  latter  in  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  dollars,  conditioned 
for  the  faithful  discharge  of  their  duties  respectively,  with  securities  to 
be  approved  as  sufficient  by  the  attorney  general,  which  bonds  shall  be 


380    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

•filed  in  the  office  of  the  First  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury,  to  be  by 
•him  put  in  suit  for  the  benefit  of  any  injured  party,  upon  any]  breach  of 
the  conditions  thereof. 

"  SEC.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Secretary  of  War  may 
direct  such  issues  of  provisions,  clothing,  and  fuel  as  he  may  deem 
needful  for  the  immediate  and  temporary  shelter  and  supply  of  des 
titute  and  suffering  refugees  and  freedmen,  and  their  wives  and  chil 
dren,  under  such  rules  and  regulations  as  he  may  direct. 

"SEC.  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President  may,  by 
and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  appoint  an  assistant 
commissioner  for  each  of  the  States  declared  to  be  in  insurrection, 
not  exceeding  ten  in  number,  who  shall,  under  the  direction  of  the 
commissioner,  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  provisions  of  this  act,  and 
he  shall  give  a  bond  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  in  the 
sum  of  twenty  thousand  dollars,  in  the  form  and  manner  prescribed 
in  the  first  section  of  this  act.  Each  of  said  assistant  commissioners 
shall  receive  an  annual  salary  of  two  thousand  and  five  hundred 
dollars,  in  full  compensation  for  all  his  services.  And  any  military 
officer  may  be  detailed  and  assigned  to  duty  under  this  act  without 
increase  of  pay  or  allowances.  The  commissioner  shall,  before  the 
commencement  of  each  regular  session  of  Congress,  make  full  report 
of  his  proceedings,  with  exhibits  of  the  state  of  his  accounts,  to  the 
President,  who  shall  communicate  the  same  to  Congress,  and  shall  also 
make  special  reports  whenever  required  to  do  so  by  the  President,  or 
either  house  of  Congress.  And  the  assistant  commissioners  shall  make 
quarterly  reports  of  their  proceedings  to  the  commissioner,  and  also 
such  other  special  reports  as  from  time  to  time  may  be  required. 

"  SEC.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  commissioner,  under 
the  direction  of  the  President,  shall  have  authority  to  set  apart  for  the 
use  of  loyal  refugees  and  freedmen  such  tracts  of  land,  within  the  in 
surrectionary  States,  as  shall  have  been  abandoned,  or  to  which  the 
United  States  shall  have  acquired  title  by  confiscation,  or  sale,  or  other 
wise.  And  to  every  male  citizen,  whether  refugee  or  freedman,  as 
aforesaid,  there  shall  be  assigned  not  more  than  forty  acres  of  such 
land,  and  the  person  to  whom  it  is  so  assigned  shall  be  protected  in  the 
iuse  and  enjoyment  of  the  land  for  the  term  of  three  years,  at  an  annual 
rent  not  exceeding  six  per  centum  upon  the  value  of  said  land  as  it  was 
appraised  by  the  State  authorities  in  the  year  1860,  for  the  purpose  of 
taxation,  and  in  case  no  such  appraisal  can  be  found,  then  the  rental 
shall  be  based  upon  the  estimated  value  of  the  land  in  said  year,  to  be 
ascertained  in  such  manner  as  the  commissioner  may,  by  regulation, 
prescribe.  At  the  end  of  said  term,  or  at  any  time  during  said  term, 
the  occupants  of  any  parcels  so  assigned  may  purchase  the  land  and 
receive  such  title  thereto  as  the  United  States  can  convey,  upon  paying 


RECONSTR  UCTION—MISCONSTR  UCTION.         381 

therefor  the  value  of  the  land,  as  ascertained  and  fixed  for  the  purpose 
of  determining  the  annual  rent  as  aforesaid. 

"  SEC.  5.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts 
inconsistent  with  the  provisions  of  this  act  are  hereby  repealed. 

"  ROBERT  C.  SCHENCK,  HENRY  WILSON, 

"  GEORGE  S.  BOUTWELL,  JAMES  HARLAN, 

"  JAMES  S.  ROLLINS,  W.  T.  WILLEY, 

"  Managers  on  part  of  House.  Managers  on  part  of  Senate" 

To  have  subjected  the  late  rebellious  States  to  military  rule 
for  a  stated  term  of  years,  say  a  decade  or  a  generation,  would 
have  given  force  to  the  hasty  statement  of  rebels  and  their  sym 
pathizers  in  the  courts  of  Europe.  It  was  charged  that  the 
United  States  Government  fought  to  subjugate  the  Confederate 
States.  The  United  States  did  not  "  begin  it,"  and  did  not  in 
tend,  at  any  time,  to  lay  the  mailed  hand  of  military  power 
against  the  throat  of  the  rights  of  loyal  citizens  or  loyal  States. 
The  sine  qua  non  of  reconstruction  was  loyalty  to  the  Federal 
Government.  But  while  this  idea  was  next  to  the  heart  of  the 
Government,  the  sudden  and  horrible  taking  off  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  discovered  many  master-builders,  who  built  not  well  or 
wisely.  The  early  education  of  Andrew  Johnson  was  not  in  line 
with  the  work  of  reconstruction.  His  sympathies  were  with  the 
South  in  spite  of  his  position  and  circumstances.  The  friends  of 
his  early  political  life  were  more  potent  than  the  friends  of  a 
sound,  sensible,  and  loyal  policy  upon  which  to  build  the  shat 
tered  governments  of  the  South.  And  by  indicating  and  advo 
cating  a  policy  at  variance  with  the  logical  events  of  the  war,  he 
was  guilty  of  a  political  crime,  and  did  the  entire  nation  an  irrep 
arable  injury. 

Congress  seemed  to  be  unequal  to  the  task  of  perfecting  a 
proper  plan  for  reconstructing  the  Southern  States.  To  couple 
general  amnesty  to  the  rebels  with  suffrage  to  the  Negroes  was  a 
most  fatal  policy.  It  has  been  shown  that  there  was  but  one  class 
of  white  men  in  the  South  friendly  to  reconstruction, — numeri 
cally,  small ;  and  mentally,  weak.  But  it  was  thought  best  to  do 
this.  To  a  triple  element  Congress  committed  the  work  of  recon 
struction.  The  "  Scalawag"  the  "  Carpet-bagger"  and  the  Negro. 
Who  were  this  trio  ?  The  scalawag  was  the  native  white  man 
who  made  up  the  middle  class  of  the  South  ;  the  planter  above, 
the  Negro  below.  And  between  this  upper  and  nether  mill- 


382    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

stone  he  was  destined  to  be  ground  to  powder,  under  the  old 
regime.  A  "  nigger-driver,"  without  schools,  social  position,  or 
money,  he  was  "the  poor  white  trash"  of  the  South.  He  was 
loyal  during  the  war,  because  in  the  triumph  of  the  Confederacy, 
with  slavery  as  its  corner-stone,  he  saw  no  hope  for  his  condition. 
Those  of  them  who  fought  under  the  rebel  flag  were  unwilling; 
conscripts.  They  had  no  qualifications  for  governing — except 
that  they  were  loyal ;  and  this  was  of  no  more  use  to  them  in 
this  great  work,  than  piety  in  the  pulpit  when  the  preacher  can 
not  repeat  the  Lord's  prayer  without  biting  his  tongue.  The 
carpet-baggers  ran  all  the  way  from  "  good  to  middling."  Some 
went  South  with  fair  ability  and  good  morals,  where  they  lost  the 
latter  article  and  never  found  it ;  while  many  more  went  South, 
to  get  all  they  could  and  keep  all  they  got.  The  Negro  could 
boast  of  numerical  strength  only.  The  scalawag  managed  the 
Negro,  the  latter  did  the  voting,  while  the  carpet-bagger  held  the 
offices.  And  when  there  were  "  more  stalls  than  horses "  the 
Negroes  and  scalawags  occasionally  got  an  office. 

The  rebels  were  still  in  a  swoon. 

The  States  wete  reconstructed,  after  a  manner,  and  the  gov 
ernments  went  forward. 

In  1868  Gen.  U.  S.  Grant  carried  these  States.  It  was  like 
the  handle  on  a  jug,  all  on  one  side.  The  rebels  took  no  part; 
but  after  a  while  a  gigantic  Ku  Klux  conspiracy  was  discovered. 
This  organization  sought  to  obstruct  the  courts,  harass  the  Ne 
groes,  and  cripple  local  governments.  It  spread  terror  through 
the  South  and  made  a  political  graveyard  of  startling  dimensions. 
The  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  suspended  ;  arrests  made,  trials  and 
convictions  secured,  and  the  penitentiary  at  Albany,  New  York,, 
crowded  with  the  enemies  of  law  and  order.  A  subsidence  fol 
lowed,  and  the  scalawag-carpetbag-Negro  governments  began 
a  fresh  existence. 

In  1872  Gen.  Grant  carried  the  Southern  States  again,  meet 
ing  with  but  little  resistance.  In  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  and 
South  Carolina  there  were  Negro  lieutenant-governors.  The 
Negroes  were  learning  rapidly  the  lesson  of  rotation  in  office, 
and  demanded  recognition.  Alabama,  Georgia,  Florida,  Louis 
iana,  Mississippi,  and  South  Carolina,  were  represented,  in  part, 
by  Negroes  in  the  National  House  of  Representatives,  and  Mis 
sissippi  in  the  Senate  as  well.  Both  branches  of  the  Legisla 
tures  of  all  the  Southern  States  contained  Negro  members  ;  while 


RECONSTR  UCTION—MISCONSTR  UCTION.         383 

many  of  the  most  important  and  lucrative  offices  in  the  States 
were  held  by  Negroes. 

The  wine  cup,  the  gaming-table,  and  the  parlors  of  strange 
women  charmed  many  of  these  men  to  the  neglect  of  important 
public  duties.  The  bonded  indebtedness  of  these  States  began 
to  increase,  the  State  paper  to  depreciate,  the  burden  of  taxation 
to  grow  intolerable,  bad  laws  to  find  their  way  into  the  statute- 
books,  interest  in  education  and  industry  to  decline,  the  farm 
Negroes  to  grow  idle  and  gravitate  to  the  infectious  skirts  of 
large  cities,  and  the  whole  South  went  from  bad  to  worse. 

The  hand  of  revenge  reached  for  the  shot-gun,  and  before  its 
deadly  presence  white  leaders  were  intimidated,  drfVen  out,  or 
destroyed.  Before  1875  came,  the  white  element  in  the  Repub 
lican  party  at  the  South  was  reduced  to  a  mere  shadow  of  its 
former  self.  Thus  abandoned,  the  Negro  needed  the  presence  of 
the  United  States  army  while  he  voted,  held  office,  and  drew  his 
salary.  But  even  the  army  lacked  the  power  to  inject  life  into 
the  collapsed  governments  at  the  South. 

The  mistake  of  reconstruction  was  twofold :  on  the  part  of 
the  Federal  Government,  in  committing  the  destinies  of  the 
Southern  States  to  hands  so  feeble  ;  and  on  the  part  of  the  South, 
in  that  its  best  men,  instead  of  taking  a  lively  interest  in  rebuild 
ing  the  governments  they  had  torn  down,  allowed  them  to  be 
constructed  with  untempered  mortar.  Neither  the  South  nor 
the  Government  could  say:  "  Thou  canst  not  say  I  did  it:  shake 
not  thy  gory  locks  at  me."  Both  were  culpable,  and  both  have 
suffered  the  pangs  of  remorse. 


384    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA.. 


CHAPTER     XXII. 

THE   RESULTS   OF   EMANCIPATION. 

THE  APPARENT  IDLENESS  OF  THE  NEGRO  SPORADIC  RATHER  THAN  GENERIC.  —  HE  QUIETLY  SETTLES 
DOWN  TO  WORK.  —  THE  GOVERNMENT  MAKES  AMPLE  PROVISIONS  FOR  HIS  EDUCATIONAL  AND 
SOCIAL  IMPROVEMENT.  —  THE  MARVELLOUS  PROGRESS  MADE  BY  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  SOUTH  IN 
EDUCATION.  —  EARLIEST  SCHOOL  FOR  FREEDMEN  AT  FORTRESS  MONROE  IN  1861.  —  THB 
RICHMOND  INSTITUTE  FOR  COLORED  YOUTH.  — THE  UNLIMITED  DESIRE  OF  THE  NEGROES  TO 
OBTAIN  AN  EDUCATION. — GENERAL  ORDER  ORGANIZING  A  "  BUREAU  OF  REFUGEES,  FREEDMEN^ 
AND  ABANDONED  LANDS."  —  GEN.  O.  O.  HOWARD  APPOINTED  COMMISSIONER  OF  THE  BUREAU. 
—  REPORT  OF  ALL  THE  RECEIPTS  AND  EXPENDITURES  OF  THE  FREEDMEN'S  BUREAU  FROM  1865- 

$867.  —AN    ACT   INCORPORATING  THE    FREEDMAN*S  BANK  AND  TRUST  COMPANY.  — THE  BUSINESS 

OF  THE  COMPANY  AS  SHOWN  FROM  1866-1871.  —  FINANCIAL  STATEMENT  BY  THE  TRUSTEES  FOR 
1872.  —  FAILURE  OF  THE  BANK. — THE  SOCIAL  AND  FINANCIAL  CONDITION  OF  THE  COLORED 
PEOPLE  IN  THE  SOUTH.  — THE  NEGRO  RARELY  RECEIVES  JUSTICE  IN  SOUTHERN  COURTS.— 
TREATMENT  OF  NEGROES  AS  CONVICTS  IN  SOUTHERN  PRISONS.  —  INCREASE  OF  THE  COLORED 
PEOPLE  FROM  1790-1880.  —  NEGROES  SUSCEPTIBLE  OF  THE  HIGHEST  CIVILIZATION. 

SURELY  some  good  did  come  out  of  Nazareth.     The  poor, 
deluded,,  misguided,    confiding   Negro  finished    his  long 
holiday  at  last,   and   turning  from   the   dream  of  "  forty 
acres  and  a  mule,"  settled  down  to  the  stubborn  realities  of  his 
new  life  of  duties,  responsibilities,  and   privileges.     His   idleness 
was  sporadic,   not    generic, — it   was    simply   reaction.     He   had 
worked  faithfully,  incessantly  for  two  centuries  and  a  half ;   had 
enriched  the  South  with  the  sweat  of  his  brow;  and  in  two  wars 
had  baptized  the  soil  with  his  patriotic  blood.     And  when  the 
year  of  jubilee  came  he  enjoyed  himself  right  royally. 

This  disposition  to  frolic  on  the  part  of  the  Negro  gave  rise 
to  grave  concern  among  his  friends,  and  was  promptly  ac 
cepted  as  conclusive  proof  of  his  unfitness  for  the  duties  of  a 
freeman  by  his  enemies.  But  he  soon  dispelled  the  fears  of  his 
friends  and  disarmed  the  prejudices  of  his  foes. 

As  already  shown  there  was  no  provision  made  for  the  edu 
cation  of  the  Negro  before  the  war  ;  every  thing  had  been  done 
to  keep  him  in  ignorance.  To  emancipate  4,000,000  of  slaves 
and  absorb  them  into  the  political  life  of  the  government  with 
out  detriment  to  both  was  indeed  a  formidable  undertaking. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  38$ 

Republics  gain  their  strength  and  perpetuity  from  the  self- 
governing  force  in  the  people  ;  and  in  order  to  be  self-governing 
a  people  must  be  educated.  Moreover,  all  good  laws  that  are 
cheerfully  obeyed  are  but  the  emphatic  expression  of  public 
sentiment.  Where  the  great  majority  of  the  people  are  kept  in 
ignorance  the  tendency  is  toward  the  production  of  two  other 
classes,  aristocrats  and  political  "  Herders."  The  former  seek  to 
get  as  far  from  "  the  common  herd  "  as  possible,  while  the  latter 
bid  off  the  rights  of  the  poor  and  ignorant  to  the  highest  bidder. 

It  -was  quite  appropriate  for  the  Government  to  make  speedy 
provision  for  plying  the  mass  of  ignorant  Negroes  with  school 
influences.  And  the  liberality  of  the  provision  was  equalled  by 
the  eagerness  of  the  Negroes  to  learn.  Nor  should  history  fail 
to  record  that  the  establishment  of  schools  for  freedmen  by  the 
Government  was  the  noblest,  most  sensible  act  it  could  have 
done.  What  the  Negroes  have  accomplished  through  these 
schools  is  the  marvel  of  the  age. 

On  the  2Oth  of  May,  1865,  Major-Gen.  O.  O.  Howard  was 
appointed  Commissioner  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau.  He  gave 
great  attention  to  the  subject  of  education  ;  and  after  planting 
schools  for  the  freedmen  throughout  a  great  portion  of  the  South, 
in  1870  —  five  years  after  the  work  was  begun  —  he  made  a  report. 
It  was  full  of  interest.  In  five  years  there  were  4,239  schools  es 
tablished,  9,307  teachers  employed,  and  247,333  pupils  instructed. 
In  1868  the  average  attendance  was  89,396;  but  in  1870  it  was 
91,398,  or  79f  per  cent,  of  the  total  number  enrolled.  The  eman 
cipated  people  sustained  1,324  schools  themselves,  and  owned  592 
school  buildings.  The  Freedmen's  Bureau  furnished  654  build 
ings  for  school  purposes.  The  wonderful  progress  they  made 
from  year  to  year,  in  scholarship,  may  be  fairly  judged  by  the 
following,  corresponding  with  the  half  year  in  1869  : 


JULY,  1869. 

JULY,    1870. 

Advanced  readers 

43,746 

43,540' 

Geography        .... 

.    36,992 

39,321 

Arithmetic                       . 

S1^2 

52>4*7 

Writing    

.    53,606 

58>°34 

Higher  branches  , 

7,627 

9,690 

There  were  74  high  and  normal  schools,  with  8,147  stu 
dents  ;  and  61  industrial  schools,  with  1,750  students  in 
attendance.  In  doing  this  great  work  —  for  buildings,  repairs, 


386    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

teachers,  etc., — $1,002,896.07  was  expended.  Of  this  sum  the 
freedmen  raised  $200,000.00 !  This  was  conclusive  proof  that 
emancipation  was  no  mistake.  Slavery  was  a  twofold  cross  of 
woe  to  the  land.  It  did  not  only  degrade  the  slave,  but  it 
blunted  the  sensibilities,  and,  by  its  terrible  weight,  carried  down 
under  the  slimy  rocks  of  society  some  of  the  best  white  people 
in  the  South.  Like  a  cankerous  malady  its  venom  has  touched 
almost  every  side  of  American  life. 

The  white  race  is  in  a  constant  and  almost  overpowering  re 
lation  to  the  other  races  upon  this  continent.  It  is  the  duty  of 
this  great  totality  of  intellectual  life  and  force,  to  supply  adequate 
facilities  for  the  education  of  the  less  intelligent  and  less  fortu 
nate.  Of  every  ten  thousand  (10,000)  inhabitants  there  are: 

WHITE.         COLORED.      CHINESE.      INDIANS. 

In  the  States  .         ,         8,711         1,269  J5  5 

In  the  Territories        .    8,711         1,017  *S8  114 

In  the  whole  Union         8,711         1,266  16  7 

When  we  turn  our  attention  to  the  Southern  States,  we  shal? 
find  that  the  white  people  are  in  excess  of  the  Colored  as  follows* 

MAJORITY. 

Alabama 45,874 

Arkansas     ........  239,946 

Delaware 79,427 

Florida 4,368 

Georgia 93,774 

Kentucky 876,442 

Maryland        .......  430,106 

Missouri 1,485,075 

North  Carolina 286,820 

Tennessee 613,788 

Texas 311,225 

Virginia 199,248 

West  Virginia 406,043 

while  the  Colored  people  are  in  excess  in  only  three  States,  hav 
ing  over  the  whites  the  following  majorities  : 

MAJORITY.      . 

Louisiana       .......  2,145 

South  Carolina 126,147 

Mississippi 61,305 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  387 

This  leaves  the  whites  in  these  sixteen  States  in  a  majority 
of  4,882,539,  over  the  Colored  people.  There  are  more  than  two 
whites  to  every  Colored  in  the  entire  population  in  these  States. 

Group  the  States  and  territories  into  three  geographical 
classes,  and  designate  them  as  Northern,  Pacific,  and  Southern. 
The  first  may  comprise  all  the  "  free  States,"  where  slavery  never 
existed ;  put  in  the  second  the  three  Pacific  States  and  all  the 
territories,  except  the  District  of  Columbia;  and  in  the 
third  gather  all -the  "slave  States  "  and  the  District.  Now  then, 
in  the  Northern  class,  out  of  every  14  persons  who  can  neither 
read  nor  write,  13  are  white.  In  the  Pacific  class,  out  of  every  23 
who  can  neither  read  nor  write,  20  are  white.  In  the  Southern 
class,  out  of  every  42  who  can  neither  read  nor  write,  15  are 
white.  Thus  it  can  be  seen  that  the  white  illiterates  of  the 
United  States  outnumber  those  of  all  the  other  races  together. 
It  might  be  profitable  to  the  gentlemen  who,  upon  every  con 
venient  occasion,  rail  about  "  the  deplorable  ignorance  of  the 
blacks,"  to  look  up  this  question  a  little  !  1 

The  Colored  people  have  made  wonderful  progress  in  educa 
tional  matters  since  the  war.  Take  a  few  States  for  examples  of 
what  they  are  doing.  In  Georgia,  in  1860,  there  were  458,540 
slaves.  In  1870  there  were  87  private  schools,  79  teachers  with 
3,021  pupils.  Of  other  schools,  more  public  in  character,  there 
were  221,  with  an  attendance  of  11,443  pupils.  In  1876  the  Col 
ored  school  population  of  this  State  was  48,643,  with  879  schools ; 
and  with  55,268  pupils  in  public  and  private  schools  in  1877. 

In  South  Carolina,  in  1874,  there  were  63,415  Colored  children 
attending  the  public  schools ;  in  1876  there  were  70,802,  or  an  in 
crease  of  7,387. 

In  Virginia,  in  1870,  there  were  39,000  Colored  pupils  in  the 
schools,  which  were  few  in  number.  In  1874  there  were  54,941 
pupils;  in  1876  there  were  62,178,  or  again  of  7,237.  In  1874 
there  were  539  teachers;  in  1876  there  were  636,  or  an  increase 
of  97.  In  1874  there  were  1,064  schools  for  Colored  youth  ;  in 
1876  there  were  1,181,  or  an  increase  of  117. 

In  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  1871,  there  were  4,986  Colored 
children  in  69  schools,  with  71  teachers.  In  1876,  of  Colored 
schools  in  the  District,  62  were  primary,  13  grammar,  and  I 
high,  with  an  enrolment  of  5,454. 

1  For  an  account  of  this  problem,  see  the  Appendix  to  this  volume. 


388    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  following  statistics  exhibit  the  wonderful  progress  the. 
Colored  people  of  the  South  have  made  during  the  brief  period 
of  their  freedom  in  the  department  of  education.  These  tables 
come  as  near  showing  the  extent,  the  miraculous  magnitude  of 
the  work,  as  is  possible. 


COMPARATIVE  STATISTICS  OF  EDUCATION  AT  THE  SOUTH. 


Table  showing  comparative  population  and  enrolment  of  the  White  and 

Colored  races  in  the  public  schools  of  the  recent  slave  States,  with 

total  annual  expenditure  for  the  same  in  1879. 


White. 

Colored. 

£ 

States. 

School  population. 

Enrolment. 

Percentage  of  the 
school  population 
enrolled. 

School  population. 

Enrolment. 

Percentage  of  the 
school  population 
enrolled. 

Total  expenditure 
both  races,  a 

Alabama       ..... 

214,098 

106,9150 

Arkansas  ....        * 

•5i74,253 
31,849 

£39,063 
23  830 

22 

75 

£62,348 

3,8OO 

£13,986 
2   842 

22 

205,449 

Florida      

£<ri8  169 

£•134  880 

Georgia         
Kentucky  ..... 
Louisiana      ...... 

£•236,319 
^476,870 
^141,130 
7213,669 

147,192 
£208,500 
44,052 
138,029 

62 
1 

£-197,125 
^62,973 
£-133,276 

79,435 
£19,107 
34,476 

40 

3° 

26 

465,748 
£1,130,000 

529,065 

Mississippi    

J56,434 
663,135 

428,992 

68 
65 

205,936 
39,018 

111,796 
20,790 

54 
53 

641,548 

North  Carolina     .... 
South  Carolina 

271,348 
'83,813 

388,355 

153,534 
58,368 
208,858 

57 
70 
54 

^144,315 
126,288 

85,215 
64,095 

55 
44 

337,54! 
319,320 
710,652 

Texas         
Virginia         .                ... 
West  Virginia  .... 
District  of  Columbia   . 

£160,482 
280,849 
198,844 
£•26,426 

£•111,048 
72,306 
132,751 

16,085 

| 

26 

£47,842 
202,852 
7,279 
£•12,374 

£•35,896 
35,768 
3,775 
9,°45 

75 
18 
S2 
73 

837,  9J3 
570,389 
709,071 

368,343 

Total   .... 

3,758,480 

2,013,684 

i  668,410 

685,942 

12,181,602 

a  In  Delaware  and  Kentucky  the  school  tax  collected  from  Colored  citizens  is  the  only  State 
appropriation  for  the  support  of  Colored  schools  ;  in  Maryland  there  is  a  biennial  appropriation 
by  the  Legislature ;  in  the  District  of  Columbia  one  third  of  the  school  moneys  is  set  apart  for 
Colored  public  schools ;  and  in  the  other  States  mentioned  above  the  school  moneys  are  divided 
in  proportion  to  the  school  population  without  regard  to  race. 

£  Estimated  by  the  Bureau.  c  In  1878. 

d  For  whites  the  school  age  is  6-20 ;  for  Colored,  6-16.        e  In  1877.       /  Census  of  1870. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION  389 

Statistics  of  institutions  for  the  instruction  of  the  Colored  race  for  1879. 


Name  and  class  of  institution. 

Location. 

Religious  de 
nomination. 

Instructors. 

Students 

NORMAL    SCHOOLS. 

Rust  Normal  Institute          .... 
State  Normal  School  for  Colored  Students 
Lincoln  Normal  University 
Emerson  Institute      
Alabama  Baptist  Normal  and  Theological 
School          
Normal  department  of  Talladega  College 

Huntsville,  Ala.      . 
Huntsville,  Ala.  . 
Marion,  Ala.    . 
Mobile,  Ala. 

Selma,  Ala.      . 
Talladega,  Ala.   . 
Pine  Bluff  Ark 

Meth. 

Cong.    . 

Bapt. 
Cong.    . 

3 

2 

6 

6 

6 

235 
Si 
#225 
240 

250 
95 

Normal  department  of  Atlanta  University 
Haven  Normal  School          .... 
Normal  department  of  Berea  College    . 
Normal  department  of  New  Orleans  Uni- 

Atlanta,  Ga. 
Wraynesboro',  Ga.          . 
Berea,  Ky.  .        .        . 

New  Orleans,  La.  .        . 

Cong.    . 
Meth.    . 
Cong. 

Meth.    . 

W 

^176 
I25 

Normal  department  of  Straight  University 

New  Orleans,  La. 
New  Orleans  La    .        . 

Cong. 

91 

Baltimore  Normal  School  for  Colored  Pu 
pils       

Baltimore,  Md.         . 

4 

190 

Centenary  Biblical  Institute    . 
Natchez  Seminary         
Tougaloo  University  and  Normal  School 
Lincoln  Institute        
State  Normal  School  for  Colored  Students 

Baltimore,  Md.    . 
Natchez,  Miss. 
Tougaloo,  Miss.          , 
Jefferson,  Mo. 
Fayetteville,  N.  C.     . 
Greensboro",  N.  C. 

M.  E.    . 
Bapt.         ; 
Cong.    . 

Meth.  '  .  '. 

1 

6 

3 
3 

•3 

96 
i39 
93 
125 

Lumberton  Normal  School          .        . 

2 

51 

St.  Augustine's  Normal  School 
Shaw  University           ..... 

Raleigh,  N  C.         . 
Raleigh   N  C 

P.  E.      . 

Bapt. 

4 

c 

81 
192 

Institute  for  Colored  Youth     . 
A  very  Normal  Institute       .... 
Normal  department  of  Brainerd  Institute 
Claflin  University,  normal  department     . 
Fairrield  Normal  Institute 
The  Warner  Institute           .... 

Philadelphia.  Pa.    . 
Charleston,  S.  C. 
Chester,  S.  C. 
Orangeburg,  S.  C. 
Winnsboro7,  S.  C.  . 
Jonesborough  Tenn. 

Friends  . 
Cong.       . 
Presb.  . 
M.  E. 
Presb.   . 

l  .  oo  ro  ro  .  T 

300 

322 
5° 
167 

39° 

Presb 

Freedman  s  Normal  Institute 
Le  Moyne  Normal  Institute     . 
Central  Tennessee  College,  normal  depart 
ment      
Nashville  Normal  and  Theological  Institute 
Normal  department  of  Fisk  University     . 
Tillotson  Collegiate  and  Normal  Institute 
State  Normal  School  of  Texas  for  Colored 
Students  
Hampton  Normal  and  Agricultural  Insti 
tuted        

Maryville,  Tenn. 
Memphis,  Tenn. 

Nashville,  Tenn. 
Nashville,  Tenn.    . 
Nashville,  Tenn. 
Austin,  Tex.    . 

Prairie  View,  Tex.     . 
Hampton  Va          .        . 

Friends. 
Cong.        . 

M.  E.    . 
Bapt. 
Cong.    . 

Cong. 

aj 

5 
3 

3 

O-22Q 
#2OO 

114 
231 

158 

49 

St.  Stephen's  Normal  School 
Miner  Normal  School        .... 
Normal  department  of  Howard  University 
Normal  department  of  Wayland  Seminary 

Petersburg,  Va.  .        . 
Washington,  D.  C. 
Washington,  D.  C.      . 
Washington,  D.  C. 

P.  E       . 

Non-sect. 
Bapt.     . 

8 
S 

CO* 

240 

Total        ....... 

181 

6,171 

INSTITUTIONS  FOR  SECONDARY  INSTRUCTION. 

Trinity  School 

Athens  Ala 

Dadeville  Seminary           .... 
Lowery's  Industrial  Academy    . 
Swayne  School                                           . 

Dadeville,  Ala.    . 
Huntsville,  Ala.      . 

M.  E.'    .  ' 

'  *6° 

Burrell  School        

Selma   Ala     *           . 

.44.8 

Talladega  College             .... 

Talladega  Ala 

Walden  Seminary          
Cookman  Institute             .... 

Little  Rock,  Ark.    . 
Jacksonville   Fla 

M.  E.' 
M   E 

Clark  University                           . 

Atlanta  Ga 

M  E 

a\6°7 

Storrs  School       

Atlanta,  Ga.    . 

Cong.    . 

5 

508 

a  In  1878.  b  Included  in  university  and  college  reports.  c  For  two  years. 

d  In  addition  to  the  aid  given  by  the  American  Missionary  Association,  this  institute  is  aided 
from  the  income  of  Virginia's  agricultural  college  land  fund. 

e  For  all  departments.  f  Reported  under  schools  of  theology. 


390    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Statistics  of  institutions  for  the  instruction  of  the  Colored  race  for  1879. — 

Continued. 


Name  and  class  of  institution. 

Location. 

Religious  de 
nomination. 

Instructors. 

Students. 

INSTITUTIONS  FOR  SECONDARY  INSTRUCTION. 

—Continued. 

Howard  Normal  Institute    .... 
La  Grange  Seminary         .... 
Lewis  High  School        

Cuthbert,  Ga. 
La  Grange,  Ga. 
Macon,  Ga.  . 
Savannah,  Ga. 
Savannah,  Ga.      .        . 
New  Orleans,  La.  . 
New  Orleans,  La. 
New  Orleans,  La.  . 
Baltimore,  Md.    . 
Meridian,  Miss.      . 
Natchez,  Miss.     .        . 
Concord,  N.  C.       . 
New  Berne,  N.  C.      . 
Raleigh,  N.  C. 
Raleigh,  N.  C.     . 
Wilmington,  N.  C. 
Wilmington  N  C. 

Cong. 
M.E.    . 
Cong. 
Cong.    . 
P.E 
R.  C.     . 
R.  C. 
R.  C.     . 
R.  C. 
M.  E.    . 
Bapt. 
Presb.   . 
P.  E. 

3 

4 

2 

6 
3 

66 
140 
no 
338 

'  Vo 

60 
60 

50 

45 

!52 

St.  Augustine's  School          .... 
Day  School  for  Colored  Children  . 
St.  Augustine's  School          .... 
St.  Mary's  School  for  Colored  Girls 
St.  Francis's  Academy         .... 

Natchez  Seminary        ..... 

St.  Augustine's  School          .... 

Bapt.     . 
Cong. 
P.  E.      . 
Cong 

3 

'a6 

4 
8 

'  V 

5 
4 
aT- 

2 

«3 
3 
3 

2 

149 

<ZIOO 

ai26 
64 

265 

'261 
300 
142 
#58 
76 

#123 
213 
92 

IOO 

St.  Barnabas  School           .... 
Williston  Academy  and  Normal  School    . 
Albany  Enterprise  Academy  . 
Polytechnic  and  Industrial  Institute  . 
High  School  for  Colored  Pupils 
Wallingford  Academy         .... 

Albany,  Ohio 
Bluffton,  S.  C.      . 
Charleston.  S.  C.     . 
Charleston,  S.  C. 
Chester,  S.  C. 
Columbia,  S.  C.  . 
Greenwood,  S.  C.  . 
Mason,  Tenn.       .        . 
Memphis,  Tenn.      . 
Austin,  Tex. 
Marshall,  Tex. 
Chase  City,  Va.  . 
Richmond,  Va.        . 
Richmond,  Va.    .        . 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Non-sect. 
Non-sect. 
P.  E.      . 
Presb. 
Presb.  . 
Bapt. 
Cong.    . 
Meth. 
P.E.      . 
M.  E. 
M.E.     . 
U.  Presb. 
Bapt.     . 
P.E. 
P.E.     . 

Benedict  Institute          
Brewer  Normal  School      .... 
West  Tennessee  Preparatory  School 

West  Texas  Conference  Seminary     . 

St.  Philip's  Church  School 
St  Mary's  School      

Total        

1  2O 

5,297 

UNIVERSITIES  AND  COLLEGES. 

Atlanta,  Ga. 
Berea,  Ky.       . 
New.  Orleans,  La. 
New  Orleans,  La.  . 
New  Orleans,  La.  . 
Holly  Springs,  Miss.  . 
Rodney,  Miss. 
Charlotte,  N.  C.  . 
Wilberforce,  Ohio  . 
Lincoln  University,  Pa. 

Orangeburg,  S.  C. 
Nashville,  Tenn. 
Nashville,  Tenn.     . 
Hempstead.Tex. 

Hampton,  Va. 
Washington,  D.  C.     . 

Cong. 
Cong.    . 
Bapt. 
M.  E.    . 
Cong. 
M.E.     . 
Non-sect. 
Presb.       . 
M.  E.    . 
Presb.       . 

M.  E.     , 
M.  E. 
Cong.    . 

Cong.    . 
Non-sect. 

#<5i3 

<*I2 

a6 

fa? 

6 

10 

9 
15 
ag 

10 
»3 
13 

M 

5 

#71 

£180 
acgi 

dz6o 

273 
1  80 

,*5J 

£150 

«74 

165 

139 
74 

(/) 
./33 

New  Orleans  University  .... 

Biddle  University      ..... 

Wilberforce  University        .... 
Lincoln  University    ..... 

Claflin  University  and  College  of  Agricult 
ure      
Central  Tennessee  College  .... 
Fisk  University          
Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College 
Hampton  Normal  and  Agricultural  Insti 
tute               
Howard  University/        .        .               . 

_'»933 

a  In  1878.  b  For  all  departments.  c  These  are  preparatory. 

d  Normal  students  are  here  reckoned  as  preparatory.         e  Reported  with  normal  schools. 
/This  institution  is  open  to  both  races,  and  the  figures  given  are  known  to  include  some 
whites. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION. 


391 


Statistics  of  institutions  for  the  instruction  of  the  Colored  race  for  1879. — 

Continued. 


Name  and  class  of  institution. 

Location. 

en  •£ 

§g 

i 

o 

M 

§1 

i 

u 

•o 

£3 

&a 

a 

SCHOOLS  OF  THEOLOGY. 

Alabama  Baptist  Normal  and  Theological 

School          

Selma,  Ala. 

Bapt. 

_ 

Theological    department     of     Talladega 
College         

Talladega,  Ala. 

Cong.    . 

2 

Institute  for  the  Education  of    Colored 

* 

Ministers          

Tuscaloosa,  Ala. 

Presb.       . 

Atlanta  Baptist  Seminary    .... 
Theological  department  of  Leland  Uni 
versity          
Thomson  Biblical  Institute  (New  Orleans 

Atlanta,  Ga.     . 
New  Orleans,  La.       . 

Bapt.     . 
Bapt. 

3 

a-2 

"3 

ass 

University)          

New  Orleans,  La.  . 

M.  E.    . 

mf\ 

Theological  department  of  Straight  Uni 
versity      

New  Orleans,  La. 

Cong. 

x 

31 

Centenary  Biblical  Institute 

Baltimore,  Md.        .        . 

Meth.    . 

a6 

Theological  department  of  Shaw  Univers'y 
Natchez  Seminary         

Holly  Springs,  Miss.  . 
Natchez,  Miss. 

Meth. 
Bapt.     . 

a 

31 

Theological  department  of  Biddle   Uni 

versity      

Charlotte,  N.  C. 

Presb.       . 

g 

Bennett  Seminary          
Theological  department  of  Shaw  Univers'y 
Theological     Seminary    of     Wilberforce 

Greensboro',  N.  C. 
Raleigh,  N.  C.     . 

Meth.    . 
Bapt. 

6 
59 

University           
Theologipal  department  of  Lincoln  Uni 

Wilberforce,  Ohio 

M.  E.    . 

7 

16 

versity         
Baker  Theological  Institute  (Claflin  Uni 

Lincoln  University,  Pa. 

Presb.       . 

07 

«22 

versity)        

Orangeburg,  S.  C. 

Meth.    . 

2 

28 

Nashville  Normal  and  Theological  Insti 

tute           

Nashville,  Tenn.     . 

Bapt. 

5 

Theological  course  in  Fisk  University 
Theological  department  of  Central  Ten 

Nashville,  Tenn.         . 

Cong.    . 

aa 

5° 

nessee  College        
Richmond  Institute       

Nashville,  Tenn.     . 
Richmond,  Va.    . 

M.  E. 
Bapt.     . 

4 

IO 

45 

Theological  department  of  Howard  Uni 

versity     

Washington,  D.  C. 
Washington,  D.  C.     .    • 

Non-sect. 
Bapt. 

4 

£ 

r*"     • 

eg 

004 

Total     

79 

762 

SCHOOLS    OF    LAW. 

Law  department  of  Straight  University    . 
Law  department  of  Shaw  University     . 
Law  department  of  Howard  University    . 

New  Orleans,  La.       . 
Holly  Springs,  Miss. 

:  :  :  : 

at, 
a* 

a6 

3 

Total     

8 

SCHOOLS  OF  MEDICINE. 

Medical    department    of    New    Orleans 

a 

aB 

University                             . 

New  Orleans.  La 

* 

Medical  department  of  Shaw  University 
Meharry   medical  department  of  Central 

Holly  Springs,  Miss.    . 

•   ;   •   • 

*4 

Tennessee  College       .... 

Nashville,  Tenn.    . 

Medical  department  of  Howard  Univers'y 

Washington,  D.  C.     . 

8 

6- 

°5 

Total  

SCHOOLS   FOR  THE   DEAF  AND   DUMB  AND 

23 

99 

THE  BLIND. 

Institution    for     the    Colored   Blind  and 

* 

x 

Q 

Deaf-Mutes        ... 

Baltimore,  Md.    .       . 

» 

North  Carolina  Institution  for  the  Deaf 

• 

atis 

* 

#6O 

and  Dumb  and  the  Blind  (Colored  de- 

Raleigh,  N.  C.  . 

Total     

16 



In  1878. 


b  For  all  departments. 


392    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Summary  of  statistics  of  institutions  for  the  instruction  of  the  Colored  race 

for  1879. 


Public  schools. 

Normal  schools. 

Institutions  for  sec 
ondary  instruction. 

States. 

c 
t 

a 

g 

d 

en 

a 

42 

<u 

i 

42 

B 

j 

1 

o 

§ 

*§ 

t 

§ 

0 

f 

o 

a 

F^3 

s 

-C3 

o 

3 

00 

W 

03 

H 

£ 

ft 

£" 

OH 

Alabama    .        .        .     -  . 
Arkansas         •        •        • 

162,551 

62,348 

67,635 
13  986 

6 

28 

1,096 

6 

25 

1,292 

q  800 

2  842 

Florida          .        ... 

42,001 

18,795 

i 

s 

I40 

Georgia     .... 

197,125 

79,435 

2 

.... 

301 

7 

25 

',349 

Louisiana  .... 

133,276 

34,476 

3 

2 

126 

3 

3 

200 

Maryland       .                . 

63,59* 

27,457 

2 

9 

265 

i 

5° 

Mississippi 
Missouri         .        .        . 
North  Carolina   •    . 

205,936 
39,018 
154,841 

111,796 
20,790 
85,215 

2 

I 

5 

10 

6 
*7 

142 
139 
542 

2 

4 

45 

6 

17 

527 

Ohio         .... 

i 

64 

Pennsylvania 
South  Carolina 

300 

929 

144,3*5 

64,095 

4 

14 

6 

24 

1,026 

Tennessee 

126,288 

55,829 

7 

42 

1,378 

2 

2 

76 

Texas      . 

47,842 

2 

6 

207 

2 

3 

123 

Virginia      .... 
West  Virginia 
District  of  Columbia        . 

202,852 
7,279 

35,768 

3,775 

2 

36 

3 

8 

4°5 

Total 

1,668,410 

685,942 

42 

6,171 

1  20 

5,297 

181 

42 

Summary  of  statistics  of  institutions  for  the  instruction  of  the  Colored  race, 
for  1879. — Continued. 


States. 

Universities  and 
colleges. 

Schools  of  theol 
ogy. 

Schools  of  law. 

Schools. 

Teachers. 

JJ 

1 

£ 

o 

Teachers. 

_cn 

"B. 
£ 

Schools 

Teachers. 

on 

ft 

3 
PH 

Alabama         

3 

i 

3 
3 

14 

i 

J3 

71 

180 
443 

Maryland        

3 

22 

3 

i 

2 

3 

i 
i 
i 
3 

£ 

4 

8 

7 
7 

2 
12 

92 

22 
48 

73 

22 
28 
I07 

i 

4 

28 

2 

16 
9 
15 
9 
10 
26 

453 
151 
150 
74 
165 
213 

i 

i 

6 

North  Carolina      .... 
Ohio     
Pennsylvania         .... 
South  Carolina   .... 
Tennessee      
Texas                           ... 

Virginia          
District  of  Columbia 

Total     

i 

2 

IO 
13 

86 
i34 

762 

,5 

33 

i 

3 

8 
42 

16 

J37 

*i933 

22 

79 

3 

8 

THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION. 


393 


Summary  of  statistics  of  institutions  for  the  instruction  of  the  Colored  race 
for  1879. — Continued. 


•Mi* 

» 

Schools  of  medi 
cine. 

Schools  for  the 
deaf  and  dumb 
and  the  blind. 

Schools. 

Teachers. 

£ 

'a. 
£ 

Schools. 

Teachers. 

4 

1 
& 

i 

5 

8 

i 

i 

3P 

i 

i 

4 

i 

15 

go 

i 
i 

4 

_! 

23 

22 

65 

99 

Total       

2 

16 

120 

Table  showing  the  number  of  schools  for  the  Colored  race  and  enrolment 
in  them  by  institutions  without  reference  to  States. 


Class  of  institutions. 

Schools. 

Enrolment. 

Public  schools 

^14,341 
42 

3 

22 
3 

'     4 

2 

#685,942 
6,171 
5,297 
*i933 
762 
42 
99 

120 

Normal  schools 

Institutions  for  seconc 
Universities  and  colle 
Schools  of  theology 
Schools  of  law 

ary  instruction       

Schools  of  medicine 
Schools  for  the  deaf  ar 

Total 

id  dumb  and  the  blind      

*4i472 

700,366 

a  To  these  should  be  added  417  schools,  having  an  enrolment  of  20,487  in  reporting  free  States, 
making  total  number  of  Colored  public  schools  14,758,  and  total  enrolment  in  them  706,429 ;  this 
makes  the  total  number  of  schools,  as  far  as  reported,  14,889,  and  total  number  of  the  Colored  race 
under  instruction  in  them  720,853.  The  Colored  public  schools  of  those  States  in  which  no  separate 
reports  are  made,  however,  are  not  included  ;  and  the  Colored  pupils  in  white  schools  cannot  be 
enumerated. 

Virginia  has  done  more  intelligent  and  effective  educational 
-work  than  any  other  State  in  the  South.  The  Hon.  W.  H.  Ruff- 
ner  has  no  equal  in  America  as  a  superintendent  of  public  in 
struction.  He  is  the  Horace  Mann  of  the  South. 

It  appears  from  the  reports  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  that 
the  earliest  school  for  freedmen  was  opened  by  the  American 
Missionary  Association  at  Fortress  Monroe,  September,  1861  ; 
and  before  the  close  of  the  war,  Hampton  and  Norfolk  were 
leading  points  where  educational  operations  were  conducted  ;  but 
after  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  teachers  were  sent  from  North- 


394   HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

ern  States,  and  schools  for  freedmen  were  opened  in  all  parts  of 
the  State. 

The  Colored  normal  school  at  Richmond,  and  the  one  at 
Hampton,  were  commenced  in  1867  and  1868.  Captain  C.  S. 
Schaeffer,  Bureau  officer  at  Christiansburg,  commenced  his  re 
markable  efforts  about  the  same  time  in  Montgomery  County. 

School  superintendents  for  each  State  were  appointed  by  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau,  July  12,  1865,  and  a  general  superintendent, 
or  "  Inspector  of  Schools/'  was  appointed  in  September,  1865. 
These  superintendents  were  instructed  "  to  work  as  much  as 
possible  in  conjunction  with  State  officers,  who  may  have  had 
school  matters  in  charge,  and  to  take  cognizance  of  all  that  was 
being  done  to  educate  refugees  and  freedmen."  In  1866  an  act 
of  Congress  was  passed  enlarging  the  powers  of  the  Bureau,  and 
partially  consolidating  all  the  societies  and  agencies  engaged  in 
educational  work  among  the  freedmen.  In  this  bill  $521,000 
were  appropriated  for  carrying  on  the  work,  to  which  was  to  be 
added  forfeitures  of  property  owned  by  the  Confederate  Gov 
ernment.  Up  to  January  I,  1868,  over  a  million  of  dollars  was 
expended  for  school  purposes  among  the  freedmen.  In  Virginia 
12,450  pupils  are  reported  for  1867.  Mr.  Manly,  the  Virginia 
superintendent,  reports  the  following  statistics  for  the  year 
1867-8:  Schools,  230;  teachers,  290;  pupils  enrolled,  14,300;  in 
average  attendance,  10,320 ;  the  cost  as  follows  : 

From  Charity     .         .         ...         .         .         .     $78,766 

From  the  Freedmen 10,789 

From  the  Bureau        ......       42,844 


Total  Cost $I32>399 

The  amount  raised  from  freedmen  was  in  the  form  of  smalt 
tuition  fees  of  from  ten  to  fifty  cents  a  month — a  system  ap 
proved  by  Mr.  Manly. 

In  the  final  report  to  the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  made  July 
I,  1870,  the  Virginia  statistics  are:  Schools,  344;  teachers, 
412;  pupils,  18,234;  the  average  attendance,  78  percent.  This 
year  the  freedmen  paid  $12,286.50  for  tuition.  Mr.  C.  S. 
Schaeffer  and  Mr.  Samuel  H.  Jones,  who  remained  in  Virginia  as 
teachers — the  former  still  at  Christiansburg,  and  the  latter,  until 
very  lately,  at  Danville — both  acted  as  assistants  to  Mr.  Manly. 
A  considerable  number  of  school-houses  were  built  in  Virginia 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  39$ 

by  the  Bureau,  including  the  splendid  normal  and  high  school 
building  in  Richmond,  erected  and  equipped  at  a  cost  of  $25,000, 
and  afterward  turned  over  to  the  city.  After  the  conclusion  of 
his  superintendency,  Mr.  Manly  continued  for  several  years  to  do 
valuable  service  as  principal  of  this  school. 

"  The  Freedmen's  Bureau  ceased  its  educational  operations  in  the 
summer  of  1870,  and  in  the  autumn  of  that  year  our  State  public 
schools  were  opened.  So  that,  counting  from  the  beginning  of  the  mis 
sion  school  at  Hampton  in  1861,  there  has  been  an  unbroken  succession 
of  schools  for  freedmen  in  one  region  for  nineteen  years  ;  and  at  a 
number  of  leading  points  in  the  State — such  as  Norfolk,  Richmond, 
Petersburg,  Danville,  Charlottesville,  Christiansburg,  etc. — an  unbroken 
line  of  schools  for  fourteen  years  and  upwards.  These  efforts,  however, 
of  the  Federal  Government  toward  educating  the  rising  generation  of 
Colored  people,  could  not  have  been  designed  as  any  thing  more  than  an 
experiment,  intended  first  to  test  and  then  to  stimulate  the  appetite  of 
those  people  for  learning.  And  in  this  view  they  were  entirely  success 
ful  in  both  particulars ;  for  the  children  flocked  to  the  schools,  attended 
well,  made  good  progress  in  knowledge,  and  paid  a  surprising  amount 
of  money  for  tuition. 

"  But,  considered  as  a  serious  attempt  to  educate  the  children  of  the 
freedmen,  the  movement  was  wholly  inadequate,  even  when  contrasted 
with  the  operations  of  our  imperfect  State  system.  The  largest  number 
enrolled  in  the  schools  supported  by  the  combined  efforts  of  the  Bureau, 
the  charitable  societies,  and  the  tuition  fees,  was  18,234,  in  1870.  The 
next  year  we  had  in  our  public  schools  considerably  over  double  this 
number,  and  an  annual  increase  ever  since,  always  excepting  those  two- 
dark  years  (tenebricosus  and  tenebricosissimus),  1878  and  1879."  l 

"  Two  institutions  for  the  education  of  the  Colored  race,  founded 
before  the  beginning  of  our  school  system,  are  still  in  successful  opera 
tion,  but  remain  independent  of  our  school  system.  One  of  them  has 
some  connection  with  the  State  by  reason  of  the  receipt  of  one-third  of 
the  proceeds  of  the  Congressional  land-grant  for  education.  I  refer  to 
the  well-known  Hampton  Normal  and  Agricultural  Institute,  and  the 
Richmond  Colored  Institute.  Nothing  need  be  said  in  reference  to  the 
Hampton  School,  except  that  its  numbers  and  usefulness  are  constantly 
increasing  under  the  continued  superintendence  of  the  indomitable 
Gen.  Armstrong.  Its  reports,  which  are  published  every  year  as  State 
documents  in  connection  with  the  Report  of  this  department,  are  so 
accessible  to  all,  that  I  will  only  repeat  here  the  testimony  often  given, 

1  See  the  annual  reports  of  the  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  for  Virginia, 
There  were  more  than  18,234  Colored  children  in  the  schools  of  this  State  in  1870. 


396    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

that  in  my  opinion  this  is  the  most  valuable  of  all  the  schools  opened 
on  this  Continent  for  Colored  people.  Its  most  direct  benefit  is  in 
furnishing  to  our  State  schools  a  much-needed  annual  contribution  of 
teachers  ;  and  teachers  so  good  and  acceptable  that  the  demand  for 
them  is  always  much  greater  than  the  supply. 

"The  Richmond  Institute  has  more  of  a  theological  intent,  but  it 
also  sends  out  many  good  teachers.  As  a  school  it  has  prospered  steadily 
under  the  excellent  management  of  the  Rev.  C.  H.  Corey,  D.D.;  and  it 
will  soon  be  accommodated  in  a  large  new  and  handsome  building. 
Both  these  institutions  receive  their  support  chiefly  from  the  North."  * 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  tables  we  give  refer  only  to  the  work 
done  in  educating  the  Negro  in  the  Southern  States.  Much  has 
been  done  in  the  Northern  States,  but  in  quite  a  different  man 
ner.  The  work  of  education  for  the  Negro  at  the  South  had 
to  begin  at  the  bottom.  There  were  no  schools  at  all  for  this 
people  ;  and  hence  the  work  began  with  the  alphabet.  And  there 
could  be  no  classification  of  the  scholars.  All  the  way  from  six 
to  sixty  the  pupils  ranged  in  age  ;  and  even  some  who  had  given 
slavery  a  century  of  their  existence — mothers  and  fathers  in 
Israel — crowded  the  schools  established  for  their  race.  Some 
ministers  of  the  Gospel  after  a  half  century  of  preaching  entered 
school  to  learn  how  to  spell  out  the  names  of  the  twelve  Apostles. 
Old  women  who  had  lived  out  their  threescore  years  and  ten 
prayed  that  they  might  live  to  spell  out  the  Lord's  prayer,  while 
the  modest  request  of  many  departing  patriarchs  was  that  they 
might  recognize  the  Lord's  name  in  print.  The  sacrifices  they 
made  for  themselves  and  children  challenged  the  admiration  of 
even  their  former  owners. 

The  unlettered  Negroes  of  the  South  carried  into  the  school 
room  an  inborn  love  of  music,  an  excellent  memory,  and  a  good 
taste  for  the  elegant — almost  grandiloquent — in  speech,  gorgeous 
in  imagery,  and  energetic  in  narration  ;  their  apostrophe  and 
simile  were  wonderful.  Geography  and  history  furnished  great  at 
tractions,  and  they  developed  ability  to  master  them.  In  mathe 
matics  they  did  not  do  so  well,  on  account  of  the  lack  of  training 
to  think  consecutively  and  methodically.  It  is  a  mistake  to  be 
lieve  this  a  mental  infirmity  of  the  race  ;  for  a  very  large  num 
ber  of  the  students  in  college  at  the  present  time  do  as  well  in 
mathematics,  geometry,,  trigonometry,  mensuration,  and  conic 

1  Annual  Report  of  the  Hon.  W.  H.  Ruffner,  for  1874. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  397 

sections  as  the  white  students  of  the  same  age  ;  and. some  of  them 
excel  in  mathematics. 

The  majority  of  the  Colored  students  in  the  Southern  schools 
qualify  themselves  to  teach  and  preach  ;  while  the  remainder  go 
to  law  and  medicine.  Few  educated  Colored  men  ever  return  to 
agricultural  life.  There  are  two  reasons  for  this :  First,  reaction. 
There  is  an  erroneous  idea  among  some  of  these  young  men  that 
labor  is  dishonorable ;  that  an  educated  man  should  never  work 
with  his  hands.  Second,  some  of  them  believe  that  a  profession 
gives  a  man  consequence.  Such  silly  ideas  should  be  abandoned 
— they  must  be  abandoned  !  There  is  a  great  demand  for  edu 
cated  farmers  and  laborers.  It  requires  an  intelligent  man  to 
conduct  a  farm  successfully,  to  sell  the  products  of  his  labor,  and 
to  buy  the  necessaries  of  life.  No  profession  can  furnish  a  man 
with  brains,  or  provide  him  a  garment  of  respectability.  Every 
man  must  furnish  brains  and  tact  to  make  his  calling  and  election 
sure  in  this  world,  as  well  as  by  faith  in  the  world  to  come.  Un 
fortunately  there  has  been  but  little?*pportunity  for  Colored  men 
or  boys  to  get  employment  at  the  'trades :  but  prejudice  is  grad 
ually  givfng  way  to  reason  and  common-sense  ;  and  the  day  is 
not  distant  when  the  Negro  will  have  a  free  field  in  this  country, 
and  will  then  be  responsible  for  what  he  is  not  that  is  good. 
The  need  of  the  hour  is  a  varied  employment  for  the  Negro  race 
on  this  continent.  There  is  more  need  of  educated  mechanics, 
civil  engineers,  surveyors,  printers,  artificers,  inventors,  architects, 
builders,  merchants,  and  bankers  than  there  is  demand  for  law 
yers,  physicians,  or  clergymen.  Waiters,  barbers,  porters,  boot 
blacks,  hack-drivers,  grooms,  and  private  valets  find  but  little 
time  for  the  expansion  of  their  intellects.  These  places  are  not 
dishonorable  ;  but  what  we  say  is,  there  is  room  at  the  top  /  An  in 
dustrial  school,  something  like  Cooper  Institute,  situated  between 
New  York  and  Philadelphia,  where  Colored  boys  and  girls  could 
learn  the  trades  that  race  prejudice  denies  them  now,  would  be 
the  grandest  institution  of  modern  times.  It  matters  not  how  many 
million  dollars  are  given  toward  the  education  of  the  Negro ;  so 
long  as  he  is  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  learning  and  plying  the 
trades  and  mechanic  arts  his  education  will  injure  rather  than  help 
him.1  We  would  rather  see  a  Negro  boy  build  an  engine  than 
take  the  highest  prize  in  Yale  or  Harvard. 

1  For  an  account  of  the  John  F.  Slater  Bequest  of  $1,000.000  for  the  education  of 
the  freedmen,  see  the  Appendix  to  this  volume. 


398    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

It  is  quite  difficult  to  get  at  a  clear  idea  of  what  has  been  done 
in  the  Northern  States  toward  the  education  of  the  Colored 
people.  In  nearly  all  the  States  on  the  borders  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  rivers  "  Colored  schools  "  still  exist ;  and  in  many  in 
stances  are  kept  alive  through  the  spirit  of  the  self-seeking  of  a 
few  Colored  persons  who  draw  salaries  in  lieu  of  their  continu 
ance.  They  should  be  abolished,  and  will  be,  as  surely  as  heat 
follows  light  and  the  rising  of  the  sun.  In  the  New  England, 
Middle,  and  extreme  Western  States,  with  the  exception  of 
Kansas,  separate  schools  do  not  exist.  The  doors  of  all  colleges, 
founded  and  conducted  by  the  white  people  in  the  North,  are  open 
to  the  Colored  people  who  desire  to  avail  themselves  of  an  aca 
demic  education.  At  the  present  time  there  are  one  hundred 
and  sixty-nine  Colored  students  in  seventy  white  colleges  in  the 
Northern  States  ;  and  the  presidents  say  they  are  doing  well. 

The  Bureau  of  Refugees,  Freedmen,  and  A  bandoned  Lands  was 
established  in  the  spring  of  1865  to  meet  the  state  of  affairs  inci 
dent  upon  the  closing  scenesT  of  the  great  civil  war.  The  Act 
creating  the  Bureau  was  approved  and  became  a  law  on  the  3d 
of  March,  1865.  The  Bureau  was  to  be  under  the  management 
of  the  War  Department,  and  its  officers  were  liable  for  the  prop 
erty  placed  in  their  hands  under  the  revised  regulations  of  the 
army.  In  May,  1865,  the  following  order  was  issued  from  the 
War  Department  appointing  Major-Gen.  O.  O.  Howard  Commis 
sioner  of  the  Bureau  : 

"  [GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  91.] 

"WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT  GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  \ 
"WASHINGTON,  May  12,  1865.  ) 

"  Order   Organizing  Bureau  of  Refugees,  Freedmen,  and  Abandoned 

"Lands. 

"  I.  By  the  direction  of  the  President,  Major  General  O.  O.  Howard 
is  assigned  to  duty  in  the  War  Department  as  Commissioner  of  the 
Bureau  of  Refugees,  Freedmen,  and  Abandoned  Lands,  under  the  act 
of  Congress  entitled  'An  act  to  establish  a  bureau  for  the  relief  of 
freedmen  and  refugees,'  to  perform  the  duties  and  exercise  all  the 
rights,  authority,  and  jurisdiction  vested  by  the  act  of  Congress  in  such 
Commissioner.  General  Howard  will  enter  at  once  upon  the  duties  of 
Commissionei  specified  in  said  act. 

"  II.  The  Quartermaster  General  will,  without  delay,  assign  and 
furnish  suitable  quarters  and  apartments  for  the  said  bureau. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  399 

"  III.     The  Adjutant  General  will  assign  to  the  said  bureau  the 
-number  of  competent  clerks  authorized  by  the  act  of  Congress. 
"  By  order  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  : 

"  E.  D.  Townsend, 

"Assistant  Adjutant  General" 

Gen.  Howard  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  the  vast,  varied, 
and  complicated  duties  of  his  office  with  his  characteristic  zeal, 
intelligence,  and  high  Christian  integrity.  Hospitals  were  founded 
for  the  care  of  the  sick,  infirm,  blind,  deaf,  and  dumb.  Rations 
were  issued,  clothing  distributed,  and  lands  apportioned  to  the 
needy  and  worthy. 

From  May  30,  1865,  to  November  20,  1865,  inclusive,  this 
Bureau  furnished  transportation  for  1,946  freedmen,  and  issued 
to  this  class  of  persons  in  ten  States,  1,030,100  rations. 

"  Congress,  when  it  created  the  bureau,  made  no  appropriation  to 
defray  its  expenses  ;  it  has,  however,  received  funds  from  miscellaneous 
sources,  as  the  following  report  will  show  : 

"  In  several  of  the  States,  Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Arkansas,  Mis 
souri,  and  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  interests  of  the  freedmen  were 
under  the  control  of  military  officers  assigned  by  the  War  Department 
previous  to  the  organization  of  this  bureau.  Their  accounts  became 
naturally  absorbed  in  the  accounts  of  the  bureau,  and  the  following  re 
port  embraces  all  the  receipts  and  expenditures  in  all  States  now  under 
control  of  the  bureau  since  January  i,  1865  : " 

RECEIPTS. 

Amount  on  hand  January  i,  1865,  and  received  since,  to  October 

.31.  l865  : 

From  freedmen's  fund           ....  $466,028  35 

From  retained  bounties     ....  115,236  49 

For  clothing,  fuel,  and  subsistence        .         .  7,704  21 

Farms 76,709   12 

From  rents  of  buildings         ....  56,012  42 

From  rents  of  lands            .         .         .         .  125,521  oo 

From  Quartermaster's  department         .         .  12,200  oo 

From  conscript  fund          ....  13,498  n 

-From  schools  (tax  and  tuition)      .         .         .  34,486  58 

Total  received    .....        907,396  28 


400    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

EXPENDITURES. 

Freedmen's  fund $8,009  *4 

Clothing,  fuel,  and  subsistence    .         .         .  75,504  05- 

Farms 40,069  71 

Household  furniture     .....  2,904  90 

Rents  of  buildings 11,470  88 

Labor  (by  freedmen  and  other  employe's)  .  237,097  62 

Repairs  of  buildings       .....  19,518  46 

Contingent  expenses  .....  46,328  07 

Rents  of  lands         ......  300  oo 

Internal  revenue 1,379  86 

Conscript  fund 6,515  37 

Transportation             .        .         •        .        .  i»445  5* 

Schools 27,819  60 

Total  expended 478,363  17 

RECAPITULATION. 

Total  amount  received          .         .  .  $907,396  28 

Total  amount  expended     ....        478,363  17 

Balance  on  hand  October  31,  1865        .         .     429,033  n 
Deduct  the  amount  held  as  retained  bounties.  115,236  49 

Balance  on  hand  October  31,  1865,  available 

to  meet  liabilities       .....     313,796  62.* 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  Government  to  help  the  freedmen 
on  to  their  feet ;  to  give  them  a  start  in  the  race  of  self-support 
and  manhood.  They  received  such  assistance  as  was  given  them 
with  thankful  hearts,  and  were  not  long  in  placing  themselves 
upon  a  safe  foundation  for  their  new  existence.  Out  of  a  popu 
lation  of  350,000  in  North  Carolina  only  5,000  were  receiving  aid 
from  the  Government  in  the  fall  of  1865.  Each  month  witnessed 
a  wonderful  reduction  of  the  rations  issued  to  the  freedmen.  In 
the  month  of  August,  1865,  Gen.  C.  B.  Fisk  had  reduced  the 
number  of  freedmen  receiving  rations  from  3,785  to  2,984,  in 
Kentucky.  In  the  same  month,  in  Mississippi,  Gen.  Samuel 
Thomas,  of  the  6^th  U.  S.  C.  I.,  had  reduced  the  number  of 
persons  receiving  rations  to  669.  In  his  report  for  1865,  Gen. 
Thomas  said : 

1See  report  of  the  Commissioner. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  401 

"  The  freedmen  working  land  assigned  them  at  Davis's  Bend,  Camp 
Hawley,  near  Vicksburg,  De  Soto  Point,  opposite,  and  at  Washington, 
near  Natchez,  arc  all  doing  well.  These  crops  are  maturing  fast ;  as. 
harvest  time  approaches,  I  reduce  the  number  of  rations  issued  and 
compel  them  to  rely  on  their  own  resources.  At  least  10,000  bales  of 
cotton  will  be  raised  by  these  people,  who  are  conducting  cotton  crops 
on  their  own  account.  Besides  this  cotton,  they  have  gardens  and 
corn  enough  to  furnish  bread  for  their  families  and  food  for  their 
stock  till  harvest  time  returns.  *  *  *  A  more  industrious,  energetic 
body  of  citizens  does  not  exist  than  can  be  seen  at  the  colonies  now." 

Speaking  of  the  industry  of  the  freed  people  Gen.  Thomas 
added  :  "  I  have  lately  visited  a  large  portion  of  the  State,  and 
find  it  in  much  better  condition  than  I  expected.  In  the  eastern 
part  fine  crops  of  grain  are  growing  ;  the  negroes  are  at  home 
working  quietly  ;  they  have  contracted  with  their  old  masters  at 
fair  wages ;  all  seem  to  accept  the  change  without  a  shock." 

From  June  I,  1865,  to  September  I,  1866,  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau  issued  to  the  freed  people  of  the  South  8,904,4513^ 
rations,  and  was  able  to  make  the  following  financial  showing  of 
the  Refugees'  and  Freedmen's  fund.  From  November  I,  1865, 
to  October  i,  1866,  the  receipts  and  expenditures  were  as  follows:: 

Amount  on  hand  November  i,  1865   .         .     $313,796  62 

Received  from  various  sources,  as  follows  : 

Freedmen's  fund $367,659  93. 

Clothing,  fuel,  and  subsistence         .         .  2,074  55 

Farms  (sales  of  crops)  .....  109,709  98 

Rent  of  buildings     .         .         .         .         .  48,560  87 

Rent  of  lands 113,641   78 

Conscript  funds        .         .         .         .         .  140  95 

Transportation      ......  i,°53  50 

Schools  (taxes)         .         .         .         .         ,  64,145  86 

Total  on  hand  and  received  .         .     $1,020,784  04 

EXPENDITURES, 
Freedmen's  fund  ......       $7,411  32 

Clothing,  fuel,  and  subsistence          .         .  13,870  93 

Farms  (fencing,  seeds,  tools,  etc.)          .  .         7,210  66 

Labor  (by  freedmen  and  other  employe's)  426,918   12 

Rent  of  buildings  (offices,  etc.)     .         .  .       50,186  61 

Repairs  of  buildings          ....  J>957  4f 


402    HISTORY  OP  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA, 

EXPENDITURES. — (Continued?) 

Contingent  expenses 74»295  77 

Rent  of  lands  (restored)  ....  9,260  58 

Quartermaster's  department           .         .         .  n  26 

Internal  revenue  (tax  on  salaries)     .         .  7,9^5  22 

Conscript  fund      ......  1,664  OI 

Transportation          .....  22,387  or 

.Schools         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  115,261  56 

Total  expended      ....       $738,400  52 
Balance  on  hand  October  i,  1866      .    $282,383  52 

In  September,  1866,  the  Bureau  had  on  hand : 

RECAPITULATION. 

Balance  on  hand  of  freedmen's  fund         .       $282,383  52 
Balance  of  District  destitute  fund         .  18,328  67 

Balance  of  appropriation  .         .          .      6,856,259  30 

Total $7,156>97i  49 

Estimated  amount  due  subsistence  depart 
ment  $297,000  oo 

Transportation  reported  unpaid     .         .  26,015  94 

Transportation  estimated  due    .         .         .  20,000  oo 

Estimated  amount  due  medical  department  100,000  oo 
Estimated    amount    due     quartermaster's 

department 200,000  oo 

$643,015  94 


Total   balance   for   all  purposes  of 

expenditures     ....  $6,513,955  55 

But  the  estimate  of  Gen.- Howard  for  funds  to  run  the  Bureau 
for  the  fiscal  year  commencing  July  I,  1867,  only  called  for  the 
sum  of  three  million  eight  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand  and 
three  hundred  dollars,  as  follows : 

Salaries    of    assistant    commissioners,    sub- 
assistants,  and  agents    ....  $147,500 

Salaries  of  clerks 82,800 

Stationery  and  printing          ....  63,000 

Quarters  and  fuel      .....  200,000 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  403 

Subsistence  stores 1,500,000 

Medical  department           ....  500,000 

Transportation       ......  800,000 

School  superintendents      ....  25,000 

Buildings  for  schools  and  asylums,  including 

construction,  rental,  an4  repairs          .  500,000 

Telegraphing  and  postage     '.         .         .         .  18,000 

$3,836,300 

This  showed  that  the  freed  people  were  rapidly  becoming 
self-sustaining,  and  that  the  aid  rendered  by  the  Government 
was  used  to  a  good  purpose. 

Soon  after  Colored  Troops  Were  mustered  into  the  "service  of 
the  Government  a  question  arose  as  to  some  safe  method  by 
which  these  troops  might  save  their  pay  against  the  days  of 
peace  and  personal  effort.  The  noble  and  wise  Gen.  Saxton 
answered  the  question  and  met  the  need  of  the  hour  by  estab 
lishing  a  Military  Savings  Bank  at  Beaufort,  South  Carolina. 
Soldiers  under  his  command  were  thus  enabled  to  husband  their 
funds.  Gen.  Butler  followed  in  this  good  work,  and  established 
a  similar  one  at  Norfolk,  Virginia.  These  banks  did  an  excel 
lent  work,  and  so  favorably  impressed  many  of  the  friends  of  the 
Negro  that  a  plan  for  a  Freedman's  Savings  Bank  and  Trust 
Company  was  at  once  projected.  Before  the  spring  campaign 
of  1865  opened  up,  the  plan  was  presented  to  Congress;  a  bill 
introduced  creating  such  a  bank,  was  passed  and  signed  by  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  on  the  3d  of  March.  The  following  is  the  Act : 

4t  AN  ACT  TO  INCORPORATE  THE  FREEPMAN'S  SAVINGS  AND  TRUST 

"  COMPANY. 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Coiigress  assembled :  That  Peter  Cooper,  WilliamC. 
Bryant,  A.  A.  Low,  S.  B.  Chittenden,  Charles  H.  Marshall,  William  A. 
Booth,  Gerrit  Smith,  William  A.  Hall,  William  Allen,  John  Jay,  Abra 
ham  Baldwin,  A.  S.  Barnes,  Hiram  Barney,  Seth  B.  Hunt,  Samuel 
Holmes,  Charles  Collins,  R.  R.  Graves,  Walter  S.  Griffith,  A.  H.  Wallis, 
D.  S.  Gregory,  J.  W.  Alvord,  George  Whipple,  A.  S.  Hatch,  Walter  T. 
Hatch,  E.  A.  Lambert,  W.  G.  Lambert,  Roe  Lockwood,  R.  H.  Man 
ning,  R.  W.  Ropes,  Albert  Woodruff,  and  Thomas  Denny,  of  New 
York  ;  John  M.  Forbes,  William  Claflin,  S.  G.  Howe,  George  L.  Stearns, 
Edward  Atkinson,  A.  A.  Lawrence,  and  John  M.  S.  Williams,  of  Massa- 


404    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

chusetts  ;  Edward  Harris  and  Thomas  Davis,  of  Rhode  Island  ;  Stephen: 
Colwell,  J.  Wheaton  Smith,  Francis  E.  Cope,  Thomas  Webster,  B.  S.- 
Hunt,  and  Henry  Samuel,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Edward  Harwood,  Adam 
Poe,  Levi  Coffin,  J.  M.  Walden,  of  Ohio,  and  their  successors,  are 
constituted  a  body  corporate  in  the  City  of  Washington,  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  by  the  name  of  the  FREEDMAN'S  SAVINGS  AND  TRUST 
COMPANY,  and  by  that  name  may  sue  and  be  sued  in  any  court  of  the 
United  States. 

"  SEC.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  persons  named  in  the 
first  section  of  this  act  shall  be  the  first  Trustees  of  the  Corporation^ 
and  all  vacancies  by  death,  resignation,  or  otherwise,  in  the  office  of 
Trustee  shall  be  filled  by  the  Board,  by  ballot,  without  unnecessary  de 
lay,  and  at  least  ten  votes  shall  be  necessary  for  the  election  of  any 
Trustee.  The  Trustees  shall  hold  a  regular  meeting,  at  least  once  in 
each  month,  to  receive  reports  of  their  officers  on  the  affairs  of  the  Cor 
poration,  and  to  transact  such  business  as  may  be  necessary  ;  and  any 
Trustee  omitting  to  attend  the  regular  meetings  of  the  Board  for  six 
months  in  succession,  may  thereupon  be  considered  as  having  vacated 
his  place,  and  a  successor  may  be  elected  to  fill  the  same. 

"  SEC.  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  business  of  the  Cor 
poration  shall  be  managed  and  directed  by  the  Board  of  Trustees,  who 
shall  elect  from  their  number  a  President  and  two  Vice-Presidents,  and 
may  appoint  such  other  officers  as  they  may  see  fit ;  nine  of  the  Trus 
tees,  of  whom  the  President  or  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents  shall  be  one, 
shall  form  a  quorum  for  the  transaction  of  business  at  any  regular 
or  adjourned  meeting  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  ;  and  the  affirmative 
vote  of  at  least  seven  members  of  the  Board  shall  be  requisite  in 
making  any  order  for,  or  authorizing  the  investment  of,  any  moneys,  or 
the  sale  or  transfer  of  any  stock  or  securities  belonging  to  the  Cor 
poration,  or  the  appointment  of  any  officer  receiving  any  salary  there 
from.  0 

"  SEC.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Board  of  Trustees 
of  the  Corporation  shall  have  power,  from  time  to  time,  to  make  and 
establish  such  By-Laws  and  regulations  as  they  shall  judge  proper  with, 
regard  to  the  elections  of  officers  and  their  respective  functions,  and 
generally  for  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  Corporation,  pro 
vided  such  By-Laws  and  regulations  are  not  repugnant  to  this  act,  or 
to  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  the  United  States. 

"  SEC.  5.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  general  business  and 
object  of  the  Corporation  hereby  created  shall  be,  to  receive  on  deposit 
such  sums  of  money  as  may,  from  time  to  time,  be  offered  therefor,  by 
or  on  behalf  of  persons  heretofore  held  in  slavery  in  the  United  States,. 
or  their  descendants,  and  investing  the  same  in  the  stocks,  bonds, 
Treasury  notes,  or  other  securities  of  the  United  States. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION  405 

"  SEC.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of 
the  Trustees  of  the  Corporation  to  invest,  as  soon  as  practicable,  in 
the  securities  named  in  the  next  preceding  section,  all  sums  received 
by  them  beyond  an  available  fund,  not  exceeding  one  third  of  the  total 
amount  of  deposits  with  the  Corporation,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Trus 
tees,  which  available  funds  may  be  kept  by  the  Trustees,  to  meet  cur 
rent  payments  of  the  Corporation,  and  may  by  them  be  left  on  deposit, 
at  interest  or  otherwise,  or  in  such  available  form  as  the  Trustees  may 
direct. 

"  SEC.  7.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  Corporation  may, 
under  such  regulations  as  the  Board  of  Trustees  shall,  from  time  to 
time,  prescribe,  receive  any  deposit  hereby  authorized  to  be  received, 
upon  such  trusts  and  for  such  purposes,  not  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  as  may  be  indicated  in  writing  by  the  depositor,  such 
writing  to  be  subscribed  by  the  depositor  and  acknowledged  or  proved 
before  any  officer  in  the  civil  or  military  service  of  the  United  States, 
the  certificate  of  which  acknowledgment  or  proof  shall  be  endorsed 
on  the  writing  ;  and  the  writing,  so  acknowledged  or  proved,  shall  ac 
company  such  deposit  and  be  filed  among  the  papers  of  the  Corpora 
tion,  and  be  carefully  preserved  therein,  and  may  be  read  in  evidence 
in  any  court  or  before  any  judicial  officer  of  the  United  States,  without 
further  proof  ;  and  the  certificate  of  acknowledgment  or  proof  shall 
\&  prima  faeit  evidence  only  of  the  due  execution  of  such  writing. 

"  SEC.  8.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  sums  received  on 
deposit  shall  be  repaid  to  such  depositor  when  required,  at  such  time, 
with  such  interest,  not  exceeding  seven  per  centum  per  annum,  and 
under  such  regulations  as  the  Board  of  Trustees  shall,  from  time  to 
time,  prescribe,  which  regulations  shall  be  posted  up  in  some  conspicuous 
place  in  the  room  where  the  business  of  the  Corporation  shall  be  trans 
acted,  but  shall  not  be  altered  so  as  to  affect  any  deposit  previously 
made.  .  * 

"  SEC.  9.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  trusts  upon  which, 
and  all  purposes  for  which  any  deposit  shall  be  made,  and  which  shall 
be  indicated  in  the  writing  to  accompany  such  deposit,  shall- be  faith 
fully  performed  by  the  Corporation,  unless  the  performing  of  the  same 
•is  rendered  impossible. 

"  SEC.  10.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  when  any  depositor 
shall  die,  the  funds  remaining  on  deposit  with  the  Corporation  to  his 
credit,  and  all  accumulations  thereof,  shall  belong  and  be  paid  to  the 
personal  representatives  of  such  depositor,  in  case  he  shall  have  left  a 
last  will  and  testament,  and  in  default  of  a  last  will  and  testament,  or 
of  any  person  qualifying  under  a  last  will  and  testament,  competent  to 
act  as  executor,  the  Corporation  shall  be  entitled,  in  respect  to  the  funds 
so  remaining  on  deposit  to  the  credit  of  any  such  depositor,  to  adminis- 


406    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA 

tration  thereon  in  preference  to  all  other  persons,  and  letters  01  ad 
ministration  shall  be  granted  to  the  Corporation  accordingly  in  the 
manner  prescribed  by  law  in  respect  to  granting  of  letters  of  adminis 
tration,  with  the  will  annexed,  and  in  cases  of  intestacy. 

"SEC.  ii.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  in  the  case  of  the  death 
of  any  depositor,  whose  deposit  shall  not  be  held  upon  any  trust  created 
pursuant  to  the  provisions  hereinbefore  contained,  or  where  it  may 
prove  impossible  to  execute  such  trust,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Cor 
poration  to  make  diligent  efforts  to  ascertain  and  discover  whether 
such  deceased  depositor  has  left  a  husband,  wife,  or  children,  surviving, 
and  the  Corporation  shall  keep  a  record  of  the  efforts  so  made,  and  of 
the  results  thereof  ;  and  in  case  no  person  lawfully  entitled  thereto  shall 
be  discovered,  or  shall  appear,  or  claim  the  funds  remaining  to  the 
credit  of  such  depositor  before  the  expiration  of  two  years  from  the 
death  of  such  depositor,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  Corporation  to  hold 
and  invest  such  funds  as  a  separate  trust  fund,  to  be  applied,  with  the 
accumulations  thereof,  to  the  education  and  improvement  of  persons 
heretofore  held  in  slavery,  or  their  descendants,  being  inhabitants  of 
the  United  States,  in  such  manner  and  through  such  agencies  as  the 
Board  of  Trustees  shall  deem  best  calculated  to  effect  that  object  ; 
Provided,  That  if  any  depositor  be  not  heard  from  within  five  years 
from  the  date  of  his  last  deposit,  the  Trustees  shall  advertise  the  same 
in  some  paper  of  general  circulation  in  the  State  where  the  principal 
office  of  the  Company  is  established,  and  also  in  the  State  where  the 
depositor  was  last  heard  from  ;  and  if,  within  two  years  thereafter,  such 
depositor  shall  not  appear,  nor  a  husband,  wife,  or  child  of  such  deposi 
tor,  to  claim  his  deposits,  they  shall  be  used  by  the  Board  of  Trustees 
as  hereinbefore  provided  for  in  this  section. 

"SEC.  12.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  no  President,  Vice- 
President,  Trustee,  officer,  or  servant  of  the  Corporation  shall,  directly 
or  indirectly,  borrow  the  funds  of  the  Corporation  or  its  deposits,  or  in 
any  manner  use  the  same,  or  any  part  thereof,  except  to  pay  necessary 
expenses,  under  the  direction  of  the  Board  of  Trustees.  All  certificates 
or  other  evidences  of  deposit  made  by  the  proper  officers  shall  be  as 
binding  on  the  Corporation  as  if  they  were  made  under  their  common 
seal.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Trustees  to  regulate  the  rate  of  interest 
allowed  to  the  depositors,  so  that  they  shall  receive,  as  nearly  as  may  be, 
a  rateable  proportion  of  all  the  profits  of  the  Corporation,  after  deduc 
ting  all  necessary  expenses  ;  Provided,  however,  That  the  Trustees  may 
allow  to  depositors  to  the  amount  of  five  hundred  dollars  or  upward 
one  per  centum  less  than  the  amount  allowed  others  ;  And  provided,  also, 
Whenever  it  shall  appear  that,  after  the  payment  of  the  usual  interest 
to  depositors,  there  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Corporation  an  excess  of 
profits  over  the  liabilities  amounting  to  ten  per  centum  upon  the  de- 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  407 

posits,  such  excess  shall  be  invested  for  the  security  of  the  depositors 
in  the  Corporation  ;  and  thereafter,  at  each  annual  examination  of  the 
affairs  of  the  Corporation,  any  surplus  over  and  above  such  ten  per 
centum  shall,  in  addition  to  the  usual  interest,  be  divided  rateably 
among  the  depositors,  in  such  manner  as  the  Board  of  Trustees  shall 
direct. 

"SEC.  13.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  whenever  any  deposits 
shall  be  made  by  any  minor,  the  Trustees  of  the  Corporation  may,  at 
their  discretion,  pay  to  such  depositor  such  sum  as  may  be  due  to  him, 
although  no  guardian  shall  have  been  appointed  for  such  minor,  or  the 
guardian  of  such  minor  shall  not  have  authorized  the  drawing  of  the 
same  ;  and  the  check,  receipt,  or  acquittance  of  such  minor  shall  be  as 
valid  as  if  the  same  were  executed  by  a  guardian  of  such  minor,  or  the 
minor  were  of  full  age,  if  such  deposit  was  made  personally  by  such 
minor.  And  whenever  any  deposits  shall  have  been  made  by  married 
women,  the  Trustees  may  repay  the  same  on  their  own  receipts. 

"SEC.  14.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Trustees  shall  not 
directly  or  indirectly  receive  any  payment  or  emolument  for  their  ser 
vices  as  such,  except  the  President  and  Vice-President. 

"SEC.  15.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President,  Vice- 
President,  and  subordinate  officers  and  agents  of  the  Corporation,  shall 
respectively  give  such  security  for  their  fidelity  and  good  conduct  as 
the  Board  of  Trustees  may,  from  time  to  time,  require,  and  the  Board 
shall  fix  the  salaries  of  such  officers  and  agents. 

"  SEC.  16.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  books  of  the  Cor 
poration  shall,  at  all  times  during  the  hours  of  business,  be  open  for 
inspection  and  examination  to  such  persons  as  Congress  shall  designate 
or  appoint. 

"Approved  March  3,  1865." 

Eleven  of  these  banks  were  established  in  1865,  nine  in  1866, 
three  in  1868,  one  in  1869,  and  the  remainder  in  1870,  after  the 
charter  had  been  amended  as  follows  : 

"AN  ACT  TO  AMEND  AN  ACT  ENTITLED  'AN  ACT  TO  INCORPORATE 
THE  FREEDMAN'S  SAVINGS  AND  TRUST  COMPANY,'   APPROVED 
MARCH  THIRD,  EIGHTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SIXTY-FIVE. 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  fifth  section 
of  the  Act  entitled  'An  Act  to  Incorporate  the  Freedman's  Savings  and 
Trust  Company,'  approved  March  third,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty- 
five,  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby,  amended  by  adding  thereto  at  the  end 


408    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA 

thereof  the  words  following  :  '  and  to  the  extent  of  one  half  in  bonds 
or  notes,  secured  by  mortgage  on  real  estate  in  double  the  value  of  the 
loan  ;  and  the  corporation  is  also  authorized  hereby  to  hold  and  im 
prove  the  real  estate  now  owned  by  it  in  the  city  of  Washington,  to  wit : 
the  west  half  of  lot  number  three  ;  all  of  lots  four,  five,  six,  seven,  and 
the  south  half  of  lot  number  eight,  in  square  number  two  hundred  and 
twenty-one,  as  laid  out  and  recorded  in  the  original  plats  or  plan  of  said 
city  :  Provided,  That  said  corporation  shall  not  use  the  principal  of  any 
deposits  made  with  it  for  the  purpose  of  such  improvement.' 

"  SEC.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  Congress  shall  have  the 
right  to  alter  or  repeal  this  amendment  at  any  time. 

"  Approved  May  6,  1870." 

The  company  was  organized  on  the  i6th  of  May,  1865,  and 
the  trustees  made  their  first  report  on  the  8th  of  June,  1865. 
Deposits  up  to  this  date  were  $700,  besides  $7,956.38  trans 
ferred  from  the  Military  Savings  Bank  at  Norfolk,  Virginia,  on 
the  3d  of  June.  On  the  1st  of  August  the  first  branch  office  was 
opened  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  and  on  the  1st  of  September  it  had 
a  balance  due  its  depositors  of  $843.84 

Other  branches  were  opened  during  the  year  at  Louisville, 
Richmond,  Nashville,  Wilmington,  Huntsville,  Memphis,  Mobile, 
and  Vicksburg.  December  14,  1865,  the  Military  Bank  at  Beau 
fort,  organized  October  16,  1865,  was,  by  order  of  General  Saxton, 
transferred  to  this  company,  with  its  balance  of  $170,000.  At 
the  end  of  the  first  year,  March  I,  1866,  fourteen  branch  offices 
had  been  opened,  and  the  balance  due  depositors  was  $199,- 
283.42. 

The  total  deposits  made  by  freedmen  in  them,  from  their  es 
tablishment  up  to  July  i,  1870,  was  $16,960,336,  of  which  over 
$2,000,000  still  remained  on  deposit.  The  total  amount  of  de 
posits  in  the  Richmond  branch  up  to  that  date  was  $318,913,  and 
the  balance  undrawn  $84,537.  The  average  amount  deposited 
by  the  various  depositors  was  nearly  $284.  So  far  as  the  facts 
were  obtained,  it  appeared  that  about  seventy  per  cent,  of  the 
money  drawn  from  these  banks  was  invested  in  real  estate  and  in 
business. 

By  the  financial  statement  of  the  banking  company,  for 
August,  1871,  it  appears  that  in  the  thirty-four  banks  then  in  op 
eration  the  deposits  made  during  that  month,  which  was  con 
sidered  "  dull,"  amounted  to  $882,806.67,  and  that  the  total 
amount  to  the  credit  of  the  depositors  was  $3,058,232.81.  In  the 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION. 


409 


Richmond  branch,  the  deposits  for  that  month  were  $17,790.60, 
and  the  total  amount  due  depositors  was  $123,733.75  ',  all  of 
which  was  to  the  credit  of  Colored  people,  except  $6,929.19.  A 
branch  shortly  before  had  been  established  in  Lynchburg,  which 
showed  a  balance  due  depositors  of  $7,382.83. 

The  following  table  shows  the  business  of  the  company  for 
-the  years  1866-1871  : 

Table  Showing  the  Relative  Business  of  the  Company  for  Each 
Fiscal  Year. 


For  year  ending 
March  i. 

Total  amount  of 
deposits. 

Total  amount  of 
drafts. 

Balance  due 
depositors. 

1866    . 
1867 
1868     . 
1869 
1870     . 
1871 

$305,167  oo 
1,624,853  33 
3,582,378  36 

7,257,798  63 
12,605,781  95 

i9,952>647  36 

$105,883  58 
1,258,515  oo 
2,944,079  36 
6,i84,333  32 

10,948,775     20 

i7,497,i11   25 

$199,283  42 
366,338  33 
638,299  oo 

1,073,465  31 
1,657,006  75 

2,455,836  ii 

For    year  ending 
March  i. 

Deposits  each 
year. 

Drafts  each 
year. 

Gain  each 
year. 

1866     . 
1867 
1868     . 
1869 
1870     . 
1871 

$305,167  oo 
1,319,686  33 

i,957,525  03 
3,675,420  27 

5,347,983  32 
7,347,^5  41 

$105,883  58 

1,152,631  42 
1,685,564  36 
3,240,253  96 
4,764,441  88 
6,548,336  05 

$199,283  42 
167,054  91 
271,960  67 
435,i66  31 
583,341  44 
798,829  36 

The  total  amount  of  deposits  received  from  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  company  to  October  i,  1871 — six  years 

from  the  opening  of  the  first  branch — was  .  .  $25,977,435  48 

Total  diafts  during  the  same  period  were.         .         .          22,850,92647 

Leaving  due  depositors  October  i,  1871    ....  3,126,509  01 

The  total  assets  of  company  on  same  day  amounted  to       .  3,157,206  17 

The  interest  paid  during  this  time  amounted  to         .         .      180,565  35 


In   1872  the  trustees  made  the  following  interesting  state 
ment : 


410    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


THE   FREEDMAN  S   SAVINGS   AND   TRUST   COMPANY. 

FINANCIAL   STATEMENT    FOR   THE   MONTH    OF   AUGUST,    1872. 


$4 

1 

f| 

~G 

k> 

3  en 
*t3  i-i 

BRANCHES. 

Jl 

!-' 

|l 

1 

it 

Q*1 

Q 

go 

0*0 

h 

«Q 

Atlanta,  Georgia  . 

$9,419  68 

$11,242  30 

$245,200  27 

$223,020  17 

$22,180  10 

Augusta,  Georgia 
Baltimore,  Maryland    . 
Beaufort,  South  Carolina, 
Charleston,  South  Carolina, 

10,771  99 
29-755  52 
189,600  74 
67,668  83 

9,217  94 
18,644  57 
184,924  40 
84,464  53 

367,653  l6 
1,278,042  32 
2,993,873  30 
3,100,641  65 

284,406  14 
996,371  98 
2,944,441  88 
2,795^76  24 

83,247   02 

281,670  34 
49,431  42 
305,465  41 

Columbus,  Mississippi 

2,426  15 

4,364  34 

132,036  46 

121,776  67 

10,259  79 

Columbia,  Tennessee  . 

2,552  55 

2,086  05 

34,088  97 

15,738  76 

18,350   21 

Huntsville,  Alabama 

7,343  50 

10,127  61 

416,617  72 

364.382  51 

52,235    21 

Jacksonville,  Florida   . 

67,292  09 

57,3°7  54 

3,312,424  55 

3,234,445  72 

77,978    83 

Lexington,  Kentucky 

14,383  85 

11,221     13 

238,680   22 

188,308  76 

50,371    46 

Little  Rock,  Arkansas. 

7,871  27 

9,5°6  37 

172,392  10 

154,914  42 

17,477  68 

Louisville,  Kentucky 

18,311  01 

17,535  74 

1,057.587  71 

914,504  61 

143,083  10 

Lynchburg,  Virginia    . 
Macon,  Georgia 

3,104  48 
6,808  98 

1,242  56 
7,06  1  52 

36,880  98 

197,050  ci 

18,354  87 
156,308  75 

18,526  ii 
40,741  26 

Memphis,  Tennessee    . 

20,045  40 

27,197  06 

970,096  09 

840,218  91 

129,877  18 

Mobile,  Alabama 

11,136  05 

18,645  62 

1,039,097  05 

933,424  30 

105,672  75 

Montgomery,  Alabama 
Natchez,  Mississippi 

8,522  90 
25-548  53 

8,679  6o 
15.005  17 

238,106  08 
649,256  70 

213,861  71 
612,985  74 

24,244  37 
36,270  96 

Nashville,  Tennessee  . 

15,731  46 

17,098  58 

739,691  88 

625,166  40 

114,525  48 

New  Berne,  North  Carolina, 

38,113  83 

37-775  73 

1,057,688  32 

1,001,645  74 

56,042  58 

New  Orleans,  Louisiana 
New  York.  New  York    . 

193,145  48 
1  33  ,209  58 

207.878  53 
74,461  61 

2,393-584  °8 
1,673,249  36 

2,171,056  95 
1,227,449  57 

222,527  13 
445-799  79 

Norfolk,  Virginia  . 

16,771  88 

17,757  38 

1,048,762  05 

916,047  59 

132,714  46 

Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania, 

11,451    12 

9,887  49 

357.924  89 

278,641   10 

79,283  79 

Raleigh,  North  Carolina 

5,<  63  28 

4,660  18 

231,685  82 

202,032  44 

29,653  38 

Richmond,  Virginia  . 

64,112  51 

53,900  72 

1,082,152  71 

9I2,933  45 

169,219  26 

Savannah,  Georgia 

30,951  23 

27,066  33 

1,031,173  38 

893,321  30 

137,852    02 

Shreveport,  Louisiana 

20,688  72 

21,105  59 

299.428  39 

264,707  78 

34,720  61 

St.  Louis,  Missouri 

26,323  93 

20,599   °2 

615.876  74 

526,490  86 

89,385  88 

Tallahassee,  Florida 

4,589  45 

4-526  75 

361,614  57 

329,618  33 

31,996  24 

Vicksburg,  Mississippi 
Washington,  Dist.  Colum'a, 
Wilmington,  N'th  Carolina, 

61,691  73 
323.555  79 
10,714  10 

60,068  28 
296.321  26 
12,632  65 

2,962,235  58 
7,438,918  17 
457.36o  75 

2,823,700  87 
6,406,092  39 
407,512  51 

138,534  7i 
1,032,825  78 
49,848  24 

Alexandria,  Virginia 

1,929  91 

685  80 

14,091  77 

1,626  35 

12,465  42 

$1,461,207  52 

$1.364,899  95 

$38,245,163  80 

$34,000,685  77 

$4,244,478  03 

Total  amount  of  deposits  for  the  month    . 
Total  amount  of  drafts  for  the  month 


Gain  for  the  month 


$1,461,207  56 
1,364,899  95 

96,307  61 


Total  amount  of  deposits 
Total  amount  of  drafts 


,  $38,245,163  80 
.     34,000,685  77 


Total  amount  due  depositors $4,244,478  03 


This  first  experiment  of  the  new  citizen  in  saving  his  funds 
was  working  admirably.  Each  report  was  more  cheering  than 
the  preceding  one.  The  deposits  were  generally  made  by  day 
laborers,  house  servants,  farmers,  mechanics,  and  washerwomen. 
Two  facts  were  established,  viz.:  that  the  Negroes  of  the  South, 
were  working;  and  that  they  were  saving  their  earnings.  North^ 
ern  as  well  as  Southern  whites  were  agreeably  surprised. 


THE  RES  UL  TS  OF  EM  A  NCI  PA  TION.  4 1 1 

But  bad  management  doomed  the  institution  to  irreparable 
ruin.  The  charter  was  violated  in  the  establishment  of  branch 
banks  ;  "  persons  who  were  never  held  in  bondage  and  their  de 
scendants  "  were  allowed  to  deposit  funds  in  the  bank  ;  money 
was  loaned  upon  valueless  securities  and  meaningless  collaterals, 
and  in  the  fall  of  1873,  having  been  kept  open  ,for  a  long  time 
on  money  borrowed  on  collateral  securities  belonging  to  its  cus 
tomers,  the  bank  failed ! 

During  the  brief  period  of  its  existence  about  $57,000,000 
had  been  deposited.  The  liabilities  of  the  institution  at  the  time 
of  the  failure,  as  corrected  to  date,  were  $3,037,483,  of  which 
$73,774.34  were  special  deposits  and  preferred  claims.  The 
number  of  open  accounts  at  the  time  of  the  failure  were  62,000. 
The  nominal  assets  at  the  time  of  the  failure  were  $2,693,095.20. 
And  in  the  almost  interminable  list  of  over-drafts  amounting  to 
$55,567.63,  there  appeared  but  one  solitary  surety  ! 

On  the  2Oth  of  June,  1874,  Congress  passed  an  act  permit 
ting  the  very  men  who  had  destroyed  the  bank  to  nominate  three 
Commissioners,  who,  upon  the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  should  wind  up  the  affairs  of  this  insolvent  institution. 
Section  7  of  the  Act  reads  as  follows : 

"  SEC.  7.  That  whenever  it  shall  be  deemed  advisable  by  the  trustees 
of  said  corporation  to  close  up  its  entire  business,  then  they  shall  select 
three  competent  men,  not  connected  with  the  previous  management  of 
the  institution  and  approved  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  be 
known  and  styled  commissioners,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  take  charge 
of  all  the  property  and  effects  of  said  Freedman's  Savings  and  Trust 
Company,  close  up  the  principal  and  subordinate  branches,  collect  from 
the  branches  all  the  deposits  they  have  on  hand,  and  proceed  to  collect 
all  sums  due  said  company,  and  dispose  of  all  the  property  owned  by 
said  company,  as  speedily  as  the  interests  of  the  corporation  require, 
and  to  distribute  the  proceeds  among  the  creditors  pro  rata,  according, 
to  their  respective  amounts  ;  they  shall  make  a  pro  rata  dividend  when 
ever  they  have  funds  enough  to  pay  twenty  per  centum  of  the  claims 
of  depositors.  Said  commissioners,  before  they  proceed  to  act,  shall 
execute  a  joint  bond  to  the  United  States,  with  good  sureties,  in  the 
penal  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  conditioned  for  the  faith 
ful  discharge  of  their  duties  as  commissioners  aforesaid,  and  shall  take 
an  oath  to  faithfully  and  honestly  perform  their  duties  as  such,  which 
bonds  shall  be  executed  in  presence  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
be  approved  by  him,  and  by  him  safely  kept  ;  and  whenever  said  trus,- 


412    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tees  shall  file  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  a  certified  copy  of  the 
order  appointing  said  commissioners,  and  they  shall  have  executed  the 
bonds  and  taken  the  oath  aforesaid,  then  said  commisioners  shall  be  in 
vested  with  the  legal  title  to  all  of  said  property  of  said  company,  for 
the  purposes  of  this  act,  and  shall  have  full  power  and  authority  to  sell 
the  same,  and  make  deeds  of  conveyance  to  any  and  all  of  the  real 
estate  sold  by  them  to  the  purchasers.  Said  commissioners  may  employ 
such  agents  as  are  necessary  to  assist  them  in  closing  up  said  company, 
and  pay  them  a  reasonable  compensation  for  their  services  out  of  the 
funds  of  said  company  ;  and  the  said  commissioners  shall  retain  out  of 
said  funds  a  reasonable  compensation  for  their  trouble,  to  be  fixed  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency, 
and  not  exceeding  three  thousand  dollars  each  per  annum.  Said  com 
missioners  shall  deposit  all  sums  collected  by  them  in  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States  until  they  make  a  pro  rata  distribution  of  the  same." 

There  are  several  legal  questions  that  history  would  like  to 
ask.  i.  Did  not  the  trustees  of  the  Freedman's  Savings  Bank 
and  Trust  Company  violate  their  charter  in  establishing  branch 
banks  ?  2.  Were  not  the  trustees  personally  liable  for  receiving 
deposits  from  persons  who  were  neither  "  heretofore  held  in 
slavery "  nor  the  descendants  of  such  persons  ?  3.  Were  not 
persons  "  heretofore  held  in  slavery"  and  "  their  descendants" 
preferred  creditors?  4.  Had  Congress  the  authority  to  go  out 
side  of  the  Federal  bankruptcy  laws  and  create  such  special 
machinery  for  the  settlement  of  a  collapsed  bank?  This  matter 
may  come  before  Congress  in  a  new  shape  some  time  in  the 
future. 

The  three  commissioners,  at  a  salary  of  $3,000  per  annum, 
were  charged  with  the  settlement  of  the  affairs  of  the  bank. 
They  were  Jno.  A.  J.  Creswell,  Robert  Purvis,  and  R.  H.  T.  Lei- 
pold.  Mr.  Creswell  was  retained  by  the  United  States  before 
the  Alabama  Claims  Commission  at  a  salary  of  $10,000  per  an 
num  ;  while  Mr.  Leipold  was  a  lawyer  with  considerable  practice. 
But  neither  one  of  these  gentlemen  ever  entered  a  court  on  be 
half  of  the  company.  In  a  little  more  than  five  years  they  used 
up  out  of  the  assets  of  the  company,  $40,000  for  their  salaries ; 
paid  for  salaries  to  agents,  $64,000,  and  $31,000  for  attorneys' 
fees,  aggregating  $135,000 — nearly  one  half  of  the  amount  dis 
tributed  among  depositors  for  the  same  length  of  time. 

The  more  the  commissioners  examined,  the  greater  the  liabili 
ties  of  the  company  grew.  On  the  1st  of  October,  1875,  a  divi- 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION. 


413 


dend  of  20  per  cent,  was  declared  ;  on  the  1st  of  February,  1878, 
a  dividend  of  10  per  cent,  was  declared;  on  the  2 1st  of  August, 
1880,  they  declared  another  dividend  of  loper  cent. ;  and  on  the 
I4th  of  April,  1881,  a  circular  was  sent  out  as  a  crumb  of  comfort 
to  the  anxious,  defrauded,  and  outraged  depositors.  It  is  not 
enough  for  history  to  pronounce  the  failure  of  this  bank  an  irrep 
arable  calamity  to  the  Colored  people  of  the  South;  it  should  be 
branded  as  a  crime  !  There  was  no  more  necessity  for  the  fail 
ure  of  this  bank  than  for  the  failure  of  the  United  States  Treas 
ury.  Its  management  was  criminal ;  and  Congress  should  yet 
seek  out  and  punish  the  guilty ;  and  the  depositors  should  be  in 
demnified  out  of  the  United  States  Treasury.  Justice  and 
equity  demand  it. 

The  failure  of  the  Freedman's  Bank  worked  great  mischief 
among  the  Colored  people  in  the  South.  But  hardy,  persistent, 
earnest,  and  hopeful,  they  turned  again  to  the  work  of  making 
and  saving  money.  They  have  been  more  prudent  than  their 
circumstances,  in  some  instances,  would  seem  to  warrant.  Ir 
Georgia  the  Colored  people  have  made  wonderful  progress  if 
business  matters. 


Polls. 

No.  of 
Acres    of 
Land. 

Value  of 
Land. 

City  or  Town 
Property. 

Amount    of 
Money    and 
Solvent 
Debts  of  all 
Kinds. 

Household 

and 
Kitchen 
Furniture. 

88,522 

541,199 

$1,348,758 

$1,094,435 

$73,253 

$448,713 

Horses, 
Mules,  Hogs, 
Sheep, 
and  Cattle. 

Plantation 
and 
Mechanical 
Tools. 

Value  of  all 
other  Prop 
erty,  not  be 
fore  Enumer 
ated,    except 
Annual  Crops, 
Provisions,  etc. 

Aggregate 
Value  of 
Whole  Prop 
erty. 

Total  Amount 
of  Tax  As 
sessed  on   Polls 
and    Property. 

$1,704,230 

$143,258 

$369,751 

$5,182,398 

$106,660.39 

Increase  in  number  of  acres  since  return  of  1878  ....         39,309 
Increase  in  wealth  since  return  of  1878                                                        $57,523 

In  Alabama,  Florida,  Louisiana,  North  and  South  Carolina, 
and  in  Maryland,  Colored  men    have   possessed    themselves  of 


4H    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

excellent  farms  and  moderate  fortunes.  In  Baltimore  a  com 
pany  of  Colored  men  own  a  ship  dock,  and  transact  a  large 
business.  Some  of  the  largest  orange  plantations  in  Florida  are 
owned  by  Colored  men.  On  most  of  the  plantations,  and  in 
many  of  the  large  towns  and  cities  Colored  mechanics  are  quite 
numerous.  The  Montgomeries  who  own  the  plantation,  once 
the  property  of  Jefferson  Davis,  extending  for  miles  along  the 
Mississippi,  are  probably  the  best  business  men  in  the  South. 
In  Louisiana,  P.  P.  Deslonde,  A.  Dubuclet,  Hon.  T.  T.  Allain, 
and  State  Senator  Young  are  men  who,  although  taking  a  lively 
interest  in  politics,  have  accumulated  property  and  saved  it. 

There  is  nothing  vicious  in  the  character  of  the  Southern 
Negro.  He  is  gentle,  affectionate,  and  faithful.  If  it  has 
appeared,  through  false  figures,  that  he  is  a  criminal,  there  is 
room  for  satisfactory  explanation.  In  1870,  out  of  a  population, 
of  persons  of  color,  in  all  the  States  and  Territories,  of  4,880,009, 
there  were  only  9,400  who  were  receiving  aid  on  the  1st  of  June, 
1870  ;  and  only  8,056  in  all  the  prisons  of  America.  Nine  tenths 
of  these  were  South,  and  could  neither  read  nor  write. 

During  the  Rebellion,  when  every  white  male  from  fifteen  to 
seventy  was  out  fighting  to  sustain  the  Confederacy — when  the 
Southern  Government  was  robbing  the  cradle  and  the  grave  for 
soldiers — the  wives  and  children  of  the  Confederates  were  com 
mitted  to  the  care  and  keeping  of  their  slaves.  And  what  is  the 
verdict  of  history  ?  That  these  women  were  outraged  and  their 
children  brained  ?  No !  But  that  during  all  those  years  of 
painful  anxiety,  of  hope  and  fear,  of  fiery  trial  and  severe  priva 
tion,  those  faithful  Negroes  toiled,  not  only  to  support  the  wives 
and  children  of  the  men  who  were  fighting  to  make  slavery 
national  and  perpetual,  but  fed  the  entire  rebel ;army,  and  never 
laid  the  weight  of  a  finger  upon  the  head  of  any  of  the  women  or 
children  entrusted  to  their  care  !  To  this  virtue  of  fidelity  to 
their  worst  enemies  they  added  still  another,  loyalty  to  the 
Union  flag  and  escaping  Union  soldiers.  All  night  long  they 
would  direct  the  lonely,  famishing,  fainting,  and  almost  delirious 
Union  soldier  in  a  safe  way,  and  then  when  the  night  and  morn 
ing  met  they  would  point  their  pilgrim  friends  to  the  North 
Star,  hide  them  and  feed  them  during  the  day,  and  then  return 
to  the  plantation  to  care  for  the  loved  ones  of  the  men  who 
starved  Union  soldiers  and  hunted  them  down  with  blood 
hounds  !  This  is  the  brightest  gem  that  history  can  place  upon. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION.  415 

the  brow  of  the  Negro;  and  in  conferring  it  there  is  no  one 
found  to  object. 

Since  the  war  the  crime  among  Colored  people  is  to  be  ac 
counted  for  upon  two  grounds,  viz.:  ignorance,  and  a  combination 
of  circumstances  over  which  they  had  no  control.  It  was  one 
thing  for  the  Negro  to  understand  the  cruel  laws  of  slavery,  but 
when  he  found  himself  a  freeman  he  was  not  able  to  know  what 
was  an  infraction  of  the  law.  They  did  not  know  what  in  law 
constituted  a  tort,  or  a  civil  action  from  a  sled.  The  violent  pas 
sions  pampered  in  slavery,  the  destruction  of  the  home,  the 
promiscuous  mingling  of  the  sexes,  a  conscience  enfeebled  by 
disuse,  made  them  easy  transgressors.  The  Negro  is  not  a  crim 
inal  generically  ;  he  is  an  accidental  criminal.  The  judiciary  and 
juries  of  the  South  are  responsible  for  the  alarming  prison  statis 
tics  which  stand  against  the  Negro.  It  takes  generations  for 
men  to  overcome  their  prejudices.  With  a  white  judge  and  a 
white  jury  a  Negro  is  guilty  the  moment  he  makes  his  appear 
ance  in  court.  It  is  seldom  that  a  Negro  can  get  judgment 
against  a  white  person  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances. 
The  Negroes  who  appear  in  courts  are  of  the  poorer  and  more 
ignorant  class.  They  have  no  funds  with  which  to  employ  coun 
sel,  and  have  but  few  intelligent  lawyers  to  come  to  their  rescue. 
In  cases  of  theft,  especially  of  poultry,  pigs,  sheep,  fruit,  etc.,  it 
is  next  to  impossible  to  convince  a  white  judge  or  jury  that  the 
defendant  is  not  guilty.  They  reason  that  because  the  half-fed, 
overworked  slave  appropriated  articles  of  food,  as  a  freeman  the 
Negro  was  not  changed.  They  ascribed  a  general  habit,  growing 
out  of  trying  circumstances,  to  the  Negro  as  a  slave  that  he  soon 
learned  to  regard  as  morally  wrong  when  a  freeman. 

But  the  most  effective  agency  in  filling  Southern  prisons  with 
Negroes  has  been,  and  is,  the  chain-gang  system — the  farming  out 
of  convict  labor.  Just  as  great  railway,  oil,  and  telegraph  com 
panies  in  the  North  have  been  capable  of  controlling  legislation, 
so  the  corporations  at  the  South  which  take  the  prisoners  of  the 
State  off  of  the  hands  of  the  Government,  and  then  speculate 
upon  the  labor  of  the  prisoners,  are  able  to  control  both  court 
and  jury.  It  has  been  the  practice,  and  is  now,  in  some  of  the 
Southern  States,  to  pronounce  long  sentences  upon  able-bodied 
young  Colored  men,  whose  offences,  in  a  Northern  court,  could 
not  be  visited  with  more  than  a  few  months'  confinement  and  a 
trifling  fine.  The  object  in  giving  Negro  men  a  long  term  of 


416    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

years,  is  to  make  sure  the  tenure  of  the  soulless  corporations 
upon  the  convicts  whose  unhappy  lot  it  is  to  fall  into  their  iron 
grasp.  In  some  of  the  Southern  States  a  strong  and  healthy  Negro 
convict  brings  thirty-seven  cents  a  day  to  the  State,  while  he  earns 
a  dollar  for  the  corporations  above  his  expenses.  The  convict? 
are  cruelly  treated — especially  in  Georgia  and  Kentucky  ; — theh 
food  is  poor,  their  quarters  miserable,  and  their  morals  next  to 
the  brute  creation.  In  many  of  these  camps  men  and  women 
are  compelled  to  sleep  in  the  same  bunks  together,  with  chains 
upon  their  limbs,  in  a  promiscuous  manner  too  sickening  and 
disgusting  to  mention.  When  a  prisoner  escapes  he  is  hunted 
down  by  fiery  dogs  and  cruel  guards  ;  and  often  the  poor  prisoner 
is  torn  to  pieces  by  the  dogs  or  beaten  to  death  by  the  guards. 
No  system  of  slavery  was  ever  equal  in  its  cruel  and  dehuman 
izing  details  to  this  convict  system,  which,  taking  advantage  of 
race  prejudice  on  the  one  hand  and  race  ignorance  on  the  other, 
with  cupidity  and  avarice  as  its  chief  characteristics,  has  done 
more  to  curse  the  South  than  all  things  else  since  the  war. 

It  was  predicted  by  persons  hostile  to  the  rights  and  citizen 
ship  of  the  Negro,  that  a  condition  of  freedom  would  not  be  in 
harmony  with  his  character  ;  that  it  would  destroy  him,  and  that 
he  would  destroy  the  country  and  party  which  tried  to  make  him 
agree  to  a  state  of  independent  life ;  that  having  been  used  to 
the  "kind  treatment "(?)  of  his  master  he  would  find  himself  un 
equal  to  the  responsibilities  of  freedom  ;  and  that  his  migratory 
disposition  would  lead  him  into  a  climate  too  cold  for  him,  where 
he  would  be  welcomed  to  an  inhospiitable  grave. 

It  is  true  that  a  great  many  Negroes  died  during  the  first 
years  of  their  new  life.  The  joy  of  emancipation  and  the  excite 
ment  that  disturbed  business  swept  the  Negroes  into  the  large 
cities.  Like  the  shepherds  who  left  their  flocks  on  the  plains 
and  went  into  Bethlehem  to  see  the  promised  redemption,  these 
people  sought  the  centres  of  excitement.  The  large  cities  were 
overrun  with  them.  The  demand  for  unskilled  labor  was  not 
great.  From  mere  spectators  they  became  idlers,  helpless  and 
offensive  to  industrious  society.  Ignorant  of  sanitary  laws,  im 
prudent  in  their  daily  living,  changing  from  the  pure  air  and 
plain  diet  of  farm  life  to  the  poisonous  atmosphere  and  rich,  fate 
ful  food  of  the  city,  many  fell  victims  to  the  sudden  change  from 
bondage  to  freedom,  from  darkness  to  light,  and  from  the  flesh- 
pots,  garlic,  and  onions  of  their  Egyptian  bondage  to  the  milk 
and  honey  of  the  Canaan  of  their  deliverance. 


THE  RESULTS  OF  EMANCIPATION. 


417 


But  this  was  in  accordance  with  an  immutable  law  of  nature. 
Every  year  a  large  number  of  birds  perish  in  an  attempt  to 
change  their  home  ;  every  spring-time  many  flowers  die  at  their 
birth.  The  law  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest  is  impartial  and 
inexorable.  The  Creator  said  centuries  ago  "  the  soul  that 
sinneth  shall  surely  die,"  and  the  law  has  remained  until  the 
present  time.  Those  who  sinned  ignorantly  or  knowingly  died 
the  death  ;  but  those  who  obeyed  the  laws  of  health,  of  man,  and 
of  God,  lived  to  be  useful  members  of  society. 

But  this  was  the  exception  to  the  rule.  The  Negro  race  in 
America  is  not  dying  out.  The  charge  is  false.  The  wish  was 
father  to  the  thought,  while  no  doubt  many  honest  people  have 
been  misled  by  false  figures.  Nearly  all  white  communities  at 
the  South  had  more  than  enough  of  physicians  ;  and  science  and 
culture  were  summoned  to  the  aid  of  the  white  mother  in  the 
hour  of  childbirth.  The  record  of  births  was  preserved  with 
pride  and  official  accuracy;  and  thus  there  was  a  record  upon 
which  to  calculate  the  increase.  But,  on  the  contary,  among  the 
Negroes  there  were  no  physicians  and  no  record  of  births.  The 
venerable  system  of  midwifery  prevailed.  In  burying  their  dead, 
however,  this  people  were  compelled  to  obtain  a  burial  permit 
from  the  Board  of  Health.  Thus  the  statistics  were  all  on  one 
side — all  deaths  and  no  births.  Looking  at  these  statistics  it  did 
seem  that  the  race  was  dying  out.  But  the  Government  steps  in 
and  takes  the  census  every  decade,  and,  thereby,  the  world  is 
enabled,  upon  reliable  figures,  to  estimate  the  increase  or  de 
crease  of  the  Colored  race.  The  subjoined  table  exhibits  the  in, 
crease  of  the  Colored  people  for  nine  decades. 


Year. 

Colored. 

Colored  gain 
per  cent. 

ist  census. 

1790 

757,208 

2d 

1800 

1,002,037 

32-3 

ist  decade. 

3d 

1810 

i,377,8o8 

37-5 

2d 

4th       " 

1820 

1,771,656 

28.6 

3d 

5th     ;; 

1830 

2,328,642 

3i-5 

4th       " 

6th       " 

1840 

2,873,648 

23-4 

5th       " 

7th       " 

1850 

3,638,808 

26.6 

6th 

8th       " 

1860 

4,441,830 

22.1 

7th        « 

9th       " 

1870 

4,880,009 

9-91 

8th 

icth       " 

1880 

6,580,793 

34-8 

9th       " 

1  There  is  no  disguising  the  fact  that  the  ninth  census  was  incorrect. 
it  was  the  worst  we  have  ever  had. 


No  doubt 


4 1 8    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

So  here  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  from  757,208  in  1790  the 
Negro  race  has  grown  to  be  6,580,793  in  1880  !  The  theory  that 
the  race  was  dying  out  under  the  influences  of  civilization  at  a 
greater  ratio  than  under  the  annihilating  influences  of  slavery 
was  at  war  with  common-sense  and  the  efficient  laws  of  Christian 
society.  Emancipation  has  taken  the  mother  from  field-work  to 
house-work.  The  slave  hut  has  been  supplanted  by  a  pleasant 
house  ;  the  mud  floor  is  done  away  with ;  and  now,  with  carpets 
on  the  floor,  pictures  on  the  wall,  a  better  quality  of  food  prop 
erly  prepared,  the  influence  of  books  and  papers,  and  the  bless 
ings  of  a  preached  Gospel,  the  Negro  mother  is  more  prolific, 
and  the  mortality  of  her  children  reduced  to  a  minimum.  The 
Negro  is  not  dying  out.  On  the  contrary  he  has  shown  the 
greatest  recuperative  powers,  and  against  the  white  population 
of  the  United  States  as  it  stands  to-day — if  it  were  not  fed  by 
European  immigrants, — within  the  next  hundred  years  the 
Negroes  would  outnumber  the  whites  12,000,000!  Or  at  an  in 
crease  of  33^  per  cent,  the  Negro  population  in  1980  would  be 
117,000,000!  providing  the  ratio  of  increase  continues  the  same 
between  the  races. 

And  in  addition  to  the  fact  that  the  Negro,  like  the  Irishman, 
is  prolific,  is  able  to  reproduce  his  species,  it  should  be  recorded 
that  the  Negro  intellect  is  growing  and  expanding  at  a  wonder 
ful  rate.  The  children  of  ten  and  twelve  years  of  age  are  more 
apt  to-day  than  those  of  the  same  age  ten  years  ago.  And  the 
children  of  the  next  generation  will  have  no  superiors  in  any  of 
the  schools  of  the  country. 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  419 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

REPRESENTATIVE   COLORED    MEN. 

THIRTEENTH  AMENDMENT  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION.  —  THE  LEGAL  DESTRUCTION  OF  SLAVERY  AND  A 
CONSTITUTIONAL  PROHIBITION. — FIFTEENTH  AMENDMENT  GRANTING  MANHOOD  SUFFRAGE  TO 
THK  AMERICAN  NEGRO.  —  PRESIDENT  GRANT'S  SPECIAL  MESSAGE  UPON  THE  SUBJECT. — 
UNIVERSAL  REJOICING  AMONG  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE.  —  THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 
SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. —THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OF  THE 
COUNTRY.  —  FREDERICK  DOUGLASS.  —  His  BIRTH,  ENSLAVEMENT,  ESCAPE  TO  THE  NORTH,  AND 
LIFE  AS  A  FREEMAN.  —  BF.COMES  AN  ANTI-SLAVERY  ORATOR.  —  GOES  TO  GREAT  BRITAIN. — 
RETURNS  TO  AMERICA.  —  ESTABLISHES  THE  "  NORTH  STAR."  —  His  ELOQUENCE,  INFLUENCE,  AND 
BRILLIANT  CAREER.  —  RICHARD  THEODORE  GREENER.  —  His  EARLY  LIFE,  EDUCATION,  AND 
SUCCESSFUL  LITERARY  CAREER.  —  JOHN  P.  GREEN.  —  His  EARLY  STRUGGLES  TO  OBTAIN  AN 
EDUCATION.  —  A  SUCCESSFUL  ORATOR,  LAWYER,  AND  USEFUL  LEGISLATOR.  —  OTHER  REPRESEN 
TATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  —  REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  WOMEN. 

*"  ¥  "HE  Government  could  not  escape  the  logic  of  the  position 
it  took  when  it  made  the   Negro   a  soldier,  and   invoked 
his  aid  in  putting  down  the  slave-holders'  Rebellion.     As 
a.  soldier  he  stood  in   line   of  promotion :  the  Government   de 
stroyed  the  Confederacy  when  it  placed  muskets  in  the  hands  of 
the  slaves  ;  and  at   the   close  of  the  war  had   to  legally  render 
slavery  forever  impossible  in  the  United  States.     The  bloody  de 
duction  of  the  great  struggle  had  to  be  made  a  living,  legal  verity 
in  the  Constitution,  and  hence  the  Thirteenth  Amendment. 

"  ARTICLE    XIII. 

"  SECTION  i.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as 
a  punishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con 
victed,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their 
jurisdiction. 

"  SECTION  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by 
appropriate  legislation." 

This  was  the  consummation  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  carried 
to  its  last  analysis,  applied  in  its  broadest  sense.  It  drove  the 
last  nail  in  the  coffin  of  slavery,  and  blighted  the  fondest  hope 
o£  the  friends  of  secession. 


420    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

But  there  was  need  for  another  amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion  conferring  upon  the  Colored  people  manhood  suffrage.  On 
the  2/th  of  February,  1869,  the  Congress  passed  a  resolution 
recommending  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  for  ratification  by  the 
Legislatures  of  the  several  States.  On  the  3<Dth  of  March,  1870, 
President  U.  S.  Grant  sent  a  special  message  to  Congress,  calling 
the  attention  of  that  body  to  the  proclamation  of  the  Secretary 
of  State  in  reference  to  the  ratification  of  the  Amendment  by 
twenty-nine  of  the  States. 

SPECIAL  MESSAGE  OF  PRESIDENT  GRANT  ON  RATIFICATION  OF  THE. 
FIFTEENTH  AMENDMENT. 

"  To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

"  It  is  unusual  to  notify  the  two  houses  of  Congress,  by  message,  of 
the  promulgation,  by  proclamation  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  of  the 
ratification  of  a  constitutional  amendment.  In  view,  however,  of  the 
vast  importance  of  the  XVth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution,  this 
day  declared  a  part  of  that  revered  instrument,  I  deem  a  departure 
from  the  usual  custom  justifiable.  A  measure  which  makes  at  once  four 
millions  of  people  voters,  who  were  heretofore  declared  by  the  highest 
tribunal  in  the  land  not  citizens  of  the  United  States,  nor  eligible  to 
become  so,  (with  the  assertion  that,  *  at  the  time  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  the  opinion  was  fixed  and  universal  in  the  civilized  por 
tion  of  the  white  race,  regarded  as  an  axiom  in  morals  as  well  as  in 
politics,  that  black  men  had  no  rights  which  the  white  man  was  bound 
to  respect,')  is  indeed  a  measure  of  grander  importance  than  any  other 
one  act  of  the  kind  from  the  foundation  of  our  free  government  to  the 
present  day. 

"  Institutions  like  ours,  in  which  all  power  is  derived  directly  from 
the  people,  must  depend  mainly  upon  their  intelligence,  patriotism,  and 
industry.  I  call  the  attention,  therefore,  of  the  newly-enfranchised 
race  to  the  importance  of  their  striving  in  every  honorable  manner  to 
make  themselves  worthy  of  their  new  privilege.  To  the  race  more 
favored  heretofore  by  our  laws  I  would  say,  withold  no  legal  privilege 
of  advancement  to  the  new  citizen.  The  framers  of  our  Constitution 
firmly  believed  that  a  republican  government  could  not  endure  without 
intelligence  and  education  generally  diffused  among  the  people.  The 
'  Father  of  his  Country/  in  his  farewell  address,  uses  this  language  : 
*  Promote,  then,  as  a  matter  of  primary  importance,  institutions  for 
the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge.  In  proportion  as  the  structure  of 
the  government  gives  force  to  public  opinion,  it  is  essential  that  public 
opinion  should  be  enlightened.'  In  his  first  annual  message  to  Con- 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  421 

gress  the  same  views  are  forcibly  presented,  and  are  again  urged  in  his 
eighth  message. 

"I  repeat  that  the  adoption  of  the  XVth  Amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  completes  the  greatest  civil  change  and  constitutes  the  most 
important  event  that  has  occurred  since  the  nation  came  into  life.  The 
change  will  be  beneficial  in  proportion  to  the  heed  that  is  given  to  the 
urgent  recommendations  of  Washington.  If  these  recommendations 
were  important  then,  with  a  population  of  but  a  few  millions,  how  much 
more  important  now,  with  a  population  of  forty  millions,  and  increas 
ing  in  a  rapid  ratio. 

"  I  would  therefore  call  upon  Congress  to  take  all  the  means  within 
their  constitutional  powers  to  promote  and  encourage  popular  education 
throughout  the  country  ;  and  upon  the  people  everywhere  to  see  to  it 
that  all  who  possess  and  exercise  political  rights  shall  have  the  oppor 
tunity  to  acquire  the  knowledge  which  will  make  their  share  in  the  gov 
ernment  a  blessing  and  not  a  danger.  By  such  means  only  can  the  bene 
fits  contemplated  by  this  amendment  to  the  Constitution  be  secured. 

"U.  S.  GRANT. 
"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  March  30,  1870." 

CERTIFICATE    OF    MR.    SECRETARY    FISH    RESPECTING    THE 

RATIFICATION  OF  THE  XVTH  AMENDMENT  TO  THE 

CONSTITUTION,  MARCH  30,  1870. 

"  HAMILTON  FISH,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 
"  To  (til  to  whom  these  presents  may  come,  greeting  : 

"  Know  ye  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  or  about  the 
2yth  day  of  February,  in  the  year  1869,  passed  a  resolution  in  the 
words  and  figures  following,  to  wit  : 

"  A  RESOLUTION  proposing  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  (two-thirds  of  both  houses  concur 
ring^]  That  the  following  article'be  proposed  to  the  legislatures  of  the 
several  States  as  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  which,  when  ratified  by  three-fourths  of  said  legislatures,  shall 
be  valid  as  part  of  the  Constitution,  namely  : 

"  ARTICLE  xv. 

"  SECTION  i.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote 
shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States,  or  by  any  State, 
on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

"  SEC.  2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by 
appropriate  legislation. 


422    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  And,  further,  that  it  appears,  from  official  documents  on  file  in  this 
department,  that  the  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  proposed  as  aforesaid,  has  been  ratified  by  the  legislatures  of 
the  States  of  North  Carolina,  West  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  Wisconsin, 
Maine,  Louisiana,  Michigan,  South  Carolina,  Pennsylvania,  Arkansas, 
Connecticut,  Florida,  Illinois,  Indiana,  New  York,  New  Hampshire, 
Nevada,  Vermont,  Virginia,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Mississippi,  Ohio, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Minnesota,  Rhode  Island,  Nebraska,  and  Texas  ;  in  all, 
twenty-nine  States. 

"  And,  further,  that  the  States  whose  legislatures  have  so  ratified  the 
said  proposed  amendment  constitute  three-fourths  of  the  whole  number 
of  States  in  the  United  States. 

"  And,  further,  that  it  appears,  from  an  official  document  on  file  in 
this  department,  that  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  New  York  has  since 
passed  resolutions  claiming  to  withdraw  the  said  ratification  of  the  said 
amendment  which  had  been  made  by  the  legislature  of  that  State,  and 
of  which  official  notice  had  been  filed  in  this  department. 

"  And,. further,  that  it  appears,  from  an  official  document  on  file  in 
this  department,  that  the  legislature  of  Georgia  has  by  resolution  rati 
fied  the  said  proposed  amendment. 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  it  known  that  I,  Hamilton  Fish,  Secretary  of 
State  of  the  United  States,  by  virtue  and  in  pursuance  of  the  2d  section 
of  the  act  of  Congress,  approved  the  2oth  day  of  April,  1818,  entitled 
"  An  act  to  provide  for  the  publication  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  for  other  purposes,"  do  hereby  certify,  that  the  amendment  afore 
said  has  become  valid,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  Department  of  State  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  3oth  day  of  March,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord,  1870,  and  of  the  independence  of  the 
[SEAL.]  United  States,  the  ninety-fourth. 

"  HAMILTON  FISH." 

% 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation  itself  did  not  call  forth  such 
genuine  and  wide-spread  rejoicing  as  the  message  of  President 
Grant.  The  event  was  celebrated  by  the  Colored  people  in  all 
the  larger  cities  North  and  South.  Processions,  orations,  music 
and  dancing  proclaimed  the  unbounded  joy  of  the  new  citizen. 
In  Philadelphia  Frederick  Douglass,  Bishop  Jabez  P.  Campbell, 
I.  C.  Wears,  and  others  delivered  eloquent  addresses  to  enthusi 
astic  audiences.  Mr.  Douglass  deeply  wounded  the  religious 
feelings  of  his  race  by  declaring :  "  I  shall  not  dwell  in  any 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  423 

hackneyed  cant  by  thanking  God  for  this  deliverance  which  has 
been  wrought  out  through  our  common  humanity."  A  hundred 
pulpits,  a  hundred  trenchant  pens  sprang  at  the  declaration  with 
fiery  indignation  ;  and  it  was  some  years  before  the  bold  orator 
was  able  to  make  himself  tolerable  to  his  people.  There  was 
little  of  the  spirit  of  tolerance  among  the  Colored  people  at  the 
time,  and  upon  such  an  occasion  the  remark  was  regarded  as  im 
prudent,  to  say  the  least. 

A  new  era  was  opened  up  before  the  Colored'people.  They 
were  now  for  the  first,  time  in  possession  of  their  full  political 
rights.  On  the  25th  of  February,  1870,  Hiram  R.  Revels  took 
his  seat  as  United  States  Senator  from  Mississippi.  On  the  Qth 
of  January,  1861,  Mississippi  passed  her  ordinance  of  secession, 
and  Jefferson  Davis  resigned  his  seat  as  United  States  Senator. 
Within  a  brief  decade  a  civil  war  had  raged  for  four  and  a 
half  years  ;  and  after  the  seceding  Mississippi  had  passed  through 
the  refining  fires  of  battle  and  had  been  purged  of  slavery,  she 
sent  to  succeed  the  arch  traitor  a  Negro,1  a  representative  of  the 
race  that  Mr.  Davis  intended  to  be  the  corner-stone  of  his  new 
government ! ! 2  It  was  God's  work,  and  marvellous  in  the  eyes 
of  the  world.  But  this  was  not  all.  Just  one  year  from  the  day 
and  hour  Senator  Revels  took  his  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  on  the  24th  of  February,  1871,  Jefferson  F.  Long,  a 
Negro,  was  sworn  in  as  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  from  Georgia,  the  State  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  the 
Vice-President  of  the  Confederate  States  ! !  And  then,  as  if  to 
add  glory  to  glory,  the  American  Government  despatched  E.  D. 
Bassett,  a  Colored  man  from  Pennsylvania,  as  Minister  Resident 
and  Consul-General  to  Hayti !  And  with  almost  the  same  stroke 
of  his  pen,  President  Grant  sent  J.  Milton  Turner,  a  Colored  man 
from  Missouri,  as  Resident  Minister  and  Consul-General  to 
Liberia  !  Mr.  Bassett  came  from  Philadelphia  where  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence  was  written  and  proclaimed,  and  where 
the  noble  Dr.  Franklin  had  stood  against  the  slavery  compromises 
of  the  Constitution  !  Philadelphia,  then,  the  birthplace  of 
American  Independence,  had  the  honor  of  furnishing  the  first 

1  Hiram  R.  Revels  was  the  successor  of  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis.     He  was  a  Methodist 
preacher  from  Mississippi.     It  was  our  privilege  to  be  present  in  the  Senate  when  he 
was  sworn  in  and  took  his  seat. 

2  This  idea  had  been  put  forth  in  a  speech  by  Alexander  H.  Stephens  just  after  he 
had  been  chosen  Vice-President  of  the  Confederate  States. 


424    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Negro  who  was  to  illustrate  the  lofty  sentiment  of  the  equality 
of  all  men  before  the  law.  And  the  republic  that  Mr.  Bassett 
went  to  had  won  diplomatic  relations  with  all  the  civilized  powers 
of  the  earth  through  the  matchless  valor  and  splendid  states 
manship  of  Toussaint  L'Ouverture.  This  was  a  black  republic 
that  had  a  history  and  a  name  among  the  peoples  of  the 
world. 

Mr.  Turner  went  from  Missouri,  the  first  State  to  violate  the 
ordinance  of  1787,  and  to  establish  slavery  "northwest  of  the 
Ohio  "  River.  He  went  to  a  republic  on  the  West  Coast  of 
Africa  that  had  been  built  by  the  industry,  intelligence,  and  piety 
of  Negroes  who  had  flown  from  the  accursed  influences  of  Ameri 
can  slavery.  The  slave-ships  had  disappeared  from  the  coast, 
and  commercial  fleets  from  all  lands  came  to  trade  with  the  citi 
zens  of  a  free  republic  whose  ministers  were  welcomed  in  every 
court  of  Europe,  and  whose  official  acts  were  clothed  with  the 
authority  and  majesty  of  "  the  Republic  of  Liberia  !  " 

In  this  same  period  Frederick  Douglass  was  made  a  Presi 
dential  Elector  for  the  State  of  New  York ;  and  thus  helped 
cast  the  vote  of  that  great  commonwealth  for  U.  S.  Grant  as 
President,  in  1872.  In  the  chief  city  of  this  State  the  first  Fed 
eral  Congress  met,  and  on  the  first  day  of  its  first  session  spent 
the  entire  time  in  discussing  the  slavery  question.  Through  the 
streets  of  this  same  city  Mr.  Douglass  had  to  skulk  and  hide 
from  slave-catchers  on  his  way  from  the  hell  of  slavery  to  the 
land  of  freedom.  In  this  city,  a  few  years  later,  he  was  hounded 
by  a  pro-slavery  mob, — but  at  last  he  represented  the  popular 
will  of  its  noblest  citizens  when  they  had  chosen  him  to  act  for 
them  in  the  Electoral  College. 

Born  a  slave,  some  time  during  the  present  century,  on  the 
eastern  shore,  Maryland,  in  the  county  of  Talbot,  and  in  the  dis 
trict  of  Tuckahoe,  Frederick  Douglass  was  destined  by  nature 
and  God  to  be  a  giant  in  the  great  moral  agitation  for  the  extinc 
tion  of  slavery  and  the  redemption  of  his  race.  He  came  of  two 
extremes — representative  Negro  and  representative  Saxon.  Tall, 
large-boned,  colossal  frame,  compact  head,  broad,  expressive 
face  adorned  with  small  brown,  mischievous  eyes,  nose  slightly 
Grecian,  chin  square  set,  and  thin  lips,  Frederick  Douglass  would 
attract  attention  upon  the  streets  of  any  city  in  Europe  or 
America.  His  life  as  a  slave  was  studded  with  painful  experi 
ences.  Early  separation  from  his  mother,  neglect,  and  then  cruel 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  425 

treatment  gave  to  the  holy  cause  of  freedom  one  of  its  ablest 
champions,  and  to  slavery  one  of  its  most  invincible  opponents. 

Transferred  from  Talbot  County  to  Baltimore,  Maryland, 
where  he  spent  seven  years,  Mr.  Douglass  began  to  extend  the 
horizon  of  his  intellectual  vision,  and  to  come  face  to  face  with 
the  hideous  monster  of  slavery  in  the  moments  of  reflection  upon 
his  condition  in  contrast  with  that  of  a  fairer  race  about  him. 
Inadvertently  his  mistress  began  to  teach  him  characters  of  let 
ters  ;  but  she  was  stopped  by  the  advice  of  her  husband,  because 
it  was  thought  inimical  to  the  interest  of  the  master  to  teach  his 
'slave.  But  having  lighted  the  taper  of  knowledge  in  the  mind 
of  the  slave  boy,  it  was  forever  beyond  human  power  to  put  it 
out.  The  incidents  and  surroundings  of  young  Douglass  peopled 
his  brain  with  ideas,  gave  wings  to  his  thoughts  and  order  to  his 
reasoning.  The  word  of  reproof,  the  -angry  look,  and  the  pre 
cautions  to  prevent  him  from  acquiring  knowledge  rankled  in 
his  young  heart  and  covered  his  moral  sky  with  thick  clouds  of 
despair.  He  reasoned  himself  right  out  of  slavery,  and  ran  away 
and  went  North. 

David  Ruggles,  a  Colored  gentleman  of  intelligence,  took 
charge  of  Mr.  Douglass  in  New  York,  and  sent  him  to  New  Bed 
ford,  Massachusetts.  Having  married  in  New  York  a  free  Col 
ored  woman  from  Baltimore  named  "  Anna,"  he  was  ready  now 
to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the  new  life  as  a  freeman.  He  found 
in  one  Nathan  Johnson,  an  intelligent  and  industrious  Colored 
man  of  New  Bedford,  a  warm  friend,  who  advanced  him  a  sum  of 
money  to  redeem  baggage  held  for  fare,  and  gave  him  the  name 
which  he  has  since  rendered  illustrious. 

The  intellectual  growth  of  Mr.  Douglass  from  this  on  was  al 
most  phenomenal.  He  devoured  knowledge  with  avidity,  and 
retained  and  utilized  all  he  got.  He  used  information  as  good 
business  men  use  money.  He  made  every  idea  bear  interest ; 
and  now  setting  the  music  of  his  soul  to  the  words  he  acquired,  he 
soon  earned  a  reputation  as  a  gifted  conversationalist  and  an  im 
pressive  orator. 

In  the  summer  of  1841  an  anti-slavery  convention  was  held 
at  Nantucket,  Massachusetts,  under  the  direction  of  William 
Lloyd  Garrison.  Mr.  Douglass  had  attended  several  meetings  in 
New  Bedford,  where  he  had  listened  to  a  defence  of  his  race  and 
a  denunciation  of  its  oppressors.  And  when  he  heard  of  the 
forthcoming  convention  at  Nantucket  he  resolved  to  take  a  little 


426    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

respite  from  the  hard  work  he  was  performing  in  a  brass  foundry, 
and  attend.  Previous  to  this  he  had  felt  the  warm  heart  of  Mr. 
Garrison  beating  for  the  slave  through  the  columns  of  the  "  Lib 
erator  "  ;  had  received  a  copy  each  week  for  a  long  time,  had 
mastered  its  matchless  arguments  against  slavery,  and  was,  there 
fore,  possessed  with  an  idea  of  the  anti-slavery  cause.  At  Nan- 
tucket  he  was  sought  out  of  the  vast  audience  and  requested  by 
William  C.  Coffin,  of  New  Bedford,  where  he  had  heard  the  fer 
vid  eloquence  of  the  young  man  as  an  exhorter  in  the  Colored 
Methodist  Church,  to  make  a  speech.  The  hesitancy  and  diffi 
dence  of  Mr.  Douglass  were  overcome  by  the  importunate  invita 
tion  to  speak.  He  spoke :  and  from  that  hour  a  new  sphere 
opened  to  him  ;  from  that  hour  he  began  to  exert  an  influ 
ence  against  slavery  which  for  a  generation  was  second  only  to 
that  of  Mr.  Garrison.  He  was  engaged  as  an  agent  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  led  by  Mr.  Garrison.  He  was  taken  in  charge 
by  George  Foster,  and  in  his  company  made  a  lecturing  tour  of 
the  eastern  tier  of  counties  in  the  old  Bay  State.  The  meetings 
were  announced  a  few  days  ahead  of  the  lecturer.  He  was  ad 
vertised  as  a  "fugitive  slave,"  as  "a  chattel,"  as  "  a  thing"  that 
could  talk  and  give  an  interesting  account  of  the  cruelties  of 
slavery.  As  a  narrator  he  had  few  equals  among  the  most 
polished  white  gentlemen  of  all  New  England.  His  white  friends 
were  charmed  by  the  lucidity  and  succinctness  of  his  account  of 
his  life  as  a  slave,  and  always  insisted  upon  his  narrative.  But 
he  was  more  than  a  narrator,  more  than  a  story-teller ;  he  was  an 
orator,  and  in  dealing  with  the  problem  of  slavery  proved  him 
self  to  be  a  thinker.  The  old  story  of  his  bondage  became  stale 
to  him.  His  friends'  advice  to  keep  on  telling  the  same  story 
could  no  longer  be  complied  with ;  and  dashing  out  of  the 
beaten  path  of  narration  he  began  a  career  as  an  orator  that  has 
had  no  parallel  on  this  continent.  He  found  no  adequate  satis 
faction  in  relating  the  experiences  of  a  slave  ;  his  soul  burned 
with  a  holy  indignation  against  the  institution  of  slavery. 
Having  increased  his  vocabulary  of  words  and  his  information 
concerning  the  purposes  and  plans  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
he  was  prepared  to  make  an  assault  upon  slavery.  Instead  of 
being  the  pupil  of  the  anti-slavery  friends  who  had  furnished  him 
a  great  opportunity,  his  close  reasoning,  blighting  irony,  merci 
less  invective,  and  matchless  eloquence  made  him  the  peer  of  any 
anti-slavery  orator  of  his  times.  His  appearance  on  the  anti- 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  427 

slavery  platform  was  sudden.  He  appeared  as  a  new  star  of 
magnificent  magnitude  and  surpassing  beauty.  All  eyes  were 
turned  toward  the  "  fugitive  slave  orator."  His  eloquence  so 
astounded  the  people  that  few  would  believe  he  had  ever  felt 
the  cruel  touch  of  the  lash.  Moreover,  he  had  withheld  from 
the  public,  the  State  and  place  of  his  nativity  and  the  circum 
stances  of  his  escape.  He  had  done  this  purposely  for  pruden 
tial  reasons.  In  those  days  there  was  no  protection  that  pro 
tected  a  fugitive  slave  against  the  slave-catcher  assisted  by  the 
United  States  courts.  To  reveal  his  master's  name  and  recount 
the  exciting  circumstances  under  which  he  had  made  his  escape 
from  bondage,  Mr.  Douglass  felt  was  but  to  invite  the  slave- 
hounds  to  Massachusetts  and  endanger  hjs  liberty.  But  there 
were  many  good  friends  hard  by  who  were  ready  to  pay  the 
market  value  of  Mr.  Douglass  if  a  price  were  placed  upon  his 
flesh  and  blood.  They  urged  him,  therefore,  to  write  out  an  ac 
count  of  his  life  as  a  slave, — to  be  specific  ;  and  to  boldly  men 
tion  names  of  places  and  persons.  In  1845  a  pamphlet  written 
by  Mr.  Douglass,  embodying  the  experiences  of  a  "  fugitive 
slave,"  was  published  by  the  Anti-Slavery  Society.  It  breathed 
a  fiery  zeal  into  the  apathy  of  the  North,  and  drew  the  fire  of 
the  Southern  press  and  people.  For  safety  his  friends  sent  him 
abroad.  During  the  voyage,  in  accepting  an  invitation  to  deliver 
a  lecture  on  slavery,  he  gave  offence  to  some  pro-slavery  men 
who  desired  very  much  to  feed  his  body  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
deep.  But  a  resolute  captain  and  a  few  friends  were  able  to  re 
duce  the  wrath  of  the  Southerners  to  a  minimum.  The  occur 
rence  on  shipboard  duly  found  its  way  into  the  public  journals 
of  London  ;  and  the  Southern  gentlemen  in  an  attempt  to  jus 
tify  their  conduct  in  a  card  drew  upon  themselves  the  wrath  of 
the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  and  gave  Mr.  Douglass 
an  advertisement  such  as  he  could  never  have  secured  other 
wise. 

Mr.  Douglass  spent  nearly  two  years  in  Europe  lecturing  and 
writing  in  the  cause  of  anti-slavery.  He  made  a  profound  im 
pression  and  helped  the  anti-slavery  cause  amazingly. 

During  his  absence  he  wrote  an  occasional  letter  to  the  editor 
of  the  "  Liberator,"  and  the  first  is,  for  composition,  vigorous 
English,  symbols  of  thought,  similes,  and  irony,  superior  to  any 
letter  he  ever  wrote  before  or  since.  It  bore  date  of  January 
I,  1846. 


428    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND  GARRISON  :  Up  to  this  time  I  have  given  no 
direct  expression  of  the  views,  feelings,  and  opinions  which  I  have 
formed,  respecting  the  character  and  condition  of  the  people  of  this 
land.  I  have  refrained  thus,  purposely.  I  wish  to  speak  advisedly,  and 
in  order  to  do  this,  I  have  waited  till,  I  trust,  experience  has  brought 
my  opinions  to  an  intelligent  maturity.  I  have  been  thus  careful,  not 
because  I  think  what  I  say  will  have  much  effect  in  shaping  the  opin 
ions  of  the  world,  but  because  whatever  of  influence  I  may  possess, 
whether  little  or  much,  I  wish  it  to  go  in  the  right  direction,  and 
according  to  truth.  I  hardly  need  say  that,  in  speaking  of  Ireland,  I 
shall  be  influenced  by  no  prejudices  in  favor  of  America.  I  think  my 
circumstances  all  forbid  that.  I  have  no  end  to  serve,  no  creed  to  up 
hold,  no  government  to  defend  ;  and  as  to  nation,  I  belong  to  none.  I 
have  no  protection  at  heme,  or  resting-place  abroad.  The  land  of  my 
birth  welcomes  me  to  her  shores  only  as  a  slave,  and  spurns  with  con 
tempt  the  idea  of  treating  me  differently  ;  so  that  I  am  an  outcast  from 
the  society  of  my  childhood,  and  an  outlaw  in  the  land  of  my  birth.  '  I 
am  a  stranger  with  thee,  and  a  sojourner,  as  all  my  fathers  were.'  That 
men  should  be  patriotic,  is  to  me  perfectly  natural  ;  and  as  a  philo 
sophical  fact,  I  am  able  to  give  it  an  intellectual  recognition.  But  no 
further  can  I  go.  If  ever  I  had  any  patriotism,  or  any  capacity  for  the 
feeling,  it  was  whipped  out  of  me  long  since,  by  the  lash  of  the  Amer 
ican  soul-drivers. 

"  In  thinking  of  America,  I  sometimes'  find  myself  admiring  her 
bright  blue  sky,  her  grand  old  woods,  her  fertile  fields,  her  beautiful 
rivers,  her  mighty  lakes,  and  star-crowned  mountains.  But  my  rapture 
is  soon  checked,  my  joy  is  soon  turned  to  mourning.  When  I  remem 
ber  that  all  is  cursed  with  the  infernal  spirit  of  slave-holding,  robbery, 
and  wrong  ;  when  I  remember  that  with  the  waters  of  her  noblest 
rivers,  the  tears  of  my  brethren  are  borne  to  the  ocean,  disregarded  and 
forgotten,  and  that  her  most  fertile  fields  drink  daily  of  the  warm  blood 
of  my  outraged  sisters,  I  am  filled  with  unutterable  loathing,  and  led  to 
reproach  myself  that  any  thing  could  fall  from  my  lips  in  praise  of  such 
a  land.  America  will  not  allow  her  children  to  love  her.  She  seems 
bent  on  compelling  those  who  would  be  her  warmest  friends,  to  be  her 
worst  enemies.  May  God  give  her  repentance,  before  it  is  too  late,  is 
the  ardent  prayer  of  my  heart.  I  will  continue  to  pray,  labor,  and 
wait,  believing  that  she  cannot  always  be  insensible  to  the  dictates  of 
justice,  or  deaf  to  the  voice  of  humanity. 

"  My  opportunities  for  learning  the  character  and  condition  of  the 
people  of  this  land  have  been  very  great.  I  have  travelled  almost  from 
the  Hill  of  Howth  to  the  Giant's  Causeway,  and  from  the  Giant's  Cause 
way  to  Cape  Clear.  During  these  travels,  I  have  met  with  much  in  the 
character  and  condition  of  the  people  to  approve,  and  much  to  con- 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  429 

demn  ;  much  that  has  thrilled  me  with  pleasure,  and  very  much  that 
has  filled  me  with  pain.  I  will  not,  in  this  letter,  attempt  to  give  any 
description  of  those  scenes  which  have  given  me  pain.  This  I  will  do 
hereafter.  I  have  enough,  and  more  than  your  subscribers  will  be  dis 
posed  to  read  at  one  time,  of  the  bright  side  of  the  picture.  I  can  truly 
say,  I  have  spent  some  of  the  happiest  moments  of  my  life  since  land 
ing  in  this  country.  I  seem  to  have  undergone  a  transformation.  I 
live  a  new  life.  The  warm  and  generous  cooperation  extended  to  me 
by  the  friends  of  my  despised  race ;  the  prompt  and  liberal  manner 
with  which  the  press  has  rendered  me  its  aid  ;  the  glorious  enthusiasm 
with  which  thousands  have  flocked  to  hear  the  cruel  wrongs  of  my 
down- trodden  and  long-enslaved  fellow-countrymen  portrayed  ;  the 
deep  sympathy  for  the  slave,  and  the  strong  abhorrence  of  the  slave 
holder,  everywhere  evinced  ;  the  cordiality  with  which  members  and 
ministers  of  various  religious  bodies,  and  of  various  shades  of  religious 
opinion,  have  embraced  me,  and  lent  me  their  aid  ;  the  kind  hospitality 
constantly  proffered  me  by  persons  of  the  highest  rank  in  society  ;  the 
spirit  of  freedom  that  seems  to  animate  all  with  whom  I  come  in  con 
tact,  and  the  entire  absence  of  every  thing  that  looked  like  prejudice 
against  me.,  on  account  of  the  color  of  my  skin — contrasted  so  strongly 
with  my  long  and  bitter  experience  in  the  United  States,  that  I  look 
with  wonder  and  amazement  on  the  transition.  In  the  southern  part  of 
the  United  States,  I  was  a  slave,  thought  of  and  spoken  of  as  property  ; 
in  the  language  of  the  LAW,  'held,  taken,  reputed,  and  adjudged  to  be  a 
chattel  in  the  hands  of  my  owners  and  possessors,  and  their  executors,  ad 
ministrators,  and  assigns,  to  all  intents,  constructions,  and  purposes  what 
soever'  (Brev.  Digest,  224.)  In  the  northern  states,  a  fugitive  slave, 
liable  to  be  hunted  at  any  moment  like  a  felon,  and  to  be  hurled  into 
the  terrible  jaws  of  slavery — doomed  by  an  inveterate  prejudice  against 
color  to  insult  and  outrage  on  every  hand,  (Massachussetts  out  of  the 
question) — denied  the  privileges  and  courtesies  common  to  others  in 
the  use  of  the  most  humble  means  of  conveyance — shut  out  from  the 
cabins  of  steamboats — refused  admission  to  respectable  hotels — carica 
tured,  scorned,  scoffed,  mocked,  and  maltreated  with  impunity  by  any 
one,  (no  matter  how  black  his  heart,)  so  he  has  a  white  skin.  But  now 
behold  the  change  !  Eleven  days  and  a  half  gone,  and  I  have  crossed 
three  thousand  miles  of  the  perilous  deep.  Instead  of  a  democratic 
government,  I  am  under  a  monarchical  government.  Instead  of  the 
bright,  blue  sky  of  America,  I  am  covered  with  the  soft,  grey  fog  of  the 
Emerald  Isle.  I  breathe,  and  lo  !  the  chattel  becomes  a  man.  I  gaze 
around  in  vain  for  one  who  will  question  my  equal  humanity,  claim  me 
as  his  slave,  or  offer  me  an  insult.  I  employ  a  cab — I  am  seated  beside 
white  people — I  reach  the  hotel — I  enter  the  same  door — I  am  shown 
into  the  same  parlor — I  dine  at  the  same  table — and  no  one  is  offended. 


430    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

No  delicate  nose  grows  deformed  in  my  presence.  I  find  no  difficulty 
here  in  obtaining  admission  into  any  place  of  worship,  instruction,  or 
amusement,  on  equal  terms  with  people  as  white  as  any  I  ever  saw  in 
the  United  States.  I  meet  nothing  to  remind  me  of  my  complexion.  I 
find  myself  regarded  and  treated  at  every  turn  with  the  kindness  and 
deference  paid  to  white  people.  When  I  go  to  church,  I  am  met  by  no 
upturned  nose  and  scornful  lip  to  tell  me,  '  We  don't  allow  niggers  in 
here  ! ' 

"  I  remember,  about  two  years  ago,  there  was  in  Boston,  near  the 
south-west  corner  of  Boston  Common,  a  menagerie.  I  had  long  de 
sired  to  see  such  a  collection  as  I  understood  was  being  exhibited 
there.  Never  having  had  an  opportunity  while  a  slave,  I  resolved  to 
seize  this,  my  first,  since  my  escape.  I  went,  and  as  I  approached  the 
entrance  to  gain  admission,  I  was  met  and  told  by  the  door-keeper,  in  a 
harsh  and  contemptuous  tone,  *  We  don't  allow  niggers  in  here  ! '  I  also- 
remember  attending  a  revival  meeting  in  the  Rev.  Henry  Jackson's 
meeting-house,  at  New  Bedford,  and  going  up  the  broad  aisle  to  find  a 
seat,  I  was  met  by  a  good  deacon,  who  told  me,  in  a  pious  tone,  '  We 
don't  allow  niggers  in  here  !  '  Soon  after  my  arrival  in  New  Bedford, 
from  the  South,  I  had  a  strong  desire  to  attend  the  Lyceum,  but  was 
told,  '  They  don't  allow  niggers  in  here!'  While  passing  from  New 
York  to  Boston,  on  the  steamer  '  Massachusetts,'  on  the  night  of  the 
9th  of  December,  1843,  when  chilled  almost  through  with  the  cold,  I 
went  into  the  cabin  to  get  a  little  warm.  I  was  soon  touched  upon  the 
shoulder,  and  told,  '  We  don't  allow  niggers  in  here  !  '  On  arriving  in 
Boston,  from  an  anti-slavery  tour,  hungry  and  tired,  I  went  into  an 
eating-house,  near  my  friend,  Mr.  Campbell's,  to  get  some  refreshments. 
I  was  met  by  a  lad  in  a  white  apron,  *  We  don't  allow  niggers  in  here  / ' 
A  week  or  two  before  leaving  the  United  States,  I  had  a  meeting 
appointed  at  Weymouth,  the  home  of  that  glorious  band  of  true  aboli 
tionists,  the  Weston  family,  and  others.  On  attempting  to  take  a  seat 
in  the  omnibus  to  that  place,  I  was  told  by  the  driver  (and  I  never 
shall  forget  his  fiendish  hate),  *  /  don't  allow  niggers  in  here  !  '  Thank 
heaven  for  the  respite  I  now  enjoy  !  I  had  been  in  Dublin  but  a  few 
days,  when  a  gentleman  of  great  respectability  kindly  offered  to  con 
duct  me  through  all  the  public  buildings  of  that  beautiful  city  ;  and  a 
little  afterward,  I  found  myself  dining  with  the  lord  mayor  of  Dublin. 
What  a  pity  there  was  not  some  American  democratic  Christian  at  the 
door  of  his  splendid  mansion,  to  bark  out  at  my  approach,  *  They  don't 
allow  niggers  in  here  !  '  The  truth  is,  the  people  here  know  nothing  of 
the  republican  negro  hate  prevalent  in  our  glorious  land.  They  meas 
ure  and  esteem  men  according  to  their  moral  and  intellectual  worth, 
and  not  according  to  the  color  of  their  skin.  Whatever  may  be  said  of 
the  aristocracies  here,  there  is  none  based  on  the  color  of  a  man's  skin. 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  43 l 

This  species  of  aristocracy  belongs  preeminently  to  'the  land  of  the 
free,  and  the  home  of  the  brave.'  I  have  never  found  it  abroad,  in  any' 
,but  Americans.  It  sticks  to  them  wherever  they  go.  They  find  it 
almost  as  hard  to  get  rid  of,  as  to  get  rid  of  their  skins. 

"  The  second  day  after  my  arrival  at  Liverpool,  in  company  with 
my  friend,  Buffum,  and  several  other  friends,  I  went  to  Eaton  Hall,  the 
residence  of  the  Marquis  of  Westminster,  one  of  the  most  splendid 
buildings  in  England.  On  approaching  the  door,  I  found  several  of 
our  American  passengers,  who  came  out  with  us  in  the  '  Cambria,'  wait 
ing  for  admission,  as  but  one  party  was  allowed  in  the  house  at  a  time. 
We  all  had  to  wait  till  the  company  within  came  out.  And  of  all  the 
faces,  expressive  of  chagrin,  those  of  the  Americans  were  preeminent. 
They  looked  as  sour  as  vinegar,  and  as  bitter  as  gall,  when  they  found 
I  was  to  be  admitted  on  equal  terms  with  themselves.  When  the  door 
-was  opened,  I  walked  in,  on  an  equal  footing  with  my  white  fellow- 
citizens,  and  from  all  I  could  see,  I  had  as  much  attention  paid  me  by 
the  servants  that  showed  us  through  the  house,  as  any  with  a  paler 
skin.  As  I  walked  through  the  building,  the  statuary  did  not  fall  down, 
the  pictures  did  not  leap  from  their  places,  the  doors  did  not  refuse  to 
open,  and  the  servants  did  not  say,  *  We  dont  allow  niggers  in  here' 

"A  happy  new-year  to  you,' and  all  the  friends  of  freedom." 

During  the  time  of  his  visit  in  Europe  a  few  friends,  under 
the  inspiration  of  one  Mrs.  Henry  Richardson,  raised  money, 
purchased  Mr.  Douglass,  and  placed  his  freedom  papers  in  his 
hands.  The  documents  are  of  quaint  historic  value. 

"  The  following  is  a  copy  of  these  curious  papers,  both  of  my  trans 
fer  from  Thomas  to  Hugh  Auld,  and  from  Hugh  to  myself  : 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  Presents,  That  I,  Thomas  Auld,  of  Talbot 
-county,  and  state  of  Maryland,  for  and  in  consideration  of  the  sum  of 
one  hundred  dollars,  current  money,  to  me  paid  by  Hugh  Auld,  of  the 
city  of  Baltimore,  in  the  said  state,  at  and  before  the  sealing  and  deliv 
ery  of  these  presents,  the  receipt  whereof,  I,  the  said  Thomas  Auld,  do 
hereby  acknowledge,  have  granted,  bargained,  and  sold,  and  by  these 
presents  do  grant,  bargain,  and  sell  unto  the  said  Hugh  Auld,  his  execu 
tors,  administrators,  and  assigns,  ONE  NEGRO  MAN,  by  the  name  of 
FREDERICK  BAILY,  or  DOUGLASS,  as  he  calls  himself — he  is  now  about 
twenty-eight  years  of  age — to  have  and  to  hold  the  said  negro  man  for 
life.  And  I,  the  said  Thomas  Auld,  for  myself,  my  heirs,  executors, 
and  administrators,  all  and  singular,  the  said  FREDERICK  BAILY,  alias 
DOUGLASS,  unto  the  said  Hugh  Auld,  his  executors,  administrators,  and 
assigns,  against  me,  the  said  Thomas  Auld,  my  executors,  and  adminis- 


432    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

trators,  and  against  all  and  every  other  person  or  persons  whatsoever, 
shall  and  will  warrant  and  forever  defend  by  these  presents.  In  wit 
ness  whereof,  I  set  my  hand  and  seal,  this  thirteenth  day  of  November, 
eighteen  hundred  and  forty-six.  THOMAS  AULD. 

"  Signed,  sealed,  and  delivered  in  presence  of  Wrightson  Jones. 
"JOHN  C.  LEAS." 

"  The  authenticity  of  this  bill  of  sale  is  attested  by  N.  Harrington, 
a  justice  of  the  peace  of  the  state  of  Maryland,  and  for  the  county  of 
Talbot,  dated  same  day  as  above. 


"  To  all  whom  it  may  concern  :  Be  it  known,  that  I,  Hugh  Auld,  of 
the  city  of  Baltimore,  in  Baltimore  county,  in  the  state  of  Maryland,  for 
divers  good  causes  and  considerations,  me  thereunto  moving,  have  re 
leased  from  slavery,  liberated,  manumitted,  and  set  free,  and  by  these 
presents  do  hereby  release  from  slavery,  liberate,  manumit,  and  set  free, 
MY  NEGRO  MAN,  named  FREDERICK  BAILY,  otherwise  called  DOUGLASS, 
being  of  the  age  of  twenty-eight  years,  or  thereabouts,  and  able  to  work 
and  gain  a  sufficient  livelihood  and  maintenance  ;  and  him  the  said 
negro  man,  named  FREDERICK  BAILY,  otherwise  called  FREDERICK 
DOUGLASS,  I  do  declare  to  be  henceforth  free,  manumitted,  and  dis 
charged  from  all  manner  of  servitude  to  me,  my  executors,  and  adminis 
trators  forever. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I,  the  said  Hugh  Auld,  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand  and  seal,  the  fifth  of  December,  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  forty-six.  HUGH  AULD. 

"  Sealed  and  delivered  in  presence  of  T.  Hanson  Belt. 
"  JAMES  N.  S.  T.  WRIGHT." 

Mr.  Douglass  had  returned  to  America,  but  the  truths  he  pro 
claimed  in  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland  echoed  adown  their 
'mountains,  and  reverberated  among  their  hills.  The  Church  of 
Scotland  and  the  press  of  England  were  distressed  with  the  prob 
lem  of  slavery.  The  public  conscience  had  been  touched,  and 
there  was  "  no  rest  for  the  wicked."  Mr.  Douglass  had  received 
his  name — Douglass — from  Nathan  Johnson,  of  New  Bedford, 
Massachusetts,  because  he  had  just  been  reading  about  the  virt 
uous  Douglass  in  the  works  of  Sir  Walter  Scott.  How  wonder 
ful  then,  in  the  light  of  a  few  years,  that  a  fugitive  slave  from 
America,  bearing  one  of  the  most  powerful  names  in  Scotland 
should  lean  against  the  pillars  of  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland,  and 
meet  and  vanquish  its  brightest  and  ablest  teachers  (the  friends 
of  slavery,  unfortunately),  Doctors  Cunningham  and  Candlish  ! 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  433 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Garrison  had  built  his  school 
upon  the  fundamental  idea  that  slavery  was  constitutional;  and 
that  in  order  to  secure  the  overthrow  of  the  institution  he  was 
compelled  to  do  his  work  outside  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  to 
effect  the  good  desired,  the  Union  should  be  dissolved.  With 
these  views  Mr.  Douglass  had  coincided  at  first,  and  into  the 
ranks  of  this  party  he  had  entered.  But  upon  his  return  from 
England  he  changed  his  residence  and  views  about  the  same  time, 
and  established  his  home  and  a  newspaper  in  Rochester,  New 
York  State.  Mr.  Douglass  gave  his  reasons  for  leaving  the  Gar- 
risonian  party  as  follows : 

"  About  four  years  ago,  upon  a  reconsideration  of  the  whole  sub 
ject,  I  became  convinced  that  there  was  no  necessity  for  dissolving  the 
*  union  between  the  northern  and  southern  states  '  ;  that  to  seek  this 
dissolution  was  no  part  of  my  duty  as  an  abolitionist ;  that  to  abstain 
from  voting,  was  to  refuse  to  exercise  a  legitimate  and  powerful  means 
for  abolishing  slavery  ;  and  that  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
not  only  contained  no  guarantees  in  favor  of  slavery,  but,  on  the  con 
trary,  it  is,  in  its  letter  and  spirit,  an  anti-slavery  instrument,  demand 
ing  the  abolition  of  slavery  as  a  condition  of  its  own  existence,  as  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land." 

It  was  charged  by  some  persons  that  for  financial  reasons  Mr. 
Douglass  changed  his  views  and  residence  ;  that  the  Garrisonians 
were  poor;  but  that  Gerrit  Smith  was  rich  ;  and  that  he  assisted 
Mr.  Douglass  in  establishing  the  "  North  Star,"  a  weekly  paper. 
But  Mr.  Douglass  was  a  man  of  boldness  of  thought  and  inde 
pendence  of  character  ;  and  whatever  the  motives  were  which 
led  him  away  from  his  early  friends  he  at  least  deserved  credit 
for  possessing  the  courage  necessary  to  such  a  change.  But  Mr. 
Douglass  was  not  the  only  anti-slavery  man  who  imagined  that 
the  Constitution  was  an  anti-slavery  instrument.  This  was  the 
error  of  Charles  Sumner.  Slavery  was  as  legal  as  the  right  of 
the  Government  to  coin  money.  As  has  been  shown  already,  it 
was  recognized  and  protected  by  law  when  the  British  sceptre 
ruled  the  colonies  ;  it  was  recognized  by  all  the  courts  during 
the  Confederacy  ;  it  was  acknowledged  as  a  legal  fact  by  the 
Treaty  of  Paris  of  1782,  and  of  Ghent  in  1814;  the  gentlemen 
who  framed  the  Constitution  fixed  the  basis  of  representation  in 
Congress  upon  three  fifths  of  the  slaves  ;  and  gave  the  owners  of 

1  My  Bondage  and  My  Freedom,  p.  396. 


434    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

slaves  a  fugitive  slave  law,  at  the  birth  of  the  nation,  by  which  to 
hunt  their  slaves  in  all  the  States  and  Territories  of  North 
America.  But  Mr.  Douglass  lived  long  enough  to  see  that  he 
was  wrong  and  Mr.  Garrison  right  ;  that  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union  was  the  only  way  to  free  his  race.  In  his  way  he  did 
his  part  as  faithfully  and  as  honestly  as  any  of  his  brethren  in 
either  one  of  the  anti-slavery  parties. 

Having  established  a  reputation  as  an  orator  in  England  and 
America  ;  and  having  lifted  over  the  tangled  path  of  his  fugitive 
brethren  the  unerring,  friendly  "  North  Star,"  he  now  turned  his 
attention  to  debating.  It  was  a  matter  of  regret  that  two  such 
powerful  and  accomplished  orators  as  Frederick  Douglass  and 
Samuel  Ringgold  Ward  should  have  taken  up  so  much  precious 
time  in  splitting  hairs  on  the  constitutionality  or  unconstitution 
ally  of  slavery.  Perhaps  it  did  good.  It  certainly  did  the  men 
good.  It  was  an  education  to  them,  and  exciting  to  their  audi 
ences.  Mr.  Douglass's  forte  was  in  oratory  ;  in  exposing  the 
hideousness  of  slavery  and  the  wrongs  of  his  race.  Mr.  Ward — 
a  prottfgtf  of  Gerrit  Smith's — was  scholarly,  thoughtful,  logical, 
and  eloquent.  Mr.  Douglass  was  generally  worsted  in  debate, 
but  always  triumphant  in  oratory.  A  careful  study  of  Mr. 
Douglass's  speeches  from  the  time  he  began  his  career  as  a  public 
speaker  down  to  the  present  time  reveals  wonderful  progress  in 
their  grammatical  and  synthetical  structure.  He  grew  all  the 
time.  On  the  I2th  of  May,  1846,  he  delivered  a  speech  at  Fins- 
bury  Chapel,  Moorfields,  England,  from  which  the  following  is 
extracted : 

'  All  the  slaveholder  asks  of  me  is  silence.  He  does  not  ask  me  to  go 
abroad  and  preach  in  favor  of  slavery ;  he  does  not  ask  any  one  to  do 
that.  He  would  not  say  that  slavery  is  a  good  thing,  but  the  best  under 
the  circumstances.  The  slaveholders  want  total  darkness  on  the  sub 
ject.  They  want  the  hatchway  shut  down,  that  the  monster  may  crawl 
in  his  den  of  darkness,  crushing  human  hopes  and  happiness,  destroying 
the  bondman 'at  will,  and  having  no  one  to  reprove  or  rebuke  him. 
Slavery  shrinks  from  the  light  ;  it  hateth  the  light,  neither  cometh  to  the 
light,  lest  its  deeds  should  be  reproved.  To  tear  off  the  mask  from  this 
abominable  system,  to  expose  it  to  the  light  of  heaven,  aye,  to  the  heat 
of  the  sun,  that  it  may  burn  and  wither  it  out  of  existence,  is  my  object 
in  coming  to  this  country.  I  want  the  slaveholder  surrounded,  as  by  a 
wall  of  anti-slavery  fire,  so  that  he  may  see  the  condemnation  of  himself 
and  his  system  glaring  down  in  letters  of  light.  I  want  him  to  feel  that 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  435 

he  has  no  sympathy  in  England,  Scotland,  or  Ireland  ;  that  he  has  none 
in  Canada,  none  in  Mexico,  none  among  the  poor  wild  Indians ;  that 
the  voice  of  the  civilized,  aye,  and  savage  world  is  against  him.  I 
would  have  condemnation  blaze  down  upon  him  in  every  direction,  till, 
stunned  and  overwhelmed  with  shame  and  confusion,  he  is  compelled 
to  let  go  the  grasp  he  holds  upon  the  persons  of  his  victims,  and  restore 
them  to  their  long-lost  rights." 

This  was  in  1846.  On  the  5th  of  July,  1852,  at  Rochester,  New- 
York,  he,  perhaps,  made  the  most  effective  speech  of  his  life.  The 
poet  Sheridan  has  written :  "  Eloquence  consists  in  the  man,  the 
subject,  and  the  occasion."  None  of  these  conditions  were  want 
ing.  There  was  the  man,  the  incomparable  Douglass ;  the  wrongs 
of  slavery  was  his  subject  ;  and  the  occasion  was  the  4th  of  July. 

4<  FELLOW-CITIZENS  : — Pardon  me,  and  allow  me  to  ask,  why  am  I 
called  upon  to  speak  here  to-day  ?  What  have  I,  or  those  I  represent, 
to  do  with  your  national  independence  ?  Are  the  great  principles  of 
political  freedom  and  of  natural  justice  embodied  in  that  Declaration 
of  Independence,  extended  to  us  ?  and  am  I,  therefore,  called  upon  to 
bring  our  humble  offering  to  the  national  altar,  and  to  confess  the  bene 
fits,  and  express  devout  gratitude  for  the  blessings  resulting  from  your 
independence  to  us  ? 

"  Would  to  God,  both  for  your  sakes  and  ours,  that  an  affirmative 
answer  could  be  truthfully  returned  to  these  questions  !  Then  would 
my  task  be  light,  and  my  burden  easy  and  delightful.  For  who  is  there 
so  cold,  that  a  nation's  sympathy  could  not  warm  him  ?  Who  so  obdu 
rate  and  dead  to  the  claims  of  gratitude,  that  would  not  thankfully  ac 
knowledge  such  priceless  benefits  ?  Who  so  stolid  and  selfish,  that  would 
not  give  his  voice  to  swell  the  hallelujahs  of  a  nation's  jubilee,  when  the 
chains  of  servitude  had  been  torn  from  his  limbs  ?  I  am  not  that  man. 
In  a  case  like  that,  the  dumb  might  eloquently  speak,  and  the  '  lame 
man  leap  as  an  hart.' 

"  But,  such  is  not  the  state  of  the  case.  I  say  it  with  a  sad  sense  of  the 
disparity  between  us.  I  am  not  included  within  the  pale  of  this  glorious 
anniversary  !  Your  high  independence  only  reveals  the  immeasurable 
distance  between  us.  The  blessings  in  which  you  this  day  rejoice,  are 
not  enjoyed  in  common.  The  rich  inheritance  of  justice,  liberty,  pros 
perity,  and  independence,  bequeathed  by  your  fathers,  is  shared  by  you, 
not  by  me.  The  sunlight  that  brought  life  and  healing  to  you,  has 
brought  stripes  and  death  to  me.  This  Fourth  of  July  is  yours,  not 
mine.  You  may  rejoice,  /  must  mourn.  To  drag  a  man  in  fetters  into 
the  grand  illuminated  temple  of  liberty,  and  call  upon  him  to  join  you 


436    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

in  joyous  anthems,  were  inhuman  mockery  and  sacrilegious  irony.  Da 
you  mean,  citizens,  to  mock  me,  by  asking  me  to  speak  to-day  ?  If  so, 
there  is  a  parallel  to  your  conduct.  Aad  let  me  warn  you  that  it  is  dan 
gerous  to  copy  the  example  of  a  nation  whose  crimes,  towering  up  to 
heaven,  were  thrown  down  by  the  breath  of  the  Almighty,  burying  that 
nation  in  irrecoverable  ruin  !  I  can  to-day  take  up  the  plaintive  lament 
of  a  peeled  and  woe-smitten  people. 

( '  By  the  rivers  of  Babylon,  there  we  sat  down,  yea,  we  wept,  when 
we  remembered  Zion.  We  hanged  our  harps  upon  the  willows  in  the 
midst  thereof.  For  there  they  that  carried  us  away  captive  required  of 
us  a  song  ;  and  they  that  wasted  us  required  of  us  mirth,  saying,  Sing 
us  one  of  the  songs  of  Zion0  How  shall  we  sing  the  Lord's  song  in  a 
strange  land  ?  If  I  forget  thee,  O  Jerusalem,  let  my  right  hand  forget 
her  cunning.  If  I  do  not  remember  thee,  let  my  tongue  cleave  to  the 
roof  of  my  mouth.' 

"  Fellow-citizens,  above  your  national,  tumultuous  joy,  I  hear  the 
mournful  wail  of  millions,  whose  chains,  heavy  and  grievous  yesterday, 
are  to-day  rendered  more  intolerable  by  the  jubilant  shouts  that  reach 
them.  If  I  do  forget,  if  I  do  not  faithfully  remember  those  bleeding 
children  of  sorrow  this  day,  '  may  my  right  hand  forget  her  cunning,, 
and  may  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth  !  '  To  forget 
them,  to  pass  lightly  over  their  wrongs,  and  to  chime  in  with  the  popu 
lar  theme,  would  be  treason  most  scandalous  and  shocking,  and  would 
make  me  a  reproach  before  God  and  the  world.  My  subject,  then, 
fellow-citizens,  is  AMERICAN  SLAVERY.  I  shall  see  this  day  and  its 
popular  characteristics  from  the  slave's  point  of  view.  Standing  there, 
identified  with  the  American  bondman,  making  his  wrongs  mine,  I  do 
not  hesitate  to  declare,  with  all  my  soul,  that  the  character  and  conduct 
of  this  nation  never  looked  blacker  to  me  than  on  this  Fourth  of  July, 
Whether  we  turn  to  the  declarations  of  the  past,  or  to  the  professions 
of  the  present,  the  conduct  of  the  nation  seems  equally  hideous  and 
revolting.  America  is  false  to  the  past,  false  to  the  present,  and  sol 
emnly  binds  herself  to  be  false  to  the  future.  Standing  with  God  and 
the  crushed  and  bleeding  slave  on  this  occasion,  I  will,  in  the  name  of 
humanity  which  is  outraged,  in  the  name  of  liberty  which  is  fettered,. 
in  the  name  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Bible,  which  are  disregarded 
and  trampled  upon,  dare  to  call  in  question  and  to  denounce,  with  all 
the  emphasis  I  can  command,  every  thing  that  serves  to  perpetuate 
slavery — the  great  sin  and  shame  of  America  !  '  I  will  not  equivo 
cate  ;  I  will  not  excuse  '  ;  I  will  use  the  severest  language  I  can  com 
mand  ;  and  yet  not  one  word  shall  escape  me  that  any  man,  whose 
judgment  is  not  blinded  by  prejudice,  or  who  is  not  at  heart  a  slaveholder, 
shall  not  confess  to  be  right  and  just." 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  437 

His  speech  in  England  was  labored,  heavy,  and  some  portions 
of  it  ambitious.  But  here  are  measured  sentences,  graceful  tran 
sitions,  truth  made  forcible,  and  the  oratory  refined.  Thus  he 
went  on  from  good  to  better,  until  the  managers  of  leading  lecture- 
courses  of  the  land  felt  that  the  season  would  not  be  a  success 
without  Frederick  Douglass.  He  began  to  venture  into  deeper 
water  ;  to  expound  problems  not  exactly  in  line  with  the  only 
theme  that  he  was  complete  master  of.  His  attempts  at  wit 
usually  missed  fire.  He  could  not  be  funny.  He  was  in  earnest 
from  the  first  moment  the  light  broke  into  his  mind  in  Baltimore. 
He  was  rarely  eloquent  except  when  denouncing  slavery.  He 
was  not  at  his  best  in  abstract  thought :  too  much  logic  dampened 
his  enthusiasm  ;  and  an  attempt  at  elaborate  preparation  weak 
ened  his  discourse.  He  was  majestic  when  Ispeaking  of  the  in 
sults  he  had  received  or  the  wrongs  his  race  were  suffering. 
Martin  Luther  said  during  the  religious  struggle  in  Germany  for 
freedom  of  thought :  "  Sorrow  has  pressed  many  sweet  songs  out 
of  me."  It  was  the  sorrows  of  the  child-heart  of  Douglass  the 
chattel,  and  the  sorrows  of  the  great  man-heart  of  Douglass  the 
human  being,  that  gave  the  world  such  remarkable  eloquence. 
There  were  but  two  chords  in  his  soul  that  could  yield  a  rich 
sound,  viz. :  sorrow  and  indignation.  Sorrow  for  the  helpless 
slave,  and  indignation  against  the  heartless  master,  made  him 
grand,  majestic,  and  eloquent  beyond  comparison. 

Although  he  was  going  constantly  he  saved  his  means,  and 
raised  a  family  of  two  girls — one  dying  in  her  teens,  an  affliction 
he  took  deeply  to  heart — and  three  boys.  When  the  war  was 
on  at  high  tide,  and  Colored  soldiers  required,  he  gave  all  he  had, 
three  stalwart  boys,  while  he  made  it  very  uncomfortable  for  the 
Copperheads  at  home.  At  the  close  of  the  war  he  moved  to 
Washington  and  became  deeply  interested  in  the  practical  work 
of  reconstruction.  He  was  appointed  one  of  the  Commissioners 
to  visit  San  Domingo,  when  General  Grant  recommended  its  an 
nexation  to  the  United  States ;  was  a  trustee  of  Howard  Univer 
sity  and  of  the  Freedman's  Savings  Bank  and  Trust  Company. 
Unfortunately  he  accepted  the  presidency  of  the  latter  institu 
tion  after  nearly  all  the  thieves  had  got  through  with  it,  and  was 
its  official  head  when  the  crash  and  ruin  came. 

Mr.  Douglass's  home  l  life  has  been  pure  and  elevated.     He 

1  While  this  history  is  passing  through  the  press,  the  sad  intelligence  comes  of  the 
death,  after  a  painful  illness,  of  his  beloved  wife.  All  through  her  life  she  was  justly 
proud  of  her  husband  and  children  .  arv  she  leaves  a  precious  memory. 


438    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

has  done  well  by  his  boys ;  and  has  aided  many  young  men  to 
places  of  usefulness  and  profit.  He  strangely  and  violently  op 
posed  the  exodus  of  his  race  from  the  South,  and  thereby  in 
curred  the  opposition  of  the  Northern  press  and  the  anathemas 
of  the  Colored  people.  It  was  not  just  the  thing,  men  said — 
white  and  black, — for  a  man  who  had  been  a  slave  in  the  South, 
and  had  come  North  to  find  a  market  for  his  labor,  to  oppose  his 
brethren  in  their  flight  from  economic  slavery  and  the  shot-gun 
policy  of  the  South.  His  efforts  to  state  and  justify  his  position 
before  the  Colored  people  of  New  York  were  received  with  an 
impatient  air  and  tolerated  even  for  the  time  with  ill  grace.  Be 
fore  the  Social  Science  Congress  at  Saratoga,  New  York,  he  met 
Richard  T.  Greener,  a  young  Colored  man,  in  a  discussion  of  this 
subject.  But  Mr.  Greener,  a  son  of  Harvard  College,  with  a  keen 
and  merciless  logic,  cut  right  through  the  sophistries  of  Mr. 
Douglass;  and  although  the  latter  gentleman  threw  bouquets  at 
the  audience,  and  indulged  in  the  most  exquisite  word-painting, 
he  was  compelled  to  leave  the  field  a  vanquished  disputant. 

President  Hayes  appointed  Mr.  Douglass  United  States  Mar 
shall  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  an  office  which  he  held  until 
President  Garfield  made  him  Recorder  of  Deeds  for  the  same 
district.  He  has  accumulated  a  comfortable  little  fortune,  has 
published  three  books,  edited  two  newspapers,  passed  through 
a  checkered  and  busy  life ;  and  to-day,  full  of  honors  and  years, 
he  stands  confessedly  as  the  first  man  of  his  race  in  North 
America.  Not  that  he  is  the  greatest  in  every  sense  ;  but  con 
sidering  "  the  depths  from  whence  he  came,"  the  work  he  has 
accomplished,  the  character  untarnished, — his  memory  and 
character,  like  the  granite  shaft,  will  have  an  enduring  and 
undying  place  in  the  gratitude  of  humanity  throughout  the 
world. 

Among  the  representative  young  men  of  color  in  the  United 
States — and  now,  happily  in  the  process  of  time,  their  name  is 
legion — Richard  Theodore  Greener  has  undisputed  standing.  He 
was  born  in  Pennsylvania  in  1844,  but  spent  most  of  his  life  in 
Massachusetts.  His  father  and  grandfather  were  men  of  un 
usual  intelligence,  social  energy,  and  public  spirit.  Richard  T. 
early  manifested  an  eagerness  to  learn  and  a  capacity  to  retain 
and  utilize.  He  enjoyed  better  surroundings  in  childhood  than 
the  average  Colored  child  a  generation  ago  ;  and  always  accus 
tomed  to  hear  the  English  correctly  spoken,  he  had  in  himself  all 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  439 

the  required  conditions  to  acquire  a  thorough  education.  Having 
obtained  a  start  in  the  common  schools,  he  turned  to  Oberlin 
College,  Lorain  County,  Ohio,  —  at  that  time  an  institution 
toward  which  the  Colored  people  of  the  country  were  very  par 
tial,  and  whose  anti-slavery  professors  they  loved  with  wonderful 
tenderness.  For  some  of  these  professors,  in  the  Oberlin-Wel- 
lington  Rescue  Case,  had  preferred  imprisonment  in  preference  to 
obedience  to  the  unholy  fugitive-slave  law.  The  years  of  1862-3 
were  spent  at  Oberlin,  and  Mr.  Greener  showed  himself  an 
excellent  student.  His  ambition  was  to  excel  in  every  thing. 
Not  exactly  satisfied  with  the  course  of  studies  at  Oberlin,  he 
went  to  Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  Massachusetts.  This  insti 
tution  was  a  feeder  for  Harvard,  and  using  uniform  text-books 
he  was  placed  in  line  and  harmony  with  the  course  of  studies  to 
be  pursued  at  Cambridge.  He  entered  Harvard  College  in  the 
autumn  of  1865,  and  graduated  with  high  honors  in  1870.'  He 
was  the  first  of  his  race  to  enter  this  famous  university,  and 
while  there  did  himself  credit,  and  honored  the  race  from  which 
he  sprang.  All  his  performances  were  creditable.  He  won  a 
second  prize  for  reading  aloud  in  his  freshman  year ;  in  his 
sophomore  year  he  won  the  first  prize  for  the  Boylston  Decla 
mation,  notwithstanding  members  of  the  junior  and  senior 
classes  contested.  During  his  junior  year  he  did  not  contest, 
preferring  to  tutor  two  of  the  competitors  who  were  successful. 
In  his  senior  year  he  won  the  two  highest  prizes,  viz  :  the  First 
Bowdoin  for  a  Dissertation  on  "  The  Tenures  of  Land  in  Ire 
land,"  and  the  "  Boylston  Prize  for  Oratory." 

The  entrance,  achievements,  and  graduation  of  Mr.  Greener 
received  the  thoughtful  and  grateful  attention  of  the  press  of 
Europe  and  America  ;  while  what  he  did  was  a  stimulating  ex 
ample  to  the  young  men  of  his  race  in  the  United  States. 

At  the  time  of  his  graduation  there  was  a  great  demand  for 
and  a  wide-spread  need  of  educated  Colored  men  as  teachers. 
The  Institute  for  Colored  Youth,  in  Philadelphia,  had  been  but 
recently  deprived  of  its  principal,  Prof.  E.  D.  Bassett,  who  had 
been  sent  as  Resident  Minister  and  Consul-General  to  the  Re- 

1  Mr.  Greener  was  turned  back  one  year  upon  the  ground  of  alleged  imperfection  in 
mathematics  ;  but  it  was  done  in  support  of  an  old  theory,  long  since  exploded,  that 
the  Negro  has  no  capacity  for  the  solution  of  mathematical  problems.  We  know  this 
to  be  the  case.  But  the  charming  nature  and  natural  pluck  of  young  Greener  brought 
him  out  at  last  without  a  blemish  in  any  of  his  studies. 


440    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

public  of  Hayti.  Mr.  Greener  was  called  to  take  the  chair  vacated 
by  Mr.  Bassett.  He  was  principal  of  this  institution  from  Sept., 
1870,  to  Dec.,  1872.  From  Philadelphia  he  was  called  to  fill  a 
similar  position  in  Sumner  High  School,  at  Washington,  D.  C. 
He  did  not  remain  long  in  Washington.  His  fame  as  an  educa 
tor  had  grown  until  he  was  celebrated  as  a  teacher  throughout 
the  country.  He  was  offered  and  accepted  the  Chair  of  Meta 
physics  and  Logic  in  the  University  of  South  Carolina,  situate  at 
Columbia.  He  remained  here  until  1877,  when  the  Hampton 
Government  found  no  virtue  in  a  Negro  as  a  teacher  in  an  insti 
tution  of  the  fame  and  standing  of  this  university.  In  1877  he 
was  made  Dean  of  the  Law  Department  of  Howard  University, 
Washington,  D.  C.,  and  held  the  position  until  1880.  He  grad 
uated  from  the  Law  School  of  the  University  of  South  Carolina, 
and  has  practised  in  Washington  since  his  residence  there.  In 
addition  to  his  work  as  teacher,  lawyer,  and  orator,  Prof.  Greener 
was  associate  editor  of  the  New  National  Era  at  Washington,  D. 
C.,  and  his  editorial  Young  Men  to  the  Front,  gave  him  a  reputa 
tion  as  a  progressive  and  aggressive  leader  which  he  has  sustained 
ever  since  with  marked  ability. 

As  a  political  speaker  he  began  while  in  college,  in  1868,  and 
has  continued  down  to  the  present  time.  He  is  a  pleasant 
speaker,  and  acceptable  and  efficient  in  a  campaign.  As  an  ora 
tor  and  writer  he  excels.  His  early  style  was  burdened,  like  that 
of  the  late  Charles  Sumner,  with  a  too-abundant  classical  illus 
tration  and  quotation  ;  but  during  the  last  five  years  his  illustra 
tions  are  drawn  largely  from  the  English  classics  and  history. 
His  ablest  effort  at  oratory  was  his  oration  on  Charles  Sumner, 
the  Idealist,  Statesman,  and  Scholar.  It  was  by  all  odds  the  finest 
effort  of  its  kind  delivered  in  this  country.  It  was  eminently 
fitting  that  a  representative  of  the  race  toward  whose  elevation 
Mr.  Sumner  contributed  his  splendid  talents,  and  a  graduate 
from  the  same  College  that  honored  Sumner,  and  from  the  State 
that  gave  him  birth  and  opportunity,  should  give  the  true 
analysis  of  his  noble  life  and  spotless  character. 

In  the  "National  Quarterly  Review"  for  July,  1880,  Prof. 
Greener  replied"  to  an  article  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  James  Parton  on 
Antipathy  tot  the  Negro,  published  in  the  "  North  American  Re 
view."  Prof.  Greener's  theme  was  The  Intellectual  Position  of 
the  Negro.  The  following  paragraphs  give  a  fair  idea  of  the 
style  of  Mr.  Greener  : 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  441 

"  The  writer  himself  appears  not  to  feel  such  an  antipathy  to  us 
that  it  must  need  find  expression  ;  for  his  liberality  is  well  known  to 
those  who  have  read  his  writings  for  the  past  fifteen  years.  Nor  is 
there  any  apparent  ground  for  its  appearance  because  of  any  new  or 
startling  exhibitions  of  antipathia  against  us  noticeable  at  the  present 
time.  No  argument  was  needed  to  prove  that  there  has  been  an  un 
reasonable  and  unreasoning  prejudice  against  negroes  as  a  class,  a  long- 
existing  antipathy,  seemingly  ineradicable,  sometimes  dying  out  it  would 
appear,  and  then  bursting  forth  afresh  from  no  apparent  cause.  If  Mr. 
Parton  means  to  assert  that  such  prejudice  is  ineradicable,  or  is  in- 
•creasing,  or  is  even  rapidly  passing  away,  then  is  his  venture  insuffi 
cient,  because  it  fails  to  support  either  of  these  views.  It  does  not  even 
attempt  to  show  that  the  supposed  antipathy  is  general,  for  the  author 
expressly,  and,  we  think,  very  properly,  relegates  its  exercise  to  those 
whom  he  calls  the  most  ignorant — the  '  meanest '  of  mankind. 

"  If  his  intention  was  to  attack  a  senseless  antipathy,  hold  it  up  to 
ridicule,  show  its  absurdity,  analyze  its  constituent  parts,  and  suggest 
some  easy  and  safe  way  for  Americans  to  rid  themselves  of  unchristian 
and  un-American  prejudices,  then  has  he  again  conspicuously  failed 
to  carry  out  such  purpose.  He  asserts  the  existence  of  antipathies,  but 
only  by  inference  does  he  discourage  their  maintenance,  although  on 
other  topics  he  is  rather  outspoken  whenever  he  cares  to  express  his  own 
convictions. 

"  On  this  question  Mr.  Parton  is,  to  say  the  least,  vacillating,  be 
cause  he  fails  to  exhibit  any  platform  upon  which  we  may  combat  those 
who  support  early  prejudices  and  justify  their  continuance  from  the 
mere  fact  of  their  existence.  We  never  expect  Mr.  Gayarre  and  Mr. 
Henry  Watterson  to  look  calmly  and  dispassionately  at  these  questions 
from  the  negro's  point  of  view.  The  one  gives  us  the  old  argument  of 
De  Bow's  Review,  and  the  other  deals  out  the  ex  parte  views  of  the 
present  leaders  of  the  South.  The  one  line  of  argument  has  been  an 
swered  over  and  over  again  by  the  old  anti-slavery  leaders  ;  the  pun 
gent  generalizations  of  the  latter,  the  present  generation  of  negroes  can 
answer  whenever  the  opportunity  is  afforded  them. 

"  But  Mr.  Parton  was  born  in  a  cooler  and  calmer  atmosphere, 
where  men  are  accustomed  to  give  a  reason  for  the  faith  that  is  in  them, 
and  hence  it  is  necessary,  in  opening  any  discussion  such  as  he  had  pro 
voked,  that  he  should  assign  some  ground  of  opposition  or  support — 
Christian,  Pagan,  utilitarian,  constitutional,  optimist,  or  pessimist. 

"  The  very  apparent  friendliness  of  his  intentions  makes  even  a 
legitimate  conclusion  from  him  seem  mere  conjecture,  likely  to  be  suc 
cessfully  controverted  by  any  subtle  thinker  and  opponent.  No  definite 
conclusion  is,  indeed,  reached  with  regard  to  the  first  query  (Jefferson's 
fourteenth)  with  which  Mr.  Parton  opens  his  article  :  Whether  the 


442    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

white  and  black  races  can  live  together  on  this  continent  as  equals.  He 
lets  us  see  at  the  close,  incidentally  only,  what  his  opinion  is,  and  it  in 
clines  to  the  negative.  But  throughout  the  article  he  is  in  the  anoma 
lous  and  dubious  position  of  one  who  opens  a  discussion  which  he  can 
not  end,  and  the  logical  result  of  whose  own  opinion  he  dares  not  boldly 
state.  The  illustrations  of  the  early  opinions  of  Madison  and  Jef 
ferson  only  show  how  permanent  a  factor  the  nej^o  is  in  American  his 
tory  and  polity,  and  how  utterly  futile  are  all  attempts  at  his  expatria 
tion.  Following  Mr.  Parton's  advice,  the  negro  has  always  prudently 
abstained  from  putting  'himself  against  inexorable  facts.'  He  is  care 
ful,  however,  to  make  sure  of  two  things, — that  the  alleged  facts  are 
verities  and  that  they  are  inexorable.  Prejudice  we  acknowledge  as  a 
fact ;  but  we  know  that  it  is  neither  an  ineradicable  nor  an  inexorable 
one.  We  find  fault  with  Mr.  Parton  because  he  starts  a  trail  on  an 
tipathy,  evidently  purposeless,  and  fails  to  track  it  down  either  system 
atically  or  persistently,  but  branches  off,  desipere  in  loco,  to  talk  loosely 
of  'physical  antipathy,'  meaning  what  we  usually  term  natural  an 
tipathy  ;  and  at  last,  emerging  from  the  '  brush,'  where  he  has  been 
hopelessly  beating  about  from  Pliny  to  Mrs.  Kemble,  he  gains  a  partial 
1  open  '  once  more  by  asserting  a  truism — that  it  is  the  '  ignorance  of  a 
despised  class  '  (the  lack  of  knowledge  we  have  of  them)  which  nour 
ishes  these  'insensate  antipathies.'  Here  we  are  at  one  with  Mr.  Par- 
ton.  Those  who  know  us  most  intimately,  who  have  associated  with  us 
in  the  nursery,  at  school,  in  college,  in  trade,  in  the  tenderer  and  con 
fidential  relations  of  life,  in  health,  in  sickness,  and  in  death,  as  trusted 
guides,  as  brave  soldiers,  as  magnanimous  enemies,  as  educated  and  re 
spected  men  and  women,  give  up  all  senseless  antipathies,  and  feel 
ashamed  to  confess  they  ever  cherished  any  prejudice  against  a  race 
whose  record  is  as  unsullied  as  that  of  any  in  the  land." 

The  following  passages  from  a  most  brilliant  speech  at  the 
Dinner  of  the  Harvard  Club  of  New  York,  exhibit  a  pure,  per 
spicuous,  and  charming  style : 

"  What  Sir  John  Coleridge  in  his  '  Life  of  Keble  '  says  of  the  tradi 
tions  and  influences  of  Oxford,  each  son  of  Harvard  must  feel  is  true 
also  of  Cambridge.  The  traditions,  the  patriotic  record,  and  the 
scholarly  attainments  of  her  alumni  are  the  pride  of  the  College.  Her 
contribution  to  letters,  to  statesmanship,  and  to  active  business  life,  will 
keep  her  memory  perennially  green.  Not  one  of  the  humblest  of  her 
children,  who  has  felt  the  touch  of  her  pure  spirit,  or  enjoyed  the  bene 
fits  of  her -culture,  can  fail  to  remember  what  she  expects  of  her  sons 
wherever  they  may  be  :  to  stand  fast  for  good  government,  to  maintain 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  44$ 

the  right,  to  uphold  honesty  and  character,  to  be,  if  nothing  else,  good 
citizens,  and  to  perform,  to  the  extent  of  their  ability,  every  duty  as 
sumed  or  imposed  upon  them, — democratic  in  their  aristocracy,  catholic 
in  their  liberality,  impartial  in  judgment,  ind  uncompromising  in  their 
convictions  of  duty.  [Cheers  and  applause.] 

"  Harvard's  impartiality  was  not  demonstrated  solely  by  my  admission 
to  the  College.  In  1770,  when  Crispus  Attucks  died  a  patriot  martyr  on 
State  Street,  she  answered  the  rising  spirit  of  independence  and  liberty 
by  abolishing  all  distinctions  founded  upon  color,  blood,  and  rank. 
Since  that  day,  there  has  been  but  one  test  for  all.  Ability,  character, 
and  merit, — these  are  the  sole  passports  to  her  favor.  [Applause.] 

"  When,  in  my  adopted  State,  I  stood  on  the  battered  ramparts  of 
Wagner,  and  recalled  the  fair-haired  son  of  Harvard  who  died  there 
with  his  brave  black  troops  of  Massachusetts, — 

"  '  him  who,  deadly  hurt,  agen 
Flashed  on  afore  the  charge's  thunder, 

Tippin'  with  fire  the  bolt  of  men, 
Thet  rived  the  Rebel  line  asunder,' — 

I  thanked  God,  with  patriotic  pleasure,  that  the  first  contingent  of  negro 
troops  from  the  North  should  have  been  led  to  death  and  fame  by  an 
alumnus  of  Harvard  ;  and  I  remembered,  with  additional  pride  of  race 
and  college,  that  the  first  regiment  of  black  troops  raised  on  South 
Carolina  soil  were  taught  to  drill,  to  fight,  to  plough,  and  to  read  by  a 
brave,  eloquent,  and  scholarly  descendant  of  the  Puritans  and  of  Har 
vard,  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson.  [Great  applause  and  cheers.] 

"  Is  it  strange,  then,  brothers,  that  I  there  resolved  for  myself  to 
maintain  the  standard  of  the  College,  so  far  as  I  was  able,  in  public  and 
in  private  life  ?  I  am  honored  by  the  invitation  to  be  present  here  to 
night.  Around  me  I  see  faces  I  have  not  looked  upon  for  a  decade. 
Many  are  the  intimacies  of  the  College,  the  society,  the  buskin,  and  the 
oar  which  they  bring  up,  from  classmates  and  college  friends.  I  miss, 
as  all  Hazard  men  must  miss  to-night,  the  venerable  and  kindly  figure 
of  Andrew  Preston  Peabody,  the  student's  friend,  the  consoler  of  the 
plucked,  the  encourager  of  the  strong,  Maecenas's  benign  alrnoner,  the 
felicitous  exponent  of  Harvard's  Congregational  Unitarianism.  I  miss, 
too,  another  of  high  scholarship,  of  rare  poetic  t^,ste,  of  broad  liberality 
— my  personal  friend,  Elbridge  Jefferson  Cutler,  loved  alike  by  students 
and  his  fellow-members  of  the  Faculty  for  his  conscientious  performance 
of  duty  and  his  genial  nature. 

"  Mr.  President  and  brothers,  my  time  is  up.  I  give  you  '  Fail- 
Harvard,'  the  exemplar,  the  prototype  of  that  ideal  America,  of  which 
the  greatest  American  poet  has  written, — 


444    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  •  Thou,  taught  by  Fate  to  know  Jehovah's  plan, 
Thet  man's  devices  can't  unmake  a  man, 
An*  whose  free  latch-string  never  was  drawed  in 
Against  the  poorest  child  of  Adam's  kin.' 

"  [Great  applause.]  " 

Prof.  Greener  rendered  legal  services  in  the  case  of  Cadet 
Whittaker  at  West  Point,  and  in  the  trial  at  New  York  City, 
where,  as  associate  counsel  with  ex-Gov.  Chamberlain, — an  able 
lawyer  and  a  magnificent  orator, — he  developed  ability  and  in 
dustry  as  an  attorney,  and  earned  the  gratitude  of  his  race. 

Prof.  Greener  entered  Harvard  as  'a  member  of  the  Baptist 
Church  ;  but  the  transcendentalism  and  rationalism  of  the  place 
quite  swept  him  from  his  spiritual  moorings.  In  a  recent  address 
before  a  literary  society  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  he  is  represented 
to  have  maintained  that  Mohammedanism  was  better  for  the  in 
digenous  races  of  Africa  than  Christianity,  Dr.  John  William 
Draper  made  a  similar  mistake  in  his  "  Conflict  between  Religion 
and  Science  !  "  The  learned  doctor  should  have  written  "  Conflict 
between  the  Church  and  Science."  Religion  is  not  and  never 
was  at  war  with  science.  Prof.  Greener  should  have  written, 
"  Mohammedanism  better  for  the  Africans  than  Snake  Wor 
ship."  This  brilliant  young  man  cannot  afford  to  attempt  to 
exalt  Mohammedanism  above  the  cross  of  our  dear  Redeemer, 
and  expect  to  have  leadership  in  the  Negro  race  in  America. 
Nor  can  he  support  the  detestable  ideas  and  execrable  philoso 
phy  of  Senator  John  P.  Jones,  which  seek  to  shut  out  the  China 
man  from  free  America.  The  Negro  must  stand  by  the  weak  in 
a  fight  like  this,  remembering  the  pit  from  which  he  was  dug. 
But  Prof.  Greener  is  young  as  well  as  talented  ;  and  seeing  his 
mistake,  will  place  himself  in  harmony  with  not  only  the  rights 
of  his  race,  but  those  of  humanity  everywhere. 

Blanche  K.  Bruce  was  born  a  slave  on  a  plantation  in  Prince 
Edward  County,  Virginia,  March  I,  1841,  and  in  the  very  month 
and  week  of  the  anniversary  of  his  birth  he  was  sworn  in  as 
United  States  Senator  from  Mississippi.  Reared  a  slave  there 
was  nothing  in  his  early  life  of  an  unusual  nature.  He  secured 
his  freedom  at  the  end  of  the  war,  and  immediately  sought  the 
opportunities  and  privileges  that  would,  if  properly  used,  fit  him 
for  his  new  life  as  a  man  and  a  citizen.  He  went  to  Oberlin  Col 
lege  where,  in  the  Preparatory  Department,  he  applied  himself  to 
his  studies,  attached  himself  to  his  classmates  by  charming  per- 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  445 

sonal  manners,  and  gentlemanly  deportment.  He  realized  that 
there  were  many  splendid  opportunities  awaiting  young  men  of 
color  at  the  South  ;  and  that  profitable  positions  were  going 
begging. 

Mr.  Bruce  made  his  appearance  in  Mississippi  at  an  opportune 
moment.  The  State  was  just  undergoing  a  process  of  recon 
struction.  He  appeared  at  the  capital,  Jackson,  with  seventy- 
five  cents  in  his  pocket ;  was  a  stranger  to  every  person  in  the 
city.  He  mingled  in  the  great  throng,  joined  in  the  discussions 
that  took  place  by  little  knots  of  politicians,  made  every  man  his 
friend  to  whom  he  talked,  and  when  the  State  Senate  was  organ 
ized  secured  the  position  of  Sergeant-at-arms.  He  attracted  the 
attention  of  Gov.  Alcorn,  who  appointed  him  a  member  of  his 
staff  with  the  rank  of  colonel.  Col.  Bruce  was  not  merely  Ser 
geant-at-arms  of  the  Senate,  but  was  a  power  behind  that  body. 
His  intelligence,  his  knowledge  of  the  character  of  the  legislation 
needed  for  the  people  of  Mississippi,  and  th^  excellent  impres 
sion  he  made  upon  the  members,  gave  him  great  power  in  suggest 
ing  and  influencing  legislation. 

The  sheriffs  of  Mississippi  were  not  elected  in  those  days ;  and 
the  Governor  had  to  look  a  good  ways  to  find  the  proper  men 
for  such  positions.  His  faith  in  Col.  Bruce  as  a  man  and  an  offi 
cer  led  him  to  select  him  to  be  sheriff  of  Bolivar  County.  Col. 
Bruce  discharged  the  delicate  duties  of  his  office  with  eminent 
ability,  and  attained  a  popularity  very  remarkable  under  the  cir 
cumstances. 

During  this  time,  while  other  politicians  were  dropping  their 
money  at  the  gaming-table  and  in  the  wine  cup,  Col.  Bruce  was 
saving  his  funds,  and  after  purchasing  a  splendid  farm  at  Flora- 
ville,  on  the  Mississippi  River,  he  made  cautious  and  profitable  in 
vestments  in  property  and  bonds.  His  executive  ability  was 
marvellous,  and  his  successful  management  of  his  own  business 
and  that  of  the  people  of  the  county  made  him  friends  among 
all  classes  and  in  both  political  parties.  He  was  appointed  tax- 
collector  for  his  county,  a  position  that  was  calculated  to  tax  the 
most  accomplished  financier  and  business  maa  in  the  State.  But 
Col.  Bruce  took  to  the  position  rare  abilities,  and  managed  his 
ofrtce  with  such  matchless  skill,  that  when  the  term  of  Henry  R. 
Pease  expired,  he  was  chosen  United  States  Senator  from  Missis 
sippi  on  the  third  of  February,  1875,  for  the  constitutional  term 
of  six  years.  He  took  his  seat  on  the  4th  of  March,  1875. 


446    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

He  did  nothing  in  the  line  of  oratory  while  in  the  Senate. 
That  was  not  his  forte.  He  was  an  excellent  worker,  a  faithful 
committee-man,  and  finally  was  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
the  Freedman's  Savings  Bank,  etc.  Mr.  Bruce  was  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Mississippi  Levees,  where  he  performed  good 
work.  He  presided  over  the  Senate  with  dignity  several  times. 
To  the  charge  that  he  was  a  "  silent  Senator,"  it  may  be  ob 
served  that  it  was  infinitely  better  that  he  remained  silent,  than 
in  breaking  the  silence  to  exhibit  a  mental  feebleness  in  attempt 
ing  to  handle  problems  to  which  most  of  the  Senators  had  given 
years  of  patient  study.  His  conduct  was  admirable  ;  his  discre 
tion  wise ;  his  service  faithful,  and  his  influence  upon  the  honor 
able  Senate  and  the  country  at  large  beneficial  to  himself  and 
helpful  to  his  race. 

In  the  convention  of  the  Republican  party  at  Chicago,  in  i88or 
he  was  a  candidate  for  Vice-President.  In  the  spring  of  i88ir 
after  the  close  of.  his  senatorial  career  the  President  nominated 
him  to  be  Register  of  the  United  States  Treasury,  and  the  nomi 
nation  was  confirmed  without  reference,  after  a  complimentary 
speech  from  his  associate,  Senator  L.  Q.  C.  Lamar.  He  has  ap 
peared  as  a  political  speaker  on  several  occasions.  As  nature  did 
not  intend  him  for  this  work,  his  efforts  appear  to  be  the  prod 
ucts  of  hard  labor,  but  nevertheless  excellent ;  his  estimable  and 
scholarly  wife  (nfa  Miss  Wilson,  of  Cleveland,  Ohio)  has  been  a 
great  blessing  to  him  ; — a  good  wife  and  a  helpful  companion. 
From  a  penniless  slave  he  has  risen  to  the  position  of  writing  his 
name  upon  the  currency  of  the  country.  Register  Bruce  is  a 
genial  gentleman,  a  fast  friend,  and  an  able  officer. 

John  Mercer  Langston  was  born  a  slave  in  Virginia  ;  is  a  grad 
uate  of  Oberlin  College  and  Theological  Institution,  and  as  a 
lawyer,  college  president,  foreign  minister,  and  politician,  has  ex 
erted  a  wide  influence  for  the  good  of  his  race.  As  Secretary  of 
the  Board  of  Health  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  as  Presi 
dent  of  the  Howard  University,  he  displayed  remarkable  execu 
tive  ability  and  sound  business  judgment.  He  is  one  of  the 
bravest  of  the  brave  in  public  matters,  and  his  influence  upon 
young  Colored  men  has  been  wide-spread  and  admirable.  He  is 
now  serving  as  Resident  Minister  and  Consul-General  to  Ha^ti ; 
and  ranks  among  the  best  diplomats  of  our  Government. 

In  Massachusetts,  Charles  L.  Mitchell,  George  L.  Ruffin,  John 
J.  Smith,  J.  B.  Smith,  and  Wm.  J.  Walker  have  been  members 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  447 

of  the  Legislature.  In  Illinois,  a  Colored  man  has  held  a  position 
in  the  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Cook  County — Chicago  ;  and 
one  has  been  sent  to  the  Legislature.  In  Ohio,  two  Colored  men 
have  been  members  of  the  Legislature,  one  from  Cincinnati  and 
the  other  from  Cleveland.  Gov.  Charles  Foster  was  the  first 
Executive  in  any  of  the  Northern  States  to  appoint  a 'Colored 
man  to  a  responsible  position ;  and  in  this,  as  in  nearly  every 
other  thing,  Ohio  has  taken  the  lead.  The  present  member  (John 
P.  Green)  of  the  Legislature  of  Ohio  representing  Cuyahoga 
County,  is  a  young  man  of  excellent  abilities  both  as  a  lawyer 
and  as  an  orator.  John  P.  Green  was  born  at  New  Berne,  North 
Carolina,  April  2,  1845,  °f  ^ree  parents.  His  father  died  in  1850, 
and  his  widow  was  left  to  small  resources  in  raising  her  family. 
But  being  an  excellent  seamstress  she  did  very  well  for  her  five- 
year-old  son,  while  she  had  an  infant  in  her  arms. 

In  1857  Mrs.  Green  moved  to  Ohio  and  located  at  Cleveland. 
Her  son  John  was  now  able  and  willing  to  assist  his  mother 
some  ;  and  so  as  an  errand-boy  he  hired  himself  out  for  $4  per 
month.  He  obtained  about  a  year  and  one  half  of  instruction  in 
the  common  schools,  and  did  well.  In  1862  he  became  a  waiter 
in  a  hotel,  and  spent  every  leisure  moment  in  study.  He  suc 
ceeded  in  learning  something  of  Latin  and  Algebra,  without  a 
teacher. 

Mr.  Green  had  acquired  an  excellent  style  of  composition,  and 
to  secure  funds  with  which  to  complete  his  education,  he  wrote 
and  published  a  pamphlet  containing  Essays  on  Miscellaneous 
Subjects,  by  a  self-educated  Colored  youth.  He  sold  about  1,500 
copies  in  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  York,  and  then  entered 
the  Cleveland  Central  High  School.  He  completed  a  four  years' 
classical  course  in  two  years,  two  terms,  and  two  months.  He 
graduated  at  the  head  of  a  class  of  twenty-three.  He  entered  the 
Jaw  office  of  Judge  Jesse  P.  Bishop,  and  in  1870  graduated  from 
the  Cleveland  Law  School.  He  turned  his  face  Southward,  and 
having  settled  in  South  Carolina,  began  the  practice  of  law,  which 
was  attended  with  great  success.  But  the  climate  was  not  agree 
able  to  his  health,  and  in  1872  he  returned  to  the  scenes  of  his  early 
toils  and  struggles.  He  became  a  practising  attorney  in  Cleve 
land,  and  in  the  spring  of  1873  was  elected  a  justice  of  the  peace 
for  Cuyahoga  County  by  a  majority  of  3,000  votes.  He  served 
three  terms  as  a  justice,  and  in  eight  years  of  service  as  such  de 
cided  more  than  12,000  cases.  As  a  justice  he  has  had  no  equal 


448    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

for  many  years.  In  1877  he  was  nominated  for  the  Legislature, 
but  was  defeated  by  sixty-two  votes.  In  1881  he  was  again  be 
fore  the  people  for  the  Legislature,  and  was  elected  by  a  hand 
some  majority. 

Mr.  Green  is  rather  a  remarkable  young  man ;  and  with  good 
health  and  a  fair  field  he  is  bound  to  make  a  success.  He  will 
bear  comparison  with  any  of  his  associates  in  the  Legislature ; 
and,  as  a  clear,  impressive  speaker,  has  few  equals  in  that  body. 

There  are  yet  at  least  one  hundred  representative  men  of 
color  worthy  of  the  places  they  hold  in  the  respect  and  con 
fidence  of  their  race  and  the  country.  Their  number  is  rapidly 
increasing ;  and  ere  many  years  there  will  be  no  lack  of  repres 
entative  Colored  men.1 

Colored  women  had  fewer  privileges  of  education  before  the 
war,  and  indeed  since  the  war,  than  the  men  of  their  race,  yet, 
nevertheless,  many  of  these  women  have  shown  themselves  capa 
ble  and  useful. 

FRANCES   ELLEN   HARPER 

was  born  in  Baltimore,  Maryland,  in  1825.  She  was  not  per- 
mitted  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  early  educational  training,  but 
in  after-years  proved  herself  to  be  a  woman  of  most  remarkable 
intellectual  powers.  She  applied  herself  to  study,  most  assidu 
ously  ;  and  when  she  had  reached  woman's  estate  was  well  edu 
cated. 

She  developed  early  a  fondness  for  poetry,  which  she  has 
since  cultivated  ;  and  some  of  her  efforts  are  not  without  merit. 
She  excels  as  an  essayist  and  lecturer.  She  has  been  heard  upon 
many  of  the  leading  lecture  platforms  of  the  country ;  and  her 
efforts  to  elevate  her  sisters  have  been  drowned  with  most  signal 

success. 

MARY  ANN   SHADD   CAREY, 

of  Delaware,  but  more  recently  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  as  a  lecturer, 
writer,  and  school  teacher,  has  done  and  is  doing  a  great  deal  for 
the  educational  and  social  advancement  of  the  Colored  people. 

FANNY   M.   JACKSON— 

at  present  Mrs.  Fanny  M.  Jackson  Coppin — was  born  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  in  1837.  Though  left  an  orphan  when 

1  Biography  is  quite  a  different  thing  from  history  ;  and  the  Colored  men  who 
may  imagine  themselves  neglected  ought  to  remember  that  this  is  a  History  of  the 
Negro  Race.  We  have  mentioned  these  men  as  representative  of  several  classes. 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN  449 

quite  a  child,  Mrs.  Sarah  Clark,  her  aunt,  took  charge  of  her,  and 
gave  her  a  first-class  education.  She  prosecuted  the  gentlemen's 
course  in  Oberlin  College,  and  graduated  with  high  honors. 

Deeply  impressed  with  the  need  of  educated  teachers  for  the 
schools  of  her  race,  she  accepted  a  position  at  once  in  the  Insti 
tute  for  Colored  Youth,  at  Philadelphia,  Pa.  And  here  for  many 
years  she  has  taught  with  eminent  success,  and  exerted  a  pure 
and  womanly  influence  upon  all  the  students  that  have  come 
into  her  classes. 

Without  doubt  she  is  the  most  thoroughly  competent  and 
successful  of  the  Colored  women  teachers  of  her  time.  And  her 
example  of  race  pride,  industry,  enthusiasm,  and  nobility  of 
character  will  remain  the  inheritance  and  inspiration  of  the 
pupils  of  the  school  she  helped  make  the  pride  of  the  Colored 
people  of  Pennsylvania. 

LOUISE   DE   MORTIE, 

of  Norfolk,  Virginia,  was  born  of  free  parents  in  that  place, 
in  1833,  but  being  denied  the  privileges  of  education,  turned  her 
face  toward  Massachusetts. 

In  1853  she  took  up  her  residence  in  Boston.  She  immedi 
ately  began  to  avail  herself  of  all  the  opportunities  of  education. 
A  most  beautiful  girl,  possessed  of  a  sweet  disposition  and  a 
remarkable  memory,  she  won  a  host  of  friends,  and  took  high 
standing  as  a  pupil. 

In  1862  she  began  a  most  remarkable  career  as  a  public 
reader.  An  elocutionist  by  nature,  she  added  the  refinement  of 
the  art;  and  with  her  handsome  presence,  engaging  manners,  and 
richly-toned  voice,  she  took  high  rank  in  her  profession.  Just  as 
she  was  attracting  public  attention  by  her  genius,  she  learned  of 
the  destitution  that  was  wasting  the  Colored  orphans  of  New 
Orleans.  Thither  she  hastened  in  the  spirit  of  Christian  love  ; 
and  there  she  labored  with  an  intelligence  and  zeal  which  made 
her  a  heroine  among  her  people.  In  1867  she  raised  sufficient 
funds  to  build  an  asylum  for  the  Colored  orphans  of  New  Orleans. 
But  just  then  the  yellow  fever  overtook  her  in  her  work  of  mercy, 
and  she  fell  a  victim  to  its  deadly  touch  on  the  loth  of  October, 
1867,  saying  so  touchingly,  "  I  belong  to  God,  our  Father,"  as  she 
expired. 

Although  cut  off  in  the  morning  of  a  useful  life,  she  is  of 
blessed  memory  among  those  for  whose  improvement  and  eleva- 


450    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tion  she  gave  the  strength  of  a  brilliant  mind  and  the  warmth  of 
a  genuine  Christian  heart. 

MISS  CHARLOTTE  L.  FORTUNE- 
HOW  the  wife  of  the  young  and  gifted  clergyman,  Rev.  Frank  J. 
Grimke, — is  a  native  of  Pennsylvania.  She  comes  of  one  of  the 
best  Colored  families  of  the  State.  She  went  to  Salem,  Massa 
chusetts,  in  1854,  where  she  began  a  course  of  studies  in  the 
"  Higginson  High  School."  She  proved  to  be  a  student  of  more 
than  usual  application,  and  although  a  member  of  a  class  of 
white  youths,  Miss  Fortune  was  awarded  the  honor  of  writing 
the  Parting  Hymn  for  the  class.  It  was  sung  at  the  last  examina 
tion,  and  was  warmly  praised  by  all  who  heard  it. 

Miss  Fortune  became  a  contributor  to  the  columns  of  the 
"  Anti-Slavery  Standard  "  and  "  Atlantic  Monthly."  She  wrote 
both  prose  and  poetry,  and  did  admirably  in  each. 

EDMONIA   LEWIS, 

the  Negro  sculptress,  is  in  herself  a  great  prophecy  of  the  pos 
sibilities  of  her  sisters  in  America.  Of  lowly  birth,  left  an  orphan 
when  quite  young,  unable  to  obtain  a  liberal  education,  she  never 
theless  determined  to  be  somebody  and  do  something. 

Some  years  ago,  while  yet  in  humble  circumstances,  she  visited 
Boston.  Upon  seeing  a  statue  of  Benjamin  Franklin  she  stood 
transfixed  before  it.  It  stirred  the  latent  genius  within  the 
untutored  child,  and  produced  an  emotion  she  had  never  felt 
before.  "  I,  too,  can  make  a  stone  man,"  she  said.  Almost 
instinctively,  she  turned  to  that  great  Apostle  of  Human  Lib 
erty,  Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  and  asked  his  advice.  The  kind- 
hearted  agitator  gave  her  a  note  to  Mr.  Brackett,  the  Boston 
sculptor.  He  received  her  kindly,  heard  her  express  the  desire 
and  ambition  of  her  heart,  and  then  giving  her  a  model  of  a 
human  foot  and  some  clay,  said:  *'  Go  home  and  make  that. 
If  there  is  any  thing  in  you  it  will  come  out."  She  tried, 
but  her  teacher  broke  up  her  work  and  told  her  to  try  again. 
And  so  she  did,  and  triumphed. 

Since  then,  this  ambitious  Negro  girl  has  won  a  position 
as  an  artist,  a  studio  in  Rome,  and  a  place  in  the  admiration 
of  the  lovers  of  art  on  two  continents.  She  has  produced  many 
meritorious  works  of  art,  the  most  noteworthy  bcmg  Hagar  in  the 
Wilderness  ;  a  group  of  the  Madonna  with  the  Infant  Christ  and 


REPRESENTATIVE  COLORED  MEN.  451 

jfwo  adoring  Angels  ;  Forever  Free  ;  Hiawatha's  Wooing;  a  bust 
of  Longfellow,  the  Poet ;  a  bust  of  John  Brown  ;  and  a  medallion 
portrait  of  Wendell  Phillips.  The  Madonna  was  purchased  by  the 
Marquis  of  Bute,  Disraeli's  Lothair. 

She  has  been  well  received  in  Rome,  and  her  studio  has  become 
an  object  of  interest  to  travellers  from  all  countries. 

Of  late  many  intelligent  young  Colored  women  have  risen  to 
take  their  places  in  society,  and  as  wives  and  mothers  are  doing 
much  to  elevate  the  tone  of  the  race  and  its  homes.  Great  care 
must  be  given  to  the  education  of  the  Colored  women  of  America; 
for  virtuous,  intelligent,  educated,  cultured,  and  pious  wives 
and  mothers  are  the  hope  of  the  Negro  race.  Without  them 
educated  Colored  men  and  the  miraculous  results  of  emancipation 
will  go  for  nothing. 


452    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER     XXIV. 

THE  AFRICAN  METHODIST   EPISCOPAL  CHURCH. 

ITS  ORIGIN,  GROWTH,  ORGANIZATION,  AND  EXCELLENT  INFLUENCE.  —  ITS  PUBLISHING  HOUSE,  PE 
RIODICALS,  AND  PAPERS.  —  ITS  NUMERICAL  AND  FINANCIAL  STRENGTH.  —  ITS  MISSIONARY  AND 
EDUCATIONAL  SPIRIT.  —  WILBERFORCE  UNIVERSITY. 

THE  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  of  America  has 
exerted  a  wider  and  better  influence  upon  the  Negro 
race  than  any  other  organization  created  and  managed  by 
Negroes.  The  hateful  and  hurtful  spirit  of  caste  and  race  preju 
dice  in  the  Protestant  Church  during  and  after  the  American 
Revolution  drove  the  Negroes  out.  The  Rev.  Richard  Allen,  of 
Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania,  was  the  founder  of  the  African  Metho 
dist  Episcopal  Church.  He  gathered  a  few  Christians  in  his  private 
dwelling,  during  the  year  1816,  and  organized  a  church  and  named 
it  "  Bethel"  Its  first  General  Conference  was  held  in  Philadel 
phia  during  the  same  year  with  the  following  representation  : 

Rev.  Richard  Allen,  Jacob  Tapsico,  Clayton  Durham,  James 
Champion,  and  Thomas  Webster,  of  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania ; 
Daniel  Coker,  Richard  Williams,  Henry  Harden,  Stephen  Hill, 
Edward  Williamson,  and  Nicholas  Gailliard,  of  Baltimore,  Mary 
land  ;  Peter  Spencer,  of  Wilmington,  Delaware ;  Jacob  Marsh, 
Edward  Jackson,  and  William  Andrew,  of  Attleborough,  Penn 
sylvania  ;  Peter  Cuff,  of  Salem,  New  Jersey. 

The  minutes  of  the  Conference  of  1817  were  lost,  but  in  i8i& 
there  were  seven  itinerants:  Baltimore  Conference — Rev.  Daniel 
Coker,  Richard  Williams,  and  Rev.  Charles  Pierce ;  Philadelphia 
Conference — Bishop  Allen,  Rev.  William  Paul  Quinn,  Jacob  Tap 
sico,  and  Rev.  Clayton  Durham. 

The  Church  grew  mightily,  increasing  in  favor  with  God  and 
man.  The  zeal  of  its  ministers  was  wonderful,  and  the  spirit  of 
missions  and  consecration  to  the  work  wrought  miracles  for  the 
cause.  In  1826  the  strength  of  the  Church  was  as  follows: 


AFRICAN  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.      453 

Bishops    .........         2 

Annual  conferences  *  2 

Itinerant  preachers  .         •         .         .         .         .         .17 

Stations         ........  2 

Circuits    .........       10 

Missions        ........  5 

Total  number  of  members         ....  7,927 

Amount  of  salary  for  travelling  preachers      .       $1,054.50 
Amount  of  incidental  expenses         .         .         .         $97.  25 

The  grand  total  amount  of  money  raised  in  1826  for  all  pur 
poses  was  $1,151.75.  In  1836  there  were: 

Bishops    .........        3 

Conferences  ........  4 

Travelling  preachers         .         .....       27 

Stations         ........  7 

Circuits    .         .         .         .         .         -         .         .         .18 

Missions        ........  2 

Churches       .   ........       86 

Probable  value  of  church  property        .         .      $43,000.00 
Total  salary  of  pastors      ....  $1,126.29 

Amount  raised  for  general  purposes     .         .  $259-59 

Total  amount  of  money  raised  in  1836  for  all  purposes, 
$1,385.88.  The  total  number  of  members  in  1836  was  7,594. 
This  was  a  decrease  of  333  members,  and  is  to  be  accounted 
for  in  the  numerous  sales  of  slaves  in  the  Baltimore  Conference, 
as  the  decrease  was  in  that  conference.  In  1846  there  were  : 

Bishops     .         .         .         .         .         .        .  .         4 

Annual  conferences       ......  6 

Travelling  preachers         ......       40 

Stations         ........  16 

Circuits  and  missions        ......       25 

Churches       ........         198 

Probable  value  of  church  property  .         .  $90,000.00 

Total  amount  raised  to  support  ministers      .       $6,267. 
Amount  raised  for  general  purposes          .         .       $963. 


The  grand  total  amount  of  money  raised  in  1846  for  all 
purposes  was  $7,231.03. 

There  were  supported  in  the  Church  in  1846  three  educational 
societies  and  three  missionary  societies. 


454    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

In  1866  there  were  : 

Annual  conferences .         .         .....       10 

Bishops 4 

Travelling  preachers         .         .         .         .         .         .185 

Stations 50 

Circuits    .........       39 

Missions        ........  96 

Churches 285 

Probable  value  of  church  property       .         .    $823,000.00 

Number  of  Sunday-school  teachers  and  officers,       21,000 

"  volumes  in  libraries     ....    17,818 

"  members         .  .         .         .         50,000 

The  amount  of  money  expended  to  assist  the  widows  and 
orphans  was  $5,000.  The  amount  paid  this  year  for  the  support 
of  the  pastors  was  $83,593.  The  amount  expended  for  Sunday- 
school  work  was  $3,000. 

The  receipts  of  the  Church  in  1876  were  as  follows: 

Amount  of  contingent  money  raised     .         .       $2,976  85 

Amount  raised  for  the  support  of  pastors  .         201,984  06 

Amount  raised  for  the  support  of  presiding 

elders  .......  23,896  66 

Amount  of  Dollar  Money  for  general  educa 
tional  purposes,  etc.  .  .  .  .  28,009  97 

Amount  raised  to  support  Sunday-schools 

for  the  year  1876  .....  17,415  33 

Amount  raised  for  the  missionary  society,  3*782  72 

Amount  raised  in  one  year  for  building 

churches 169,558  60 

Total  amount  raised  for  all  purposes,       $447,624  19 

STATISTICS  OF  MEMBERS. 

Ministers. 

Number  of  bishops 

travelling  preachers     .         .         . 
*'    local  preachers         .... 
"    exhorters 

Total  ministerial  force  in  1876 
Ministerial  force  in  1816    . 

Ministerial  gain  in  60  years          .         .         .        7,130 


AFRICAN  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.      455 

Members  and  Probationers. 

Number  of  members 172,806 

"         "  probationers         ....  33>5  25 

Total  number  of  members  and  probationers     206,331 

SUMMARY  OF  MEMBERS. 

Total  number  of  ministers          .... 
Total  number  of  members  and  probationers   . 

Grand  total  membership  .         .         .         213,469 

CHURCH  PROPERTY. 

Number  of  churches 1*833 

"  parsonages  .         .         .         .  218 

VALUE  OF  CHURCH  PROPERTY. 

Value  of  churches $3,064,911  oo 

"      *'  parsonages     ....  138,800  oo 

Total  value  of  church  property          .     $3,203,711  oo 

ANNUAL  CONFERENCES. 
Number  of  annual  conferences       .         .  .         25 

SUNDAY-SCHOOLS. 

Number  of  Sunday-schools         ....  2,309 

"  superintendents    ....  2,458 

"  teachers  and  officers         .         .         .  8,085 

"  pupils 87,453 

"  volumes  in  libraries         .         .         .  129,066 

MISSIONARY  SOCIETIES. 

Number  of  parent  home  and  foreign  societies           .  1 1 

"  annual  conference  societies          .         .  24. 

"  local  societies 250 

WlLBERFORCE    UNIVERSITY    IN    1876. 

Number  of  students  enrolled — males         .         .         .  375 

—females          .        .  225 

"  professors — males  .....  3 

—females     ....  7 

The  total  receipts  of  Wilberf orce  University  for  the  year  was 


456    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 
The  assets  of  Wilberforce  University  in  1876  were  as  follows 


Endowment  notes $18,000  oo 

College  property        .....  39,000  oo 

Bequest  of  Chief-Justice  Chase     .         .  .       10,000  oo 

Nine  semi-annual  and  annual  notes  .         .  900  oo 

Bills  receivable      .         .         .         .         .  .            125  oo 

Horse,  wagon,  etc.     .         .         .         .         .  200  oo 

Cash  in  bank  1,000  oo 


Total  assets   ....  .     $69,225  oo 

The  liabilities  were  only  $2,973.42,  leaving  the  handsome 
amount  of  $66,251.58  of  assets  over  the  liabilities  of  the  institu 
tion. 

The  General  Conference  of  1880  met  in  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  on 
the  third  day  of  May.  The  following  are  some  of  the  facts,  as  we 
glean  from  the  reports : 

The  Financial  Secretary,  Rev.  J.  C.  Embry,  reported  that  for 
the  fiscal  year  ending  April  24,  1880,  he  had  received  $32,336.31 
for  general  purposes  alone,  and  in  the  four  years  from  April  24, 
1876,  to  April  24,  1880,  he  had  received  $99,999.42  for  the  general 
expenses  of  the  Church. 

The  General  Business  Manager,  Dr.  H.  M.  Turner,  reported 
the  receipts  in  the  Book  Concern  to  be  $50,133.76.  This  was  the 
largest  amount  of  business  ever  reported  by  the  Concern. 

The  receipts  of  the  two  departments  were  $150,133.18.  The 
total  amount  raised  in  1826  was  $1,151.75.  The  gain  since  that 
time  has  been  $148,981.43. 

RECEIPTS. 

.  Amount  of  contingent  money  .         .         .  $27,897  36 

"  dollar  money       .         .         .  33,400  oo 

"  missionary  money  .         .         .  25,248  08 

"  ladies'  mite  missionary  money  2,296  06 

for  Sunday-school  purposes           .  115,694  40 

"  pastors'  support  .         .         .  1,282,465  16 

"  pastors'  travelling  expenses     .  36,608  16 

"  presiding  elders' travelling  exps.  7, 338  20 

"  presiding  elders' support         .  106,817  20 

$1,637,764  62 


AFRICAN  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.     457 

RECEIPTS. — (Continued?) 

Amount  brought  up          ....     $1,637,764  62 
Amount  for  educational  purposes .         .  6,125  46 

"         "    building  and  repairing  churches       596,82448 

"         "    charitable  and  benevolent  pur 
poses        ....  2°j937  °2 

Total  annual  collection      .         .         .     $2,261,651  58 

The  amount  for  four  years    .         .         .  9,046,606  24 

The  General  Business  Manager's  report      .         51,00000 

Grand  total  for  four  years      .         .         $9,097,606  24 
STATISTICS  OF  MEMBERS. 

Travelling  Preachers. 

Number  of  bishops  .         .         .                 .        .        .  9 

"  general  officers    .....  4 

"  travelling  licentiates        ....  434 

"         "  travelling  elders           ....  445 

"         "  travelling  deacons 940 

Total  number  of  travelling  preachers     .         .      1,832 

Local  Preachers. 

Number  of  superannuated  preachers         .         .         .21 
"         "  local  preachers  and  exhorters      .         .      7,719 

"     "     elders 42 

"      "     deacons 146 

Total  number  of  local  preachers        .         .  7,928 

Members  and  Probationers. 

Number  of  members 306,044 

"  probationers  ....  85,000 

Total  number  of  members  and  probationers,   391,044 

SUMMARY  OF  MEMBERS. 

Total  number  of  travelling  preachers          .         .         1,832 

"  "         "  local  preachers     .         .         .  7,928 

"  members  and  probationers       .     391,044 

•  

Grand  total  membership  .         .         .         400,804 


453    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA.. 

SUNDAY-SCHOOLS. 

Number  of  Sunday-schools         ....  2,345 

"       "   teachers  and  officers    .         .       • .  15,454 

"       "   pupils       .                  .                           .  154,549 

'   volumes  in  library       .         .         .  *  93, 35  8 

CHURCH  PROPERTY. 

Number  of  school-houses       .         .        ...         88 

"   churches         .....          2,051 

"       "   parsonages 395 

VALUE  OF  CHURCH  PROPERTY. 

Value  of  school-houses     ....          $26,400  oo> 

"       "  churches         ....  2,884,251  oo 

'*  parsonages          ....  162,603  20 

Total  value  of  church  property         .     $3,073,254  20 

PAPER. 
Number  of  subscriptions  to  "  Christian  Recorder  "     5,380 

In  1818  a  publishing  department  was  added  to  the  work  of 
the  Church.  But  its  efficiency  was  impaired  on  account  of  the 
great  mass  of  its  members  being  in  slave  States  or  the  District  of 
Columbia,  where  the  laws  prohibited  them  from  attending  school,, 
and  deprived  them  of  reading  books  or  papers.  In  1817  the  Rev* 
Richard  Allen  published  a  book  of  discipline;  and  shortly  after 
this  a  Church  hymn-book  was  published  also.  Beyond  this  there 
was  but  little  done  in  this  department  until  1841,  when  the  New 
York  Conference  passed  a  resolution  providing  for  the  publica 
tion  of  a  monthly  magazine.  But  the  lack  of  funds  compelled 
the  projectors  to  issue  it  as  a  quarterly.  For  nearly  eight  years 
this  magazine  exerted  an  excellent  influence  upon  the  ministers 
and  members  of  the  Church.  Its  coming  was  looked  forward  to 
with  a  strange  interest.  It  contained  the  news  in  each  of  the 
conferences ;  its  editorials  breathed  a  spirit  of  love  and  fellow 
ship  ;  and  thus  the  members  were  brought  to  a  knowledge  of  the 
character  of  the  work  being  accomplished. 

At  length  the  prosperity  of  the  magazine  seemed  to  justify 
the  publication  of  a  weekly  paper.  Accordingly  a  weekly  jour 
nal,  named  the  '*  Christian  Herald,"  made  its  appearance  and  ran  its 
course  for  the  space  of  four  years.  In  1852,  by  order  of  the  Gen- 


AFRICAN  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.     459 

eral  Conference,  the  paper  was  enlarged  and  issued  as  the 
"Christian  Recorder,"  which  has  continued  to  be  published  up  to 
the  present  time  In  addition  to  this  a  "  Child's  Recorder"  is  pub 
lished  as  a  monthly.  About  50,000  copies  of  both  are  issued 
every  month. 

The  managers  and  editors  in  this  department  have  been : 

From  1818  to  1826 — Right-Reverened  Richard  Allen,  First 
Bishop  of  the  A.  M.  E.  Church,  served  in  the  capacity  of  Bishop 
and  General  Book  Steward. 

From  1826  to  1835 — Rev.  Jos.  M.  Corr.  He  was  the  first 
regularly  appointed  General  Book  Steward,  and  served  until  Oc 
tober,  1836,  at  which  time  he  died. 

From  1835  to  1848 — Rev.  Geo.  Hogarth. 

From  1848  to  1852 — Rev.  Augustus  R.  Green. 

From  1852  to  1854— Rev.  M.  M.  Clark,  Editor;  Rev.  W.  T. 
Catto,  General  Book  Steward,  and  Rev.  W.  H.  Jones,  Travelling 
Agent. 

From  1854  to  1860 — Rev.  J.  P.  Campbell  (now  Bishop)  served 
in  the-  capacity  of  General  Book  Steward  and  Editor. 

From  1860  to  1868 — Rev.  Elisha  Weaver  served  the  most  of 
the  time  as  both  Manager  and  Editor. 

From  1868  to  1869 — Rev.  Joshua  Woodlin,  Manager,  and  Rev. 
B.  T.  Tanner,  Editor.  During  the  year  1869  Rev.  Joshua  Wood 
lin  resigned. 

From  1869  to  1871 — Rev.  A.  L.  Stanford  served  until  above 
date,  when  he  also  resigned,  and  Dr.  B.  T.  Tanner  was  left  to 
act  in  the  capacity  of  Editor  and  Manager  until  May,  1872. 

From  1872  to  1876 — Rev.  W.  H.  Hunter,  Business  Manager, 
and  Rev.  B.  T.  Tanner  reappointed  Editor. 

From  1876  to  1880 — Rev.  H.  M.  Turner,  Business  Manager, 
and  Rev.  B.  T.  Tanner  again  reappointed  Editor. 

1880 — Rev.  Theo.  Gould,  Business  Manager,  and  Rev.  B.  T. 
Tanner  was  for  the  fourth  term  appointed  Editor. 

In  addition  to  the  work  done  here  on  the  field,  this  Church  has 
been  blessed  with  a  true  missionary  spirit.  It  has  pushed  its 
work  into  "  the  regions  beyond."  In  1844  The  Parent  Home  and 
Foreign  Missionary  Society  was  organized  by  the  General  Confer 
ence.  Its  first  corresponding  secretary  was  appointed  in  1864, 
John  M.  Brown,  Washington,  D.C.  ;  1865  to  1868,  John  M. 
Brown;  1868  to  1872,  James  A.  Handay,  Baltimore,  Maryland; 
1872,  Rev.  W.  J.  Gaines,  Macon,  Georgia;  1873,  Rev.  T.  G. 


460    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Stewart,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania;  1874  to  1876,  Rev.  G.  W. 
Brodie;  1876  to  1878,  Rev.  Richard  H.  Cain,  Columbia,  S.  C.; 
1878  to  1881,  Rev.  James  M.  Townsend,  Richmond,  Indiana. 

The  following  is  the  last  report  of  the  present  missionary 
secretary : 

RECAPITULATION. 

Receipts. 

Collected  for  general  work  (including  $300  from 

the  W.  M.  M  Society)  ....  $2,630  35 
Collected  on  the  field  in  Hayti  .  .  .  1,221  54 
Women's  Mite  Society  (in  addition  to  the  above 

$30°)    •  364  3i 

Collected  for  domestic  missions       .         .         .      3,743  87 

Total  receipts    .....   $7,960  07 
Expenditures. 

Total  expended  on  salaries,  travelling  expenses, 

printing,  etc.    ...  .  $7>773   I0 

Balance  in  Women's  M.  M.  treasury  .         .  48  97 

Balance  in  general  treasury    .         .         .         .          138  oo 

$7,9^0  07 
Respectfully  submitted, 

JAMES  M.  TOWNSEND. 

The  work  of  education  has  been  fostered  and  pushed  forward 
fay  this  Church.  Wilberforce  University  is  owned  and  managed 
by  the  Church,  and  is  doing  a  noble  work  for  both  sexes.  More 
than  one  thousand  students  have  received  instruction  in  this  in 
stitution,  and  some  of  the  ablest  preachers  in  the  denomination 
are  proud  of  Wilberforce  as  their  Alma  Mater.  The  following 
gentlemen  constitute  the  faculty  : 

WILBERFORCE  UNIVERSITY. 


FACULTY. 


REV.  B.  F.  LEE,  B.D.,  President, 

Professor  of  Intellectual  and  Moral  Philosophy  and  Systematic 

Theology. 


Professor  of  Ecclesiastical  History,  Homiletics,  and  Pastoral  Theology. 


AFRICAN  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.     461 

J.  P.  SHORTER,  A.B., 

Professor  of  Mathematics  and  Secretary  of  the  Faculty. 
W.  S.  SCARBOROUGH,  A.M., 

Professor  of  Latin  and  Greek. 
ROSWELL  F.  HOWARD,  A.B.,  B.L., 

Professor  of  Law. 
HON.  JOHN  LITTLE, 

Professor  of  Law. 
MRS.  S.  C.  BIERC&, 

Principal  of  Normal  Department,  Instructor  in  Frenchy  and 
Natural  Sciences. 

MRS.  ALICE  M.  ADAMS, 
Lady  Principal,  Matron,  and  Instructor  in  Academic  Department. 

Miss  GUSSIE  E.  CLARK, 
Teacher  of  Instrumental  Music. 


ASSISTANT  TEACHERS. 


CARRIE  E.  FERGUSON, 

Teacher  of  Penmanship. 

D.  M.  ASHBY, 

G.  S.  LEWIS, 

Teachers  of  Arithmetic. 

ANNA  H.  JONES, 

Teacher  of  Reading. 


REV.  T.  H.  JACKSON,  D.D., 

General  Agent. 

In  the  summer  of  1856  the  Cincinnati  Conference  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  decided  to  establish  in  that  place  a 
university  for  the  education  of  Colored  youth.  Its  Board  of 
Trustees  consisted  of  twenty  white  and  four  Colored  men.  Mr. 
Alfred  J.  Anderson,  Rev.  Lewis  Woodson,  Mr.  Ishmael  Keith, 
and  Bishop  Payne  were  the  Colored  members.  Among  the  for 
mer  were  State  Senator  M.  D.  Gatch  and  the  late  Salmon  P. 
Chase.  It  was  dedicated  in  October,  1856,  when  the  Rev.  M. 
P.  Gaddis  took  charge.  He  held  the  position  of  Principal  for  one 
year,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Professor  J.  R.  Parker,  who 
worked  faithfully  and  successfully  until  1859.  Rev.  R.  T.  Rust, 
D.D.,  became  President  upon  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Parker,  and 


462    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

accomplished  a  noble  work.  He  raised  the  educational  standard 
of  the  school,  attracted  to  its  support  and  halls  friends  and  pu 
pils,  and  gained  the  confidence  of  educators  and  laymen  within 
the  outside  of  his  denomination.  Unfortunately,  his  faithful 
labors  were  most  abruptly  terminated  by  the  war  of  the  Rebel 
lion.  The  college  doors  were  closed  in  1862  for  want  of  funds  ; 
the  main  friends  of  the  institution  having  cast  their  lot  with  the 
Confederate  States.  It  should  be  remembered  that  up  to  this 
time  this  college  was  invthe  hands  of  the  white  Methodist  Church. 
The  Colored  Methodists  bought  the  land  and  buildings  on  the 
loth  of  March,  1863,  for  the  sum  of  $10,000.  The  land  consisted 
of  fifty-two  acres,  with  an  abundance  of  timber,  fine  springs,  and 
a  commodious  college  building  with  a  dozen  beautiful  cottages. 
And  the  growth  of  the  institution  under  the  management  of 
Colored  men  is  a  credit  to  their  Church  and  race. 

Bishop  D.  H.  Payne,  D.D.,  was  elected  to  the  presidency  of 
the  university,  which  position  he  has  filled  with  rare  fidelity  and 
ability  for  the  last  thirteen  years.  In  1876  Rev.  B.  F.  Lee,  a 
former  graduate  of  the  college,  was  elected  to  occupy  the  presi 
dential  chair.  It  was  not  a  position  to  be  sought  after  since  it 
had  been  filled  for  thirteen  years  by  the  senior  bishop  of  the 
Church,  but  Mr.  Lee  was  the  choice  of  his  official  brethren  and  so 
was  elected.  President  Lee  is  a  native  of  New  Jersey.  He  is 
about  the  medium  height,  well  knit,  of  light  complexion,  dark 
hair  and  beard  of  the  same  color  that  covers  a  face  handsomely 
moulded.  He  is  plainly  a  man  of  excellent  traits  of  character; 
he  is  somewhat  bald  and  has  a  finely-cut  head,  broad  and  mas 
sive.  He  moves  quickly,  and  impresses  one  as  a  man  who  is 
armed  with  a  large  amount  of  executive  tact.  His  face  is  of  a 
thoughtful  cast,  and  does  not  change  much  when  he  laughs. 
There  were  many  difficulties  to  hinder  his  administration  when  he 
took  charge,  but  he  surmounted  them  all.  Under  his  adminis 
tration  the  institution  has  grown  financially  and  numerically. 

The  following  report  shows  the  financial  condition  of  the  col 
lege  at  the  present  time. 

RECEIPTS. 
June  20,  1880. 

Balance  in  Treasury,  Avery  Fund         .         .  $10,000  oo 

"  "  Rust  Prize  Fund         .          100  oo 

cash  .  .  63  82 

Total  balance $10,163  82 


AFRICAN  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.     463 

RECEIPTS. — (Continued?) 

Balance           .         .         .                  .  .         •  $10,163  82 
Received  from  Financial  Secretary  200  oo 
"           "     tuition          .         .  1,604  49 
"           "     dormitories     .        ..  525  80 
"           "     Unitarian   Associa 
tion    600  oo 

Received  from  loans          .         .  100  oo 
Received  from  interest  from  Avery 

Fund     .....  800  oo 
Received  from  interest  from  Rust 

Fund 8  oo 

Received  from  General  Agent    .  150  oo 
"      contributions          .  232  oo 
"      Philadelphia    Con 
ference        .         .         .         .         .  52  95 
Received  from  Illinois  Conference  30  oo 

"       bequest     of     John 

Pfaff     ....             .  602  08 

Received  from  miscellaneous    .  407  64 

$5.3i2  96 

Total  receipts $15,476  78 

EXPENDITURES. 

To  salaries .  $3,166  15 

"   building  and  grounds       ....  243  25 

"  furnishing  building      .         .         .         .  .        17  7  37 

"  notes  paid  with  interest    ....  285  86 

"  lectures     • 600  oo 

"  fuel 116  64 

"  Powers'  Fund  interest          .         .        .  .        11490 

"  incidental 296  17 

"  insurance     .         .         .         .         .         .  .        219  oo 

"  miscellaneous  ...         ...  144  21 

Total  expenditures $5>363  55 

Balance  in  bank — Avery  Fund  se 
curities    $10,000  oo 

Balance  in  bank — Rust  Fund  se 
curities          ....  100  oo 
Balance  in  bank — cash         .        .  13  23 

$10,113  23 

78 


464    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

STATEMENT    OF    CASH    RECEIPTS,    FROM    1865    TO    l88l. 

1865  to  1866  .....           $  10,677  82 

1866  to  1867 6,717  88 

1867  to  1868 9,000  oo 

1868  to  1869  .        .         .        ...        .           5,403  83 

1869  to  1870 9,498  24 

1870  tO   1871 28,672    22 

1871  to  1872 7,270  31 

1872  to  1873 4,452  30 

1873  to  1874 6,129  77 

1874  to  1875 4,962  50 

1875  to  1876 7,805  36 

1876  to  1877 i3»757  66 

1877  to  1878 14,429  15 

1878  to  1879 4,944  37 

1879  to  1880 6,942  98 

1880  to  1881 5,312  96 

Total  .         .         .  $145,977  35 

The  following-named  persons  are  the  bishops  of  the  Church  : 
James  A.  Shorter,  Daniel  A.  Payne,  A.  W.  Wayman,  J.  P.  Camp 
bell,  John  M.  Brown,  T.  M.  D.  Ward,  H.  M.  Turner,  William  F. 
Dickerson,  and  R.  H.  Cain. 

The  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  will  remain  through 
the  years  to  come  as  the  best  proof  of  the  Negro's  ability  to- 
maintain  himself  in  an  advanced  state  of  civilization.  Com 
mencing  with  nothing — save  an  unfaltering  faith  in  God, — this 
Church  has  grown  to  magnificent  proportions.  Her  name  has 
gone  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  In  the  Ecumenical  Council  of  the 
Methodists  in  London,  1881,  its  representatives  made  a  splendid 
impression  ;  and  their  addresses  and  papers  took  high  rank. 

This  Church  has  taught  the  Negro  how  to  govern  and  how  to 
submit  to  government.  It  has  kept  its  membership  under  the 
influence  of  wholesome  discipline,  and  for  its  beneficent  influ 
ence  upon  the  morals  of  the  race,  it  deserves  the  praise  and 
thanks  of  mankind.1 

'We  have  to  thank  the  Rev.  B.  W.  Arnett,  B.D.,  the  Financial  Secretary, 
for  the  valuable  statistics  used  in  this  chapter.  He  is  an  intelligent,  energetic,  and 
faithful  minister  of  the  Gospel,  and  a  credit  to  his  Church  and  race. 


THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH          46^ 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE   METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH. 

FOUNDING  OF  THE  M.  E.  CHURCH  OF  AMERICA  IN  1768.  —  NEGRO  SERVANTS  AND  SLAVES  AMONG 
THE  FIRST  CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  ERECTION  OF  THE  FIRST  CHAPEL  IN  NEW  YORK.  —  THE 
REV.  HARRY  HOSIER  THE  FIRST  NEGRO  PREACHER  IN  THE  M.  E.  CHURCH  IN  AMERICA. —  His 
REMARKABLE  ELOQUENCE  AS  A  PULPIT  ORATOR.  —  EARLY  PROHIBITION  AGAINST  SLAVE- HOLDING 
IN  THE  M.  E.  CHURCH.—  STRENGTH  OF  THE  CHURCHES  AND  SUNDAY-SCHOOLS  OF  THE  COLORED 
MEMBERS  IN  THE  M.  E.  CHURCH.  —  THE  REV.  MARSHALL  W.  TAYLOR,  D.D. —  His  AN 
CESTORS. —  His  EARLY  LIFE  AND  STRUGGLES  FOR  AN  EDUCATION.  —  HE  TEACHES  SCHOOL  IN 
KENTUCKY.  —  His  EXPERIENCES  AS  A  TEACHER.  —  Is  ORDAINED  TO  THE  GOSPEL  MINISTRY  AND 
BECOMES  A  PREACHER  AND  MISSIONARY  TEACHER.  —  His  SETTLEMENT  AS  PASTOR  IN  INDIANA 
AND  OHIO.  —  Is  GIVEN  THE  TlTLE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  DlVINITY  BY  THE  TENNESSEE  COLLEGE.  —  HlS 
INFLUENCE  AS  A  LEADER,  AND  HIS  STANDING  AS  A  PREACHER. 

PHILLIP  EMBURY,  Barbara  Heck,  and  Capt.  Thomas 
Webb  were  the  germ  from  which,  in  the  good  providence 
of  God,  has  sprung  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in 
the  United  States  of  America.  The  first  chapel  was  erected 
upon  leased  ground  on  John  Street,  New  York  City,  in  1768. 
The  ground  was  purchased  in  1770.  Subscriptions  were  asked 
and  received  from  all  classes  of  people  for  the  building,  from  the 
mayor  of  the  city  down  to  African  female  servants  known  only 
by  their  Christian  names.  Here  the  Colored  people  became  first 
identified  with  American  Methodism.  From  this  stock  have 
sprung  all  who  have  been  subsequently  connected  with  it.  Meet 
ings  were  held,  prior  to  the  erection  of  John  Street  Church,  in 
the  private  residence  of  Mrs.  Heck,  and  in  a  rigging-loft,  sixty 
by  eighteen  feet,  in  William  Street,  which  was  rented  in  1767. 
Here  Capt.  Webb  and  Mr.  Embury  preached  thrice  a  week  to 
large  audiences.  The  original  design  to  erect  a  chapel  must  be 
credited  to  Mrs.  Heck,  the  foundress  of  American  Methodism. 
Mr.  Richard  Owen,  a  convert  of  Robert  Strawbridge,  the  founder 
of  Methodism  in  Baltimore,  was  the  first  native  Methodist 
preacher  on  the  continent.  The  first  American  Annual  Confer 
ence  was  held  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  twenty-nine  years  after  Mr. 
Wesley  held  his  first  conference  in  England,  with  ten  members> 


466    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

precisely  the  same  number  there  were  in  his.  They  were  Thos. 
Rankin,  President  ;  Richard  Boardman,  Joseph  Pilmoor,  Francis 
Asbury,  Richard  Wright,  George  Shadford,  Thomas  Webb,  John 
King,  Abraham  Whiteworth,  and  Joseph  Yearbry.  It  began 
Wednesday  the  I4th  and  closed  Friday  the  i6th  of  July,  1773. 
All  the  members  were  foreigners,  and  in  the  Revolution  many  of 
them  were  subject  to  unjust  suspicions  of  sympathy  with  Eng 
land,  in  consequence  of  this  fact  alone.  The  aggregate  statisti 
cal  returns  for  this  conference  showed  1,160,  which  was  much  less 
than  Mr.  Rankin  supposed  to  be  the  strength  of  Methodism  in 
America. 

On  the  2d  of  September,  1784,  Rev.  Thomas  Coke,  D.D., 
LL.D.,  a  presbyter  in  the  Church  of  England,  was  ordained  by 
John  Wesley,  A.M.,  Superintendent  or  Bishop  of  the  Methodist 
Societies  in  America.  He  was  charged  with  a  commission  to 
organize  them  into  an  Episcopal  Church,  and  to  ordain  Mr. 
'Francis  Asbury  an  Associate  Bishop.  He  sailed  for  America  at 
10  o'clock  A.M.,  September  i8th,  and  landed  at  New  York, 
Wednesday,  November  3,  1784.  Mr.  Coke  at  once  set  out  on  a 
tour  of  observation,  accompanied  by  Harry  Hosier,  Mr.  Asbury's 
travelling  servant,  a  Colored  minister.  Hosier  was  one  of  the 
notable  characters  of  that  day.  He  was  the  first  American 
Negro  preacher  of  the  M.  E.  Church  in  the  United  States.  In 
1780  Mr.  Asbury  alludjed  to  him  as  a  companion,  suitable  to 
preach  to  the  Colored  people.  Dr.  Rush,  allowing  for  his  il 
literacy — for  he  could  not  read — pronounced  him  the  greatest 
orator  in  America.  He  was  small  in  stature  and  very  black;  but 
he  had  eyes  of  remarkable  brilliancy  and  keenness ;  and  sihgular 
readiness  and  aptness  of  speech.  He  travelled  extensively  with 
Asbury,  Coke,  and  Whiteworth.  He  afterward  travelled  through 
New  England,  He  excelled  all  the  whites  in  popularity  as  a 
preacher  ;  sharing  with  them  in  their  public  services,  not  only  in 
Colored  but  also  in  white  congregations.  When  they  were  sick 
•or  otherwise  disabled  they  could  trust  the  pulpit  to  Harry  with 
out  fear  of  unfavorably  disappointing  the  people.  Mr.  Asbury 
acknowledges  that  the  best  way  to  obtain  a  large  congregation 
was  to  announce  that  Harry  would  preach.  The  multitude  pre 
ferred  him  to  the  Bishop  himself.  Though  he  withstood  for 
years  the  temptations  of  extraordinary  popularity,  he  fell,  never 
theless,  by  the  indulgent  hospitalities  which  were  lavished  upon 
him.  He  became  temporarily  the  victim  of  wine  ;  but  possessed 


THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.          467 

moral  strength  enough  to  recover  himself.  Self-abased  and  con 
trite,  he  started  one  evening  down  the  neck  below  Southwark, 
Philadelphia,  determined  to  remain  till  his  backslidings  were 
healed.  Under  a  tree  he  wrestled  in  prayer  into  the  watches  of 
the  night.  Before  the  morning  God  restored  to  him  the  joys  of 
His  salvation.  Thenceforward  he  continued  faithful.  He  re 
sumed  his  public  labors.  In  the  year  1810  he  died  in  Philadel 
phia.  "  Making  a  good  end,"  he  was  borne  to  the  grave  by  a 
great  procession  of  both  Colored  and  white  admirers,  who 
buried  him  as  a  hero — one  overcome,  but  finally  victorious. 

It  is  said  that  on  one  occasion,  in  Wilmington,  Del.,  where 
Methodism  was  long  unpopular,  a  number  of  the  citizens,  who 
did  not  ordinarily  attend  Methodist  preaching,  came  together  to 
hear  Bishop  Asbury.  Old  Asbury  Chapel  was,  at  that  time,  so 
full  that  they  could  not  get  in.  They  stood  outside  to  hear  the 
Bishop,  as  they  supposed  ;  but  in  reality  they  heard  Harry. 
Before  they  left  the  place,  they  complimented  the  speaker  by 
saying :  "  If  all  Methodist  preachers  could  preach  like  the 
Bishop  we  should  like  to  be  constant  hearers."  Some  one 
present  replied  :  "  That  was  not  the  Bishop,  but  his  servant." 
This  only  raised  the  Bishop  higher  in  their  estimation,  as  their 
conclusion  was,  if  such  be  the  servant  what  must  the  master  be? 
The  truth  was,  that  Harry  was  a  more  popular  speaker  than 
Asbury,  or  almost  any  one  else  in  his  day.1 

So  we  find  in  the  very  inception  of  Methodism  in  the  United 
States  the  Colored  people  were  conspicuously  represented  in  its 
membership,  contributing  both  money,  labor,  and  eloquence  to 
its  grand  success. 

The  great  founder  of  Methodism  was  an  inveterate  foe  of 
human  slavery,  which  he  pronounced  "  the  sum  of  all  villainies," 
and  in  this  particular  the  Methodist  societies  in  their  earliest 
times  reflected  his  sentiments.  The  early  preachers  were  espe 
cially  hostile  to  slavery.  In  1784  it  was  considered  and  declared 
to  be  contrary  to  the  Golden  Law  of  God,  as  well  as  every  prin 
ciple  of  the  Revolution.  They  required  every  Methodist  to 
execute  and  record,  within  twelve  months  after  notice  by  the 
preacher,  a  legal  instrument  emancipating  all  slaves  in  his  pos 
session  at  specified  ages.  Any  person  who  should  not  concur  in 
this  requirement  had  liberty  to  leave  the  Church  within  one  year; 
otherwise  the  preacher  was  to  exclude  him.  No  person  holding 

1  Stevens's  Hist,  of  M.  E.  Church,  pp.  174,  175  ;  also  Lednum,  p.  282. 


468    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

slaves  could  be  admitted  to  membership,  or  to  the  Lord's 
Supper,  until  he  complied  with  this  law.  But  it  was  to  be 
applied  only  where  the  law  of  the  State  permitted.1  These 
rules  provoked  great  hostility,  and  were  suspended  within  six 
months. 

The  Church  had,  however,  put  the  stamp  of  condemnation 
upon  it.  And  ever  in  a  more  or  less  active  but  always  consistent 
manner  opposed  it,  until  its  final  extirpation  was  accomplished, 
though  not  until  the  Church  had  been  several  times  divided  in 
favor  of  and  against  it. 

The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  the  United  States  of 
America  was  organized  in  what  is  historically  known  as  the 
Christmas  Conference,  which  convened  in  Baltimore  at  ten 
o'clock  Friday  morning,  December  24,  1784,  Bishop  Thomas 
Coke,  presiding.  Rev.  Francis  Asbury  was  there  consecrated  a 
bishop.  In  1786  a  resolution  emphatically  enjoining  it  upon  the 
preachers  to  leave  nothing  undone  for  the  spiritual  benefit  and 
salvation  of  the  Colored  people  was  adopted.  The  Church  is  a 
limited  Episcopacy.  The  bishops  are  elected  by  the  General 
Conference.  They  fix  the  appointments  of  all  the  preachers,  but 
the  conference  arranges  their  duration.  The  bishops  hold  office 
during  good  behavior.  The  General  Conference  is  the  Legisla 
tive,  and  the  bishops,  presiding  elders,  pastors,  annual,  district, 
and  quarterly  conferences,  with  the  leaders'  and  stewards'  meet 
ings,  and  the  general  and  local  trustees,  are  the  Executive  Depart 
ment.  The  ministerial  orders  are  two :  elder  and  deacon.  The 
offices  of  the  ministry  and  rank  are  in  the  order  named, — bishop, 
sub-bishop,  pastor,  and  sub-pastors.  The  ministry  are  classified 
as  Effective,  Supernumerary,  Superannuate,  and  Local.  The 
property  of  each  congregation  is  deeded  in  trust  for  them  to  a 
Board  of  Local  Trustees,  who  may  sell,  buy,  or  improve  it  for 
the  use  of  said  congregation.  The  stewards  are  officers  whose 
labors  are  partly  temporal  and  partly  spiritual.  They  are  en 
trusted  with  the  raising  of  supplies,  benevolence,  and  the  support 
of  the  ministry.  Exhorters  are  prayer-meeting  leaders  and  gen 
eral  helpers  in  the  work  of  the  circuits. 

Methodism  began  in  a  college  and  has  been  a  great  patron  of 
education.  It  has  been  largely  devoted  to  the  educational  and 
religious  culture  of  the  Colored  people  in  the  South  and  in 

1  And  there  was  not  a  single  State  where  this  rule  could  be  applied.     Slavery  ruled 
the  land. 


THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.          469 

Africa.  There  are  sixteen  conferences  of  Colored  members  in 
the  M.  E.  Church — fifteen  in  the  United  States  and  one  in  Li 
beria.  For  the  Liberian  Conference  two  Colored  bishops  have 
been  consecrated,  viz. :  Francis  Burns  and  ex-President  Thomas 
Wright  Roberts,  both  deceased.  The  present  bishops  are  all 
white,  one  of  whom  annually  visits  Africa.  The  same  is  true  of 
conferences  in  Germany,  Switzerland,  Sweden,  Denmark,  Nor 
way,  India,  China,  and  Japan.  The  agency  by  which  the  Church 
prosecutes  this  work  is  the  Missionary,  Church  Extension,  F  reed- 
men's  Aid,  Education,  and  Sunday-school  Union  societies.  Books 
and  periodicals  are  amply  supplied  by  its  own  publishing  house, 
which  is  the  largest  religious  publishing  house  in  the  world. 

In  the  sixteen  conferences  there  are  225,000  members,  200,000 
Sunday-school  scholars,  3,500  day  scholars,  one  medical,  three 
law,  and  seven  theological  colleges,  and  twelve  seminaries.  There 
is  $500,000  in  school  and  $2,000,000  in  church  and  parsonage 
property  owned  by  the  Colored  membership !  The  Colored 
members  elect  their  own  representatives  to  the  General  Confer 
ence,  and  are  fully  represented  in  all  the  work  of  the  Church. 

At  the  present  time  the  Rev.  Marshall  W.  Taylor,  D.  D.,  and 
the  Rev.  Wm.  M.  Butler  are  the  most  prominent  men  in  the 
Church.  Marshall  William  Boyd  (alias)  Taylor  was  born  July  I, 
1846,  at  Lexington,  Fayette  County,  Kentucky,  of  poor,  unedu 
cated,  but  respectable  parents.  He  was  the  fourth  in  a  family  of 
five  children,  three  of  whom  were  boys,  viz.:  George  Summers, 
Francis  Asbury,  and  himself ;  and  two  girls,  Mary  Ellen  and 
Mary  Cathrine.  He  is  of  Scotch-Irish  and  Indian  descent  on  his 
father's  side.  Hon.  Samuel  Boyd,  of  New  York;  Joseph  Boyd, 
of  Virginia  ;  and  Lieut. -Gov.  Boyd,  of  Kentucky,  were  blood-rela 
tions  of  his,¥ind  all  descended  from  the  "  Clan  Boyd  "  of  Scotland. 
His  mother  was  of  African  and  Arabian  stock.  His  grandmother, 
on  his  mother's  side,  Phillis  Ann,  was  brought  from  Madagascar 
when  a  little  girl,  and  became  the  slave  of  Mr.  Alexander  Black, 
a  Kentucky  farmer,  who  at  his  death  willed  his  slaves  free.  His 
mother,  Nancy  Ann,  thus  obtained  her  freedom,  and  by  the 
terms  of  the  will  she  was  put  to  the  millinery  trade,  which  she 
fully  mastered,  and  meantime  obtained  an  elementary  knowl 
edge  of  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.  She  married  Albert 
Summers,  and  bore  to  him  two  children,  viz.,  George  Summers 
and  Mary  Catharine.  He  ran  away  to  prevent  being  sold,  and 
she  afterward  married  Samuel  Boyd,  to  whom  she  bore  three, 


4/0    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

children,  viz.,  Francis  Asbury,  Marshall  William,  and  Mary  Ellen. 
His  father,  Samuel,  was  the  son  of  Hon.  Samuel  Boyd,  of  New 
York.  He  was  noted  for  his  independence  of  character ;  was  a 
valuable  but  unruly  slave.  He  was  allowed  an  opportunity  to 
purchase  his  freedom,  and  this  he  began  to  do,  and  had  paid 
$250,  three  fourths  of  the  price,  when  his  master  sold  him  to 
Tennessee.  He  promptly  ran  away  from  his  new  master,  but 
unwilling  to  forsake  his  family,  went  back  to  Kentucky.  His 
master  pursued  and  overtook  him  at  Lexington,  where  he  had 
stopped.  He  refused  to  go  back  to  Tennessee,  and  once  more 
was  permitted  to  select  a  master,  and  finally  to  again  contract  for 
his  freedom,  which  he  this  time  succeeded  in  obtaining.  In  con 
sequence  of  his  mother's  emancipation,  Marshall  was  free  when 
he  first  saw  the  light  of  day.  By  occupation  his  father  was  a 
hemp-breaker,  rope-maker,  and  farmer.  The  last  he  elected  to 
follow  after  he  was  free.  He  employed  his  boys  as  farmers,  but 
his  mother  strenuously  opposed  it,  wishing  better  opportunities 
than  could  be  thus  afforded  for  their  education.  She  at  length 
succeeded  in  carrying  her  point. 

In  religion  his  father  at  first  inclined  to  the  Baptists,  of  which 
Church  he  became  a  deacon  in  the  congregation  of  Rev.  Mr.  Fer- 
rill,  of  Pleasant  Green  Church,  Lexington.  Later  he  became 
dissatisfied  with  the  Baptists,  and  united  with  the  African 
Methodists  at  Frankfort,  Ky.  He  finally  went  back  to  the  Bap 
tist  Church  and  died  in  that  faith. 

Marshall's  mother,  and  all  her  people,  so  far  as  known,  were 
Methodists,  His  early  training  and  first  and  only  religious  im 
pressions  were  Methodistic,  which  Church,  after  his  conversion, 
he  joined.  His  father  had  no  knowledge  of  letters,  so  that  all 
Jiis  home  instruction  came  from  his  mother.  Her  text-books 
were  the  Bible,  Methodist  Catechism,  and  Webster's  Elementary 
Spelling  Book.  And  in  these  young  Marshall  became  very  pro 
ficient.  He  afterward  attended  school  daily  to  Rev.  John  Tibbs, 
an  African  Methodist  preacher,  who  came  from  Cincinnati  to  Lex 
ington  to  teach  free  children  and  such  of  the  slaves  as  would  be 
permitted  to  attend.  Some  masters  granted  this  permission,  but 
the  greater  number  refused  it.  Finally,  some  "poor  white"  fel 
lows,  unable  to  own  slaves  themselves,  mobbed  the  teacher,  rode 
him  on  a  rail,  tarred,  feathered,  and  drove  him  from  town.  They 
were  called  black  Indians.  It  was  impossible  to  secure  another 
teacher  in  Lexington  for  a  day  school,  but  Mr.  George  Perry,  an 


THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.          471 

intelligent  free  Colored  man,  had  the  courage  to  teach  Sunday- 
school,  in  the  Branch  Methodist  Church.  It  is  now  called  As- 
bury  M.  E.  Church.  Marshall  attended,  as  did  his  mother  and 
brothers.  In  1854  the  family  moved  to  Louisville,  looking  for  a 
school.  Finding  none  there,  they  continued  their  journey  about 
fifty  miles  above  there  on  the  Ohio  River,  and  landed  at  Ghent, 
a  little  village  in  Carroll  County,  Ky.,  opposite  Vevey,  Indiana. 
They  indulged  a  hope  that  the  children  would  be  allowed  to 
attend  the  public  schools  at  Vevey,  but  they  were  doomed  in 
this  expectation.  They  spent  two  years  at  Ghent.  Marshall 
and  his  brother  obtained  instruction  during  this  period  from  the 
little  white  children  who  attended  school,  after  hours,  using  "  an 
old  hay  loft  back  of  a  Mr.  Sanders's  Tavern  "  for  a  recitation- 
room,  and  paying  their  teachers  with  cakes  and  candies  bought 
with  odd  pennies  gathered  here  and  there. 

On  the  1st  of  August,  1856,  there  was  an  Emancipation  cele 
bration  at  Dayton,  Ohio.  Frederick  Douglass  was  advertised  to 
speak,  and  other  eminent  Abolitionists  were  expected  to  partici 
pate.  Marshall's  mother  attended  it.  Soon  after  her  return 
several  slaves  mysteriously  disappeared  from  the  vicinity  of 
Ghent.  Among  them  was  a  very  valuable  family  belonging  to 
Esquire  Craig,  of  the  village.  Suspicion  fastened  on  the  old 
lady  who  had  been  off  among  the  "  Abolitionists."  She  was  in 
dicted  by  the  Grand  Jury,  and  thirty-six  men  filed  into  her  cabin, 
and  while  she  lay  sick  in  bed,  read  the  indictment  to  her.  They 
ordered  her  to  leave  the  place.  She  refused  to  go,  claimed  her 
innocence,  but  to  no  purpose.  "They  chased  Francis  with  guns 
and  dogs  on  the  public  streets  in  daylight ;  shaddowed  the  cabin 
and  gave  unmistakable  evidence  of  a  diabolical  purpose."  She 
soon  after  returned  to  Louisville. 

Young  Marshall  became  a  messenger  in  the  law  firm  of  J.  B. 
Kincaid  and  John  W.  Barr.  Here  his  chances  were  good,  both 
of  these  gentlemen  aiding  him  in  his  studies.  He  did  his  work 
after  school  hours  at  the  office,  and  attended  a  school  which  was 
kept  in  the  "  Centre  Street  Colored  Methodist  Church,"  until  it 
closed. 

Rev.  Henry  Henderson,  a  Colored  Methodist  preacher,  now 
opened  a  school  in  Centre  Street,  and  Marshall  was  duly  enrolled 
among  his  pupils.  On  his  retirement,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Cumings, 
a  highly  cultured  and  pious  lady,  taught  a  private  school  on 
Grayson,  between  Sixth  and  Seventh  streets.  He  now  went  to 


472    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

her.  She  died  soon  after,  when  he  was  sent  to  a  Mr.  William 
H.  Gibson,  who  had  already  opened  a  school  on  Seventh,  between 
Jefferson  and  Green  streets,  in  an  old  carpenter  shop.  Here  he 
continued  until  1861. 

In  1866  Mr.  Taylor  opened  a  Freedmen's  School  at  Hardins- 
burg,  Breckenridge  Co.,  Ky.  This  was  in  an  old  church,  the 
property  of  the  M.  E.  Church  South.  It  had  been  donated  for 
church  purposes  by  George  Blanford.  If  used  otherwise  it  was 
to  revert  to  the  donor.  A  Negro  school  was  obnoxious  to  the 
community.  His  was  the  first  there  had  ever  been  in  the  village, 
and  notwithstanding  the  white  people  had  long  since  abandoned 
the  property  to  the  Colored  people  this  question  was  now  raised 
in  order  to  break  up  the  school.  It  did  not  succeed,  as  they 
easily  proved  that  the  original  intent  of  the  donor  was  not  vio 
lated,  since  Colored  people  still  used  the  property  as  a  church. 
Failing  in  this  the  school  was  tormented  by  ruffians.  Pepper 
was  rolled  up  in  cotton,  set  on  fire,  and  hurled  into  the  room  to 
set  every  one  coughing.  Finally  threats  of  personal  violence 
were  made  if  he  did  not  leave,  but  Mr.  Taylor  armed  himself, 
defied  the  enemies  of  freedom,  and  stayed.  At  last,  on  Christmas 
evening,  Dec.  25,  1867,  the  house  was  blown  up  with  powder. 
The  arrangement  was  to  set  off  the  blast  with  a  slow  match  so  as 
to  catch  the  house  full  of  people,  there  being  a  school  exhibition 
that  night.  The  explosion  took  place  at  1 1:30  P.M.,  but  owing 
to  the  excitement  occasioned  by  the  novelty  of  such  a  thing  as  a 
"  Negro  School  Exhibition,"  the  crowd  had  gathered  much  ear 
lier  than  announced.  The  programme  was  completed  before  II 
P.M.,  and  by  this  accident  the  school  and  teacher  were  saved. 
The  old  wreck  still  remains  a  monument  to  color  prejudice. 

By  the  aid  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  another  school-house 
was  soon  built,  and  the  school  proceeded.  This  was  followed  by 
a  meeting-house.  The  white  people,  whose  sentiments  were  now 
rapidly  turning,  subscribed  liberally  toward  it. 

In  1868  an  educational  convention  was  held  at  Owensboro, 
in  Davies  Co.,  Ky.,  of  which  Mr.  Taylor  was  elected  president. 
He  soon  after  wrote  a  manual  for  Colored  schools,  which  was 
generally  used  in  that  section.  In  1869  he  attended  the  first 
Colored  political  convention  ever  held  in  Kentucky,  at  Major 
Hall  in  Frankfort.  He  was  one  of  the  Educational  Committee, 
and  submitted  a  report.  This  year  he  was  also  a  member  of  a 
convention  at  Jackson  Street  Church,  Louisville,  which  inaugu- 


THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH.  473 

rated  the  movement  for  the  Lexington  M.  E.  Conference.  He  was 
licensed  as  a  local  preacher  this  year  by  Rev.  Hanson  Tolbert  at 
Hardinsburg,  and  was  assisted  in  the  study  of  theology  by  Rev. 
R.  G.  Gardiner,  J.  H.  Lennin,  and  Dr.  R.  S.  Rust.  He  went  to 
Arkansas  as  a  missionary  teacher  and  preacher  at  the  call  of  Rev. 
W.  J.  Gladwin,  and  remained  there  one  year.  He  organized 
several  societies  of  the  Church,  taught  school  at  Midway,  Forrest 
City,  and  Wittsburg;  took  part  in  the  political  campaign  of  that 
year ;  and  was  nominated,  but  declined  to  run,  for  Representative 
from  Saint  Frances  County. 

He  preached  in  Texas,  Indian  Territory,  and  Missouri ;  was 
put  in  peril  by  the  Ku  Klux  at  Hot  Springs  ;  took  the  chills  and 
returned  to  Ky.,  in  1871.  He  was  then  appointed  to  the  Litch- 
field  Circuit,  Southwestern  Kentucky.  In  1872  he  united  with 
the  Lexington  Conference  of  M.  E.  Church  on  trial.  He  was 
ordained  a  deacon  by  Bishop  Levi  Scott  at  Maysville,  Ky.,  and 
sent  to  Coke  Chapel,  Louisville,  Ky.,  and  Wesley  Chapel,  Jeffer- 
sonville,  Indiana.  He  remained  in  this  charge  three  years,  dur 
ing  which  time  he  published  the  monthly  "  Kentucky  Methodist," 
and  wrote  extensively  for  the  press.  He  was  elected  assistant 
secretary,  editor  of  the  printed  minutes  of  the  conference,  and 
finally  secretary.  In  1875  he  was  sent  as  pastor  to  Indianapolis, 
Ind.  He  was  ordained  elder  by  Bishop  Wiley  at  Lexington  in 
1876,  and  returned  to  Indianapolis.  He  took  an  active  part  in 
the  political  campaign  of  1876,  and  was  sent  to  Union  Chapel, 
Cincinnati,  1877-8.  In  1879  the  faculty  of  Central  Tennessee 
College,  at  Nashville,  Tennessee,  conferred  upon  him  the  title 
and  credentials  of  a  Doctor  of  Divinity.  He  wrote  the  life  of 
Rev.  Geo.  W.  Downing. 

In  1879  Dr.  Taylor  was  appointed  Presiding  Elder  of  the  Ohio 
District,  Lexington  Conference.  In  1880  he  was  sent  as  frater 
nal  delegate  from  the  M.  E.  to  the  A.  M.  E.  General  Conference  at 
St.  Louis ;  he  having  been  previously  elected  lay  delegate  to  the 
General  Conference  of  the  M.  E.  Church  in  Brooklyn,  New  York, 
in  1879.  He  was  the  youngest  member  of  that  body.  Upon  his 
motion  fraternal  representatives  were  sent  to  the  various  Colored 
denominations  of  Methodists.  He  was  appointed  in  1881  as  a  dele 
gate  from  the  M.  E.  Church  to  the  Ecumenical  Conference  at 
London,  England.  He  was  the  caucus  nominee  of  the  Colored 
delegates  to  the  General  Conference  in  Cincinnati  in  1880  for 
bishop.  He  was  always  opposed  to  caste  discriminations  in 


474    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Church,  State,  or  society.  He  has  opposed  Colored  conferences 
and  a  Colored  bishop  as  tending  to  perpetuate  discriminations. 
He  does  not  oppose  the  election  of  Colored  men,  but  wishes  that 
every  honor  may  fall  upon  them  because  of  merit  and  not  on  ac 
count  of  their  color.  He  has  become  famous  as  an  eloquent 
preacher,  safe  teacher,  ready  speaker,  and  earnest  worker ;  always 
aiming  to  do  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number.  Certainly 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  has  reason  to  be  proud  of 
Marshall  W.  Taylor. 

In  this  Church  there  are  many  other  worthy  and  able  Colored 
preachers.  The  relations  they  sustain  to  the  eloquent,  scholarly, 
and  pious  white  clergymen  of  the  denomination  are  pleasant  and 
beneficial.  It  is  an  education.  And  the  fact  that  the  best  pul 
pits  of  white  men  are  opened  to  the  Colored  preachers  is  a 
prophecy  that  race  antagonisms  in  the  Christian  Church,  so 
tenacious  and  harmful,  are  to  perish  speedily. 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OJF  AMERICA.          475 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE  COLORED   BAPTISTS   OF  AMERICA. 

THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  AN  INTELLIGENT  AND  USEFUL  PEOPLE.  —  THEIR  LEADING  MINISTERS  m 
MISSOURI,  OHIO,  AND  IN  NEW  ENGLAND.  — THE  BIRTH,  EARLY  LIFE,  AND  EDUCATION  OF  DUKB 
WILLIAM  ANDERSON.  —  As  FARMER,  TEACHER,  PREACHER,  AND  MISSIONARY.  —  His  INFLUENCE 
IN  THE  WEST.  —  GOES  SOUTH  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR.  —  TEACHES  IN  A  THEOLOGICAL 
INSTITUTE  AT  NASHVILLE,  TENNESSEE.  —  CALLED  TO  WASHINGTON. —  PASTOR  OF  igTH  STREET 
BAPTIST  CHURCH.  — HE  OCCUPIES  VARIOUS  POSITIONS  OF  TRUST.  —  BUILDS  A  NEW  CHURCH.— 
His  LAST  REVIVAL.  —  His  SICKNESS  AND  DEATH.  —  His  FUNERAL  AND  THE  GENERAL  SORROW 
AT  HIS  Loss.  —  LEONARD  ANDREW  GRIMES,  OF  BOSTON,  MASSACHUSETTS. —  His  PIETY,  FAITH 
FULNESS  AND  PUBLIC  INFLUENCE  FOR  GOOD,  —  THE  COMPLETION  OF  HIS  CHURCH.  —  His  LAST 
DAYS  AND  SUDDEN  DEATH.  —  GENERAL  SORROW,  —  RESOLUTIONS  BY  THE  BAPTIST  MINISTERS  op 
BOSTON.  —  A  GREAT  AND  GOOD  MAN  GONE. 

THE  Baptist  Church  has  always  been  a  purely  democratic 
institution.  With  no  bishops  or  head-men,  except  such  as 
derive  their  authority  from  the  consent  of  the  governed, 
this  Church  has  been  truly  independent  and  self-governing  in  its 
spirit.  Its  only  Head  is  Christ,  and  its  teachers  such  as  are  will 
ing  to  take  "  the  Word  of  God  as  the  Man  of  their  Counsel." 
From  the  time  of  the  introduction  of  the  Baptist  Church  into 
North  America  down  to  the  present  time,  the  Colored  people 
have  formed  a  considerable  part  of  its  membership.  The  gen 
erous,  impartial,  and  genuine  Christian  spirit  of  Roger  Williams 
had  a  tendency,  at  the  beginning,  to  keep  out  of  the  Church  the 
spirit  of  race  prejudice.  But  the  growth  of  slavery  carried  with 
it,  as  a  logical  result,  the  idea  that  the  slave's  presence  in  the 
Christian  Church  was  a  rebuke  to  the  system.  For  conscience' 
sake  the  slave  was  excluded,  and  to  oblige  the  feelings  of  those 
who  transferred  the  spirit  of  social  caste  from  gilded  drawing- 
rooms  to  cushioned  pews,  even  the  free  Negro  was  conducted  to 
the  organ-loft. 

The  simplicity  of  the  Negro  led  him  to  the  faith  of  the  Bap 
tist  Church ;  but  being  denied  fellowship  in  the  white  congrega 
tions,  he  was  compelled  to  provide  churches  for  himself.  In 
Virginia,  Georgia,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  and  Mississippi  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Colored  Baptists  were  numerous.  In  the  other  States  the  Meth 
odists  and  Catholics  were  numerous.  There  were  few  ministers 
of  note  at  the  South ;  but  New  England,  the  Middle  States,  and 
the  West  produced  some  very  able  Baptist  preachers.  The  Rev. 
Richard  Anderson,  of  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  was  a  man  of  exalted 
piety,  consummate  ability,  and  of  almost  boundless  influence  in 
the  West.  He  was  the  pastor  of  a  large  church,  and  did  much 
to  mould  and  direct  the  interests  of  his  people  throughout  Mis 
souri.  He  was  deeply  revered  by  his  own  people,  and  highly  re 
spected  by  the  whites.  When  he  died,  the  entire  city  of  St. 
Louis  was  plunged  into  profound  mourning,  and  over  three  hun 
dred  carriages — many  belonging  to  the  wealthiest  families  in  the 
city — followed  his  body  to  the  place  of  interment. 

In  Ohio  the  Rev.  Charles  Satchell,  the  Rev.  David  Nickens, 
the  Rev.  W.  P.  Newman,  the  Rev.  James  Poindexter,  and  the 
Rev.  H.  L.  Simpson  were  the  leading  clergymen  in  the  Colored 
Baptist  churches.  Cincinnati  has  had  for  the  last  half  century 
excellent  Baptist  churches,  and  an  intelligent  and  able  ministry. 
There  are  several  associations  embracing  many  live  churches. 

In  Kentucky  the  Colored  Baptists  are  very  numerous,  and 
own  much  valuable  property  ;  but  Virginia  seems  to  have  more 
Baptists  among  its  great  population  of  Colored, people  than  any 
other  State  in  the  South.  There  are  a  dozen  or  more  in  Rich 
mond,  including  the  one  presided  over  by  the  famous  John  Jas 
per.  One  of  them  has,  it  is  said,  three  thousand  members  (?). 
But  the  District  of  Columbia  has  more  Colored  churches  for  its 
area  and  population  than  any  other  place  in  the  United  States. 
There  are  at  least  twenty-five  Baptist  churches  in  the  Dis 
trict,  and  some  of  them  have  interesting  histories.  The 
Nineteenth  Street  Baptist  Church  is  as  an  intelligent  a  society  of 
Christian  people  of  color  as  there  is  to  be  found  in  any  city  in 
the  country.  Its  pulpit  has  always  been  occupied  by  the  ablest 
ministers  in  the  country.  The  Revs.  Sampson  White,  Samuel 
W.  Madden,  and  Duke  W.  Anderson  were  men  of  education  and 
marked  ability.  And  there  is  little  doubt  but  what  Duke  W. 
Anderson  was  the  ablest,  most  distinguished  clergyman  of  color 
in  the  United  States.  And  for  his  work's  sake  he  deserves  well 
of  history. 

Duke  William  Anderson  was  born  April  10, 1812,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Lawrenceville,  Lawrence  County,  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  of  a 
Negro  mother  by  a  white  father.  His  father,  lately  from  North 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.          477 

Carolina,  fell  under  Gen.  Harrison  fighting  the  Indians.  Like  so 
many  other  great  men  he  was  born  in  an  obscure  place — a  wigwam. 
At  the  time  of  his  father's  death  he  was  quite  a  young  baby.  He 
was  now  left  to  the  care  of  a  mother  who,  in  many  respects,  was 
like  her  husband,  bold  and  courageous  for  the  truth,  and  yet  as 
gentle  as  a  child.  It  is  peculiarly  trying  and  difficult  for  a  mother 
who  has  all  the  comforts  of  modern  city  life,  to  train  and  edu 
cate  her  boys  for  the  duties  of  life  ;  and  if  so,  how  much  more 
trying  and  difficult  must  it  have  been  for  a  mother  on  the  North 
western  frontiers,  seventy  years  ago,  to  train  her  boys? 

Destitute  of  home  and  its  comforts,  without  friends  or 
money;  no  farm,  school,  or  church,  Mrs.  Anderson  began  to  train 
her  two  boys,  John  Anderson  and  D.  W.  Anderson.  Of  the 
former,  little  or  nothing  is  known,  save  that  he  was  the  only 
brother  of  D.  W.  Anderson. 

True  to  the  instincts  of  her  motherly  heart,  Mrs.  Anderson 
was  determined  to  remain  upon  the  spot  purchased  and  conse 
crated  by  the  blood  of  her  lamented  husband.  She  could  not 
divorce  herself  from  the  approximate  idea  and  object  of  her  hus 
band's  life  and  death.  He  had  turned  from  the  comforts  of  a 
happy  home  ;  had  chosen  hardships  rather  than  ease  that  he 
might  realize  the  dream  of  his  youth,  and  the  object  of  his 
manly  endeavors — the  right  of  suffrage  to  all.  Her  children 
could  not  build  their  play-house  of  Shakespeare,  Milton,  Dryden, 
or  Southey.  All  the  instruction  Duke  William  obtained  came 
from  his  mother.  She  was  very  large  and  healthy.  Her  com 
plexion  was  of  perfect  black.  She  was  possessed  of  excellent 
judgment,  patience,  and  industry.  She  stored  the  young  mind 
of  her  boy  with  useful  agricultural  knowledge,  of  which  she  pos 
sessed  a  large  amount. 

An  education  does  not  consist  in  acquiring  lessons,  obtaining 
a  simple,  abstract,  objective  knowledge  of  certain  sciences.  It  is 
more  than  this.  It  consists,  also,  in  being  able  to  apply  and  use 
rightly  a  given  amount  of  knowledge.  And  though  D.  W. 
Anderson  was  never  permitted  to  enter  college,  yet,  what  he 
got  he  got  thoroughly,  and  used  at  the  proper  time  to  the  best 
advantage. 

Nature  was  his  best  teacher.  While  yet  a  very  young  boy  he 
was  awed  by  her  splendors,  and  attracted  by  the  complicated 
workings  of  her  manifold  laws.  He  began  to  study  the  innu 
merable  mysteries  which  met  him  in  every  direction.  He  heard 


478    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

God  in  the  rippling  water,  in  the  angry  tempest,  in  the  sighing 
wind,  and  in  the  troops  of  stars  which  God  marshals  upon  the 
plains  of  heaven.  In  the  study  of  nature  he  exulted.  He  sat 
in  her  velvet  lap,  sported  by  her  limpid  waters,  acquainted  him 
self  perfectly  with  her  seasons,  and  knew  the  coming  and  going 
of  every  star. 

God  was  training  this  man  for  the  great  mission  which  he 
afterward  so  faithfully  performed.  No  soul  that  was  ever  filled 
with  such  grand  and  humane  ideas  as  was  that  of  Duke  William 
Anderson  can  be  crushed.  He  knew  no  boundaries  for  his  soulr 
— except  God  on  one  side  and  the  whole  universe  on  the  other. 
He  was  as  free  in  thought  and  feeling  as  the  air  he  inhaled,  or 
the  birds  in  the  bright  sky  over  his  head.  His  soul  had  for 
many  years  communed  with  the  God  of  nature ;  had  been  taught 
by  the  mighty  workings  of  truth,  feeling,  and  genius  within,  and 
by  the  world  without,  that  he  was  not  to  be  confined  to  earth 
forever,  but  that  beyond  the  deep  blue  sky,  into  which  he  so- 
much  longed  to  peer,  there  dwelt  the  Creator  of  all  things,  and 
there  the  home  of  the  good  !  Like  the  "  wise  men  of  the  East," 
—knowing  no  other  Gob!  but  the  God  of  nature, — his  primitive 
ideas  of  religion  were  naturally  based  upon  nature.  In  that  wild 
and  barren  territory  nature  was  impressive,  desolate,  and  awful. 
The  earth,  air,  and  sky  incited  him  to  thought  and  stimulated 
his  imagination.  Every  appearance,  every  phenomenon — the 
storm,  the  thunder, — speak  the  prophecies  of  God.  He  was 
filled  with  great  thoughts  and  driven  by  grand  ideas. 

It  is  difficult  to  compute  the  value  of  the  mother  to  the  child. 
It  is  the  mother  who  loves,  because  she  has  suffered.  And  this 
seems  to  be  the  great  law  of  love.  Not  a  triumph  in  art,  litera 
ture,  or  jurisprudence — from  the  story  of  Homer  to  the  odes  of 
Horace,  from  the  times  of  Bacon  and  Leibnitz  to  the  days  of 
Tyndall  and  Morse — that  has  not  been  obtained  by,  toil  and 
suffering  !  The  mother  of  Anderson,  having  suffered  so  much 
in  her  loneliness  and  want,  knew  how  to  train  her  boy, — the  joy 
of  her  life.  And  he  in  return  knew  how  to  appreciate  a  mother's 
love.  He  remembered  that  to  her  he  owed  every  thing, — his  life, 
his  health,  and  his  early  training.  He  remembered  that  in 
childhood  she  had  often,  around  their  little  camp-fire,  enchanted 
his  youthful  mind  by  the  romance  of  the  sufferings  and  trials  of 
herself  and  husband.  And  now  finding  himself  a  young  man  he 
was  determined  to  change  the  course  of  their  life. 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA,  479 

No  work  so  thoroughly  develops  the  body  and  mind,  and  is 
so  conducive  to  health,  as  farming ;  and,  perhaps,  none  so  inde 
pendent.  Anderson  was  naturally  healthy  and  strong,  so  that 
farming  agreed  with  him.  By  this  he  made  a  comfortable  living, 
and  soon  demonstrated  to  his  aged  mother  that  she  had  not  la 
bored  in  vain,  nor  spent  her  strength  for  naught. 

For  a  number   of  years  he  farmed.       His  motto  was  "  excel 
sior  "  in  whatever  he  engaged,  and  in  farming  he  realized  success. 
As   the  father  of   Duke  William  Anderson  had  fallen  under 
the  U.  S.  flag,  it  became  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  care  for 
his  widow  and  orphans.     Accordingly,  Duke  William  was  sent  to 
an  Illinois  school  where  he  received  the  rudiments  of  a  Western 
education.     A  Western  education  did  not  consist  in  reading  poe 
try,  or  in  examining  Hebrew  roots,  but  in  reading,  writing,  spell 
ing,  arithmetic,  geography,  and  history.  There  were  no  soft  seats, 
no  beautifully  frescoed  walls,  dotted  with  costly  maps,  or  studded 
with   beautiful  pictures  ;    not  a  school  with  a  dozen    beautiful 
rooms,  heated  by  hot  air.     In  those  days  a  Western  school-house 
was  erected  by  the  side  of  some  public  highway,  remote  from  the 
town.      It  was   constructed   of  logs, — not  of  the  logs  that  have 
lost  their  roughness  by  going  through  the  saw-mill,  but  logs  cut 
by  the  axe  of  the  hardy  frontiersman.    The  axe  was  the  only  tool 
needed  to   fit  the  timber   for  the  building.      The  building  was 
•about  twelve  feet  in  height,  and  about  sixteen  by  twenty.      The 
cracks  were  often  left  open,  and   sometimes  closed  by  chips  and 
mud.     The  floor  was  made  of  split  logs  with  the  flat  side  up.  At 
one   end  of   the  building  was  a  fireplace  and  chimney  occupying 
the  whole  end  of  the  house.      At  each  end  of  the  fireplace  were 
laid  two  large   stones  upon  which  to  rest  the  ends  of  the  logs  of 
wood,  under  all   of  which   were   laid  closely  large  pieces  of  flat 
stones  covered  with  an  inch  or  two  of  mud.    At  the  other  end  of 
the  building   was  a   door.      It    was  constructed  of  thinly  split 
pieces  of  logs  held   together  by  pieces  of^hickory  withes  which 
crossed  each  end  of  the  door.     This  door  was  hung  upon  wooden 
hinges,  one  part  of  which,  instead  of  being  fastened  to  the  door 
by  screws,  was  fastened  by  little  wooden  pegs.      The  step  at  the 
door  was  a  short   piece  of  log  flattened   a  little  on  the  top  and 
braced  on  the  under  side  by  small  stones  and  pieces  of  chips.  The 
roof  was  made   of  long  pieces  of  split  timber,  the  flat   side  out 
and  the   edges  smoothed  by  the  axe  in  order  to  make  them  lie 
snugly. 


480    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Such  was  the  school-house  in  which  D.  W.  Anderson  was  edu 
cated.  And  it  may  be  that  the  plain'school  in  which  he  was  edu 
cated  loaned  him  that  modesty,  plainness,  and  unostentatious 
air,  which  were  among  the  many  remarkable  traits  in  his  charac 
ter.  The  circumstances  and  society  by  which  boys  are  sur 
rounded  help  to  mould  their  character  and  determine  their  fut 
ure.  To  a  healthy  and  vigorous  body  was  coupled  a  clear  and 
active  mind.  He  loved  knowledge,  and  was  willing  to  buy  it  at 
any  price — willing  to  make  any  sacrifice.  He  was  an  industrious 
student,  and  possessed  great  power  of  penetration  and  acquisi 
tion.  And  every  thing  he  read  he  remembered.  The  greatest 
difficulty  with  students  is  that  they  fail  to  apply  themselves.  A 
man  may  have  the  ability  to  accomplish  a  given  amount  of  work 
and  yet  that  work  can  never  be  accomplished  except  by  the  se 
verest  effort.  It  is  one  thing  to  possess  a  negative  power,  but  it 
is  quite  another  thing  to  possess  a  positive  power.  In  this  world 
we  are  set  over  against  all  external  laws  and  forces.  We  are  to 
assume  the  offensive.  We  are  to  climb  up  to  the  stars  by  micro 
scopes.  We  are  to  measure  this  earth  by  our  mathematics.  We 
are  to  penetrate  its  depths  and  lift  to  the  sun  its  costly  treasures. 
We  are  to  acquaint  ourselves  with  the  workings  of  the  manifold 
laws  which  lie  about  us.  If  we  would  know  ourselves,  under 
stand  our  relation  to  God,  we  must  see  after  the  requisite  knowl 
edge.  Suppose  that  Duke  William  Anderson  had  despaired  of 
ever  receiving  an  education ;  sat  down  by  the  way  in  life  and 
said  :  "  There  is  no  use  of  troubling  myself,  I  cannot  get  what  I 
desire.  I  am  destined  to  be  ignorant  and  weak  all  the  days  of 
my  life ;  and  if  there  is  any  good  thing  for  me  it  will  come  to  me. 
I  will  sit  here  and  wait."  Would  the  world  ever  have  known  of 
Anderson?  His  life  would  have  shed  no  perfume;  his  name 
would  have  been  unknown  and  his  grave  would  have  been  for 
gotten. 

But  it  was  that  courage  which  never  knows  defeat,  it  was  that 
devotion  that  never  wavers,  it  was  that  assiduity,  and  it  was  that 
patience  that  is  certain  to  triumph,  which  bore  him  on  to  a  glori 
ous  end,  as  a  summer  wind  bears  up  a  silver  cloud.  At  the  age 
of  seventeen  he  began  to  teach  school.  What  Colored  man  would 
have  essayed  to  teach  school  on  the  frontiers  fifty  years  ago? 
But  D.  W.  Anderson  was  born  to  rule.  He  was  of  commanding 
presence,  full  of  confidence  and  earnestness.  He  entered  upon 
his  new  duties  full  of  hope  and  joy.  This  was  something  new* 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.          481 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  difference  between  handling  the  hoe 
and  the  pen.  He  found  that  there  was  a  great  difference  be 
tween  the  farm  and  the  school-house.  But  he  was  one  of  those 
boys  who  do  every  thing  with  all  their  might,  and  he  was  at  once 
at  home,  and  soon  became  master  of  his  new  situation. 

Three  laborious  years  were  occupied  in  teaching.  And  they 
were  years  of  profit  to  teacher  as  well  as  to  pupil.  He  labored 
hard  to  be  thorough  ;  and  he  greatly  improved  and  finished  his 
own  education  during  his  teaching. 

About  this  time  young  Anderson  met,  courted,  and  married 
Miss  Ruth  Ann  Lucas. 

Anderson  soon  made  all  necessary  arrangements,  and  the 
nuptial  ceremony  was  solemnized  by  the  village  parson  on  the 
3<Dth  of  September,  1830.  With  his  bride  he  now  settled  down 
at  home.  For  some  years  he  lived  the  life  of  a  farmer.  His 
mother  was  riveted  to  the  spot  where  her  devoted  husband  fell  at 
the  hands  of  a  besotted  Indian.  But  her  son  was  of  a  progressive 
spirit.  He  longed  to  leave  the  old  home  for  one  more  comfort 
able.  How  strange  that  the  old  should  sit  by  the  grave  of  the 
past,  while  the  young  never  weary  of  chasing  some  vague  fancy  ! 

He  bought  a  tract  of  land,  cleared  it,  and  opened  up  a  farm. 
He  planted  a  large  orchard  ;  became  the  owner  of  seven  horses 
and  all  the  implements  necessary  to  farming. 

By  his  own  industry  and  perseverance  he  had  now  acquired  a 
neat  little  home  ;  on  his  farm  he  raised  enough  produce  for  the 
consumption  of  his  family,  and  still  there  was  a  large  quantity 
left  for  the  market.  Apples,  potatoes,  wheat,  corn,  and  other 
commodities  brought  him  handsome  returns. 

On  this  farm  were  born  five  children,  four  of  whom  lived  to 
adult  age.  The  oldest  child,  Luther  Morgan,  was  born  October 
10,  1831.  The  second  child,  Mary  Catharine,  was  born  in  1833. 
The  third,  George  Washington,  was  born  in  1835.  The  fourth, 
Elizabeth,  was  born  in  1837.  And  the  fifth  and  last  child  was 
born  on  the  night  of  September  4,  1839,  when,  also,  the  mother 
and  child  died. 

This  sad  event  filled  a  hitherto  happy  home  with  gloom,  and 
bowed  a  strong  heart  with  grief.  Anderson  was  a  man  possessed 
of  a  very  tender  nature,  though  he  was  manly  and  resolute.  His 
heart  was  fixed  upon  his  wife,  and  this  sad  providence  smote  him 
heavily. 

During  all  these  years,  from  his  youth  up,  he  had  been  very 


482    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

profane.  He  knew  no  Sabbath,  worshipped  no  God,  and  was  him 
self  the  highest  law.  He  was  filled  with  a  grand  religious  senti 
ment,  and  only  needed  the  grace  of  God  to  bring  it  out,  and  the 
love  of  God  to  show  him  where  he  stood. 

The  object  of  his  youthful  affection  was  gone.  The  faithful 
woman  who  had  walked  for  nineteen  years  by  his  side  was  no 
more  ;  her  eyes  were  closed  to  mortal  things,  and  she  had  ceased 
to  be.  He  followed  her  body  to  the  grave,  and  there  dropped  a 
silent  tear  for  her  to  whom  he  had  given  his  heart.  It  was  the 
first  funeral  of  any  one  related  to  him,  and  its  lessons  were 
sharply  cut  into  his  heart. 

He  returned  to  a  desolate  home,  where  the  sad  faces  of 
motherless  children  told  that  one  whom  they  loved,  and  who 
had  made  home  happy,  was  gone. 

His  mind  now  turned  to  religious  matters.  He  began  to 
think  of  the  home  beyond,  of  Jesus,  who  died  for  sinners,  and 
wondered  if  he  would  ever  be  able  to  see  the  loved  one  beyond 
the  tide  of  death.  As  he  dreamed  of  immortality,  longed  for 
heaven,  and  wondered  if  Jesus  were  his  Saviour,  he  was  filled  with 
a  deep  sense  of  sin.  He  felt  more  deeply  a  sense  of  sin.  He 
felt  more  and  more  that  he  was  unworthy  of  the  Saviour's  love  ; 
.and  if  he  had  his  just  dues,  he  would  be  "  assigned  a  portion 
among  the  lost." 

For  a  long  time  he  was  bowed  down  under  the  weight  of  his 
sins,  and  at  length  he  found  peace  through  the  blood  of  Christ. 
He  was  renewed.  The  avaricious  man  became  liberal,  the  im 
placable  enemy  became  the  forgiving  friend,  and  the  man  of 
cursing  a  man  of  prayer.  But  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  cease 
to  grieve  ;  so  he  thought  he  would  sell  the  farm  and  seek  another 
home.  The  farm  was  sold,  the  horses  and  tools,  and  every  thing 
converted  into  money.  The  children  were  bound  out,  and  all 
arrangements  were  perfected  to  seek  another  home. 

He  paid  a  visit  to  Alton,  Illinois,  where  he  spent  two  or  three 
years.  In  those  days  Alton  was  the  city  par  excellence  of  Illi 
nois,  and  toward  it  flowed  the  tide  of  emigration.  So  favorably 
was  he  impressed  with  Alton,  that  he  was  determined  to  make  it 
his  home.  Accordingly,  he  began  to  make  preparations  for  moving 
.the  children.  In  the  meanwhile  he  formed  the  acquaintance  of 
a  widow  lady  in  Alton  with  whom  he  became  very  much  pleased. 
She  was  a  tall,  handsome-looking  yellow  woman,  of  cultivated 
manners,  and  of  pleasing  address.  Anderson's  wife  had  been 
dead  three  or  four  years. 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  483 

It  was  now  August  17,  1842,  and  the  hand  and  heart  of  An 
derson  were  offered  Mrs.  Mary  Jane  Ragens  and  accepted.  With 
his  new  companion  he  now  returned  to  the  scenes  of  his  early- 
days  and  to  the  four  children  who  joyfully  awaited  his  return. 
He  had  made  up  his  mind  to  settle  in  Alton.  He  and  his  new 
companion  began  to  prepare  for  the  journey.  The  family  now 
consisted  of  the  four  children  of  Anderson  and  two  children  of 
his  wife,  making  a  family  of  six  besides  the  two  heads. 

During  the  time  that  intervened  between  the  death  of  his 
first  wife  and  his  engagement  to  the  second,  he  taught  school  in 
Vincennes,  Indiana,  Alton  and  Brookton,  Illinois.  The  old 
home  stood  upon  the  Wabash  River,  and  was  quite  upon  the  line 
that  divided  the  two  States, — Indiana  and  Illinois.  His  own 
children  went  to  his  school,  and  were  carried  across  the  river  on 
his  back.  On  the  other  bank  stood  the  log  school-house  of 
which  he  was  principal. 

In  those  days  it  was  a  matter  of  some  comment  to  see  a 
Colored  man  who  dared  write  his.  name  or  tell  his  age,  but  to  see 
one  who  was  actually  a  schoolmaster  was  the  marvel  of  the 
times.  His  teaching  was  a  matter  of  comment  in  Vincennes,  but 
Vincennes  was  only  a  little  country  town.  But  to  go  to  Alton, — 
that  city  of  great  fame,  then, — and  teach  school,  was  an  under 
taking  that  required  strong  nerves.  D.  W.  Anderson  had  them. 
He  never  allowed  himself  to  think  that  he  was  any  person  other 
than  a  man  and  citizen  clothed  with  all  civil  rights  and  armed 
with  God-given  prerogatives.  And  so  commanding  was  he,  that 
a  man  who  stood  in  his  presence  instantly  felt  him  a  superior. 
Moreover,  the  heated  feeling  and  public  sentiment  which,  on  the 
night  of  November  7,  1837,  wrested  from  the  hand  of  God, — to 
whom  alone  vengeance  belongeth, — a  life,  were  not  yet  abated. 
Lovejoy,  a  peaceable  citizen,  had  been  deprived  of  free  speech 
and  struck  down  by  the  knife  of  the  assassin  ;  and  could  it  be 
expected  that  a  Negro  would  be  spared  ?  The  times  were  excit 
ing  and  dangerous,  and  yet  Anderson  was  determined  to  take  his 
place  and  work  on  in  the  path  of  duty,  never  wincing,  but  leaving 
the  results  with  God. 

Before  in  his  quiet  home  and  farm  life,  nature  was  his  peculiar 
study.  He  had  studied  man  in  studying  himself,  but  in  the  city 
of  Alton  he  could  study  men.  He  loved  to  walk  through  its  long 
streets,  watch  its  hurrying  pedestrians,  and  learn  the  manifold 
manifestations  of  city  life. 


484    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Having  been  converted  just  after  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  but 
never  having  connected  himself  with  any  church,  he  now  joined 
the  A.  M.  E.  Church  of  Alton.  His  views  from  the  first  were 
Baptistic,  but  circumstances  placed  him  among  the  Methodists. 
The  elder  in  charge  was  the  powerful  preacher,  the  successful 
revivalist,  and  the  eminently  pious  man,  Rev.  Shadrack  Stewart. 
Some  misunderstanding  arose  between  the  minister  in  charge 
and  some  of  the  members,  which  resulted  in  the  withdrawal  of 
the  pastor,  Rev.  S.  Stewart,  Anderson  and  family,  and  quite  a 
number  of  the  leading  members.  Minister  and  all  connected 
themselves  with  the  Baptists.  Anderson  used  often  to  say  to 
his  family :  "  That  move  placed  me  at  home"  He  was  indeed  at 
home,  and  stayed  there  until  he  was  called  to  his  heavenly  rest ! 
He  loved  very  much  to  study  the  Bible,  and  to  meditate  upon  its 
great  truths.  The  more  he  studied  it  the  clearer  duty  seemed 
and  the  deeper  and  purer  his  love  grew  for  that  beneficent  Being 
whom  he  owned  as  Lord  and  King. 

It  was  now  1843.  He  felt  that  it  was  his  duty  to  enter  the 
Gospel  ministry.  Naturally  a  modest  man,  he  shrank  somewhat 
from  this  voice  of  God  ;  but  finally,  in  1844,  submitted  to  ordina 
tion.  He  was  ordained  by  the  Rev.  John  Anderson,  father  of 
the  late  Richard  Anderson,  of  St.  Louis,  or  by  the  Rev.  John 
Livingston,  of  Illinois,  though  it  is  a  matter  of  some  doubt  as  tc* 
who  was  present  at  his  ordination. 

He  now  moved  to  Upper  Alton,  and  pitched  his  tent  under 
the  shadow  of  Shurtleff  College.  His  aim  was  always  to  excel. 
He  had  absorbed  every  thing  that  had  come  within  his  reach,  and 
now  he  had  placed  himself  where  he  could  rub  against  "  College 
men.." 

Some  men  have  to  study  a  great  deal  to  get  a  very  little ; 
they  lack  the  power  of  mental  absorption,  and,  consequently,, 
have  to  wade  far  out  into  the  river  of  knowledge  in  order  to  feel 
the  benefits  of  the  invigorating  waters.  Not  so  with  Anderson ; 
he  was  an  indefatigable  student.  He  was  always  willing  to  be 
taught  by  any  person  who  was  able  to  impart  knowledge. 
Every  new  word  that  saluted  his  ear  was  forced  into  his  service ; 
never  mechanically,  but  always  in  its  proper  place.  If  he  learned 
a  word  to-day,  to-morrow  he  would  use  it  in  its  grammatical  re 
lation  to  a  sentence.  He  had  no  time  for  vacation ;  no  mental 
cessation,  but  it  was  one  unceasing  struggle  for  knowledge.  And 
no  doubt  his  approximate  relation  to  Shurtleff  College  helped  to 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA. 

impart  a  certain  healthy  tone  and  solidity  to  his  style  as  a  writer 
and  preacher  which  were  ever  strikingly  manifest. 

In  a  short  time  he  moved  out  from  Alton  about  twelve  miles 
to  the  town  of  Woodburn,  Madison  County,  where  he  remained 
for  a  year,  during  which  time  he  taught  school  and  preached 
occasionally.  In  1845  ne  bought  an  eighty-acre  farm  on  Wood 
River,  about  five  miles  from  Alton.  He  moved  his  family  on 
the  farm,  and 'began  to  make  improvements.  After  the  farm 
had  been  put  in  good  working  condition,  it  was  not  hard  for 
Luther,  the  eldest  child,  to  manage  it.  It  might  seem  strange  to 
the  boys  of  to-day,  who  are  dwarfed  by  cities  and  cramped  by  a 
false  civilization,  to  know  that  Luther,  a  boy  of  fourteen,  could 
follow  the  plow  and  swing  the  cradle.  But,  nevertheless,  his 
father  could  trust  most  of  the  work  of  the  farm  to  these  young 
hands. 

Duke  William  Anderson  was  a  civilizer  and  a  reformer. 
Wherever  he  placed  his  foot  there  were  thrift  and  improvement. 
He  never  was  satisfied  with  himself,  or  that  which  he  did.  He 
always  felt  when  he  had  done  a  thing  that  he  could  have  done  it 
better.  He  never  preached  a  sermon  but  what  he  felt  that  he 
ought  to  preach  the  next  one  better.  In  his  great  brain  were  the 
insatiable  powers  of  civilization.  He  was  prompt,  rapid,  de 
cisive,  and  sagacious,  working  up  to  his  ideal  standard.  It  was  not 
his  object  to  simply  improve  and  help  himself ;  he  was  far  from 
such  selfishness.  The  basis  of  his  reformatory  and  benevolent 
operations  was  as  broad  as  humanity  and  as  solid  as  granite. 
He  never  entered  a  community  without  the  deep  feeling  that  it 
should  be  made  better,  and  never  lived  in  one  except  his  warm 
heart  and  willing  hand  went  forth  to  minister  to  and  sympathize 
with  all  who  were  in  need. 

He  felt  keenly  the  bitter  prejudice  which  pervaded  the  com 
munity  from  which  he  had  just  moved,  and  was  sensible  of  the 
weakness  of  the  few  free  Colored  citizens  who  lived  in  that  por 
tion  of  the  State.  Wood  River  was  a  healthy  place  to  live  ;  and 
the  land  was  cheap  and  rich.  He  was  not  shut  up  to  any  selfish 
motives,  but  was  planning  for  the  good  of  his  people.  He 
knew  that  "in  union  there  is  strength,"  and  if  he  could  get  a 
number  of  families  to  move  on  Wood  River  he  could  form  a 
settlement,  and  thus  bring  the  people  together  in  religion  and 
politics,  in  feeling  and  sentiment. 

This  plan  was  no  idle  dream.      In  due  time  he  gave  notice-, 


486    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  offered  inducements,  to  the  people  to  come.  And  they  came 
from  every  section  ;  and  in  a  few  years  it  had  grown  to  be  a  large 
and  prosperous  settlement. 

Duke  William  Anderson  was  the  central  figure  in  this  com 
munity.  His  colossal  form,  his  clear  mind,  and  excellent  judg 
ment,  placed  him  at  the  head  of  educational  and  religious 
matters.  He  was  parson,  schoolmaster,  and  justice.  All  ques 
tions  of  theology  were  submitted  to  his  judgment,  from  which 
there  was  no  appeal.  All  social  and  political  feuds  were  placed 
before  him,  and  his  advice  would  heal  the  severest  schisms  and 
restore  the  most  perfect  harmony. 

He  now  threw  his  great  soul  into  the  work  of  organization. 
He  was  filled  with  a  grand  idea.  He  felt  that  the  purity  and 
intelligence  of  the  community  depended  upon  their  knowledge 
of  the  Bible  and  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel.  It  was  a  grand 
idea,  though  he  had  to  work  upon  a  small  scale.  It  was  this 
idea  that  made  the  Israelites  victorious  ;  and  Anderson  was  de 
termined  to  impress  upon  this  community  this  primal  truth.  He 
knew  that  in  knowledge  only  is  there  safety,  and  in  science  alone 
can  certainty  be  found.  Before  this  idea  every  thing  must  bow, 
and  around  it  were  to  cluster,  not  only  the  hopes  of  that  little 
community,  but  the  prayers  of  four  million  bondmen.  He  was 
confident  that  in  God  he  would  triumph,  and  in  Him  was  his  trust. 

The  work  was  begun  in  the  family  circle.  One  evening  it 
would  be  at  brother  Anderson's  house,  and  the  next  evening  at 
another  brother's  house,  and  so  on  until  the  meetings  had  gone 
around  the  whole  community.  A  deep  work  of  grace  was  in 
progress.  The  whole  community  felt  the  pervading  influence  of 
the  Spirit,  and  large  results  followed.  Anderson  was  wrought 
upon  powerfully.  He  felt  to  reconsecrate  himself  to  the  Master, 
and  live  a  more  faithful  life.  This  feeling  manifested  itself  in 
the  lives  of  those  who  were  professors  of  religion,  and  the  un 
godly  were  anxious  about  their  salvation. 

From  a  very  few  believers  the  company  of  the  redeemed  had 
largely  increased.  One  house  would  not  accommodate  them, 
and  it  became  necessary  for  them  to  hold  their  meetings  out 
doors.  It  became  very  evident  that  this  company  of  believers 
ought  to  be  organized  into  a  church,  and  a  pastor  placed  over 
them.  Duke  William  Anderson  was  the  man  to  do  this  work, 
and,  seeing  the  necessity  of  it,  he  immediately  organized  a  Bap 
tist  church. 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  487 

He  was  a  man  who  never  desired  to  escape  difficult  duties — 
rather,  he  always  was  on  hand  when  hard  burdens  were  to  be 
borne.  He  approached  duty  as  something  that,  though  at  the 
time  hard,  brought  peace  in  the  end.  He  loved  the  approba 
tion  of  conscience,  and  never  sought  to  turn  away  from  her 
teachings. 

It  is  a  task  seldom,  if  ever,  coveted  by  the  ministers  of  to-day, 
to  attempt  the  building  of  a  church  edifice,  though  wealth,  art, 
and  all  modern  facilities  await  their  beck. 

And  one  can  easily  imagine  what  a  formidable  task  it  must 
have  been  to  attempt  the  building  of  a  church  thirty  years  ago. 
He  organized  a  church  out  of  those  who  had  accepted  the  Gos 
pel.  And  the  next  work  was  the  building  of  a  house  of  worship. 
He  put  his  great  hand  to  this  work,  and  in  a  short  time  the  house 
was  completed  and  his  people  worshipping  under  their  own  vine 
and  fig-tree. 

The  house  was  unique,  spacious,  and  comfortable,  all  in 
keeping  with  the  plain  people  and  their  unpretentious  pastor. 

There  is  a  great  deal  in  discipline,  and  Anderson  knew  it. 
Before  the  organization  of  his  church  the  people  had  been  placed 
under  no  discipline  or  charged  with  any  special  work.  But  now 
their  leader  began  the  work  of  church  discipline  and  practical 
preaching.  The  feeling  that  every  person  was  his  own  man,  in 
dependent  and  free,  under  the  preaching  of  Anderson,  gave 
way  to  the  feeling  that  they  were  members  of  one  body,  and 
Christ  the  head  of  that  body.  The  unity  of  the  church  was 
preached  with  great  earnestness,  and  followed  by  large  results. 
It  soon  became  evident  that  Duke  William  Anderson  was  no 
ordinary  man,  and  his  fame  began  to  spread.  He  had  sought 
no  publicity,  but  in  secret  had  toiled  on  in  the  path  of  duty. 

During  his  labors  in  building  a  meeting-house  and  organizing 
a  church  he  had  relinquished  his  hold  upon  the  school  ;  but  now 
as  the  church  was  erected  and  he  had  more  time,  he  was 
against  his  will  urged  into  the  school-room  again.  In  the  school 
room  he  was  as  faithful  as  he  was  in  the  pulpit.  He  sought, 
with  marvellous  earnestness,  to  do  with  all  his  might  that  which 
was  committed  to  his  hands  ;  and  all  his  labors  were  performed 
as  if  they  were  being  performed  for  himself. 

He  was  at  this  time  pastor  of  a  church,  teacher  of  a  school, 
and  owner  of  an  eighty  acre  farm.  If  he  were  going  to  slight 
any  work,  it  would  not  be  that  of  another,  but  his  own.  He 


488    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

watched  the  growth  of  his  little  church  with  an  apostolical  eye, 
and  nipped  every  false  doctrine  in  the  bud.  His  excellent 
knowledge  of  human  nature  facilitated  his  work  in  the  church. 
He  knew  every  man,  woman,  and  child.  He  made  himself 
familiar  with  their  circumstances  and  wants,  and  always  placed 
himself  in  complete  sympathy  with  any  and  all  of  their  circum 
stances.  He  consequently  won  the  confidence,  love,  and  esteem 
of  his  people.  In  his  school  he  was  watchful  and  patient.  He 
studied  character,  and  classified  his  pupils ;  and  was  thereby 
enabled  to  deal  with  each  pupil  as  he  knew  their  temperament 
demanded.  Some  children  are  tender,  affectionate,  and  obe 
dient  ;  while  others  are  coarse,  ugly,  and  insubordinate.  Some 
need  only  to  have  the  wrong  pointed  out,  while  others  need  the 
rod  to  convince  them  of  bad  conduct.  And  happy  is  that  teacher 
who  does  not  attempt  to  open  every  child's  heart  with  the  same 
key,  or  punish  each  with  the  same  rod. 

If  there  is  one  quality  more  than  another  that  the  minister 
needs,  it  is  downright  earnestness — perfect  sympathy  with  those 
to  whom  he  preaches.  What  does  it  amount  to  if  a  man  preach 
unless  he  feels  what  he  preaches?  Certainly  no  one  can  be 
moved  or  edified.  But  Anderson  was  not  a  cold,  lifeless  man. 
He  loved  to  preach,  though  he  felt  a  deep  sense  of  unfitness. 
And  it  can  be  truly  said  of  his  little  church,  as  was  said  of  the 
early  church  :  "  And  believers  were  the  more  added  to  the  Lord, 
multitudes  both  of  men  and  women." 

It  was  seen  by  the  prophetic  eye  of  Anderson  that  an  associ 
ation  would  be  the  means  of  bringing  the  people  together. 
Accordingly  he  went  to  work  to  organize  an  association  that 
would  take  into  its  arms  all  the  feeble  communities  or  churches 
that  had  no  pastor.  In  due  time  all  arrangements  were  perfected, 
and  a  call  issued  for  the  neighboring  churches  to  send  their 
pastor  and  two  delegates  to  sit  in  council  with  the  Salem  Baptist 
Church  on  Wood  River,  to  consider  the  propriety  of  calling  into 
existence  such  an  organization.  After  the  usual  preliminary 
services,  Rev.  D.  W.  Anderson  stated  the  object  of  the  meeting, 
and  urged  the  immediate  action  of  the  council  in  the  matter. 
After  the  usual  amount  of  debate  incident  to  such  an  occasion, 
the  proper  steps  were  taken  for  the  organization  of  an  association 
to  be  called  the  "  Wood  River  Baptist  Association"  with  Rev. 
Duke  W.  Anderson  as  its  first  Moderator,  to  meet  on  Wood 
River  annually.  What  a  triumph  !  that  day  was  the  proudest  of 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  489 

his  life !  He  had  spoken  to  the  poor  disheartened  Baptists  for 
fifty  miles  around,  who  were  cold  and  indifferent  to  the  Master's 
cause:  " Awake!  and  stand  upon  your  feet !  Come  with  me  to 
help  the  Lord  against  the  mighty !  Let  us  organize  for  the  con 
flict.  There  is  much  to  do;  so,  let  us  be  about  our  Master's  work." 
The  call  sent  forth  breathed  new  life  into  the  people,  and  was 
the  signal  for  united  effort  in  the  cause  of  the  Lord. 

It  was  not  enough  that  an  association  was  formed/  it  was  not 
enough  that  a  few  churches  were  represented  in  that  association  ; 
but  it  must  do  definite  work.  It  must  organize  where  organiza 
tion  was  needed  ;  it  must  send  out  missionaries  into  the  destitute 
places,  and  give  the  Gospel  to  the  poor.  Thus  Anderson  rea 
soned  ;  and  the  association  heard  him.  Gradually  the  Wood 
River  Association  grew  and  extended  its  workings  throughout 
the  entire  State  of  Illinois. 

It  was  evident  that  the  associational  gatherings  were  growing 
so  large  that  it  was  impossible  to  accommodate  them.  He  ad 
vised  the  people  to  build  quarters  sufficient  to  accommodate  all. 
Accordingly  two  or  three  rows  of  small  houses  were  erected  for 
the  people  to  live  in  each  year  during  the  time  the  association 
was  in  session.  People  now  came  yearly  from  every  part  of  the 
State.  The  great  distances  did  not  detain  them.  Like 
the  Jews  who  returned  to  Jerusalem  every  year  to  attend  the 
feast,  they  were  glad  when  the  time  came  to  rest  from  their  ac 
customed  duties  and  journey  toward  Wood  River.  It  was  a  de 
lightful  gathering.  Brother  ministers  met  and  compared  notes ; 
while  young  men  and  maidens  gently  ministered  at  the  tables, 
and  led  the  prayer-meetings. 

They  enjoyed  those  meetings.  There  were  no  conventionali 
ties  or  forms  to  check  the  spirit  of  Christian  love.  There  was 
perfect  liberty.  There  were  no  strangers ;  for  they  were  the 
children  of  one  common  father.  They  were  as  one  family,  and 
had  all  things  in  common.  The  utmost  order  and  harmony 
characterized  their  gatherings.  Not  a  cross  word  escaped  a  sin 
gle  lip.  Not  a  rude  act,  on  the  part  of  the  boys,  could  be  seen. 
Boys,  in  those  days,  had  the  profoundest  respect  for  their  seniors, 
and  held  a  minister  of  the  Gospel  in  all  the  simplicity  of  a  boy's 
esteem. 

In  the  morning  of  the  first  day  of  their  meeting  the  asso 
ciation  was  called  to  order  by  the  "Moderator"  and  opened  with 
prayer  and  a  hymn.  Then,  after  the  usual  business,  a  sermon 


490    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

was  preached.  In  the  afternoon  a  doctrinal  sermon  was  preached 
and  discussed  ;  and  in  the  evening  a  missionary  sermon  was  de 
livered. 

Like  the  Apostle  Paul  he  could  say  to  the  ministers  of  his  day, 
that  he  had  labored  more  abundantly  than  they  all.  He  worked 
with  his  hands  and  preached  the  Gospel,  esteeming  it  an  honor. 
The  church  over  which  he  presided  had  grown  to  one  hundred 
and  fifty  active  members,  besides  a  large  and  attentive  congrega 
tion.  This  church  had  been  gathered  through  his  incomparable 
assiduity.  He  had  come  into  their  midst  with  a  heart  glow 
ing  with  the  love  of  God.  He  had  shown  himself  an  excellent 
farmer,  faithful  teacher,  and  consistent  Christian.  He  had  led 
one  hundred  and  fifty  souls  to  Christ.  That  was  not  all.  In  the 
pulpit  he  had  taught  them  the  fundamental  principles  of  Chris 
tianity,  and  demonstrated  those  principles  in  his  daily  life.  His 
royal  manhood  towered  high  over  the  community,  until  he  be 
came  to  the  whole  people  a  perfect  measure  of  every  thing  that 
is  lovely  and  of  good  report. 

He  had  every  thing  just  as  he  could  wish.  He  was  proprietor 
of  an  eighty-acre  farm,  pastor  of  a  flourishing  church,  school 
master  of  the  community,  enthroned  in  the  affections  of  the  peo 
ple  for  whose  well-being  he  had  worked  for  seven  years, — he 
might  have  remained  the  unrivalled  and  undisputed  king  of 
Woodburn  community.  But  considerations  rising  high  above  his 
mere  personal  interests,  led  him  to  make  a  great  sacrifice  in  sell 
ing  his  farm,  severing  his  relation  as  pastor  and  teacher  with  a 
people  whom  he  loved  dearly,  and  who  regarded  him  with  a  sort 
of  superstitious  reverence.  The  object  of  the  change  was  that 
he  might  move  to  Quincy,  111.,  where  he  might  give  his  children 
a  thorough  education.  He  secured  a  scholarship  in  Knox  Col 
lege  for  his  eldest  son,  Luther  Morgan  Anderson,  and  permission 
for  him  to  attend.  He  put  his  son  George  W.,  and  daughter, 
Elizabeth  Anderson,  to  study  in  the  Missionary  Institute  near 
Quincy.  He  now  gave  his  time  to  farming,  preaching,  mission 
ary  service,  and  underground  railroad  work.  His  son,  George  W., 
says,  concerning  Missionary  Institute:  "At  Missionary  Institute 
the  atmosphere  was  more  mild,  but  such  was  the  continued  pres 
sure  by  the  slave-holding  border  of  Mo.,  offering  large  rewards 
for  the  heads  of  the  Institution,  as  well  for  those  who  were  known 
to  be  connected  with  the  underground  railroad,  that  the  Institu 
tion  after  having  done  much  good  went  down." 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  491 

The  years  of  his  residence  at  Quincy  were  full  of  public  ex 
citement,  peril,  and  strife.  He  was  a  spirited,  progressive,  and 
representative  man.  This  was  the  time  of  the  Illinois  Prohibition 
Law,  making  it  a  criminal  offence  to  aid  or  encourage  a  runaway 
slave.  The  slavery  question  was  being  sharply  discussed  in  all 
quarters,  and  began  to  color  and  modify  the  politics  of  the  day. 
Anderson  was  a  sharp,  ready,  and  formidable  debater,  and  was 
the  most  prominent  Colored  man  in  that  section  of  the  country. 
He  was  gifted  in  the  use  of  good  English,  had  an  easy  flow  of 
language,  was  master  of  the  most  galling  satire,  quick  in  repartee, 
prompt  to  see  a  weak  point  and  use  it  to  the  best  advantage. 
He  was  a  pungent  and  racy  writer,  and  for  a  number  of  years 
contributed  many  able  articles  to  the  "  Quincy  Whig."  He  never 
spared  slavery.  In  the  pulpit,  in  the  public  prints,  and  in  private* 
he  fought  manfully  against  the  nefarious  traffic  in  human  flesh. 

Dangerous  as  was  the  position  he  took  he  felt  himself  on  the 
side  of  truth,  humanity,  and  God,  and  consequently  felt  that  no 
harm  could  reach  him.  At  this  time,  to  the  duties  of  farmer, 
pastor,  and  contributor  he  added  the  severe  and  perilous  duty  of 
a  missionary.  He  canvassed  the  State,  preaching  and  lecturing 
against  slavery.  Often  he  was  confronted  by  a  mob  who  defied 
him,  bantered  him,  but  he  always  spoke.  He  was  in  every  sense 
the  child  of  nature,  endowed  with  herculean  strength,  very  tall,, 
with  a  face  beaming  with  benevolence  and  intelligence.  He  ap 
peared  at  his  best  when  opposed,  and  was  enabled  by  his  com 
manding  presence,  his  phenomenal  voice,  and  burning  eloquence 
to  quiet  and  win  the  most  obstreperous  mob. 

It  was  quite  easy  for  a  man  to  be  carried  away  by  the  irresisti 
ble  enthusiasm  of  the  excited  multitude,  and  think  the  rising  of 
the  animal  spirits  the  impulses  of  his  better  nature.  But,  for  a 
man  to  be  moved  from  within,  to  feel  the  irresistible  power  of 
truth,  to  feel  that  except  he  obeys  the  voice  of  his  better  nature 
he  is  arraigned  by  conscience — though  the  whole  world  without 
is  against  him,  such  a  man  is  a  hero,  deserving  of  the  gratitude 
and  praise  of  the  world. 

There  were  heroes  in  the  days  of  Anderson,  and  he  was 
worthy  of  the  high  place  he  held  among  them.  He  was  possessed 
of  genius  of  the  highest  order.  He  appreciated  the  times  in  which 
he  lived.  He  was  equal  to  the  work  of  his  generation,  and  did 
not  shrink  from  any  work  howsoever  perilous.  He  worked 
between  the  sluggish  conservatism  of  the  anti-slavery  element  on 


492    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA, 

the  one  hand,  and  the  violent,  mobocratic  slave  element  on  the 
other.  Hence,  the  school  of  religious  and  political  sentiment  to 
which  he  belonged  had  few  disciples  and  encountered  many  hard 
ships.  It  was  a  desperate  struggle  between  an  ignorant,  self- 
seeking  majority  and  an  intelligent,  self-sacrificing  minority.  It 
often  appears  that  vice  has  more  votaries  than  virtue,  that  might 
is  greater  than  right,  and  that  wrong  has  the  right  of  way.  But 
in  the  light  of  reason,  history,  and  philosophy,  we  see  the  divin 
ity  of  truth  and  the  mortality  of  error.  We  look  down  upon  the 
great  spiritual  conflict  going  on  in  this  world — in  society  and 
government, — and  seeing  the  mutations  of  fortune  we  think  we 
see  truth  worsted,  and  sound  the  funeral  requiem  of  our  fondest 
hopes,  our  most  cherished  ideals. 

But  the  mills  of  the  gods  grind  slowly,  but  they  grind  exceed 
ingly  fine.  Time  rewards  the  virtuous  and  patient.  It  was  faith 
in  God,  united  with  a  superior  hope,  that  gave  him  strength  in  the 
darkest  hours  of  the  "  irrepressible  conflict." 

He  was  a  faithful  and  indefatigable  worker ;  and  the  State 
Missionary  Society  honored  him  by  thrice  choosing  him  as  State 
Missionary.  About  this  time  he  became  an  active  member  of 
the  "  Underground  Railroad."  His  presence,  bearing,  and  high 
character  carried  conviction.  He  made  men  feel  his  superiority. 
He  was,  consequently,  a  safe  counsellor  and  a  successful  manager. 
He  was  soon  elevated  to  an  official  position,  which  he  filled  with 
honor  and  satisfaction.  Many  slaves  were  helped  to  their  free 
dom  by  his  efforts  and  advice.  He  was  bold,  yet  discreet;  wise 
without  pedantry ;  humble  without  religious  affectation ;  firm 
without  harshness;  kind  without  weakness. 

The  conflict  between  slavery  and  freedom  grew  hotter  and 
hotter ;  and  the  spirit  of  intolerance  became  more  general.  Anv 
derson  had  proven  himself  an  able  defender  of  human  freedom 
and  a  formidable  enemy  to  slavery.  But  it  seemed  as  if  his  efforts 
in  the  great  aggregate  of  good  were  unavailing.  His  high  hopes 
of  educating  his  children  were  blasted  in  the  burning  of  Mission, 
ary  Institute  by  a  mob  from  Missouri.  It  was  evident  that  the 
slave  power  would  leave  no  stone  unturned  in  order  to  accom, 
plish  their  cowardly  and  inhuman  designs.  It  was  not  enough 
to  destroy  the  only  school  where  all  races  could  be  educated  to. 
gether,  to  disturb  the  meetings  of  the  few  anti-slavery  men  wha 
dared  to  discuss  a  question  that  they  believed  involved  the 
golden  rule  and  hence  the  well-being  of  the  oppressed, — they  put 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  493 

a  price  on  his  head.  He  was  to  be  hung  to  the  first  tree  if 
caught  upon  the  sacred  soil  of  Missouri.  He  was  secretly,  though 
closely  watched.  One  of  his  sons  writes :  "  He  took  a  deep  in 
terest  in  the  Underground  Railroad  in  connection  with  a  Mr. 
Turner  and  Vandorn  of  Quincy,  and  a  Mr.  Hunter  and  Payne 
of  Missionary  Institute.  These  gentlemen,  I  believe,  .with  the 
exception  of  Mr.  Payne,  are  alive  and  extensively  known  in  the 
North." 

He  was  not  lacking  in  the  qualities  of  moral  or  physical 
bravery.  He  could  not  be  bought  or  bullied.  He  was  unmov- 
able  when  he  felt  he  was  right.  The  bitterest  assaults  of  his 
enemies  only  drove  him  nearer  his  ideas,  not  from  them.  He 
might  have  lived  and  died  in  Quincy  if  he  had  not  greatly  desired 
the  education  of  his  children,  who  were  denied  such  privileges  in 
the  destruction  of  the  institute. 

At  this  time  intelligent,  to  say  nothing  of  educated,  ministers 
were  few  and  far  between.  St.  Louis  was  blessed  with  an  excel 
lent  minister  in  the  person  of  the  Rev.  Richard  Anderson.  He 
was  a  man  of  some  education,  fine  manners,  good  judgment,  and 
deep  piety ;  beloved  and  respected  by  all  classes  both  in  and 
out  of  the  church,  white  and  black.  The  Rev.  Galusha  Anderson, 
D.D.,  who  pronounced  the  funeral  sermon  over  the  remains  of 
Richard  Anderson,  says  he  had  the  largest  funeral  St.  Louis  ever 
witnessed.  His  servant,  who  had  been  an  attendant  upon  the 
ministrations  of  Richard  Anderson,  said  mournfully,  when  asked 
by  the  doctor  if  they  missed  him  :  "  Ah,  sir,  he  led  us  as  by  a 
spider  web  !  "  Richard  Anderson  saw  Duke  William  Anderson 
and  loved  him.  He  saw  in  the  young  man  high  traits  of  charac 
ter,  and  in  his  rare  gifts  auguries  of  a  splendid  career.  He  saw 
the  danger  he  lived  in,  the  hopeless  condition  of  public  senti 
ment,  and  advised  him  to  accept  the  pastoral  charge  of  the  Bap 
tist  church  in  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  where  also  he  could  educate  his 
children. 

Buffalo  was  an  anti-slavery  stronghold.  The  late  Gerrit 
Smith  was  chief  of  the  party  in  that  section  of  New  York.  'By  his 
vast  wealth,  his  high  personal  character,  his  deeply-rooted  con 
victions,  his  wide-spread  and  consistent  opposition  to  slavery,  he 
was  the  most  conspicuous  character  in  the  State,  and  made  many 
converts  to  the  anti-slavery  cause.  Buffalo  was  the  centre  of 
anti-slavery  operations.  Many  conventions  and  conferences  were 
held  there.  It  was  only  twenty-four  miles  to  the  Canadian  bound- 


494    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

aries,  hence  it  was  the  last  and  most  convenient  station  of  the  U. 
G.  R.  R. 

It  was  now  about  1854-1855.  The  anti-slavery  sentiment 
was  a  recognized  and  felt  power  in  the  politics  of  the  Nation. 
Anderson  appeared  in  Buffalo  just  in  time  to  participate  in  the 
debates  that  were  rendering  that  city  important.  He  took  the 
pastoral  charge  of  the  Baptist  church  and  high  standing  as  a 
leader.  He  remained  here  quite  two  years  or  more,  during  which 
time  he  used  the  pulpit  and  the  press  as  the  vehicles  of  his  invec 
tives  against  slavery.  He  did  riot  have  to  go  to  men,  they  went 
to  him.  He  was  a  great  moral  magnet,  and  attracted  the  best 
men  of  the  city.  The  white  clergy  recognized  in  him  the  quali 
ties  of  a  preacher  and  leader  worthy  of  their  admiration  and 
recognition.  The  Rev.  Charles  Dennison  and  other  white  breth 
ren  invited  him  to  their  pulpits,  where  he  displayed  preaching 
ability  worthy  of  the  intelligent  audiences  that  listened  to  his 
eloquent  discourses. 

His  stay  in  Buffalo  was  salutary.  By  his  industry  and  useful 
ness  he  became  widely  known  and  highly  respected.  And 
when  he  accepted  a  call  from  the  Groghan  Street  Baptist 
Church,  of  Detroit,  Michigan,  his  Buffalo  friends  were  conscious 
that  in  his  departure  from  them  they  sustained  a  very  great 
loss. 

It  was  now  the  latter  part  of  1857.  The  anti-slavery  conflict 
was  at  its  zenith.  This  controversy,  as  do  all  moral  controver 
sies,  had  brought  forth  many  able  men  ;  had  furnished  abundant 
material  for  satire  and  rhetoric.  This  era  presented  a  large  and 
brilliant  galaxy  of  Colored  orators.  There  were  Frederick  Doug 
lass — confessedly  the  historic  Negro  of  America, — Charles  L. 
Remond,  Charles  L.  Reason,  William  Wells  Brown,  Henry  High 
land  Garnett,  Martin  R.  Delany,  James  W.  C.  Pennington,  Robert 
Purvis,  Phillip  A.  Bell,  Charles  B.  Ray,  George  T.  Downing, 
George  B.  Vashon,  William  C.  Nell,  Samuel  A.  Neale,  William 
Whipper,  Ebenezer  D.  Bassett,  William  Howard  Day,  William 
Still,  Jermain  W.  Loguen,  Leonard  A.  Grimes,  John  Sella  Martin, 
and  many  others.  Duke  William  Anderson  belonged  to  the  same 
school  of  orators. 

The  church  at  Detroit  had  been  under  the  pastoral  charge  of 
the  Rev.  William  Troy,  who  had  accepted  the  pulpit  of  the 
Baptist  church  in  Windsor,  Canada  West,  and  started  to  England 
to  solicit  funds  to  complete  a  beautiful  edifice  already  in  process 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.          495 

of  erection.  At  this  time  John  Sella  Martin  had  obtained  con 
siderable  notoriety  as  an  orator.  He  had  canvassed  the  Western 
States  in  the  interest  of  the  anti-slavery  cause,  and  was  now  re 
siding  in  Detroit.  He  was  baptized  and  ordained  by  Brethren 
Anderson  and  Troy,  and  took  charge  of  the  church  at  Buffalo. 

Detroit  lies  in  a  salubrious  atmosphere,  upon  Detroit  River, 
not  far  from  Lake  Erie  ;  and  at  this  time  was  not  lacking  in  a 
high  social  and  moral  atmosphere.  The  field  was  the  most  con 
genial  he  had  yet  labored  in.  He  found  an  excellent  church- 
membership,  an  intelligent  and  progressive  people.  He  was 
heartily  welcomed  and  highly  appreciated.  He  entered  into  the 
work  with  zeal,  and  imparted  an  enthusiasm  to  the  people.  He 
developed  new  elements  of  strength  in  the  church.  He  attracted 
a  large,  cultivated  audience,  and  held  them  to  the  last  day  he  re 
mained  in  the  city.  His  audience  was  not  exclusively  Colored  : 
some  of  the  best  white  families  were  regular  attendants  upon  his 
preaching ;  and  they  contributed  liberally  to  his  support.  De 
troit  had  never  seen  the  peer  of  Duke  William  Anderson  in  the 
pulpit.  He  did  not  simply  attract  large  congregations  on  the 
Sabbath,  but  had  a  warm  place  in  the  affections  of  all  classes,  and 
a  personal  moral  influence,  which  added  much  to  the  spirituality 
of  the  church.  In  every  church,  thus  far,  he  had  been  blessed 
with  a  revival  of  religion,  and  souls  had  been  added  as  "  seals  to 
his  ministry."  Detroit  was  no  exception  to  the  rule.  Under 
his  leadership,  through  his  preaching  and  pastoral  visitations  the 
church  was  aroused,  and  the  result  a  revival.  Many  were  added 
to  the  church. 

It  was  now  the  spring  of  1858.  John  Brown,  the  proto- 
martyr  of  freedom,  by  his  heroism,  daring,  intrepid  perseverance, 
inspired, — swallowed  with  one  great  idea,  had  stirred  all  Kansas 
and  Missouri  to  fear,  and  carried  off  eleven  slaves  to  Canada  and 
set  them  free.  He  had  established  his  headquarters  at  Chatham, 
Canada  West,  and  begun  the  work  of  organization  preparatory  to 
striking  the  blow  at  Harper's  Ferry.  Brown  held  his  first  con 
vention  at  Chatham — only  a  few  hours'  ride  from  Detroit — on 
May  8,  1858,  at  10  o'clock  A.M.  The  convention  was  composed 
of  some  very  able  men.  The  following-named  gentlemen  com 
posed  the  convention  :  Wm.  Charles  Monroe,  President  of  the 
Convention  ;  G.  J.  Reynolds,  J.  C.  Grant,  A.  J.  Smith,  James  M. 
Jones,  Geo.  B.  Gill,  M.  F.  Bailey,  Wm.  Lambert,  C.  W.  Moffitt, 
John  J.  Jackson,  J.  Anderson,  Alfred  Whipple,  James  M.  Bue, 


496    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Wm.  H.  Leeman,  Alfred  M.  Ellsworth,  John  E.  Cook,  Stewart 
Taylor,  James  W.  Purnell,  Geo.  Akin,  Stephen  Detlin,  Thomas- 
Hickinson,  John  Cannet,  Robinson  Alexander,  Richard  Realf, 
Thomas  F.  Gary,  Thomas  W.  Stringer,  Richard  Richardson,  J. 
T.  Parsons,  Thos.  M.  Kinnard,  Martin  R.  Delany,  Robert  Van- 
rankin,  Charles  H.  Tidd,  John  A.  Thomas,  C.  Whipple,  J.  D. 
Shad,  Robert  Newman,  Owen  Brown,  John  Brown,  J.  H.  Harris, 
Charles  Smith,  Simon  Fislin,  Isaac  Hotley,  James  Smith.  Signed, 
J.  H.  Kagi.  The  following  is  the  list  of  officers  elected  : 

Commander-in-chief,  John  Brown  ;  Secretary  of  War,  J.  H. 
Kagi ;  Members  of  Congress,  Alfred  M.  Ellsworth,  Osborn 
Anderson  ;  Treasurer,  Owen  Brown  ;  Secretary  of  Treasury, 
Geo.  B.  Gill ;  Secretary  of  State,  Richard  Realf. 

The  reader  will  see  that  two  Andersons  are  mentioned,  J. 
Anderson  and  Osborn  Anderson.  [Who  these  gentlemen  are, 
the  author  does  not  know,  nor  has  he  any  means  of  knowing.] 

Rev.  D.  W.  Anderson's  ministry  in  Detroit  was  a  success  both 
in  and  out  of  the  pulpit,  both  among  his  parishioners  and  among 
those  of  the  world. 

His  wife  was  in  every  sense  a  pastor's  wife.  She  bore  for  him 
the  largest  sympathy  in  his  work ;  and  cheered  him  with  her 
prayers  and  presence  in  every  good  cause.  She  was  intelligent 
and  pious,  loved  by  the  church,  honored  by  society.  She  found 
pleasure  in  visiting  the  sick,  helping  the  poor,  comforting  the 
sorrowful,  and  in  instructing  the  erring  in  ways  of  peace. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  compute  the  value  of  a  pastor's  wife 
who  appreciates  the  work  of  saving  souls.  If  she  is  a  good 
woman  her  influence  is  unbounded.  Every  person  loves  her, 
every  person  looks  up  to  her.  There  are  so  many  little  things 
that  she  can  do,  if  not  beyond  the  province  of  the  pastor,  often 
out  of  range  of  his  influence.  Mrs.  Anderson  was  all  that  could 
be  hoped  as  a  pastor's  wife.  She  was  of  medium  size,  in  com 
plexion  light,  rather  reserved  in  her  manners,  affable  in  address, 
very  sensitive  in  her  physical  and  mental  constitution.  Much  of 
Anderson's  service  in  Detroit  must  go  to  the  account  of  his 
sainted  wife.  And  it  may  not  be  irrelevant  to  remark  that  every 
minister  of  Christ's  influence  and  success  is  perceptibly  modi 
fied  by  his  wife — much  depends  upon  her ! 

Eighteen  years  of  happy  wedded  life  had  passed.  It  was  the 
autumn  of  1860.  Mrs.  Anderson's  health  was  failing.  Her 
presence  was  missed  from  the  church,  from  society,  and  at  last 
on  the  23d  of  October,  1860,  she  died. 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  497 

On  the  1 8th  of  March,  1861,  he  married  again,  Mrs.  Eliza 
Julia  Shad,  of  Chatham,  Canada.  He  turned  his  attention  to 
farming  for  a  while,  in  order  to  regain  his  health. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  he  went  South  and  taught  in  a  theo 
logical  institution  at  Nashville.  Soon  after  he  began  his  work 
here  he  received  and  accepted  a  call  from  the  igth  Street  Baptist 
Church  of  Washington,  D.  C.  Washington  was  in  a  vile  condi 
tion  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Its  streets  were  mud  holes;  its 
inhabitants  crowded  and  jammed  by  the  troops  and  curious 
Negroes  from  the  plantations.  Society  was  in  a  critical  condi 
tion.  There  was  great  need  of  a  leader  for  the  Colored  people. 
D.  W.  Anderson  was  that  man.  He  entered  upon  his  work  with 
zeal  and  intelligence.  He  carried  into  the  pulpit  rare  abilities, 
and  into  the  parish  work  a  genial,  kindly  nature  which  early 
gave  him  a  place  in  the  affections  and  confidence  of  his  flock. 

As  a  preacher  he  was  a  marvel.  He  generally  selected  his 
text  early  in  the  week.  He  studied  its  exegesis,  made  the  plan 
of  the  sermon,  and  then  began  to  choose  his  illustrations  and  fill 
in.  On  Sunday  he  would  rise  in  his  pulpit,  a  man  six  feet  two 
and  a  half  inches,  and  in  a  rich,  clear,  deliberate  voice  commence 
an  extemporaneous  discourse.  His  presence  was  majestic. 
With  a  massive  head,  much  like  that  of  John  Adams,  a  strong 
brown  eye  that  flashed  as  he  moved  on  in  his  discourse,  a  voice 
sweet  and  well  modulated,  but  at  times  rising  to  tones  of  thun 
der,  graceful,  ornate,  forcible,  and  dramatic,  he  was  the  peer  of 
any  clergyman  in  Washington,  and  of  Negroes  there  were  none 
his  equal. 

He  showed  himself  a  power  in  the  social  life  of  his  people  by 
being  himself  a  living  epistle.  He  encouraged  the  young,  and 
set  every  one  who  knew  him  an  example  of  fidelity  and  effi 
ciency  in  the  smaller  matters  of  life. 

His  early  experiences  were  now  in  demand.  The  entire 
community  recognized  in  him  the  elements  of  magnificent 
leadership.  He  was  in  great  demand  in  every  direction.  He 
was  elected  a  Trustee  of  the  Howard  University,  of  the  Freed- 
man's  Saving  Bank  and  Trust  Company,  Commissioner  of  Wash 
ington  Asylum,  Sept.  3d,  1871,  and  Justice  of  the  Peace,  8th  of 
April,  1869,  and  9th  of  April,  1872.  The  vast  amount  of  work 
he  did  on  the  outside  did  not  impair  his  usefulness  as  a  pastor  or 
his  faithfulness  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel.  On  the  contrary  he 
gathered  ammunition  and  experience  from  every  direction.  He 


498    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

made  every  thing  help  him  in  his  preparation  for  the  pulpit. 
His  deep  spiritual  life,  his  nearness  to  the  Master  gave  him 
power  with  men.  No  winter  passed  without  a  revival  of  grace 
and  the  conversion  of  scores  of  sinners.  Thus  the  work  con 
tinued  until  the  house  was  both  too  small  and  unsafe.  Plans 
were  drawn  and  steps  taken  to  build  a  new  church  edifice. 

On  the  first  Sunday  in  March,  1871,  the  old  house  of  worship, 
on  the  corner  of  Nineteenth  and  I  streets  was  abandoned,  and 
the  congregation  went  to  worship  in  the  Stevens  School  build 
ing.  The  corner-stone  of  the  new  building  was  laid  on  the  5th 
of  April, -1871,  and  the  new  edifice  dedicated  on  the  igth  of 
November,  1871,  five  months  after  the  work  had  begun.  The 
dedicatory  exercises  were  as  follows: 

At  eleven  o'clock  precisely,  Rev.  D.  W.  Anderson,  pastor  in 
charge,  announced  that  the  hour  for  the  religious  exercises  to 
commence  had  arrived,  and  he  took  pleasure  in  introducing  his 
predecessor,  Rev.  Samuel  W.  Madden,  of  Alexandria,  Va.,  who 
gave  out  the  934th  hymn,  which  was  sung  with  considerable 
fervor  and  spirit,  the  entire  congregation  rising  and  participating; 
after  which,  Rev.  Jas.  A.  Handy,  read  from  the  6th  chapter,  2d 
Chronicles,  and  also  addressed  the  throne  of  grace. 

"  Lift  up  your  heads,  ye  eternal  gates"  was  admirably  rendered 
by  the  choir,  when  the  following  letter  was  read  from  the  Presi 
dent : 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,        j 
"WASHINGTON,  Nov.  18,  1871.  ) 

"To  Rev.  D.  W.  ANDERSON,  No.  1971  I  Street, 

"  SIR  :  The  President  directs  me  to  say  that  your  note  of  the  8th 
inst.,  inviting  him  to  be  present  at  the  dedication  of  your  church,  .was 
mislaid  during  his  absence  from  the  city,  and  was  not  brought  to  his 
notice  till  to-day.  He  regrets  that  his  engagements  will  not  admit  of 
his  attendance  at  the  time  you  mention.  He  congratulates  your  con 
gregation  upon  the  completion  of  so  handsome  a  place  of  worship,  and 
hopes  that  its  dedication  may  prove  an  occasion  of  deep  interest  to  all 
who  share  in  a  desire  to  promote  the  spread  of  the  Christian  religion. 
"  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  HORACE  PORTER,  Secretary." 

Rev.  Henry  Williams,  of  Petersburg,  Va.,  who  was  announced 
to  preach  the  dedicatory  sermon,  selected  the  following  words: 
"And  he  was  afraid, and  said  :  How  dreadful  is  this  place!  this  is 
none  other  but  the  house  of  God,  and  this  is  the  gate  of  heaven." 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  499 

Prominent  among  those  present  who  had  been  invited  by 
Rev.  Mr.  Anderson,  were  His  Excellency  Governor  H.  D.  Cooke, 
Hon.  N.  P.  Chipman,  Delegate  to  Congress ;  A.  L.  Sturtevant, 
Esq.,  Chief  of  Stationery  Bureau,  Treasury  Department ;  Ed. 
Young,  Esq.,  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Statistics ;  Hon.  A.  K.  Browne, 
Col.  Wm.  A.  Cook,  Dr.  A.  T.  Augusta,  and  Wm.  H.  Thompson, 
Esq.,  of  Philadelphia.  While,  seated  around  the  altar,  were  Rev. 
Leonard  A.  Grimes,  of  Boston  ;  Rev.  Samuel.  W  Madden,  of  Alex 
andria,  Va.;  Rev.  Geo.  W.  Goins,  of  Philadelphia;  Rev.  Jas.  A. 
Handy,  Washington  ;  and  Rev.  Wm.  Troy,  Richmond,  Va.  At 
three  o'clock,  Rev.  Leonard  A.  Grimes  officiated  and  delivered 
an  eloquent  sermon. 

A  work  of  grace  followed  the  dedication  of  the  church ;  and 
from  month  to  month  souls  were  converted.  On  the  2ist  of  Janu 
ary,  1873,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  a  Baptist  minister  resid 
ing  in  Chicago : 

"1921 1  Street, WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  Jan. 21,1873. 
"REV.  R.  DEBAPTIST: 

"  DEAR  BROTHER  :  I  write  to  inform  you  of  a  wonderful  outpouring 
of  the  Spirit  of  God  in  the  ipth  Street  Baptist  Church  of  which  I 
am  pastor.  Without  any  especial  effort,  up  to  the  last  few  days,  there 
have  been  one  to  five  converted  every  month,  for  the  past  seven  years, 
in  the  congregation.  This  led  too  many  to  think  that  that  was  enough. 
At  our  watch-meeting  I  asked  how  many  there  were  who  would  come 
to  the  front  pews  and  kneel  before  God  as  a  token  to  Christians  to  pray 
for  them,  and  ten  came.  We  had  no  other  meeting  until  my  weekly 
lecture,  the  first  Thursday  night  in  January  after  it.  I  saw  a  great  feel 
ing  and  called  again  ;  and  there  came  twenty-two.  The  brethren  and 
sisters  decided  to  hold  meeting  the  next  night,  and  there  came  thirty- 
two  who  were  converted.  Now,  at  this  date,  Monday  night,  2oth,  there 
came  forward  '  ninety-seven  '  ;  and  there  were  over  a  hundred  on  their 
knees  praying.  Twenty-two  found  peace  in  believing  last  night. 

"  We  are  all  well.     Pray  for  us.     Write  soon. 

"  Yours  ever, 

"  D.  W.  ANDERSON." 

He  was  taken  sick  on  the  7th  of  February,  1873,  and  after  a 
painful  illness  of  eleven  days,  he  fell  asleep  on  the  I7th  of  Feb 
ruary,  full  of  years  and  honors,  and  was  gathered  to  the  fathers. 
On  the  Monday  evening,  just  before  he  died,  he  told  his  wife, 
daughter,  and  a  small  company  of  friends  who  surrounded  his 
death-bed :  "  It  's  all  well,"  and  then,  at  7:30  P.M.,  quietly  "  fell 
on  sleep." 


500    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  news  of  his  death  cast  gloom  into  thousands  of  hearts, 
and  evoked  eulogies  and  letters  of  condolence  never  before  be 
stowed  upon  a  Negro.  His  death  was  to  the  members  of  his 
church  in  the  nature  of  a  personal  bereavement.  The  various 
interests  to  which  he  had  loaned  the  enlightening  influence  of  his 
judgment  and  the  beneficence  of  his  presence  mourned  his  loss, 
and  expressed  their  grief  in  appropriate  resolutions.  His  life 
and  character  formed  a  fitting  theme  for  the  leading  pulpits ;  and 
the  Baptist  denomination,  the  Negro  race,  and  the  nation  sin 
cerely  mourned  the  loss  of  a  great  preacher,  an  able  leader,  and 
a  pure  patriot. 

At  the  request  of  many  people  of  both  races  and  political 
parties,  his  body  was  placed  in  state  in  the  church  for  twenty- 
four  hours,  and  thousands  of  people,  rich  and  poor,  black  and 
white,  sorrowfully  gazed  upon  the  face  of  the  illustrious  dead. 
The  funeral  services  were  held  on  the  2Oth  of  February,  and  his 
obsequies  were  the  largest  Washington  had  ever  seen,  except 
those  of  the  late  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  church  was  crowded 
to  suffocation,  and  the  streets  for  many  squares  were  filled  with 
solemn  mourners.  Thus  a  great  man  had  fallen.  The  officers  of 
the  Freedman's  Bank  passed  the  following  resolutions,  which 
were  forwarded  with  the  accompanying  letter  from  the  president : 

"  OFFICE  OF  THE  FREEDMAN'S  SAVINGS  AND  TRUST  ) 
"COMPANY,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Feb.  2oth,  1873.    ) 

"At  a  meeting  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  Freedman's  Savings 
and  Trust  Company,  held  this  date,  the  following  resolutions  were 
adopted  : 

"ist.  Resolved,  That  in  the  death  of  the  Rev.  D.W.Anderson, 
Trustee  and  Vice-President  of  this  Company,  we  sustain  the  loss  of  a 
most  excellent  Christian  man,  and  an  officer  of  highest  integrity.  In 
all  his  relations  to  us  he  was  an  endeared  associate,  and  an  honored,  in 
telligent,  co-worker  :  ever  firm  in  purpose  and  faithful  to  those  for 
whom  he  labored.  Our  long  intercourse  with  him  impressed  us  with 
the  increasing  value  of  his  services  to  the  church  of  which  he  was  pas 
tor,  and  to  this  institution. 

"  We  also  hereby  express  our  sincere  sympathy  with  his  immediate 
friends,  and  especially  his  afflicted  family. 

"  2d.  Resolved,  That,  as  an  added  expression  of  our  esteem,  this 
Board  will  attend  and  take  part  in  his  funeral  services,  as  a  body. 

"  3d.  Resolved,  That  these  resolutions  be  spread  upon  our  Records^ 
and  that  a  copy  of  the  same  be  transmitted  to  his  family." 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  501 

"  PRINCIPAL  OFFICE, 
"  FREEDMAN'S  SAVINGS  AND  TRUST  COMPANY, 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Feb.  21,  '73. 
"To  Mrs.  D.  W.  ANDERSON. 

"  My  Dear  Sister :  Allow  me   to   transmit  to  you  the  enclosed  copy 
of  resolutions  passed  by  the   Board  of  Trustees  of  the  F.  S.  and  T. 
Comp.,  with  the  sincerest  assurances  of  my  personal  sympathy. 
"  Very  respectfully,  yours,  etc., 

"  I.  W.  ALVORD,  President." 

The  Board  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Washington  Asylum 
passed  the  following  resolutions  of  condolence : 

"  WHEREAS,  it  'has  pleased  Divine  Providence  to  remove  from  this 
life  the  Rev.  D.  W.  Anderson,  late  President  of  this  Board  :  therefore, 

"  Be  it  resolved,  That  in  his  death  we  have  lost  an  honorable  and 
faithful  associate,  a  genial  and  kind-hearted  friend,  whom  we  delighted 
to  honor  and  respect  for  his  many  virtues  and  sterling  worth.  In  him 
the  poor  have  lost  a  sympathizing  friend  ;  the  criminal  an  even  dis 
penser  of  Justice,  and  the  Government  one  of  its  most  efficient  officers. 

"Resolved,  That  we  tender  our  most  sincere  sympathy  to  his  be 
reaved  family,  and  condole  with  them  in  this  sad  dispensation  of  Divine 
Providence. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  resolutions  be  entered  upon  the  Journal  of 
proceedings  of  this  Board,  and  a  copy  sent  to  the  family  of  the  lamented 
deceased. 

"  A.  B.  BOHRER, 

"  Sec.  B.  C.  W.  Asylum. 
"  Mrs.  D.  W.  ANDERSON, 
"  Present." 

The  Young  People's  Christian  Association,  which  he  had 
founded,  have  spread  the  following  resolutions  of  respect  upon, 
their  minutes: 

"  Whereas,  It  has  pleased  the  Supreme  Ruler  and  Architect  of 
the  Universe  to  remove  from  our  Association  our  beloved  and  esti 
mable  brother  and  Corresponding  Secretary  D.  W.  Anderson,  whose 
Christian  life  was  a  beacon  light,  for  all  associated  with  him  to  follow, 
being  humble,  patient,  forbearing,  and  forgiving,  Therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That  in  his  death  we  have  lost  an  humble  and  true 
Christian,  possessing  the  same  prominent  characteristics  which  distin 
guished  the  Saviour  of  Mankind,  doing  good  whenever  he  believed  he 
was  serving  his  Heavenly  Master,  administering  to  the  poor,  feeding 
the  hungry,  clothing  the  naked,  binding  up  the  wounds  of  those  of- 


502    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

fended,  and  laboring  zealously  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  but  while  we 
feel  the  severe  stroke  of  death  that  has  stricken  down  one  of  our  best 
members,  we  bow  humbly  to  the  will  of  Divine  Providence,  *  who  doeth 
all  things  well,'  believing  that  He  has  summoned  our  brother  to  dwell 
with  Him  in  peace  and  happiness  and  to  join  the  Army  that  is  continu 
ally  singing  praises  to  Him  who  rules  both  the  Heavens  and  the  earth, 
so  we  cheerfully  bow  and  acknowledge  that  our  loss  is  his  eternal  gain. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  tender  to  his  bereaved  family  our  sincere  and 
Christian  sympathy  in  this  their  hour  of  bereavement,  and  pray  that  He 
who  has  promised  to  be  a  Husband  to  the  Widow,  and  a  Father  to  the 
Fatherless,  may  keep  and  protect  them. 

"  Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  engrossed  and  sent 
to  the  family  of  our  deceased  brother,  and  that  the  same  be  entered 
upon  the  records  of  the  Association." 

And  the  church  testified  their  love  and  sorrow  in  the  following 
beautiful  resolves : 

"  BAPTIST  CHURCH, 

"  CORNER  of  ipTH  &  I  STREETS, 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Feb.  28,  1873. 

"  Whereas,  It  has  pleased  the  Almighty  God,  the  Supreme  Ruler  of 
the  universe  to  remove  from  us  our  much  esteemed  and  beloved  Pastor, 
"  REVEREND  D.  W.  ANDERSON, 
"  therefore,  be  it, 

"  Resolved,  That  we  deeply  deplore  and  lament  the  loss  of  so  great 
and  noble  a  pioneer  in  the  cause  of  Christ,  one  who,  like  Christ,  al 
though  scorned,  traduced  and  ill-treated  by  enemies,  went  forward  and 
labored  in  and  out  of  his  church  for  the  promotion  of  the  work  of  his 
Father  in  Heaven. 

"  Resolved,  that  as  a  Church  we  feel  the  severe  stroke  that  has  sum 
moned  from  us  our  dearly  beloved  Pastor  ;  but  knowing  that  our  loss  is 
his  eternal  gain,  we  cheerfully  submit  to  the  will  and  order  of  that  God 
who  does  all  things  well,  that  God  who  controls  the  destinies  of  nations, 
kingdoms,  and  empires,  that  God  who  '  moves  in  mysterious  ways  his 
wonders  to  perform/ 

"  Resolved,  That  we  will  endeavor  by  the  assistance  of  our  heavenly 
Master  to  live  up  to  the  teachings  and  examples  set  by  our  shepherd, 
thereby  believing  that  when  we  are  summoned  to  appear  at  the  bar  of 
God  we  will  meet  our  Pastor  in  that  grand  Church  above  where  *  sick 
ness,  pain,  sorrow,  or  death  is  feared  and  felt  no  more,'  'where  congre 
gations  ne'er  break  up,  and  Sabbath  hath  no  end,'  where  'we  will  sing 
hosannas  to  our  heavenly  King,  where  we  will  meet  to  part  no  more  for 
ever.' 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  503 

"Resolved,  That  we,  the  Church,  extend  to  the  bereaved  family  our 
heartfelt  sympathies,  and  that  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  sent  to 
them,  and  also  entered  on  the  Church  journal. 

"  LINDSEY  MUSE,  Moderator. 
"  DAVID  WARNER,  Clerk." 

The  Mite  Society  of  his  church  erected  a  monument  to  his 
memory  in  Harmony  Cemetery,  bearing  the  following  inscriptions: 

"The  Christian  Mite  Society  of  the  ipth  Street  Baptist  Church  ren 
der  this  tribute  to  the  memory  of  their  beloved  pastor.  We  shall  go  to 
him,  but  he  shall  not  return  to  us. 

"  Rev.  D.  W.  ANDERSON, 

"Born  April  loth,  1812.  Died  Feb.  lyth,  1873. 

' '  I  have  finished  the  work  which  thou  gavest  me  to  do.' 

"He  was  ordained  in  1844,  and  after  a  ministry  of  21  years  settled 
with  the  i pth  Street  Baptist  Church  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  where  he 
fell  asleep  in  the  midst  of  a  great  revival. 

"  For  the  cause  of  education,  the  welfare  of  the  poor,  the  promotion 
of  humanity,  liberty,  and  the  conversion  of  the  world. 

"  He  labored  faithfully  until  the  Master  called  him  hence." 

This  beautiful  life  was  studded  with  the  noblest  virtues. 
From  obscurity  and  poverty  Duke  William  Anderson  had  risen 
to  fame  and  honors ;  and  having  spent  a  useful  life,  died  in  the 
midst  of  a  great  revival  in  the  capital  of  the  nation,  holding  more 
positions  of  trust  than  any  other  man,  white  or  black  ;  died  with 
harness  on,  and  left  a  name  whose  lustre  will  survive  the  cor 
roding  touch  of  time. 

The  Rev.  James  Poindexter,  of  Columbus,  Ohio,  and  the 
Rev.  Wallace  Shelton,  of  Cincinnati,  are  now  and  have  been  for 
years  the  foremost  Baptist  ministers  of  Ohio.  Both  men  came 
to  Ohio  more  than  a  generation  ago,  and  have  proven  themselves 
able  ministers  of  Christ. 

But  of  New  England  Baptist  ministers  Leonard  Andrew 
Grimes  is  of  most  blessed  memory. 

It  was  some  time  during  the  year  1840,  when  disputings  arose 
— about  what  is  not  known — within  the  membership  of  what  was 
known  as  the  "  First  Independent  Baptist  Church,"  of  Boston, 
Mass.,  which  resulted  in  the  drawing  out  from  the  same  of  about 
forty  members.  This  party  was  led  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Black,  who 
had  been,  for  some  time,  pastor  of  the  church  he  now  left.  They 


504    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

secured  a  place  of  worship  in  Smith  Court,  off  of  Joy  Street, 
where  they  continued  for  a  considerable  space  of  time.  It  was 
not  long,  however,  after  they  began  to  worship  i'n  their  new 
home,  before  their  highly  esteemed  and  venerable  leader  was 
stricken  down  with  disease,  from  which  he  subsequently  died. 

This  little  band  was  now  without  a  leader,  and  was,  conse 
quently,  speedily  rent  by  a  schism  within  its  own  circle.  But  in 
the  nucleus  that  finally  became  the  Twelfth  Baptist  Church, 
there  were  faithful  men  and  women  who  believed  in  the  integrity 
of  their  cause,  and,  therefore,  stood  firm.  They  believed  that 
"  He  who  was  for  them  was  greater  than  all  they  who  were 
against  them."  Though  few  in  number,  they  felt  that  "one  shall 
chase  a  thousand,  and  two  shall  put  ten  thousand  to  flight,"  was 
a  very  pertinent  passage  when  applied  to  themselves.  And 
those  who  have  been  blessed  to  see  that  little  "  company  of 
believers "  grow  to  be  an  exceedingly  large  and  prosperous 
church  of  Christ  must  be  persuaded  that  God  alone  gave  "  the 
increase." 

For  a  long  time  this  little  company  struggled  on  without  a 
leader.  They  were  called  upon  to  walk  through  many  discour 
aging  scenes,  and  to  humble  themselves  under  the  remorseless 
hand  of  poverty.  Unable  to  secure,  permanently,  the  services 
of  a  clergyman,  they  were  driven  to  the  necessity  of  obtaining 
whomsoever  they  could  when  the  Sabbath  came.  And  what  a 
blessed  thing  it  was  for  them  that  they  were  placed  under  the 
severe  discipline  of  want !  It  taught  them  humility  and  faith — 
lessons  often  so  hard  to  acquire.  They  bore  their  trials  hero 
ically,  and  esteemed  it  great  joy  to  be  counted  worthy  to  suffer 
for  Christ.  When  one  Sabbath  was  ended  they  knew  not  whom 
the  Lord  would  send  the  next ;  and  yet  they  never  suffered  for 
the  "  Word  of  God."  For  He  who  careth  for  the  lilies  of  the 
field,  and  bears  up  the  falling  sparrow,  fed  them  with  the 
"  bread  of  life,"  and  gave  them  to  drink  of  the  waters  of  salva, 
tion.  "  Unto  the  poor  the  Gospel  was  preached." 

After  a  few  years  of  pain  and  waiting,  after  the  watching  and 
praying,  the  hoping  and  fearing,  God  seemed  pleased  to  hear  the 
prayers  of  this  lonely  band,  and  gave  them  a  leader.  It  was 
whispered  in  the  community  that  a  very  intelligent  and  useful 
man,  by  the  name  of  "  Grimes,"  of  New  Bedford,  could  be  re 
tained  as  their  leader.  After  some  deliberation  upon  the  matter, 
they  chose  one  of  their  number  to  pay  a  visit  to  "  Brother  Leonard 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  505 

A.  Grimes,  of  New  Bedford,"  and  on  behalf  of  the  company 
worshipping  in  "  an  upper  room,"  on  Belknap  Street — now  Joy 
Street — Boston,  extended  him  an  invitation  to  come  and  spend 
a  Sabbath  with  them.  In  accordance  with  their  request  he  paid 
them  a  visit.  Impressed  with  the  dignity  of  his  bearing,  and 
the  earnestness  of  his  manner,  the  company  was  unanimous  in  an 
invitation,  inviting  "  the  young  preacher  "  to  return  and  remain 
with  them  for  "  three  months." 

The  invitation  was  accepted  with  alacrity,  and  the  work  be 
gun  with  a  zeal  worthy  of  the  subsequent  life  of  "  the  beloved 
pastor  of  the  Twelfth  Baptist  Church."  Brother  L.  A.  Grimes  had 
been  driven  North  on  account  of  his  friendly  and  humane  rela 
tions  to  the  oppressed.  He  had  been  incarcerated  by  the  laws 
of  slave-holding  Virginia,  for  wresting  from  her  hand,  and  pilot 
ing  into  the  land  of  freedom,  those  whom  slavery  had  marked  as 
her  children — or,  rather,  her  "goods"  A  soul  like'  his  was  too 
grand  to  live  in  such  an  atmosphere.  In  keeping  the  golden 
rule,  he  had  insulted  the  laws  of  the  institution  under  whose 
merciless  sway  thousands  of  human  beings  were  groaning.  He 
would  live  no  longer  where  his  convictions  of  duty  were  to  be 
subordinated  to,  and  palliated  by,  the  penurious  and  cruel  teach 
ing  of  the  slave  institution.  So,  after  having  been  robbed  of  his 
property,  he  left,  in  company  with  his  family,  for  the  fair  shores 
of  New  England.  He  had  sought  no  distinction,  but  had  settled 
down  to  a  quiet  life  in  New  Bedford.  But  a  man  of  his  worth 
could  not  stay  in  the  quiet  walks  of  life  ;  he  was  born  to  lead, 
and  heard  God  call  him  to  the  work  his  soul  loved. 

His  quiet,  unpretentious  ministry  of  "  three  months  "  shadowed 
forth  the  loving,  gentle,  yet  vigorous  and  successful  ministry  of  a 
quarter  of  a  century ;  a  ministry  so  like  the  Master's,  not  con 
fined  to  sect  or  nationality,  limited  only  by  the  wants  of  human 
ity  and  the  great  heart-love  that  went  gushing  out  to  friend  and 
foe.  Those  who  were  so  happy  as  to  sit  under  his  ministry  for 
the  "  three  months  "  were  quite  unwilling  to  be  separated  from 
one  whose  ministry  had  so  greatly  comforted  and  built  them  up. 
In  the  young  preacher  they  had  found  a  leader  of  excellent  judg 
ment,  a  pastor  of  tender  sympathies,  and  a  father  who  loved 
them  with  all  the  strength  of  true  manly  affection,  How  could 
they  retain  him?  They  were  poor.  How  could  they  release  him? 
They  loved  him.  After  much  prayer  and  pleading,  Brother  Grimes 
was  secured  as  their  leader,  with  a  salary  at  the  rate  of  $100  per 


506    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

annum.  He  returned  to  New  Bedford  and  moved  his  family  to 
Boston.  His  salary  barely  paid  his  rent;  but  by  working  with 
his  hands,  as  Paul  did,  and  through  the  industry  of  his  wife,  he 
was  enabled  to  get  along. 

During  all  this  time  this  little  company  of  believers  was  with 
out  "  church  organization."  At  length  a  council  was  called  and 
their  prayer  for  organization  presented.  After  the  procedure 
common  to  such  councils,  it  was  voted  that  this  company  of 
Christian  men  and  women  be  organized  as  the  "  Twelfth  Baptist 
Church."  The  church  consisted  of  twenty-three  members. 

On  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  November,  1848,  occurred  the 
services  of  the  recognition  of  the  church,  and  the  ordination  of 
Rev.  L.  A.  Grimes  as  its  pastor.  The  order  of  exercises  was  as 
follows : 

Reading  of  Scriptures  and  prayer,  by  the  Rev.  Edmund 
Kelley ;  sermon,  by  the  Rev.  J.  Banvard,  subject :  "  The  way  of 
salvation,"  from  Acts  xvi,  17:  "  The  same  followed  Paul  and  us, 
and  cried,  saying,  These  men  are  the  servants  of  the  most  high 
God,  which  show  unto  us  the  way  of  salvation  "  ;  hand  of  fellow 
ship  to  the  church,  by  the  Rev.  T.  F.  Caldicott ;  prayer  of  recog 
nition  and  ordination,  by  the  Rev.  John  Blain ;  charge  to  the 
candidate,  by  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Colver  ;  address  to  the  church,, 
by  the  Rev.  Rollin  H.  Neale ;  concluding  prayer,  by  the  Rev. 
Sereno  Howe ;  benediction,  by  the  pastor,  Rev.  Leonard  A^ 
Grimes. 

The  exercises  were  of  a  very  pleasant  nature,  and  of  great 
interest  to  the  humble  little  church  that  assembled  to  enjoy 
them.  It  was-an  occasion  of  no  small  moment  that  published  tt> 
the  world  the  "Twelfth  Baptist  Church,"  and  sent  upon  a  mission 
of  love  and  mercy,  Leonard  Andrew  Grimes !  It  was  an  occasion 
that  has  brought  great  strength  to  the  Colored  people  of  Boston, 
yea,  of  the  country!  It  was  the  opening  of  a  door;  it  was  the 
loosening  of  chains,  the  beginning  of  a  ministry  that  was  ta 
stretch  over  a  period  of  twenty-five  years,  carrying  peace  and 
blessing  to  men  in  every  station.  And  may  we  not,  with  pro 
priety,  halt  upon  the  threshold  of  our  gratitude,  and  thank 
that  wise  Being  who  gave  him,  a  blessing  to  the  church  a  friend 
to  humanity  ? 

Happy,  thrice  happy,  was  the  little  church  that  had  wedded 
itself  for  life  to  one  who  had  laid  himself  upon  the  altar  of  their 
common  cause.  These  relations  and  manifold  responsibilities 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  507 

were  not  hastily  or  rashly  assumed.  The  little  church  felt  keenly 
its  poverty  and  weakness,  while  its  new  pastor  knew  that  the 
road  to  prosperity  lay  through  fields  of  toil  and  up  heights  of 
difficulty.  Before  him  was  no  dark  future,  for  the  light  of  an 
extraordinary  faith  scattered  the  darkness  as  he  advanced  to 
duty.  What  man  of  intelligence,  without  capital  or  social  influ 
ence,  would  have  undertaken  so  discouraging  a  project  as  that  to 
Leonard  A.  Grimes  unconditionally  brought  the  sanctified 
of  a  loving  heart  ?  To  him  it  was  purely  a  matter  of  duty, 
it  was  this  thought  that  urged  him  on  with  his  almost  super- 
.human  burdens. 

But  to  return  to  the  "  upper  chamber,"  and  take  one  more 
look  at  the  happy  little  church.  It  was  not  the  pastor's  object  to 
begin  at  once  to  perfect  plans  to  secure  a  place  more  desirable  to 
worship  in  than  their  present  little  room.  His  heart  longed  for 
that  enlargement  of  soul  secured  by  a  nearness  to  the  divine 
Master.  His  heart  yearned  after  those  who  were  enemies  to  the 
"cross  of  Christ."  His  first  prayer  was:  "O  Lord,  revive  thy 
work !  "  and  it  was  not  offered  in  vain.  A  season  of  prayer  was 
instituted  for  the  outpouring  of  the  Spirit.  The  pastor  led  the 
way  to  the  throne  of  grace  in  a  fervent  and  all-embracing  prayer. 
A  spirit  of  prayer  fell  upon  his  people.  Every  heart  trembled  in 
tenderest  sympathy  for  those  who  were  strangers  to  the  "  cove 
nant  of  mercy  "  ;  every  eye  was  dampened  with  tears  of  gratitude 
and  love ;  every  tongue  was  ready  to  exclaim  with  Watts  : — 

"  'T  was  the  same  lo.ve  that  spread  the  feast, 

That  sweetly  forced  us  in  ; 
Else  we  had  still  refused  to  taste, 
And  perished  in  our  sin.'* 

The  church  had  reached  that  point  in  feeling  where  the  bless 
ing  is  sure.  They  heard  the  coming  of  the  chariot,  and  felt  the 
saving  power  of  the  Lord  in  their  midst.  It  was  a  glorious  re 
vival.  There  were  more  converted  than  there  were  members  in 
the  church.  Oh,  what  joy,  what  peace,  what  comfort  in  the 
Holy  Ghost  was  there  in  that  "  upper  chamber  "  !  What  tongue 
or  pen  can  describe  the  scene  in  that  room  when  over  thirty 
souls  were  gathered  into  the  fold !  A  pastor's  first  revival ! 
What  rejoicing  !  The  gathering  of  his  first  children  in  the  Lord  ! 
Ask  Paul  what  conscious  pride  he  took  in  those  who  were  his 
"  epistles,"  his  "  fruit  in  the  Gospel,"  his  "  children  "  in  Christ 


508    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Jesus.  It  lifted  Brother  Grimes  up  to  the  heights  of  Pisgah  in  his 
rejoicing,  and  laid  him  low  at  the  cross  in  his  humility.  "  The 
Lord  had  done  great  things  for  him,  whereof  he  was  glad  "  ; 
And  they  "  did  eat  their  meat  with  gladness  and  singleness  of 
heart,  praising  God,  and  having  favor  with  all  the  people.  And 
the  Lord  added  to  the  church  daily  such  as  should  be  saved." 

The  rooms  in  which  they  began  now  proved  too  small  for 
their  rapidly  increasing  membership.  They  agreed  to  have  a 
building  of  their  own.  It  was  now  the  latter  part  of  1848.  The 
business  eye  of  the  pastor  fell  upon  a  lot  on  Southac  Street ; 
and  in  the  early  part  of  1849  the  trustees  purchased  it.  Prepa 
rations  for  building  were  at  once  begun.  It  seemed  a  large  un 
dertaking  for  a  body  of  Christians  so  humble  in  circumstances, 
so  weak  in  numbers.  But  faith  and  works  were  the  genii  that 
turned  the  tide  of  prosperity  in  their  favor.  They  decided  that 
the  ground  and  edifice  should  not  exceed  in  cost  the  sum  of 
$10,000.  The  society  proposed  to  raise  two  or  three  thousand 
within  its  own  membership  ;  three  thousand  by  loan,  and  solicit 
the  remainder  from  the  Christian  public.  Previous  to  this  period 
the  public  knew  little  or  nothing  of  this  society.  Brother  Grimes 
had  come  to  Boston  almost  an  entire  stranger,  and  had  now  to 
undertake  the  severe  task  of  presenting  the  interests  of  a  society 
so  obscure  and  of  so  recent  date.  But  he  believed  in  his  cause, 
and  knew  that  success  would  come.  He  had  known  Dr.  Neale 
in  Washington  City,  during  his  early  ministry  ;  they  were  boys 
together.  They  met.  It  was  a  pleasant  meeting.  The  Rev.  Mr. 
Neale  vouched  for  him  before  the  public.  It  was  not  particularly 
necessary,  for  Brother  Grimes  carried  a  recommendation  in  his 
face :  it  was  written  all  over  with  veracity  and  benevolence. 

Joyfully  and  successfully  he  hurried  on  his  mission.  He 
made  friends  of  the  enemies  of  evangelical  religion,  and  gathered 
a  host  of  admirers  around  him.  The  public  saw  in  him  not  only 
the  zealous  pastor  of  an  humble  little  church,  but  the  true  friend 
of  humanity.  The  public  ear  was  secured  ;  his  prayer  was  an 
swered  in  the  munificent  gifts  that  came  in  from  every  direction. 
Every  person  seemed  anxious  to  contribute  something  to  this 
noble  object. 

It  was  a  beautiful  morning !  The  sun  never  shone  brighter, 
nor  the  air  smelled  sweeter  or  purer  than  on  that  memorable  first 
day  of  August,  1850  The  first  persons  to  usher  themselves  into 
the  street  that  morning  were  the  happy  members  of  the  "Twelfth 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  509 

Baptist  Church."  Every  face  told  of  the  inward  joy  and  peace 
of  thankful  hearts.  Those  who  had  toiled  long  through  the  days 
of  the  church's  "  small  things,"  felt  that  their  long-cherished 
hopes  were  beginning  to  bud. 

Long  before  the  appointed  hour  the  members  and  friends  of 
the  church  began  to  gather  to  participate  in  the  "  laying  of  the 
corner-stone  of  the  Twelfth  Baptist  Church."  It  was  a  sweet, 
solemn  occasion. 

"  Rev.  Drs.  Sharp,  Neale  and  Colver,  together  with  the  pastor 
of  the  church,  officiated  on  the  occasion.  The  usual  documents 
were  deposited  with  the  stone,  and  the  customary  proceedings 
gone  through  with,  in  a  solemn  and  impressive  manner." 

The  occasion  lent  an  enthusiasm  for  the  work  hitherto  un 
known.  They  were  emboldened.  The  future  looked  bright,  and 
on  every  hand  the  times  were  propitious.  Gradually  the  walls 
of  the  edifice  grew  heavenward,  and  the  building  began  to  take 
on  a  pleasing  phase.  At  length  the  walls  had  reached  their 
proper  height,  and  the  roof  crowned  all.  Their  sky  was  never 
brighter.  It  is  true  a  "  little  speck  of  cloud  "  was  seen  in  the 
distance  ;  but  they  were  as  unsuspicious  as  children.  The  cloud 
approached  gradually,  and,  as  it  approached,  took  on  its  terrible 
characteristics.  It  paused  a  while  ;  it  trembled.  Then  there  was 
a  death-like  silence  in  the  air,  and  in  a  moment  it  vomited  forth  its 
forked  lightning,  and  rolled  its  thunder  along  the  sky.  It  was 
the  explosion  of  a  Southern  shell  over  a  Northern  camp,  that 
was  lighted  by  the  torch  of  ambition  in  the  hands  of  fallen 
Webster.  It  was  the  culmination  of  slave-holding  Virginia's 
wrath.  It  was  invading  the  virgin  territory  of  liberty-loving 
Massachusetts.  It  was  hunting  the  fugitive  on  free  soil,  and 
tearing  him  from  the  very  embrace  of  sweet  freedom. 

When  the  time  came  to  enlist  Colored  soldiers,  Leonard  A. 
Grimes  was  as  untiring  in  his  vigilance  as  any  friend  of  the  Fifty- 
fourth  Regiment  of  Massachusetts  volunteers,  while  the  members 
of  his  church  were  either  joining  or  aiding  the  regiment.  So 
highly  were  the  services  of  Brother  Grimes  prized  that  the  chap 
laincy  of  the  regiment  was  not  only  tendered  him,  but  urged 
upon  him ;  but  the  multifarious  duties  of  his  calling  forbade  his 
going  with  the  regiment  he  loved  and  revered. 

The  ladies  of  his  congregation  were  busy  with  their  needles, 
thus  aiding  the  cause  of  the  Union  ;  and  no  church  threw  its 
doors  open  more  readily  to  patriotic  meetings  than  the  Twelfth 


510    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Baptist  Church.  And  during  those  dark  days  of  the  Union, 
when  all  seemed  hopeless,  when  our  armies  were  weak  and 
small,  the  prayers  of  a  faithful  pastor  and  pious  people  ascended 
day  and  night,  and  did  much  to  strengthen  the  doubting. 

The  fugitive-slave  law  and  civil  war  had  done  much  to 
weaken  the  church  financially  and  numerically.  Many  who  fled 
from  the  fugitive-slave  law  had  not  returned  ;  the  young  men 
had  entered  the  service  of  the  country,  while  many  others  were 
absent  from  the  city  under  various  circumstances.  But  notwith 
standing  all  these  facts,  God  blessed  the  church — even  in  war 
times, — and  many  were  converted. 

The  struggle  was  now  ended.  "The  Boys  in  Blue"  came 
home  in  triumph.  The  father  separated  from  child,  the  husband 
from  wife,  could  now  meet  again.  Those  who  were  driven  before 
the  wrath  of  an  impious  and  cruel  edict  could  now  return  to  the 
fold  without  fear.  What  a  happy  occasion  it  was  for  the  whole 
church  !  The  reunion  of  a  family  long  separated  ;  the  gathering 
of  dispersed  disciples.  The  occasion  brought  such  an  undistin- 
guishable  throng  of  fancies — such  joy,  such  hope,  such  blessed 
fellowship — as  no  pen  can  describe. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  Rebellion  the  church  numbered 
about  246 ;  and  at  the  close  of  the  Rebellion  it  numbered  about 
300,  notwithstanding  the  discouraging  circumstances  under  which 
she  labored.  The  revivals  that  followed  brought  many  into  the 
church,  and  the  heart  of  the  pastor  was  greatly  encouraged. 

At  first  it  was  thought  that  the  entire  cost  of  the  land  and 
building  would  not  exceed  $10,000 ;  but  the  whole  cost,  from  the 
time  they  began  to  build  until  the  close  of  the  war,  was  $14,044.09. 
In  1861  the  indebtedness  of  the  church  was  $2,967.62;  at  the 
close  of  the  war  it  was  about  $2,000. 

During  all  these  years  of  financial  struggle  the  church  had 
ever  paid  her  notes  with  promptness  and  without  difficulty. 
And  now  that  the  war  was  over,  freedom  granted  to  the  en 
slaved,  and  the  public  again  breathing  easy,  the  little  church, 
not  weary  of  well-doing,  again  began  the  work  of  removing  the 
remaining  debt.  The  public  was  sought  only  in  the  most  ex 
treme  necessity.  The  ladies  held  sewing  circles,  and  made  with 
the  needle  fancy  articles  to  be  sold  in  a  festival,  while  the  mem 
bers  of  the  church  were  contributing  articles  of  wearing  apparel, 
or  offering  their  services  at  the  sale  tables.  The  proceeds  were 
given  to  the  society  to  pay  its  debts ;  and  it  was  no  mean  gift. 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA,  511 

From  1865  to  1871  the  church  grew  rapidly.  Revivals  were  of 
frequent  occurrence  ;  and  many  from  the  South,  learning  of  the 
good  name  of  Rev.  Mr.  Grimes,  sought  his  church  when  coming 
to  Boston.  But  it  was  apparent  that  their  once  commodious 
home  was  now  too  small.  The  pastor  saw  this  need,  and  began 
to  take  the  proper  steps  to  meet  it.  It  was  at  length  decided  that 
the  church  should  undergo  repairs ;  and  the  pastor  was  armed  with 
the  proper  papers  to  carry  forward  this  work.  The  gallery  that 
was  situated  in  the  east  end  of  the  church  was  used  chiefly  by 
the  choir  and  an  instrument.  In  making  repairs  it  was  thought 
wise  to  remove  the  organ  from  the  gallery,  and  put  in  seats,  and 
thereby  accommodate  a  larger  number  of  people.  Then,  the  old 
pulpit  took  up  a  great  deal  of  room,  and  by  putting  in  a  new  pulpit 
of  less  dimensions,  more  room  could  be  secured  for  pews.  This 
was  done,  with  the  addition  of  a  baptistry,  the  lack  of  which  for 
nearly  twenty-five  years  had  driven  them,  in  all  kinds  of  weather, 
to  Charles  River.  Every  thing,  from  the  basement  up,  underwent 
repairs.  The  pews  were  painted  and  furnished  with  book-racks. 
The  floors  were  repaired,  and  covered  with  beautiful  carpet ;  while 
the  walls  and  ceilings  were  richly  clothed  'with  fresco,  by  the 
hands  of  skilful  workmen.  In  the  centre  of  the  ceiling  was  an 
excellent  ventilator,  from  which  was  suspended  a  very  unique 
chandelier,  with  twelve  beautiful  globes,  that  were  calculated  to 
dispense  their  mellow  light  upon  the  worshippers  below.  But  to 
crown  all  this  expensive  work  and  exceeding  beauty  thus  be 
stowed  upon  the  house,  was  the  beautiful  organ  that  adorned  the 
southwest  corner  of  the  church,  just  to  the  pastor's  right  when 
in  the  pulpit.  It  was  secured  for  the  sum  of  two  thousand  five 
hundred  dollars.  All  was  accomplished.  The  old  house  of  wor 
ship  was  now  entirely  refitted.  No  heart  was  happier  than  the 
pastor's  the  day  the  church  was  reopened.1  The  new  and  elegant 
organ  sent  forth  its  loud  peals  of  music  in  obedience  to  the 
masterly  touch  of  the  "  faithful  one"  who  for  more  than  twelve 
years  was  never  absent  from  her  post  of  duty,  and  whom  none 
knew  but  to  love  and  honor. 

What  supreme  satisfaction  there  is  in  the  accomplishment  of 
a  work  that  comprehends,  not  the  interests  of  an  individual,  but 
the  interests  of  the  greatest  number  of  human  beings !  The 

1  It  was  our  good  fortune  to  be  present.  We  remember  distinctly  his  happy  face, 
his  words  of  gratitude  and  thanks.  And  as  we  looked  around  every  face  wore  an  ex 
pression  of  complete  satisfaction. 


512    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

labors  of  Rev.  Mr.  Grimes  were  bestowed  upon  those  whom  he 
loved.  He  had  toiled  for  his  church  as  a  father  does  to  support 
his  family.  And  no  pastor,  perhaps,  was  ever  more  paternal  to 
his  flock  than  Leonard  A.  Grimes.  He  was  a  man  wondrously 
full  of  loving-kindness, — a  lover  of  mankind. 

It  has  been  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception,  for  a  long  time, 
for  churches  to  carry  heavy  debts ;  and  when  a  church  is  free 
from  debt,  it  certainly  furnishes  a  cause  for  great  rejoicing.  It 
was  so  with  the  Twelfth  Baptist  Church.  For  a  long  time — 
more  than  twenty  years — the  church  had  been  before  the  public 
as  an  object  of  charity.  For  more  than  twenty  years  the  people 
had  struggled  heroically  amid  all  of  the  storms  that  gathered 
around  them.  Sometimes  they  expected  to  see  "  the  red  flag " 
upon  their  house  of  worship,  but  the  flag  was  never  raised. 

The  debts  of  the  church  had  all  been  removed.  The  house 
was  absolutely  free  from  every  encumbrance  ;  the  people  owned 
their  church. 

But  the  little  church  of  twenty-three  had  become  the  large 
church  of  six  hundred.  The  once  commodious  house  was  now  too 
'small  for  the  communicants  of  the  church.  The  pastor  began  to 
look  around  for  a  place  to  build,  and  considered  the  matter  of 
enlarging  the  present  house  of  worship.  He  had  expended  the 
strength  of  his  manhood  in  the  service  of  his  church  ;  he  had 
built  one  house,  and  had  never  denied  the  public  his  service.  It 
would  seem  natural  that  a  man  whose  life  had  been  so  stormy, 
yea,  so  full  of  toil  and  care,  would  seek  in  advanced  age  the  rest 
and  quiet  so  much  desired  at  that  stage  of  life.  But  it  was  not 
so  with  Brother  Grimes.  He  was  willing  to  begin  another  life 
time  work,  and  with  all  the  freshness  of  desire  and  energy  of 
young  manhood. 

It  was  now  the  latter  part  of  the  winter  of  1873.  A  revival 
had  been  for  a  long  time,  and  was  still,  in  progress.  Converts 
were  coming  into  the  church  rapidly.  The  heart  of  the  pastor 
was  never  fuller  of  love  than  during  the  revival.  He  seemed 
to  be  in1  agony  for  sinners  to  be  saved.  He  impatiently 
paced  the  aisles,  and  held  private  and  personal  interviews  with 
the  impenitent.  He  disliked  to  leave  the  church  at  the  close  of 
the  services.  He  remained  often  in  the  vestibule,  watching  for 
an  opportunity  to  say  a  word  for  the  Saviour.  Brother  C.  G, 
Swan,  who  preached  for  him  once,  said :  "  I  never  beheld  a  more 
heavenly  face  ;  it  seemed  as  if  his  soul  were  ripe  for  heaven." 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA.  513 

Those  w.ho  saw  him  in  the  pulpit  the  last  Sabbath  he  spent 
on  earth — March  9,  1874 — will  not  soon  forget  the  earnestness 
and  impressiveness  of  his  manner.  On  Wednesday,  March  I2th, 
he  left  the  scene  of  his  labors  to  discharge  a  duty  nearest  to 
his  heart.  He  took  $100  from  his  poor  church,  as  a  gift  to  the 
Home  Mission  Society,  that  was  to  be  used  in  the  Freedmari s. 
Fund. 

On  Friday  evening,  March  I4th,  he  reached  home  just  in 
time  to  breathe  his  last  in  the  arms  of  his  faithful,  though 
anxious  wife.  Thus  he  fell  asleep  in  the  path  of  duty,  in  the 
midst  of  a  mighty  work. 

The  news  of  his  death  spread  rapidly,  and  cast  a  shadow  of 
grief  over  the  entire  community.  The  people  mourned  him. 

The  morning  papers  gave  full  account  and  notice  of  his  death. 
The  following  is  one  of  the  many  notices  that  were  given : 

"DEATH    OF  AN   ESTEEMED    CLERGYMAN. 

"  The  Rev.  L.  A.  Grimes,  the  well-known  and  universally  esteemed 
colored  clergyman,  died  very  suddenly  last  evening,  at  his  residence  on 
Everett  Avenue,  East  Somerville.  He  had  just  returned  from  New 
York,  where  he  had  been  to  attend  the  meeting  of  the  Baptist  Board  of 
Home  Missions,  of  which  he  was  a  member.  He  had  walked  to  his 
home  from  the  cars,  and  died  within  fifteen  minutes  after  his  arrival. 
The  physicians  pronounce  it  a  case  of  apoplexy.  Mr.  Grimes  was 
pastor  of  the  Twelfth  Baptist  Church,  on  Phillips  Street,  in  this  city. 
During  the  twenty-six  years  of  his  ministry  in  Boston  he  had  won  the 
confidence  and  regard,  not  only  of  his  own  sect,  but  of  the  entire  com 
munity.  His  labors  for  the  good  of  his  oppressed  race  attracted  public 
attention  to  him  more  than  twenty  years  ago,  and  this  interest  mani 
fested  itself  in  the  generous  contributions  of  Unitarians,  Episcopalians, 
and  Universalists  in  aid  of  his  church.  During  the  thirty-four  dark 
days  of  the  infamous  Fugitive-Slave  Law,  and  the  excitements  occa 
sioned  by  slave  hunts  in  Boston,  Mr.  Grimes  had  a  '  level  head,'  and 
did  much  to  keep  down  riotous  outbreaks  from  those  who  then  were 
told  that  they  had  no  rights  that  white  men  were  bound  to  respect. 
Fortunate,  indeed,  will  be  the  church  of  the  deceased,  if  his  successor, 
like  him,  shall  be  able  to  keep  them  together,  and  lead  them  in  right 
eous  ways  for  a  quarter  of  a  century." 

On  the  following  Monday  morning,  at  the  ministers'  meeting, 
appropriate  remarks  were  made,  and  resolutions  drawn  up.  The 
following  appeared  in  the  daily  papers  : 


5 H    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

"  BAPTIST  MINISTERS'  MEETING. 

"The  Monday  morning  meeting  of  the  Baptist  ministers  of  Boston 
and  vicinity  was  held  at  ten  o'clock,  Monday,  as  is  the  weekly  custom. 
After  the  devotional  exercises,  the  committee  to  prepare  resolutions  on 
the  death  of  the  late  Rev.  Leonard  Andrew  Grimes  made  their  report 
to  the  meeting.  Pending  the  acceptance  of  the  report  remarks  eulogiz 
ing  the  deceased  were  made  by  Rev.  R.  H.  Neale,  D.D.,  and  others. 
The  resolutions,  which  were  thereupon  given  a  place  upon  the  records 
of  the  meeting,  are  as  follows  :  In  the  death  of  Leonard  Andrew 
Grimes,  for  twenty-seven  years  the  pastor  of  the  Twelfth  Baptist  Church 
of  Boston,  the  city  in  which  he  lived,  the  race  for  which  he  labored 
have  sustained  an  irreparable  loss.  The  confrere  of  Daniel  Sharp, 
Baron  Stow,  Phineas  Stow,  Nathaniel  Colver,  Rev.  Mr.  Graves  of  the 
'Deflector/  he  was  one  whose  coming  might  always  be  welcomed  with 
the  exclamation  of  our  Saviour  concerning  Nathaniel :  *  Behold  an 
Israelite  indeed  in  whom  there  is  no  guile.'  His  last  efforts  were  put 
forth  for  his  race.  He  carried  to  the  Board  of  the  American  Baptist 
Home  Mission  Society,  of  which  he  had  been  for  many  years  an  hon 
ored  member,  a  large  contribution  from  his  church,  to  help  on  Christ's 
work  among  the  Freedmen,  and,  on  returning  from  New  York,  stopped 
.at  New  Bedford  to  comfort  a  broken-hearted  mother,  whose  little  child 
was  dying,  and  then  came  to  the  city,  and  in  fifteen  minutes  after  cross 
ing  the  threshold  of  his  home  passed  on  to  God. 

"  His  death  affected  the  ministry  and  churches  as  when  '  a  standard- 
bearer  fainteth.'  His  familiar  face  was  ever  welcome.  His  resolute 
bearing,  his  unswerving  fidelity  to  Christ,  to  truth,  to  the  church  at 
large,  and  his  own  denomination  in  particular,  and  his  life-long  service 
as  a  philanthropist,  his  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  negro,  to  whom 
he  was  linked  by  ties  of  consanguinity  and  of  sympathy,  made  him  a 
felt  power  for  good  in  our  State  and  in  our  entire  country.  No  man 
among  us  was  more  sincerely  respected  or  more  truly  loved.  His  de 
parture,  while  it  came  none  too  soon  for  the  tired  warrior,  impoverishes 
us  with  the  withdrawal  of  an  all-embracing  love,  and  leaves  God's  poor 
to  suffer  to  an  extent  it  is  impossible  to  describe. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  death  of  this  good  minister  of  Jesus  Christ  im 
poses  heavy  responsibilities  upon  his  surviving  brethren.  The  interests 
of  the  race  of  which  he  was  an  honored  representative  are  imperilled. 
Their  noble  champion  has  gone  up  higher  ;  but  no  waiting  Elisha  saw 
the  ascent,  and  cried,  '  My  father,  my  father,  the  chariot  of  Israel  and 
the  horsemen  thereof  '  ;  so  who  can  hope  to  wear  his  mantle  and  con 
tinue  his  work  ? 

"  Resolved,  That  we  tender  to  his  afflicted  widow,  and  to  the  church 
he  had  so  long  and  faithfully  served,  this  poor  expression  of  our  sym 
pathy,  and  this  truthful  evidence  of  our  love. 


THE  COLORED  BAPTISTS  OF  AMERICA,  51$ 

"  Resolved,  That  the  good  of  his  race,  just  passing  from  the  morning 
of  emancipation  into  the  noonday  radiance  of  a  liberty  of  which  they 
•have  dreamed,  and  for  which  they  have  prayed,  demands  that  a  per 
manent  record  be  made  of  this  noble  man  of  God." 

The  ministers'  meeting  adjourned  after  the  reading  of  the 
foregoing  resolutions,  to  attend  the  funeral  services,  which  were 
to  take  place  in  Charles  Street  Church.  At  an  early  hour  in  the 
morning  the  body  was  placed  in  front  of  the  altar  in  the  church 
of  the  deceased,  where  it  lay  in  state  all  the  forenoon,  and  where 
.appropriate  services  were  conducted  by  Drs.  Cheney,  Fulton,  and 
others.  Thousands,  of  every  grade  and  hue,  thronged  the  church 
to  have  a  last  fond  look  at  the  face  so  full  of  sunlight  in  life, 
and  so  peaceful  in  death. 

At  one  o'clock  the  remains  were  removed  to  Charles  Street 
Church,  where  the  funeral  services  were  conducted  with  a  feeling 
of  solemnity  and  impressiveness  worthy  of  the  sad  occasion. 
The  addresses  of  Drs.  Neale  and  Fulton  were  full  of  tenderness 
and  grief.  Both  of  these  gentlemen  were,  for  many  years,  the 
intimate  friends  of  the  deceased.  They  were  all  associated 
together  in  a  noble  work  for  a  number  of  years,  and  there  were 
no  hearts  so  sad  as  those  of  Brothers  Neale  and  Fulton.  Clergy 
men  of  every  denomination  were  present,  and  the  congregation 
contained  men  and  women  from  all  the  walks  of  life.  The 
funeral  was  considered  one  of  the  largest  that  ever  took  place  in 
Boston. 

On  the  following  Sabbath  quite  a  number  of  the  Boston 
pulpits  gave  appropriate  discourses  upon  the  "  Life  and  Char 
acter  of  the  late  L.  A.  Grimes."  The  most  noticeable  were 
those  delivered  by  Rev.  R.  N.  Neale,  D.D.,  Rev.  Justin  D. 
Fulton,  D.D.,  and  Rev.  Henry  A.  Cook. 

Within  the  last  decade  quite  a  number  of  educated  Colored 
Baptist  clergymen  have  come  into  active  work  in  the  denomina 
tion.  The  old-time  preaching  is  becoming  distasteful  to  the 
people.  The  increasing  intelligence  of  the  congregations  is  an 
unmistakable  warning  to  the  preachers  that  a  higher  standard  of 
preaching  is  demanded  ;  that  the  pew  is  becoming  as  intelligent 
as  the  pulpit.  The  outlook  is  very  encouraging.  However,  the 
danger  of  the  hour  is,  that  too  many  Negro  churches  may  be 
organized.  We  have  the  quantity  ;  let  us  have  the  quality  now. 


516    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


9. 

THE  DECLINE   OF  NEGRO   GOVERNMENTS. 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 

REACTION,   PERIL,   AND   PACIFICATION. 
1875-1880. 

THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENTS  AT  THE  SOUTH.  —  SOUTHERN  ELEC 
TION  METHODS  AND  NORTHERN  SYMPATHY.  —  GEN.  GRANT  NOT  RESPONSIBLE  FOR  THE  DECLINE 

AND    LOSS    OF   THE    REPUBLICAN   STATE   GOVERNMENTS   AT  THE    SOUTH.  —  A    PARTY   WITHOUT    A 

LIVE  ISSUE.  —  SOUTHERN  WAR  CLAIMS.  —  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1876.  —  REPUBLICAN  LETHARGY 
AND  DEMOCRATIC  ACTIVITY.  —  DOUBTFUL  RESULTS.  —  THE  ELECTORAL  COUNT  IN  CONGRESS. — 
GEN.  GARFIELD  AND  CONGRESSMEN  FOSTER  AND  HALE  TO  THE  FRONT  AS  LEADERS.  —  PEACE 
FUL  RESULTS.  —  PRESIDENT  HAYES'S  SOUTHERN  POLICY.  —  ITS  FAILURE.  —  THE  IDEAS  OF  THE 
HON.  CHARLES  FOSTER  ON  THE  TREATMENT  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  PROBLEM.  — lt  NOTHING  BUT 
LEAVES"  FROM  CONCILIATION.  —  A  NEW  POLICY  DEMANDED  BY  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. — 
A  REMARKABLE  SPEECH  BY  THE  HON.  CHARLES  FOSTER  AT  UPPER  SANDUSKY,  OHIO.  —  HE 

CALLS     FOR     A     SOLID     NORTH     AGAINST     A   SOLID     SOUTH.  —  HE     SOUNDS     THE     KEY-NOTE      FOR 

THE  NORTH  AND  THE  NATION  RESPONDS.  —  THE  DECAY  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  NEGRO  GOVERN 
MENTS  AT  THE  SOUTH  INEVITABLE. — THE  NEGRO  MUST  TURN  HIS  ATTENTION  TO  EDUCATION, 
THE  ACCUMULATION  OF  PROPERTY  AND  EXPERIENCE. —  HE  WILL  RETURN  TO  POLITICS  WHEN 

HE  SHALL   BE   EQUAL  TO  THE   DIFFICULT  DUTIES   OF   CITIZENSHIP. 

FROM  1868  to  1872  the  Southern  States  had  been  held  by 
the  Republican  party,  with  but  a  few  exceptions,  without 
much  effort.  The  friends  of  the  Negro  began  to  con 
gratulate  themselves  that  the  Southern  problem  had  been  solved. 
Every  Legislature  in  the  South  had  among  its  members  quite  a 
fair  representation  of  Colored  men.  Among  the  State  officers 
there  was  a  good  sprinkling  of  them  ;  and  in  some  of  the  States 
there  were  Negroes  as  Lieut.-Governors.  Congress  had  opened 
its  doors  to  a  dozen  Negroes ;  and  the  consular  and  diplo 
matic  service  had  employed  a  number  of  them  in  foreign  parts. 
And  so  with  such  evidences  of  political  prosperity  before  their 
eyes  the  friends  of  the  Negro  at  the  North  regarded  his  "  calling: 
and  election  sure." 


REACTION,  PERIL,  AND  PACIFICATION.          517 

In  1873  a  great  financial  panic  came  to  the  business  and 
monetary  affairs  of  the  country.  It  was  the  logic  of  an  inflated 
currency,  wild  and  visionary  enterprises,  bad  investments,  and 
prodigal  living.  Banks  tottered  and  fell,  large  business  houses 
suspended,  and  financial  ruin  ran  riot.  Northern  attention  was 
diverted  from  Southern  politics  to  the  "  destruction  that  seemed 
to  waste  at  noon-day."  Taking  advantage  of  this  the  South 
seized  the  shot-gun  and  wrote  on  her  banners  :  "  We  must  carry 
these  States,  peaceably  if  we  can  ;  forcibly  if  ^ve  must"  An  or 
ganized,  deliberate  policy  of  political  intimidation  assumed  the 
task  of  ridding  the  South  of  Negro  government.  The  first  step 
was  in  the  direction  of  intimidating  the  white  leaders  of  the  Re 
publican  organizations  ;  and  the  next  was  to  deny  employment 
to  all  intelligent  and  influential  Colored  Republicans.  Thus  from 
time  to  time  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party  were  reduced 
to  a  very  small  number.  Without  leaders  the  rank  and  file 
of  the  party  were  harmless  and  helpless  in  State  and  National 
campaigns.  This  state  of  affairs  seemed  to  justify  the  presence 
of  troops  at  the  polls  on  election  days.  Under  an  Act  of  Con 
gress  "  the  President  was  empowered  to  use  the  army  to  suppress 
domestic  violence,  prevent  bloodshed,"  and  to  protect  the  Ne 
groes  in  the  constitutional  exercise  of  the  rights  conferred  upon 
them  by  the  Constitution.  This  movement  was  met  by  the  most 
determined  opposition  from  the  South,  aided  by  the  sympathy 
of  the  Northern  press,  Democratic  platforms,  and  a  considerable 
element  in  the  Republican  party.  j 

In  1874  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  South  was  such  as  to 
alarm  the  friends  of  stable,  constitutional  government  every 
where.  The  city  of  New  Orleans  was  in  a  state  of  siege. 
Streets  were  blockaded  with  State  troops  and  White  Line  leagues, 
and  an  open  battle  was  fought.  The  Republican  State  govern 
ment  fell  before  the  insurgents,  and  a  new  government  was  es 
tablished  vi  et  armis.  Troops  were  sent  to  New  Orleans  by  the 
President,  and  the  lawful  government  was  restored.  The  Liberal 
movement  in  the  North,  which  had  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  the 
Republican  tickets  in  Indiana,  Ohio,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Connecticut,  and  even  in  Massachusetts,  greatly  encouraged  the 
Bourbon  Democrats  of  the  South,  and  excited  them  to  the  verge 
of  the  most  open  and  cruel  conduct  toward  the  white  and  black 
Republicans  in  their  midst. 

A  large  number  of  Northern  Legislatures  passed  resolutions 


518    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  ftf  AMERICA. 

condemning  the  action  of  the  President  in  sending  troops  into 
the  South,  although  he  did  it  in  accordance  with  law.  Many 
active  and  influential  Republicans,  displeased  with  the  action  of 
the  Republican  governments  at  the  South,  and  the  conduct  of 
the  Forty-third  Congress,  demanded  the  destruction  of  the 
Republican  party.  The  Liberal  movement  had  started  in  1872. 
Its  leaders  thought  the  time  had  come  for  a  new  party,  and 
counselled  the  country  accordingly. 

The  Forty-fourth  Congress  was  organized  by  the  Democrats.. 
The  Cabinet  Ministers  were  divided  on  the  policy  pursued 
toward  the  South.  In  the  autumn  of  1875  the  shot-gun  policy 
carried  Mississippi;  and  from  the  6th  of  July  till  the  Republican 
government  in  that  State  went  down  into  a  bloody  grave,  there 
•was  an  unbroken  series  of  political  murders. 

President  Grant  was  met  by  a  Democratic  Congress ;  a 
divided  Cabinet  :  Zachariah  Chandler  and  Edwards  Pierrepont 
were  in  sympathy  with  him  ;  Bristow  and  Jewell  represented 
the  Liberal  sentiment.  Then,  the  Republican  party  of  the  North, 
and  many  leading  journals,  were  urging  a  change  of  policy 
toward  the  South.  The  great  majority  of  Republicans  wanted  a 
change,  not  because  they  did  not  sympathize  with  the  Negro 
governments,  but  because  they  saw  some  of  the  best  men  in  the 
party  withdrawing  their  support  from  the  administration  of 
Gen.  Grant.  There  were  other  men  who  charged  that  the  busi 
ness  failures  in  the  country  were  occasioned  by  the  financial 
policy  of  the  Republican  party,  and  in  a  spirit  of  desperation 
were  ready  to  give  their  support  to  the  Democracy. 

It  was  charged  by  the  enemies  of  Gen.  Grant  that  when  he 
was  elected  President  he  had  a  solid  Republican  South  behind 
him  ;  that  under  his  administration  every  thing  had  been  lost ; 
and  that  he  was  responsible  for  the  political  ruin  which  had 
overtaken  the  Republican  party  at  the  South.  The  charge  was 
false.  The  errors  of  reconstruction  under  the  administration  of 
President  Andrew  Johnson,  and  the  mistakes  of  the  men  who 
had  striven  to  run  the  State  governments  at  the  South  had  to  be 
counteracted  by  the  administration  of  President  Grant.  This 
indeed  was  a  difficult  task.  He  did  all  he  could  under  the 
Constitution ;  and  when  Congress  endeavored  to  pass  the  Force 
Bill,  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  made  a  speech  against 
it  in  caucus.  Mr.  Blaine  had  a  presidential  ambition  to  serve, 
and  esteemed  his  own  promotion  of  greater  moment  than  the 


REACTION,  PERIL,  AND  PACIFICATION.          519 

protection  of  the  Colored  voters  of  the  South.  And  Mr.  Elaine 
never  allowed  an  opportunity  to  pass  in  which  he  did  not  throw 
every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  success  of  the  Grant  adminis 
tration.  Mr.  Elaine  has  never  seen  fit  to  explain  his  opposi 
tion  to  the  Force  Bill,  which  was  intended  to  strengthen  the 
hands  of  the  President  in  his  efforts  to  protect  the  Negro  voter 
at  the  South. 

When  the  National  Republican  Convention  met  at  Cincin 
nati,  Ohio,  in  the  summer  of  1876,  there  was  still  lacking  a 
definite  policy  for  the  South.  Presidential  candidates  were 
numerous,  and  the  contest  bitter.  Gen.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes, 
at  that  time  Governor  of  Ohio,  was  nominated  as  a  compromisei 
candidate.  There  was  no  issue  left  the  Republican  party,  as  the 
"  bloody  shirt "  had  been  rejected  by  the  Liberals,  and  was 
generally  distasteful  at  the  North.  But  the  initial  success  of  the 
Democratic  party  South,  and  the  loss  of  many  Northern  States 
to  the  Republicans,  had  emboldened  the  South  to  expect  national 
success.  But  a  too  precipitous  preparation  for  a  raid  upon  the 
United  States  Treasury  for  the  payment  of  rebel  war  claims 
threw  the  Republicans  upon  their  guard,  and,  for  the  time  being, 
every  other  question  was  sunk  into  insignificance.  So  the  inso 
lence  of  the  "  Rebel  Brigadier  Congress/'  and  the  letter  of 
Samuel  Jones  Tilden,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Pres 
idency,  on  the  question  of  the  Southern  war  claims,  gave  the 
Republican  party  a  fighting  chance.  But  there  were  a  desperate 
South  and  a  splendid  campaign  organizer  in  Mr.  Tilden  to  meet. 
And  with  a  shot-gun  policy,  tissue  ballets,  and  intimidation  at 
the  South,  while  a  gigantic,  bold,  and  matchless  system  of 
fraudulent  voting  was  pushed  with  vigor  in  the  North,  there 
was  little  show  of  success  for  the  Republican  ticket.  The  con 
test  on  the  part  of  the  Republicans  was  spiritless.  It  was  diffi 
cult  to  raise  funds  or  excite  enthusiasm.  The  Republican  can 
didate  had  only  a  local  reputation.  He  had  been  to  Con 
gress,  but  even  those  who  had  known  that  had  forgotten  it.  A 
modest,  retiring  man,  Gov.  Hayes  was  not  widely  known.  The 
old  and  tried  leaders  were  not  enthusiastic.  Mr.  Elaine  had  no 
second  choice.  He  was  for  himself  or  nobody.  The  Democrats 
prosecuted  their  campaign  with  vigor,  intelligence,  and  enthu 
siasm.  They  went  "  into  the  school  districts,"  and  their  organ 
ization  has  never  been  equalled  in  America. 

The    result   was  doubtful.      One  thing,  however,  was   sure: 


520    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  Negro  governments  of  the  South  were  now  a  thing  of  the 
past.  Not  a  single  State  was  left  to  the  Republican  party. 
Florida,  Louisiana,  and  South  Carolina  were  hanging  by  the 
slender  thread  of  doubt,  with  the  provisions  of  a  returning  board 
in  favor  of  the  Republican  party.  The  returning  boards  were  the 
creation  of  local  law ;  their  necessity  having  grown  out  of  the 
peculiar  methods  employed  by  Democrats  in  carrying  elections. 
These  boards  were  empowered  to  receive  and  count  the  votes 
cast  for  presidential  electors ;  and  wherever  it  could  be  proven 
that  intimidation  and  fraud  had  been  used,  the  votes  of  such 
precincts,  counties,  etc.,  were  to  be  thrown  out.  The  three 
•doubtful  States  named  above  were  counted  for  the  Republican 
presidential  electors.  Their  work  was  carried  before  Congress. 
A  high  joint  electoral  commission  was  created  by  law,  composed 
of  the  ablest  men  of  the  two  parties  in  Congress,  with  the  salt  of 
judicial  judgment  thrown  in.  This  commission  examined  the 
returns  of  the  three  doubtful  States,  and  decided  not  to  go  be 
hind  the  returns  ;  and,  according  to  a  previous  agreement,  one 
branch  of  Congress  ratifying,  the  candidate  having  the  more 
votes  was  to  be  declared  duly  elected. 

The  country  was  in  an  unprecedented  state  of  excitement ; 
and  even  European  governments  felt  the  shock.  The  enemies 
of  Republican  government  laughed  their  little  laugh,  and  said  that 
the  end  of  the  republic  had  come.  British  bankers  brought  out 
into  the  light  Confederate  bonds;  while  stocks  in  the  United 
States  went  through  an  experience  as  variable  as  the  weather  in 
the  Mississippi  valley.  The  public  press  was  intemperate  in  its 
utterances,  and  the  political  passions  of  the  people  were  inflamed 
every  hour.  The  national  House  of  Representatives  was  a  vast 
whirlpool  of  excitement, — or,  rather  it  was  an  angry  sea  stirred 
to  its  depths,  and  lashing  itself  into  aimless  fury  by  day  and  by 
night.  When  the  vote  of  a  State  was  called,  some  Democrat 
would  object,  and  the  Senate,  which  was  always  present,  would 
retire,  and  the  House  would  then  open  a  war  of  words  running 
through  hours  and  sometimes  days.  When  the  debate  ended,  or 
rather  when  the  House  had  reached  the  end  of  its  parliamentary 
halter,  the  Senate  would  again  enter,  the  vote  of  the  State  would 
be  counted,  and  the  next  one  called.  Thus  the  count  proceeded 
through  anxious  days  and  weary  nights.  Business  was  sus 
pended  ;  and  the  bulletin  boards  of  commercial  'changes  were 
valueless  so  long  as  the  bulletin  boards  of  the  newspapers  con 
tained  "the  latest  news  from  Washington." 


REACTION,  PERIL,  AND  PACIFICATION.          521 

In  this  state  of  affairs  there  was  need  of  statesmen  at  the 
head  of  the  Republican  minority  in  Congress.  There  were 
orators  ;  but  the  demand  was  for  men  of  judgment,  energy,  execu 
tive  ability, — men  in  whom  the  Democrats  had  confidence,  who 
could  put  a  stop  to  filibustering,  and  secure  a  peaceful  solution 
of  a  unique  and  dangerous  problem. 

These  were  forthcoming;  the  late  President  Garfield  and 
Gov.  Foster,  then  a  member  of  Congress,  with  Kasson,  Hale,  and 
other  members  of  Congress,  were  among  those  most  active  and 
effective  in  securing  a  peaceful  result. 

When  the  electoral  fight  was  on,  and  the  end  seemed  uncer 
tain,  these  gentlemen  stepped  to  the  front  and  fairly  won  the  repu 
tation  of  statesmen.  They  saw  that  if  the  filibustering  of  the 
Democrats  were  brought  to  a  close,  it  would  have  to  be  accom 
plished  by  the  leaders  in  that  party  and  on  that  side  of  the 
House.  Accordingly  they  secured  Fernando  Wood,  of  New 
York,  as  the  leader  in  opposition  to  filibustering,  and  John 
Young  Brown,  of  Kentucky,  as  his  lieutenant.  The  Republican 
policy  was  to  allow  the  Democrats  to  lead  and  do  the  talking, 
while  they  should  fall  into  line  and  vote  when  the  proper  time 
came.  But  Fernando  Wood  at  the  head  of  the  Republicans  as  a 
leader,  was  a  spectacle  as  strange  and  startling  as  Satan  leading 
a  prayer-meeting.  It  was  too  much  for  an  orthodox,  close-com 
munion,  hard-shell  Republican  like  Martin  I.  Townsend  ! 

On  Thursday  afternoon,  the  last  day  of  the  alarming  scenes 
in  Congress,  nearly  everybody  had  lost  hope.  There  was  no 
telling  at  what  moment  the  government  would  be  in  anarchy. 
In  the  midst  of  the  confusion,  excitement,  and  threatening 
danger,  the  Hon.  Charles  Foster  was  the  most  imperturbable  man 
in  Congress.  On  Thursday  afternoon  Senator  Hoar,  a  member 
of  Congress  from  Massachusetts,  saw  Mr.  Foster  seated  at  his 
desk  writing  as  quietly  and  composedly  as  if  in  his  private  of 
fice  ;  he  seemed  perfectly  oblivious  to  the  angry  storm  which 
was  raging  about  him.  The  cold-blooded,  conservative  New 
England  Senator  was  as  greatly  amazed  at  the  serenity  of  the 
clear-headed  Western  Congressman  as  he  was  distressed  at  the 
impending  disaster.  He  went  to  Mr.  Foster  and  talked  very 
discouragingly  respecting  the  situation.  He  said  that  the  Senate 
was  growing  impatient  at  the  dilatory  conduct  of  the  House, 
and  would  probably,  at  the  earliest  convenience,  send  a  message 
to  the  House  demanding  that  the  latter  open  their  doors  and 


522    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

admit  the  Senate  to  complete  the  count.  Congressman  Foster 
stated  to  the  Senator  that  the  House  was  not  in  a  temper  to  be 
driven ;  that  a  resolution  of  the  character  of  the  one  proposed 
would  hinder  rather  than  help  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  vexa 
tious  count ;  and  that  if  he  would  only  possess  his  soul  in  pa 
tience,  before  the  rising  of  another  sun  R.  B.  Hayes  would  be 
peaceably  and  constitutionally  declared  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  And  it  was  even  as  he  said  ;  for  before  four 
o'clock  the  next  morning  the  count  was  completed,  and  Hayes 
declared  the  President  of  the  United  States  for  the  Constitu 
tional  term  of  four  years.  This  is  given  as  one  of  the  many 
unwritten  incidents  that  occurred  during  this  angry,  and,  proba 
bly,  most  perilous  controversy  that  ever  threatened  the  life  of 
the  American  Republic. 

A  new  policy  for  the  South  was  now  inevitable.  From  Octo 
ber  1876  till  March  1877,  President  Grant  had  refused  to  recog 
nize  Chamberlain  as  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  or  Packard  as. 
Governor  of  Louisiana.  He  had  simply  preserved  those  govern 
ments  in  stat2t  quo.  He  had  heard  all  that  could  be  said  in  favor 
of  the  Republican  side  of  the  question,  and  seemed  to  believe 
that  it  was  now  beyond  his  power  to  hold  up  the  last  of  the 
Negro  governments  with  bayonets.  He  was  right.  It  would 
have  been  as  vain  to  have  attempted  to  galvanize  those  gov 
ernments  into  existence  as  to  have  attempted  the  resuscitation 
of  a  dead  man  by  applying  a  galvanic  battery.  Governments 
must  have,  not  only  the  subjective  elements  of  life,  but  the 
powers  of  self-preservation.  The  Negro  governments  at  the 
South  died  for  the  want  of  these  elements.  It  was  a  pity,  too, 
after  the  noble  fight  the  Republican  party  of  Louisiana  and 
South  Carolina  had  made,  and  after  they  had  secured  their 
electoral  votes  for  Hayes,  that  their  State  officers  who  had  been 
chosen  at  the  same  time  should  have  been  abandoned  to  their 
own  frail  governmental  resources.  But  this  was  unavoidable. 
Their  governments  could  not  have  existed  twenty-four  hours 
without  the  presence  and  aid  of  the  United  States  army.  And 
this  could  not  have  been  done  in  the  face  of  the  sentiment 
against  such  use  of  the  army  which  had  grown  to  be  nearly 
unanimous  throughout  the  country.  If  the  Republicans  could 
have  inaugurated  their  officers  and  administered  their  govern 
ments  they  would  have  received  the  applause  of  the  adminis 
tration  at  Washington  and  the  God-speed  of  the  Republican 


REACTION,  PERIL,  AND  PACIFICATION,          523 

party  of  the  North  ;  but  the  moment  the  United  States  troops 
were  withdrawn  the  Negro  governments  melted  into  nothing 
ness. 

Every  thing  had  been  tried  but  pacification.  The  men  who 
best  understood  the  temper  of  that  section  knew  it  was  incapa 
ble,  as  a  whole,  of  receiving  the  olive  branch  in  the  spirit  in 
which  the  North  would  tender  it.  But  a  policy  of  conciliation 
was  demanded ;  the  Northern  journals  asked  it.  An  ex-Major- 
General  of  the  Confederate  Army  was  called  to  the  Cabinet  of 
President  Hayes,  and  was  given  a  portfolio  where  he  could  do 
more  for  the  South  than  in  any  other  place.  Gen.  Longstreet, 
a  gallant  Confederate  soldier  during  the  late  war,  was  made 
Postmaster  at  Gainesville,  Georgia,  and  afterward  sent  as  Min 
ister  to  Turkey.  Col.  Mosby,  another  Confederate  soldier,  or 
guerilla,  was  sent  to  China,  and  Col.  Fitzsimmons  was  made 
Marshal  of  Georgia.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  Hon.  Charles 
Foster  to  have  the  President  recognize  young  men  at  the  South 
who  had  the  pluck  and  ability  to  divide  the  Bourbon  Democratic 
party  of  that  section,  and  hasten  the  day  of  better  feeling  be 
tween  the  sections.  But  the  President,  either  incapable  of  com 
prehending  this  idea,  or  jealous  of  the  credit  that  the  country 
had  already  bestowed  upon  him,  blundered  on  in  selecting  men 
to  represent  his  policy  in  the  South  who  had  no  following,  and 
were,  therefore,  valueless  to  his  cause.  His  heart  was  right,  but 
he  put  too  much  confidence  in  Southern  statesmen. 

The  South  showed  no  signs  of  improvement.  White  Repub 
licans  were  intimidated,  persecuted,  and  driven  out.  The  black 
Republicans  were  allowed  to  vote,  but  the  Democrats  counted  the 
votes  and  secured  all  the  offices.  The  President  was  under  the 
influence  of  Alex.  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  and  Wade  Hampton^ 
of  South  Carolina.  He  expected  much  ;  but  he  received  noth 
ing.  Instead  of  gratitude  he  received  arrogance.  The  Southern 
leaders  in  Congress  sought  to  deprive  the  Executive  of  his  con 
stitutional  veto  ;  to  starve  the  army  ;  and  to  protract  the  session 
of  Congress.  The  North  had  invited  its  "  erring  brethren  "  back, 
and  had  killed  the  fatted  calf,  but  were  unwilling  to  allow  the 
fellow  to  eat  all  the  veal  !  The  conduct  of  the  South  was  grow 
ing  more  intolerable  every  day ;  and  the  President's  barren 
policy  was  losing  him  supporters.  He  had  not  tied  to  any  safe 
advisers.  Hon.  Charles  Foster,  Senator  Stanley  Matthews,  and 
Gen.  James  A.  Garfield  could  have  piloted  him  through  many 


524    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

dangerous  places.  But  he  shut  himself  up  in  his  own  abilities, 
and  left  his  friends  on  the  outside.  The  South  had  gulped  down 
every  thing  that  had  been  given  it,  and  was  asking  for  more. 
Every  thing  had  been  given  except  the  honor  of  the  cause  that 
the  Union  army  had  fought  for.  To  complete  the  task  of  con 
ciliation  it  was  only  required  that  the  nation  destroy  the  monu 
ments  to  its  hero  dead,  and  open  the  treasury  to  the  payment 
of  rebel  war  claims,  and  pension  the  men  who  were  maimed  in  an 
attempt  to  shoot  the  government  to  death.  To  the  credit  of 
President  Hayes  let  history  record  that  he  did  not  surrender  his 
veto  power  to  arrogant  and  disloyal  Southern  Congressmen. 
He  became  convinced  at  last  that  the  South  was  incapable  of 
appreciating  his  kindness,  and  was  willing  to  change  front.  His 
policy  was  inevitable.  It  did  great  good.  It  united  the  Repub 
lican  party  against  the  South  ;  and  a  splendid  cabinet,  a  clean 
administration,  and  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  wrought 
wonders  for  the  Republican  party. 

There  was  a  ripe  sentiment  in  the  North  in  favor  of  "  a 
change  "  of  policy.  The  very  men  who  had  advocated  pacifica 
tion  ;  who  had  "  flowers  and  tears  for  the  Gray,  and  tears  and 
flowers  for  the  Blue  "  ;  who  wanted  the  grave  of  Judas  equally 
honored  with  the  grave  of  Jesus — the  destroyer  and  the  Saviour 
of  the  country  placed  in  the  same  calendar, — were  the  first  men 
to  grow  sick  of  the  policy  of  pacification.  But  what  policy  to 
inaugurate  was  not  clear  to  them. 

In  the  summer  of  1878  the  Hon.  Charles  Foster  returned  to 
Ohio  from  Washington  City.  He  had  seen  State  governments 
in  the  North  slip  from  the  control  of  Republicans,  because  of  the 
folly  of  the  Hayes'  policy  of  pacification  toward  the  South.  He 
had  the  good-sense  to  take  in  the  situation.  He  saw  that  it  was 
madness  to  attempt  any  longer  to  conciliate  the  South.  He  saw 
that  the  lamb  and  lion  had  lain  down  together,  but  that  the 
lamb  was  on  the  inside  of  the  lion.  Brave,  intelligent,  and  far- 
seeing,  on  the  1st  of  August,  1878,  he  gave  the  Republican  party 
of  the  North  a  battle-cry  that  died  away  only  amid  the  shouts  of 
Republican  State  and  National  victories  in  1880.  This  was  all 
the  North  needed.  A  leader  was  demanded,  and  the  Hon. 
Charles  Foster  sounded  the  key-note  that  met  with  a  response  in 
every  loyal  heart  in  the  country.  His  idea  was  that  as  the 
South  had  not  kept  the  faith  ;  had  not  accorded  protection  to 
the  Negro  voter  ;  had  not  broken  up  old  Bourbon  Democratic 


REACTION,  PERIL,  AND  PACIFICATION.          $2$ 

•organizations,  it  was  the  imperative  duty  of  the  North  to  meet 
that  section  with  a  solid  front.  Hence  his  battle-cry :  "A  Solid 
North  against  a  Solid  South."  The  following  is  his  famous 
speech — pure  gold  : 

"  I  happened  to  be  one  who  thought  and  believed  that  the  President's 
Southern  policy,  as  far  as  it  related  to  the  use  of  troops  for  the  support 
of  State  governments,  was  right.  I  sustained  it  upon  the  ground  of 
high  principle,  nevertheless  it  could  have  been  sustained  on  the  ground 
of  necessity.  The  President  has  extended  to  the  people  of  the  South 
the  hand  of  conciliation  and  friendship.  He  has  shown  a  desire,  prob 
ably  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  great  mass  of  his  party,  to  bring 
about,  by  the  means  of  conciliation,  better  relations  between  the  North 
and  South.  In  doing  this  he  has  alienated  from  him  the  great  mass  of 
the  leading  and  influential  Republicans  of  the  country.  He  had  lost 
their  sympathy,  and  to  a  great  degree  their  support.  What  has  he  re 
ceived  in  return  for  these  measures  of  conciliation  and  kindness  ?  How 
have  these  measures  been  received  by  the  South  ?  What  advance  can 
we  discover  in  them,  of  the  recognition  of  the  guarantees  of  the  rights 
of  the  Colored  men  under  the  Constitutional  Amendments  ?  We  see 
Jeff.  Davis  making  speeches  as  treasonable  as  those  of  1861,  and  these 
speeches  endorsed  and  applauded  by  a  great  portion  of  their  press  and 
people.  We  see  also  the  declaration  of  Mr.  Singleton,  of  Mississippi, 
in  answer  to  a  question  of  mine  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  declaring 
that  his  paramount  allegiance  in  peace  and  war  was  due  to  his  State. 

"  No  gentleman  from  the  South,  or  even  of  the  Democratic  party,  has 
taken  issue  with  him.  We  see  also,  all  over  the  South,  a  disposition  to 
resist  the  execution  of  the  United  States  laws,  especially  in  the  matter 
of  the  collection  of  internal  revenue.  To-day  there  are  four  U.  S. 
officers  under  arrest  by  the  authorities  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina, 
in  jail  and  bail  refused,  for  an  alleged  crime  in  their  State,  while  in  fact 
these  officers  were  discharging  their  duty  in  executing  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  in  that  State.  Their  State  courts  and  their  officers  re 
fused  to  obey  the  writs  of  the  United  States  courts  in  the  surrender  of 
these  men  to  the  United  States  authorities.  No  former  act  of  this 
treasonable  State  shows  a  more  defiant  attitude  toward  the  U.  S.  Gov 
ernment,  or  a  greater  disposition  to  trample  upon  its  authority.  I  trust 
the  Administration  will,  in  this  case,  assert  in  the  most  vigorous  manner 
possible  the  authority  of  the  United  States  Government  for  the  rescue 
and  protection  of  these  officers.  I  have  no  bloody  shirt  to  wave.  If 
there  is  one  man  in  this  country,  more  than  another,  who  desires  peace 
and  quiet  between  the  sections,  I  believe  I  am  that  man.  Gentlemen 
may  philosophize  over  this  question  until  they  are  gray,  but  you  cannot 


526    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

escape  the  discussion  of  this  question  so  long  as  a  Solid  South  menaces 
the  peace  of  the  country.  A  Solid  Democratic  South  means  the  control 
of  the  country  by  the  spirit  and  the  men  who  sought  its  destruction. 

"  My  own  opinion  is  that  there  can  be  no  peace — this  question  will 
not  down,  until  the  menace  of  the  Solid  South  is  withdrawn.  I  had 
hoped  that  the  policy  of  President  Hayes  would  lead  to  the  assertion, 
by  a  very  considerable  portion  of  the  South,  of  their  antagonism  to 
Bourbon  Democracy. 

"  I  confess  to  a  degree  of  disappointment  in  this,  though  I  think  I 
see  signs  of  a  breaking  up  of  the  Solid  South  in  the  independent  move 
ment  that  seemed  to  be  gaining  a  foothold  in  all  sections  of  that 
country.  But  the  effective  way  to  aid  these  independent  movements, 
this  breaking  up  of  the  Solid  South,  is  for  the  North  to  present  itself 
united  against  the  Solid  South.  A  Solid  South  under  the  control  of 
the  Democratic  party  means  the  control  of  the  party  by  this  element. 
It  means  the  repeal  of  the  Constitutional  Amendments,  if  not  in  form, 
in  spirit.  It  means  the  payment  of  hundreds  of  rebel  claims.  It 
means  the  payment  of  pensions  to  rebel  soldiers.  It  means  the  payment 
for  slaves  lost  in  the  Rebellion.  It  means  the  abrogation  of  that  pro 
vision  of  the  Constitution  which  declares,  that  the  citizens  of  one  State 
shall  have  all  the  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  of  the  citizens  of 
other  States. 

"  If  my  Democratic  friends  who  seem  to  be  anxious  to  bring  about 
peace  and  quiet  between  the  sections  are  sincere  and  desire  to  make 
their  expressions  effective,  they  should  act  with  that  party  that  presents 
a  solid  front,  a  United  North,  so  long  as  we  are  menaced  with  the 
Solid  South. 

"  If  it  could  be  understood  in  the  South  that  they  are  to  be  met 
with  a  Solid  North,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  Solid  South  would  exist 
in  that  condition  a  single  year.  They  retain  this  position  because  they 
believe  that  they  can  have  the  support  of  a  fragment  of  the  North  ;  and 
thus  with  this  fragment  rule  and  control  the  country.  I  would  have  no 
fear  of  the  control  of  the  country  by  the  Democratic  party  if  it  were 
made  up  of  something  like  equal  proportion  from  all  sections  of  the 
country.  I  discuss  this  question,  first,  because  I  believe  it  the  most 
important  question  at  issue  in  the  pending  canvass.  I  repeat  that  it  is 
the  imperative  duty  of  the  North  to  meet  the  Solid  South  with  a  united 
front"  l 

This  speech  was  delivered  at  Upper  Sandusky,  Wyandotte 
Co.,  Ohio.  It  thrilled  the  North,  and  put  new  life  into  the  Re 
publican  party.  It  gave  him  the  nomination  for  governor,  and 

1  Cincinnati  Commercial,  Aug.  I,  1878. 


REACTION,  PERIL,  AND  PACIFICATION.  $2? 

from  23,000  Democratic  majority  he  redeemed  the  State  by  a  Re 
publican  majority  of  17,000.  A  wave  of  enthusiasm  swept  the 
country.  His  battle-cry  became  the  editorial  of  a  thousand  jour 
nals,  and  hundreds  of  orators  found  ammunition  enough  in  his 
little  speech  of  a  hundred  lines  to  keep  up  a  campaign  of  two 
years'  duration.  It  is  a  fact  that  history  should  not  omit  to  re 
cord,  that  from  the  1st  of  August,  1878,  until  the  election  of 
James  A.  Garfield  to  the  presidency,  there  was  no  cessation  to 
the  campaign  in  the  North. 

But  the  securing  of  a  Solid  North  did  not  restore  the  Negro 
governments  at  the  South.  The  North  had  rallied  to  rebuke  an 
insolent  South  ;  to  show  the  Democrats  of  that  section  tnat  the 
United  States  Treasury  should  be  protected,  and  that  the  honor 
of  the  nation  would  be  maintained  unsullied.  If  the  South 
would  not  pay  its  honest  debts  there  was  every  reason  for 
believing  that  it  would  not  pay  the  national  debt.  It  was  to  be 
regretted  that  the  Negro  had  been  so  unceremoniously  removed 
from  Southern  politics.  But  such  a  result  was  inevitable.  The 
Government  gave  him  the  statute-book  when  he  ought  to  have 
had  the  spelling-book  ;  placed  him  in  the  Legislature  when  he 
ought  to  have  been  in  the  school-house.  In  the  great  revolution 
that  followed  the  war,  the  heels  were  put  where  the  brains  ought 
to  have  been.  An  ignorant  majority,  without  competent  leaders, 
could  not  rule  an  intelligent  Caucasian  minority.  Ignorance, 
vice,  poverty,  and  superstition  could  not  rule  intelligence,  experi 
ence,  wealth,  and  organization.  It  was  here  that  the  "  one  could 
chase  a  thousand,  and  the  two  could  put  ten  thousand  to  flight." 
The  Negro  governments  were  built  on  the  shifting  sands  of  the 
opinions  of  the  men  who  reconstructed  the  South,  and  when  the 
storm  and  rains  of  political  contest  came  they  fell  because  they 
were  not  built  upon  the  granite  foundation  of  intelligence  and 
statesmanship. 

It  was  an  immutable  and  inexorable  law  which  demanded  the 
destruction  of  those  governments.  It  was  a  law  that  knows  no 
country,  no  nationality.  Spain,  Mexico,  France,  Turkey,  Russia, 
and  Egypt  have  felt  its  cruel  touch  to  a  greater  or  less  degree. 
But  a  lesson  was  taught  the  Colored  people  that  is  invaluable. 
Let  them  rejoice  that  they  are  out  of  politics.  Let  white  men 
rule.  Let  them  enjoy  a  political  life  to  the  exclusion  of  business 
and  education,  and  they  too  will  sooner  or  later  be  driven  out  of 
their  places  by  the  same  law  that  sent  the  Negro  to  the  planta- 


528    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tions  and  to  the  schools.  And  if  the  Negro  is  industrious, 
frugal,  saving,  diligent  in  labor,  and  laborious  in  study,  there 
is  another  law  that  will  quietly  and  peaceably,  without  a 
social  or  political  shock,  restore  him  to  his  normal  relations  in 
politics.  He  will  be  able  to  build  his  governments  on  a  solid 
foundation,  with  the  tempered  mortar  of  experience  and  knowl 
edge.  This  is  inevitable.  The  Negro  will  return  to  politics  in 
the  South  when  he  is  qualified  to  govern  ;  will  return  to  stay. 
He  will  be  respected,  courted  and  protected  then.  Then  as  a 
tax-payer,  as  well  as  a  tax-gatherer,  reading  his  own  ballot,  and 
choosing  his  own  candidates,  he  will  be  equal  to  all  the  exigen 
cies  of  American  citizenship. 


THE  EXOD  US—CA  USE  AND  EFFECT.  $29 


CHAPTER     XXVIII. 

THE  EXODUS — CAUSE   AND   EFFECT. 

THE  NEGROES  OF  THE  SOUTH  DELIGHT  IN  THEIR  HOME  so  LONG  AS  IT  is  POSSIBLE  FOR  THEM  TO 
REMAIN. — THE  POLICY  OF  ABRIDGING  THEIR  RIGHTS  DESTRUCTIVE  TO  THEIR  USEFULNESS  AS. 
MEMBERS  OF  SOCIETY.  —  POLITICAL  INTIMIDATION,  MURDER,  AND  OUTRAGE  DISTURB  THE 
NEGROES.  —  THE  PLANTATION  CREDIT  SYSTEM  THE  CRIME  OF  THE  CENTURY.  —  THE  EXODUS 
NOT  INSPIRED  BY  POLITICIANS,  BUT  THE  NATURAL  OUTCOME  OF  THE  BARBAROUS  TREATMENT 

BESTOWED     UPON     THE     NEGROES     BY    THE     WHITES. —THE    UNPRECEDENTED     SUFFERINGS     OF 

60,000  NEGROES  FLEEING  FROM  SOUTHERN  DEMOCRATIC  OPPRESSION.  —  THEIR  PATIENT, 
CHRISTIAN  ENDURANCE. — THEIR  INDUSTRY,  MORALS,  AND  FRUGALITY.  —  THE  CORRESPONDENT 
OF  THE  u  CHICAGO  INTER-OCEAN  "  SENDS  INFORMATION  TO  SENATOR  VOORHEES  RESPECTING 
THE  REFUGEES  IN  KANSAS. — THE  POSITION  OF  Gov.  ST.  JOHN  AND  THE  FAITHFUL  LABORS 
OF  MRS.  COMSTOCK.  —  THE  RESULTS  OF  THE  EXODUS  BENEFICENT.  —  THE  SOUTH  MUST 
TREAT  THE  NEGRO  BETTER  OR  LOSE  HIS  LABOR. 

THE  exodus  of  the  Negroes  from  Southern  States  forms 
one  of  the  most  interesting  pages  of  the  almost  romantic 
history  of  the  race.  It  required  more  than  ordinary  causes 
to  drive  the  Negro  from  his  home  in  the  sunny  South  to  a  dif 
ferent  climate  and  strange  country.  It  was  no  caprice  of  his 
nature,  nor  even  a  nomadic  feeling.  During  the  entire  period  of 
the  existence  of  the  Republican  governments  at  the  South  the 
Negroes  remained  there  in  a  state  of  blissful  contentment.  And 
even  after  the  fall  of  those  governments  they  continued  in  a 
state  of  quiet  industry.  But  there  followed  the  decline  of  those 
governments  a  policy  as  hurtful  to  the  South  as  it  was  cruel  to 
the  Negroes. 

During  the  early  years  of  reconstruction  quite  a  number  of 
Negroes  began  to  invest  in  real  estate  and  secure  for  themselves 
pleasant  homes.  Their  possessions  increased  yearly,  as  can  be 
seen  by  a  reference  to  statistical  reports.  Some  of  the  estates 
and  homesteads  of  the  oldest  and  most  reputable  white  families, 
who  had  put  every  thing  into  the  scales  of  Confederate  rebellion, 
fell  into  the  possession  of  ex-slaves.  Such  a  spectacle  was  not 
only  unpleasant,  it  was  exasperating,  to  the  whites.  But  so  long 
as  the  Republican  governments  gave  promise  of  success  there  was 
but  little  or  no  manifestation  of  displeasure  on  the  part  of  the 


530    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

whites.    Just  as  soon,  however,  as  they  became  the  masters  of  the 
situation,  the  property  of  many  Negroes  was  seized,  and   sold 
upon  the  specious  plea — "  for  delinquent  taxes  ";  and  the  Negroes 
were  driven  from  eligible  places  to  the  outskirts   of  the  larger 
towns  and  cities.     No  Negro  was  allowed  to  live  in  the  vicinity 
of  white  persons  as  tenants  ;  and  it  became  a  social  crime  to  sell 
property  to  Negroes  in  close   proximity  to   the  whites.     In  the 
rural  districts,  where  Negroes  had  begun  to  secure  small  farms, 
this  same  cruel  spirit  was  "  the  lion  in  their  way."     The  spirit 
that  sought  to  keep  the  Negro  ignorant  as  a  slave,  now  that  he 
was  at  least  nominally  free,  endeavored  to  deprive  him  of  one  of 
the  necessary  conditions  of  happy  and   useful  citizenship :  the 
possession  of  property,  the  aggregations  of  the  results  of  honest 
labor.     Nothing  could  have  been  more  fatal  to  the  growth  of  the 
Negro  toward  the  perfect  stature  of  free,  intelligent,  independent, 
and   self-sustaining  manhood  and    citizenship.     The   object  and 
result  of  such  a  system  can  easily  be  judged.     It  was  intended 
to  keep  the  Negroes  the  laboring  element  after  as  well  as  before 
the  war.     The  accomplishment  of  such  a  result  would  have  been 
an  argument  in  favor  of  the  assertion  of  the  South  that  the  nor 
mal  condition  of  the  Negro  was  that  of  a  serf ;  and  that  he  did 
not    possess   the   elements   necessary  to   the  life   of  a    freeman. 
Thus  would   have   perished   the  hopes,  prayers,  arguments   and 
•claims  of  the  friends  of  the  cause  of  universal,  manhood  suffrage. 
Among  the   masses    of   laboring  men  the  iniquitous,   outra 
geous,  thieving  "  Plantation  Credit  System  "  was  a  plague  and  a 
crime.     Deprived  of  homes  and  property  the  Negroes  were  com 
pelled  to  "  work  the  crops  on  the  shares."     A  plantation  store 
was  kept  where  the  Negroes'  credit  was  good   for  any  article  it 
contained.     He  got  salt  meat,  corn  meal,  sugar,  coffee,  molasses, 
vinegar,  tobacco,  and  coarse  clothing  for  himself  and  family.    An 
account  was  kept  by  "  a  young  white  man,"  and  at  the  end  of 
the  season  "  a  reckoning  "  was  had.     Unable  to-  read  or  cipher, 
the  poor,  credulous,  unsuspecting  Negroes  always  found  them 
selves   in  debt   from   $50   to   $200 !     This   necessitated   another 
year's  engagement ;  and  so  on  for  an  indefinite  period.     There 
was  nothing  to  encourage  the  Negroes ;  nothing  to  inspire  them 
with  hope  for  the  future  ;   nothing  for  their  families  but  a  lan 
guid,  dead-eyed  expectation  that  somehow  a  change  might  come. 
But  the  crime  went  on  unrebuked  by  the  men  who  were  growing 
rich  from  this  system   of  petty  robbery  of  the  poor.     For  the 


THE  EXODUS— CAUSE  AND  EFFECT.  531 

cheapest  qualities  of  brown  sugar,  for  which  the  laboring  classes 
of  the  North  pay  8  cents,  the  Negroes  on  the  plantations  were 
charged  1 1  and  13  cents  a  pound.  Corn  meal  purchased  at  the 
North  for  4  cents  a  quart,  brought  9  and  10  cents  at  the  planta 
tion  store.  And  thus  for  every  article  the  Negroes  purchased 
they  were  charged  the  most  exorbitant  prices. 

There  were  two  results  which  flowed  from  this  system,  viz. : 
robbing  the  families  of  these  Negroes  of  the  barest  comforts  of 
life,  and  destroying  the  confidence  of  the  Negro  in  the  blessings 
-and  benefits  of  freedom.  No  man — no  race  of  men — could  en 
dure  such  blighting  influences  for  any  length  of  time. 

Moreover  the  experiences  of  the  Negroes  in  voting  had  not 
been  extensive,  and  a  sudden  curtailing  and  abridgment  of 
their  rights  was  a  shock  to  their  confidence  in  the  government 
under  which  they  lived,  and  in  the  people  by  which  they  were 
surrounded.  It  was  thought  expedient  to  intimidate  or  destroy 
the  more  intelligent  and  determined  Negroes ;  while  the  farm 
laborers  were  directed  to  refrain  from  voting  the  Republican 
ticket,  or  commanded  to  vote  the  Democratic  ticket,  or  starve. 
There  never  was  a  more  cruel  system  of  slavery  than  this. 

Writing  under  date  of  January  10,  1875,  General  P.  H. 
Sheridan,  then  in  command  at  New  Orleans,  says : 

"  Since  the  year  1866  nearly  thirty-five  hundred  persons,  a  great 
majority  of  whom  were  colored  men,  have  been  killed  and  wounded  in 
this  State.  In  1868  the  official  record  shows  that  eighteen  hundred  and 
eighty-four  were  killed  and  wounded.  From  1868  to  the  present  time 
no  official  investigation  had  been  made,  and  the  civil  authorities  in  all 
but  a  few  cases  have  been  unable  to  arrest,  convict,  or  punish  the  per 
petrators.  Consequently  there  are  no  correct  records  to  be  consulted 
for  information.  There  is  ample  evidence,  however,  to  show  that  more 
than  twelve  hundred  persons  have  been  killed  and  wounded  during  this 
time  on  account  of  their  political  sentiments.  Frightful  massacres  have 
occurred  in  the  parishes  of  Bossier,  Caddo,  Catahoula,  Saint  Bernard, 
Grant,  and  Orleans." 

He  then  proceeded  to  enumerate  the  political  murders  of 
•Colored  men  in  various  parishes,  and  says : 

"  Human  life  in  this  State  is  held  so  cheaply  that  when  men  are 
killed  on  account  of  political  opinions,  the  murderers  are  regarded 
rather  as  heroes  than  as  criminals  in  the  localities  where  they  reside." 


532    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

This  brief  summary  is  not  by  a  politician,  but  by  a  distin 
guished  soldier,  who  recounts  the  events  which  had  occurred 
within  his  own  military  jurisdiction.  Volumes  of  testimony 
have  since  been  taken  confirming  in  all  respects  General  Sheri 
dan's  statement,  and  giving  in  detail  the  facts  relating  to  such 
murders,  and  the  times  and  circumstances  of  their  occurrence. 
The  results  of  the  elections  which  immediately  followed  them 
disclose  the  motives  and  purposes  of  their  perpetrators.  These 
reports  show  that  in  the  year  1867  a  reign  of  terror  prevailed 
over  almost  the  entire  State.  In  the  parish  of  St.  Landry  there 
was  a  massacre  of  Colored  people  which  began  on  the  28th  of 
September,  1868,  and  lasted  from  three  to  six  days,  during  which 
time  between  three  and  four  hundred  of  them  were  killed. 
"  Thirteen  captives  were  taken  from  the  jail  and  shot,  and  a  pile 
of  twenty-five  dead  bodies  were  found  burned  in  the  woods.'* 
The  result  of  this  Democratic  campaign  in  the  parish  was  that 
the  registered  Republican  majority  of  1,071  was  wholly  obliter 
ated,  and  at  the  election  which  followed  a  few  weeks  later,  not  a 
vote  was  cast  for  General  Grant,  while  Seymour  and  Blair 
received  4,787. 

In  the  parish  of  Bossier  a  similar  massacre  occurred  between 
the  2Oth  and  3<Dth  of  September,  1868,  which  lasted  from  three  to 
four  days,  during  which  time  two  hundred  Negroes  were  killed. 
By  the  official  registry  of  that  year  the  Republican  voters  in  Bos 
sier  Parish  numbered  1,938,  but  at  the  ensuing  election  only  one 
Republican  vote  was  cast. 

In  the  parish  of  Caddo,  during  the  month  of  October,  i868> 
over  forty  Negroes  were  killed.  The  result  of  that  massacre  was 
that  out  of  a  Republican  registered  vote  of  2,894  only  one  was 
cast  for  General  Grant.  Similar  scenes  were  enacted  throughout 
the  State,  varying  in  extent  and  atrocity  according  to  the  mag 
nitude  of  the  Republican  majority  to  be  overcome. 

The  total  summing  up  of  murders,  maimings,  and  whippings 
which  took  place  for  political  reasons  in  the  months  of  Septem 
ber,  October,  and  November,  1868,  as  shown  by  official  sources, 
is  over  one  thousand.  The  net  political  results  achieved  thereby 
may  be  succinctly  stated  as  follows  :  The  official  registration  for 
that  year  in  twenty-eight  parishes  contained  47,923  names  of  Re 
publican  voters,  but  at  the  presidential  election  held  a  few  weeks 
after  the  occurrence  of  these  events  but  5,360  Republican  votes 
were  cast,  making  the  net  Democratic  gain  from  said  transac 
tions  42,563. 


THE  EXODUS— CAUSE  AND  EFFECT  533 

In  nine  of  these  parishes  where  the  reign  of  terror  was  most 
prevalent,  out  of  11,604  registered  Republican  votes  only  nine 
teen  were  cast  for  General  Grant.  In  seven  of  said  parishes 
there  were  7,253  registered  Republican  votes,  but  not  one  was 
cast  at  the  ensuing  election-  for  the  Republican  ticket. 

In  the  years  succeeding  1868,  when  some  restraint  was  im 
posed  upon  political  lawlessness  and  a  comparatively  peaceful 
election  was  held,  these  same  Republican  parishes  cast  from 
33,000  to  37,000  Republican  votes,  thus  demonstrating  the  pur 
pose  and  the  effects  of  the  reign  of  murder  in  1868. 

In  1876  the  spirit  of  violence  and  persecution  which,  in  parts 
of  the  State,  had  been  partially  restrained  for  a  time,  broke  forth 
again  with  renewed  fury.  It  was  deemed  necessary  to  carry  that 
State  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks,  and  the  policy  which  had  proved 
so  successful  in  1868  was  again  invoked,  and  with  like  results. 
On  the  day  of  general  election  in  1876  there  were  in  the  State  of 
Louisiana  92,996  registered  white  voters,  and  115,310  Colored, 
making  a  Republican  majority  of  the  latter  of  22,314.  The  num 
ber  of  white  Republicans  was  far  in  excess  of  the  number  of  Col 
ored  Democrats.  It  was,  therefore,  well  known  that  if  a  fair 
election  should  be  held  the  State  would  go  Republican  by  from 
twenty-five  to  forty  thousand  majority.  The  policy  adopted  this 
time  was  to  select  a  few  of  the  largest  Republican  parishes  and 
by  terrorism  and  violence  not  only  obliterate  their  Republican 
majorities,  but  also  intimidate  the  Negroes  in  the  other  parishes. 
The  sworn  testimony  found  in  our  public  documents  and  rec 
ords  at  Washington  shows  that  the  same  system  of  assassina 
tions,  whippings,  burnings,  and  other  acts  of  political  persecu 
tion  of  Colored  citizens,  which  had  occurred  in  1868,  was  again 
repeated  in  1876,  and  with  like  results. 

In  fifteen  parishes  where  17,726  Republicans  were  registered 
in  1876  only  5,758  votes  were  cast  for  Hayes  and  Wheeler,  and 
in  one  of  them  (East  Feliciana)  where  there  were  2,127  Republi 
cans  registered,  but  one  Republican  vote  was  cast.  By  some 
methods  the  Republican  majority  of  the  State  was  supposed  to 
have  been  effectually  suppressed  and  a  Democratic  victory  as 
sured.  And  because  the  legally  constituted  authorities  of  Lou 
isiana,  acting  in  conformity  with  law  and  justice,  declined  to 
count  some  of  the  parishes  thus  carried  by  violence  and  blood, 
the  Democratic  party,  both  North  and  South,  has  ever  since  com 
plained  that  it  was  fraudulently  deprived  of -the  fruits  of  the  vie- 


534    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tory  thus  achieved,  and  it  now  proposes  to  make  this  grievance 
the  principal  plank  in  the  party  platform1  for  the  future. 

The  worm  trampled  upon  so  persistently  at  length  turned 
over.  There  was  nothing  left  to  the  Negro  but  to  go  out  from 
the  land  of  his  oppression  and  task-masters. 

The  Exodus  was  not  a  political  movement.  It  was  not  in 
spired  from  without.  It  was  but  the  natural  operation  of  a  divine 
law  that  moved  whole  communities  of  Negroes  to  turn  their  faces 
toward  the  setting  sun.  When  the  Israelites  went  out  of  Egypt 
God  commanded  their  women  to  borrow  the  finger-rings  and 
ear-rings  of  the  Egyptians.  All  had  sandals  on  their  feet,  staves 
in  their  hand,  and  headed  by  a  matchless  leader.  God  went  be 
fore  them  as  a  pillar  of  cloud  by  day  and  a  pillar  of  fire  by  night. 
But  when  the  Negroes  began  their  exodus  from  the  Egypt  of 
their  bondage  they  went  out  empty  ;  without  clothing,  money, 
or  leaders.  They  were  willing  to  endure  any  hardships  short  of 
death  to  reach  a  land  where,  under  their  own  vine  and  fig-tree^ 
they  could  enjoy  free  speech,  free  schools,  the  privilege  of  an 
honest  vote,  and  receive  honest  pay  for  honest  work.  And  how 
forcibly  they  told  why  they  left  the  South. 

"  Now,  old  Uncle  Joe,  what  did  you  come  for  ?  " 

"  Oh,  law  !  Missus,  I  rollers  my  two  boys  an'  the  ole  woman  an*  then 
'pears  like  I  wants  a  taste  of  votin'  afore  I  dies,  an'  the  ole  man  done 
wants  no  swamps  to  wade  in  afore  he  votes,  'kase  he  must  be  Repub 
lican,  ye  see." 

"  Well,  old  Aunty,  give  us  the  sympathetic  side  of  the  story  ;  or, 
tell  us  what  you  think  of  leaving  your  old  home." 

"  I  done  have  no  home  nohow,  if  they  shoots  my  ole  man  an'  the 
boys,  an'  gives  me  no  money  for  de  washin." ' 

A  bright  woman  of  twenty-five  years  is  asked  her  condition, 
when  she  answers  :  "  I  had  n't  much  real  trouble  yet,  like  some 
of  my  neighbors  who  lost  every  thing.  We  had  a  lot  an'  a  little 
house,  an'  some  stock  on  the  place.  We  sold  all  out  'kase  we 
did  n't  dare  to  stay  when  votin'  time  came  again.  Some  neigh 
bors  better  off  than  we  had  been  all  broken  up  by  a  pack  of 
"  night-riders" — all  in  white, — who  scared  everybody  to  death,  run 
the  men  off  to  the  swamps  before  elections,  run  the  stock  off,  an' 

1  See  Senator  Windom's  speech  on  the  Exodus,  Monday,  June  14,  1880  ;  also  the 
report  of  the  Senate  Committee  having  under  consideration  the  investigation  of  the 
causes  of  the  migration  of  the  Colored  people  from  the  Southern  to  the  Northern  States. 


THE  EXODUS— CAUSE  AND  EFFECT.  535 

set  fire  to  their  places.     A  poor  woman  might  as  well  be  killed 
and  done  with  it." 

In  the  early  spring  of  1879,  the  now  famous  Exodus  of  the 
Negroes  from  the  South  set  in  toward  the  Northern  States. 

"  Many  already  have  fled  to  the  forest  and  lurk  on  its  outskirts, 
Waiting  with  anxious  hearts  the  dubious  fate  of  the  morrow. 
Arms  have  been  taken  from  us,  and  warlike  weapons  of  all  kinds  ; 
Nothing  is  left  but  the  blacksmith's  sledge  and  the  scythe  of  the  mower." 

The  story  of  the  emigration  of  a  people  has  been  often  re 
peated  since  the  world  began.  The  Israelites  of  old,  with  their 
wanderings  of  forty  years,  furnish  the  theme  of  an  inspired  poem 
as  old  as  history  itself.  The  dreadful  tale  of  the  Kalmuck  Tartars, 
in  1770,  fleeing  from  their  enemies,  the  Russians,  over  the  deso 
late  steppes  of  Asia  in  mid-winter;  starting  out  six  hundred 
thousand  strong,  men,  women,  and  children,  with  their  flocks  and 
herds,  and  reaching  the  confines  of  China  with  only  two  hundred 
thousand  left,  formed  an  era  in  oriental  annals,  and  made  a  com 
bination  from  which  new  races  of  men  have  sprung.  But  still 
more  appropriate  to  this  occasion  is  the  history  of  the  Hugue 
nots  of  France,  driven  by  religious  persecution  to  England  and 
Ireland,  where,  under  their  influence,  industries  sprang  up  as  the 
flowers  of  the  field,  and  what  was  England's  gain  was  irreparable 
loss  to  France.1  The  expulsion  of  the  Acadians,  a  harmless  and 
inoffensive  people,  from  Nova  Scotia,  is  another  instance  of  the 
revenge  that  natural  laws  inflict  upon  tyranny  and  injustice. 
Next  to  the  persecuted  Pilgrims  crossing  a  dreary  ocean  in  mid 
winter  to  the  sterile  coasts  of  a  land  of  savages  for  freedom's 
sake,  history  hardly  furnishes  a  more  touching  picture  than  that 
of  forty  thousand  homeless,  friendless,  starving  Negroes  going 
to  a  land  already  consecrated  with  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  to 
the  cause  of  free  soil  and  unrestricted  liberty.  It  was  grandly 
strange  that  these  poor  people,  persecuted,  beaten  with  many 
stripes,  hungry,  friendless,  and  without  clothing  or  shelter,  should 
instinctively  seek  a  home  in  Kansas  where  John  Brown  had 
fought  the  first  battle  for  liberty  and  the  restriction  of  slavery ! 
Some  journeyed  all  the  way  from  Texas  to  Kansas  in  teams,  with 
great  horned  oxen,  and  little  steers  in  front  no  larger  than  calves, 
bowing  eagerly  to  the  weary  load.  Worn  and  weary  with  a  nine 
weeks'  journey,  the  travellers  strained  their  eyes  toward  the  land 

1  Pamphlet  on  Exodus. — Anonymous. 


536    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  hope,  blindly  yet  beautifully  "  trustin'  de  good  Lord."  Often 
they  buried  their  dead  as  soon  as  they  arrived,  many  dying  on 
the  hard  floor  of  the  hastily-built  wooden  barracks  before  beds 
could  be  provided,  but  praying  all  night  long  and  saying  touch- 
ingly  :  "  Come,  Lord  Jesus.  Come  quickly.  Come  with  dyin' 
grace  in  one  hand  and  savin'  love  in  the  other." l 

A  relief  association  was  organized  at  once.  A  dear,  good,  old 
Quaker  lady,  in  her  sixty-fourth  year,  a  quarter  of  a  century  of 
which  had  been  spent  in  relieving  suffering  humanity,  came  for 
ward  and  offered  her  services  free  of  charge.  The  association 
was  organized  as  The  Kansas  Freedmeris  Relief  Association.  Mrs. 
Comstock  was  just  the  person  to  manage  the  matter  of  raising 
funds  and  securing  clothing.  In  Gov.  J.  P.  St.  John,  Mrs.  Com 
stock  and  the  association  found  a  warm-hearted  Christian  friend. 

Notwithstanding  the  plain,  world-known  causes,  the  Hon.  D. 
W.  Voorhees,  United  States  Senator  from  Indiana,  introduced  a 
resolution  providing  for  the  investigation  of  "  the  causes  of  the 
migration  of  the  Colored  people  from  the  Southern  to  the  Northern 
States."  It  cost  the  Government  thousands  of  dollars,  but  de 
veloped  nothing  save  what  the  country  had  known  for  years,  that 
the  political  cruelties  and  systematic  robbery  practised  upon  the 
Colored  people  in  the  South  had  forced  them  into  a  free  country. 

In  one  year  those  who  had  taken  up  a  residence  in  Kansas 
had  become  self-sustaining.  They  took  hold  of  the  work  with 
enthusiasm  ;  they  proved  themselves  industrious  and  frugal. 

The  Relief  Association  at  first  supplied  them  with  stoves, 
teams,  and  seed.  In  round  numbers,  in  a  little  more  than  a  year, 
$40,000  was  used,  and  500,000  pounds  of  clothing,  bedding,  etc. 
England  contributed  50,000  pounds  of  goods  and  $8,000  in 
money ;  the  chief  givers  being  Mrs.  Comstock's  friends  who 
knew  her  in  her  good  work  abroad.  Much  of  the  remainder  had 
come  in  small  sums,  and  from  the  Christian  women  of  America. 
One  third  was  furnished  by  the  Society  of  Friends.  Ohio  gave 
more  than  any  other  State.  The  State  and  municipal  funds  of 
Kansas  were  not  drawn  upon  at  all,  though  much  had  come  from 
private  sources. 

During  the  first  year  in  Kansas  the  freedmen  entered  upon 
20,000  acres  of  land,  and  plowed  and  fitted  for  grain-growing 
3,000  acres.  They  built  300  cabins  and  dugouts,  and  accumu 
lated  $30,000.  In  1878  Henry  Carter,  of  Tennessee,  set  out 

1  The  Congregationalist,  Aug.  n,  1880. 


THE  EXODUS— CAUSE  AND  EFFECT.  537 

from  Topeka  on  foot  for  Dunlap,  sixty-five  miles  away ;  he  carry, 
ing  his  tools,  and  his  wife  their  bedclothes.  In  1880  he  had 
forty  acres  of  land  cleared  and  the  first  payment  made,  having 
earned  his  money  on  sheep  ranches  and  elsewhere  by  daily  labor. 
He  has  built  a  good  stone  cottage  sixteen  feet  by  ten,  owns  two 
cows,  a  horse,  etc.  In  Topeka,  where  there  were  about  3,000  refu 
gees,  nearly  all  paupers  when  they  came,  all  have  found  means 
in  some  way  to  make  a  living.  These  people  have  shown  them 
selves  worthy  of  aid.  Mrs.  Comstock  has  heard  of  only  five  or 
six  cases  of  intoxication  in  nine  months,  and  of  no  arrests  for 
stealing.  They  do  not  want  to  settle  where  there  is  no  church, 
and  are  all  eager  to  have  a  Bible  and  to  learn.  Schools  have 
been  opened  for  the  adults — the  public  schools  of  Kansas  wisely 
making  no  distinction  on  account  of  color, — and  also  industrial 
schools,  especially  for  women,  who  are  quite  ignorant  of  the  or 
dinary  duties  of  home  life. 

In  the  month  of  February,  1880,  John  M.  Brown,  .Esq.,  Gen 
eral  Superintendent  of  the  Freedmen's  Relief  Association  read  an 
interesting  report  before  the  Association,  from  which  the  follow 
ing  extract  is  taken  : 

"  The  great  exodus  of  Colored  people  from  the  South  began  about 
the  ist  of  February,  1879.  By  the  ist  of  April  1,300  refugees  had 
gathered  around  Wyandotte,  Ks.  Many  of  them  were  in  a  suffering 
•condition.  It  was  then  that  the  Kansas  Relief  Association  came 
into  existence  for  the  purpose  of  helping  the  most  needy  among 
the  refugees  from  the  Southern  States.  Up  to  date  about  60,000  refu 
gees  have  come  to  the  State  of  Kansas  to  live.  Nearly  40,000  of 
them  were  in  a  destitute  condition  when  they  arrived,  and  have  been 
helped  by  our  association.  We  have  received  to  date  $68,000  for  the 
relief  of  the  refugees.  About  5,000  of  those  who  have  come  to  Kansas 
have  gone  to  other  States  to  live,  leaving  about  55,000  yet  in  Kansas. 
About  30,000  of  that  number  have  settled  in  the  country,  some  of  them 
•on  lands  of  their  own  or  rented  lands  ;  others  have  hired  out  to  the 
farmers,  leaving  about  25,000  in  and  around  the  different  cities  and  towns 
of  Kansas.  There  has  been  great  suffering  among  those  remaining  in 
and  near  the  cities  and  towns  this  winter.  It  has  been  so  cold  that 
they  could  not  find  employment,  and,  if  they  did,  they  had  to  work  for 
very  low  wages,  because  so  many  of  them  are  looking  for  work  that  they 
.are  in  each  other's  way. 

"Most  of  those  about,  the  cities  and  towns  are  men  with  large 
families,  widows,  and  very  old  people.  The  farmers  want  only  able- 
bodied  men  and  women  for  their  work,  and  it  is  very  hard  for  men 


538    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

with  large  families  to  get  homes  among  the  farmers.  Kansas  is  a  new 
State,  and  most  farmers  have  small  houses,  and  they  cannot  take  large 
families  to  live  with  them.  So,  when  the  farmers  call  for  help,  they 
usually  call  for  a  man  and  his  wife  only,  or  for  a  single  man  or  woman. 

"  Now,  in  order  that  men  with  large  families  may  become  owners  of 
land,  and  be  able  to  support  their  families,  the  K.  F.  R,  Association,  if 
they  can  secure  the  means,  will  purchase  cheap  lands,  which  can  be 
bought  at  from  $3  to  $5  per  acre,  on  long  time,  by  making  a  small  pay 
ment  in  cash.  They  will  settle  the  refugees  on  those  lands,  letting  each 
family  have  from  twenty  to  forty  acres,  and  not  settling  more  than  six 
teen  families  in  any  one  neighborhood,  so  that  they  can  easily  obtain 
work  from  the  farmers  in  that  section  or  near  by.  I  do  not  think  it 
best  to  settle  too  many  of  them  in  any  one  place,  because  it  will  make 
it  hard  for  them  to  find  employment. 

"  If  our  association  can  help  them  to  build  a  small  house,  and  have 
five  acres  of  their  land  broken,  the  women  and  children  can  cultivate 
the  five  acres,  and  make  enough  to  support  their  families,  while  the 
men  are  out  at  work  by  the  day  to  earn  money  to  meet  the  payments 
on  their  land  as  they  come  due.  In  this  way  many  families  can  be 
helped  to  homes  of  their  own,  where  they  can  become  self-sustaining, 
educate  their  children,  and  be  useful  citizens  to  the  State  of  Kansas. 

"  Money  spent  in  this  way  will  be  much  more  profitable  to  them  than 
so  much  old  clothing  and  provisions.  Then  they  will  no  longer  be  ob 
jects  of  charity  or  a  burden  to  benevolent  people." 

The  sad  stories  of  this  persecuted  people  had  touched  the 
hearts  of  the  friends  of  humanity  everywhere.  Money  and  cloth 
ing  came  on  every  train,  and  as  fast  as  the  association  could  se 
cure  homes  for  the  refugees  they  were  distributed  throughout 
the  State.1 

A  special  correspondent  of  the  "  Chicago  Inter-Ocean  "  was 
despatched  to  Topeka  to  report  the  condition  of  things  there,, 
and  to  throw  some  light  upon  the  great  intellect  of  Senator 
Voorhees.  He  reported  as  follows: 

"  TOPEKA,  KAN.,  April  9. — During  the  last  few  days  I  have,  in  obe 
dience  to  your  request,  been  taking  notice  of  the  exodus,  as  it  may  be 

1  We  visited  Kansas  twice  in  1880,  and  again  in  1881.  We  conversed  with  Gov.  St. 
John,  Mr.  John  M.  Brown,  and  other  gentlemen  related  to  and  familiar  with  the- 
matter  of  the  Exodus,  and  found  that  those  who  at  the  first  so  violently  opposed  the  com 
ing  of  the  Negroes  had  been  pleased  with  their  simplicity,  patience,  industry,  and- 
character.  They  were  all  doing  well.  The  association  had  discontinued  its  work,  and- 
the  people  were  settled  in  quiet  homes. 


THE  EXODUS— CAUSE  AND  EFFECT.  539 

studied  here  at  the  headquarters  for  relief  among  the  refugees  in  Kan 
sas.  This  is  the  third  visit  your  correspondent  has  made  to  the  '  prom 
ised  land '  of  the  dusky  hosts  who,  fleeing  from  persecution  and  wrongs, 
have  swarmed  within  its  borders  to  the  number  of  25,000.  In  a  letter 
written  while  here  in  December  last  the  number  then  within  the  State 
was  estimated  at  about  15,000,  and  since  that  date  at  least  12,000  more 
have  come.  In  the  '  barracks '  to-day  I  found  what  seemed  to  be  the 
same  one  hundred  *  *  *  who  crowded  about  the  stove  that  cold  De 
cember  day  ;  but  they  were  not  the  same,  of  course,  for  their  places  have 
been  filled  many  times  with  other  hundreds,  who  have  found  their  first 
welcome  to  Kansas  in  the  rest,  food,  and  warmth  which  the  charity  of 
the  North  has  provided  here.  So  efficient  have  the  plan  of  relief  and  the 
machinery  of  distribution  been  made,  that  of  the  thousands  who  have 
passed  through  here,  none  have  remained  as  a  burden  of  expense  to  the 
association  more  than  four  or  five  days  before  places  were  found  where 
their  own  labor  could  furnish  them  support. 

"  If  that  pure  statesman  of  Indiana  whose  great  heart  was  so  filled 
with  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  his  colored  brethren,  that  he  asked 
Congress  to  appropriate  thousands  of  dollars  to  ascertain  why  they 
moved  from  one  State  to  another,  will  come  here  he  will  be  rewarded 
by  such  a  flood  of  light  on  the  question  as  can  never  penetrate  the  re 
cesses  of  his  committee  room  in  Washington.  He  need  hardly  pro 
pound  an  inquiry  ;  he  had,  indeed,  best  not  let  his  great  presence  be 
known,  for  in  the  presence  of  Democracy  the  negro  has  learned  to  keep 
silence.  But  in  search  of  the  truth  let  him  go  to  the  file  of  over  3,000 
letters  in  the  Governor's  office  from  negroes  in  the  South,  and  read  in 
them  the  homely  but  truthful  tales  of  suffering,  oppression,  and  wrongs.. 
Let  him  note  how  real  is  their  complaint,  but  how  modest  the  boon  they 
seek ;  for  in  different  words,  sometimes  in  quaint  and  often  in 
awkward  phrases,  the  questions  are  always  the  same  :  Can  we  be 
free  ?  Can  we  have  work,  and  can  we  have  our  rights  in  Kansas  ? 
Let  him  go  next  to  the  barracks  and  watch  the  tired,  ragged,  hungry, 
scared-looking  negroes  as  they  come  by  the  dozens  on  every  train.  If 
he  is  not  prompted  by  shame,  then  from  caution  necessary  to  the  success 
of  his  errand,  let  him  here  conceal  the  fact  that  he  is  a  Democrat,  for 
these  half-famished  and  terrified  negroes  have  been  fleeing  from  Demo 
crats  in  the  South,  and  in  their  ignorance  they  may  not  be  able  to  com 
prehend  the  nice  distinction  between  a  Northern  and  Southern  Demo 
crat.  If  he  will  be  content  simply  to  listen  as  they  talk  among  themselves,, 
he  will  soon  learn  much  that  the  laborious  cross-examination  of  wit 
nesses  has  failed  to  teach  him.  He  may  take  note  of  the  fact  that  fleeing 
from  robbery,  oppression,  and  murder,  they  come  only  with  the  plea  for 
work  and  justice  while  they  work.  He  may  see  reason  to  criticise  what 
generally  has  been  deemed  by  Southern  Democrats  at  least,  the  un- 


540    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

reasonable  folly  in  a  negro  which  prompts  husband  and  wife  to  go  only 
where  they  can  go  together,  but  he  will  find  nothing  to  cause  him  to 
doubt  the  sincerity  and  good  faith  with  which  the  negro  grapples  with 
the  problem  of  his  new  life  here.  If  he  would  learn  more  of  this 
strength  of  resolution  and  the  patience  which  they  have  brought  to  the 
search  for  a  home  in  a  free  land,  let  him  inquire  concerning  the  lives  of 
these  refugees  in  Kansas.  It  may  seem  of  significance  and  worthy  of 
approving  note  to  him,  that  as  laborers  they  have  been  faithful  and  in 
dustrious  ;  that  in  no  single  case  have  they  come  back  asking  aid  of  the 
relief  association  nor  become  burdens  in  any  way  upon  corporate  or 
public  charities  ;  that  as  citizens  they  are  sober  and  law-abiding  to  such 
a  degree  that  he  would  hardly  be  able  to  discover  a  single  case  of  crime 
so  far  among  them  ;  and,  finally,  that  in  those  instances  where  they  were 
able  to  purchase  a  little  land  and  stock,  they  have  made  as  good  prog 
ress  toward  the  acquirement  of  homes  and  property  as  have  the  aver 
age  poor  white  immigrants  to  the  State.  He  will  first  learn,  then> 
from  the  refugees  themselves  something  of  the  desperate  nature  of 
the  causes  that  drove  them  from  the  South,  and  secondly,  from  their 
lives  here,  with  what  thrift,  patience,  and  determination  they  have  met 
the  difficulties  which  they  have  encountered  in  their  efforts  to  gain  a 
foothold,  and  as  men  among  men,  in  the  land  of  equal  rights.  From 
the  Hon.  Milton  Reynolds,  President  of  the  Auxiliary  Relief  .Associ 
ation  at  Parsons,  I  learn  that  the  negroes  who  have  come  into  the  southern 
part  of  the  State,  mostly  from  Texas,  are  all  either  settled  on  small 
tracts  of  land  or  employed  as  laborers  at  from  $8  to  $12  per  month,  and 
are  all  doing  well.  Mr.  Reynolds's  testimony  to  this  effect  was  positive 
and  unqualified.  To  assist  these  refugees  in  Southern  Kansas — over 
3,000  in  all — only  $575  has  been  expended.  From  Judge  R.  W.  Daw- 
son,  who  was  the  Secretary  of  the  association  under  the  old  management 
and  during  the  early  months  of  the  movement,  one  year  ago,  when 
6,000  refugees  were  distributed  throughout  the  State  and  provided  with 
homes  at  a  cost  of  $5,000,  I  learned  much  of  interest  concerning  the 
welfare  and  progress  of  this  advance  guard  of  the  great  exodus.  Judge 
Dawson,  although  not  connected  now  with  the  relief  work,  feels  of 
course  a  great  interest  in  the  welfare  of  those  to  whose  assistance  he 
contributed  much,  and  loses  no  opportunity  for  observation  of  their 
condition  while  travelling  over  the  State.  He  says  he  knows  of  no  case 
where  one  has  come  back  to  the  association  for  aid,  and  that,  as  labor 
ers  and  citizens,  their  conduct  has  been  such  as  to  win  the  approval  of 
all  classes.  Four  colonies  have  been  established.  State  lands  were 
bought  by  the  association  and  given  to  the  colonies  with  the  under 
standing  that,  to  secure  their  title,  they  must  make  the  second  and  third 
payments  on  the  land  purchased  on  the  one-third  cash  and  two-thirds 
time  payment  plan.  Two  of  the  newest  of  these  colonies  are  still  re- 


THE  EXODUS— CAUSE  AND  EFFECT.  541 

reiving  aid  from  the  association,  but  the  others  are  self-sustaining  and 
will  be  able,  it  is  thought,  to  make  the  small  purchase  payments  on  the 
land  as  they  become  due. 

"  If  our  inquiring  Statesman  is  interested  in  observing  in  what  spirit 
these  refugees  receive  the  aid  which  has  made  existence  possible  here 
during  the  cold  winter  months,  he  may  be  profited  toy  spending  a  few 
-days  in  looking  about  the  city  of  Topeka.  There  are  in  Topeka 
alone  over  3,000  refugees,  and  nearly  all  of  them,  paupers  when 
they  came,  have  found  means  in  some  way  to  make  a  living.  In  many 
cases  it  is  a  precarious  subsistence  that  is  gained,  and  in  not  a  few 
-cases  among  late  arrivals  he  would  find  evidences  of  want  and  des 
titution,  but,  compared  with  this,  he  cannot  but  be  struck  with  the 
small  number  of  applicants  to  the  Relief  Association  for  aid.  Only 
213  rations  were  issued  outside  the  barracks  last  week  to  the  3,000 
refugees  who  came  here  only  a  few  months  since  without  money, 
and  frequently  without  clothing,  to  undertake  what  seemed  under  the 
circumstances  the  desperate  purpose  of  making  a  living. 

"  The  dangers  and  difficulties  which  beset  the  refugees'  departure 
from  a  land  where  even  the  right  to  emigrate  is  denied  him  are  great. 
*  *  *  He  may  learn  (Mr.  Voorhees),  however,  from  copies  of 
over  1,000  letters  in  the  Governor's  office,  that  Gov.  St.  John  has 
never,  in  reply  to  their  appeals,  failed  to  warn  them  of  the  difficulties 
that  would  beset  their  way  here,  and  has  never  extended  them  promise 
of  other  assistance  than  that  implied  in  the  equal  rights  which  are 
guaranteed  to  every  citizen  of  Kansas.  Further  than  this,  however 
surprising  it  may  be  to  Mr.  Voorhees'  theory  of  the  causes  of  the  exo 
dus,  it  is  nevertheless  a  fact  that  this  very  association,  which  is  charged 
with  encouraging  the  exodus,  has  sent  the  Rev.  W.  O.  Lynch,  a  colored 
man,  to  the  South  to  warn  the  colored  people  that  they  must  not  come 
here  expecting  to  be  fed  or  to  find  homes  already  prepared,  and  to  do 
all  in  his  power  to  dissuade  them  from  coming  at  all.  Stilt  they  come, 
and  why  they  come  the  country  has  determined  long  in  advance  of  Mr. 
Voorhees'  report.  *  *  * 

"  While  we  have  Mr.  Voorhees  here  we  would  be  glad  to  have  him 
glance  at  a  State  document  to  be  found  upon  Governor  St.  John's  table, 
which  bears  the  Great  Seal  and  signature  of  Gov.  O.  M.  Roberts,  of  the 
State  of  Texas.  It  is  a  requisition  by  the  Governor  of  Texas  upon  the 
Governor  of  Kansas  for  the  body  of  one  Peter  Womack,  a  colored  man, 
who  was  indicted  by  the  Grand  Jury  of  Grimes  County  at  the  last 
November  term  for  the  felony  of  fraudulently  disposing  of  ten  bushels 
of  corn.  From  further  particulars  we  learn  that  this  Peter  Womack 
gave  a  mortgage  early  in  the  spring  of  1879  upon  his  crop  just  planted 
to  cover  a  debt  of  twenty  dollars  due  the  firm  of  Wilson  and  Howel. 
When  Womack  came  to  gather  his  crop,  he  yields  to  the  importunities 


542    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

of  another  white  creditor  ten  bushels  of  corn  to  be  applied upon  the  debt. 
About  this  time  this  Peter  Womack  becomes  influential  in  inducing  a 
number  of  his  colored  neighbors  in  Grimes  County  to  emigrate  to  Kan 
sas.  Undeterred  by  threats  and  despite  the  bull-dozing  methods  em 
ployed  to  cause  him  to  remain  a  '  citizen '  of  Texas,  Womack,  with 
others,  sick  of  a  condition  of  citizenship  which  is  nothing  less  than 
hopeless  peonage,  leaves  stock  and  crops  behind  to  seek  a  home  in 
Kansas.  His  acts  in  inciting  the  movement  of  these  black  serfs  are  not 
forgotten,  however,  by  the  white  chivalry  of  Grimes  County.  The  evi 
dence  of  this  surrender  on  a  debt  of  ten  bushels  of  corn,  mortgaged  for 
another  debt,  is  hunted  up,  presented  to  the  Grand  Jury  of  Grimes 
County,  he  is  promptly  indicted  for  a  felony,  and  the  great  State  of 
Texas  rises  in  her  majesty  and  demands  a  surrender  of  his  body.  The 
demand  is  in  accordance  with  law,  undoubtedly, — Texas  law, — but  if 
Texas  would  occasionally  punish  one  of  the  white  murderers  who  do 
not  think  it  necessary  to  leave  her  borders,  this  pursuit  of  a  negro  for 
selling  ten  bushels  of  corn  from  a  mortgaged  crop  would  seem  a  more 
imposing  exhibition  of  the  power  of  the  commonwealth  to  enforce  its 
laws." 

The  effect,  or  rather  the  results  of  the  Exodus  have  been  two 
fold.  It  taught  the  Southern  people  that  there  was  need  of  some 
effort  to  regain  the  confidence  of  the  Negroes ;  that  the  Negro  is 
the  only  laborer  who  can  cultivate  that  section  of  the  country ;. 
that  the  Negro  can  get  on  without  the  Southern  people  a  great 
deal  better  than  they  can  get  on  without  Negro  labor ;  that  the 
severe  political  treatment  and  systematic  robbery  of  the  Negroes 
had  not  only  driven  them  out,  but  had  discouraged  white  people 
from  settling  or  investing  money  at  the  South ;  that  dissatisfied 
labor  was  against  their  interests;  that  it  was  the  duty  of  business 
men  in  the  South  to  take  a  firm  stand  for  the  protection  of  the 
Negroes,  because  every  stroke  of  violence  administered  to  the 
Negroes  shocked  and  injured  the  business  of  that  section;  and 
that  kind  treatment  of  and  protection  for  the  Negroes  would 
insure  better  work  and  greater  financial  prosperity.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Exodus  benefited  the  Negroes  who  sought  and  found 
new  homes  in  a  new  country ;  and  it  secured  better  treatment 
for  those  who  remained  behind.  The  Exodus  was  in  line  with  a 
great  law  that  governs  nations.  The  Negro  race  must  win  by 
contact  with  the  white  race ;  by  absorbing  all  that  is  good ;  by 
the  inspiration  of  example.  He  must  come  in  contact  now  not 

1  Chicago  Inter-Ocean,  April  15,  1880. 


THE  EXODUS— CAUSE  AND  EFFECT.  543 

with  a  people  who  hate  him,  but  with  a  people  of  industrious, 
sober,  and  honest  habits ;  a  people  willing  to  encourage  and  in 
struct  him  in  the  duties  of  life.  Race  lines  must  be  obliterated 
at  the  South,  and  the  old  theory  of  the  natural  inferiority  of  the 
Negro  must  give  way  to  the  demonstrations  of  Negro  capacity. 
A  new  doctrine  must  supplant  the  old  theories  of  pro-slavery 
days,  and  every  man  in  the  Republic  must  enjoy  a  citizenship  as 
wide  as  the  continent,  and,  like  the  coin  of  the  Government,  pass 
for  his  intrinsic  value,  and  no  more. 


544    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

RETROSPECTION  AND   PROSPECTION. 

THE  THREE  GRAND  DIVISIONS  OF  THE  TRIBES  OF  AFRICA.  —  SLAVE  MARKETS  OF  AMERICA  SUP 
PLIED  FROM  THE  DISEASED  AND  CRIMINAL  CLASSES  OF  AFRICAN  SOCIETY. — AMERICA  ROBS 
AFRICA  OF  15,000,000  SOULS  IN  360  YEARS.  —  NEGRO  POWER  OF  ENDURANCE.  —  His  WONDERFUL. 
ACHIEVEMENTS  AS  A  LABORER,  SOLDIER,  AND  STUDENT.  —  FIRST  IN  WAR,  AND  FIRST  IN 
DEVOTION  TO  THE  COUNTRY.  —  His  IDIOSYNCRASIES.  —  MRS.  STOWE'S  ERRORS.  —  His  GROWING 
LOVE  FOR  SCHOOLS  AND  CHURCHES.  —  His  GENERAL  IMPROVEMENT.  —  THE  NEGRO  WILL  ENDURB 
TO  THE  END.  —  HE  is  CAPABLE  FOR  ALL  THE  DUTIES  OF  CITIZENSHIP.  —  AMALGAMATION  WILL 
NOT  OBLITERATE  THE  RACE.  —  THE  AMERICAN  NEGRO  WILL  CIVILIZE  AFRICA. — AMERICA  WILL 
ESTABLISH  STEAMSHIP  COMMUNICATION  WITH  THE  DARK  CONTINENT.  —  AFRICA  WILL  YET  BB 
COMPOSED  OF  STATES,  AND  "  ETHIOPIA  SHALL  SOON  STRETCH  OUT  HER  HANDS  UNTO  GOD." 

IT  has  been  shown  that  the  tribes  of  Africa  are  divisible  into 
three  classes:     The  tribes  of  the  mountain  districts,  the 
tribes  of  the  sandstone  districts,  and  the  tribes  of  the  al 
luvial  districts  ;  those  of  the  mountain  districts  most  powerful, 
those  of  the  sandstone  districts  less  powerful,  and  those  of  the 
alluvial  districts  least  powerful.     The  slave  markets  of  America 
were  supplied,1  very  largely,  from  two  classes  of  Africans,  viz. : 

1  From  the  year  1500  to  1860  the  number  of  slaves  imported  from  Africa  were  as 

follows  : 

Number  of  Negroes  imported  Total, 

into  America  per  annum. 

From  1500  to  1525  .         .         .         .  500  12,500 

From  1525  to  1550  ....  5,000  125,000 

From  1550  to  1600  .         .         .         .  15,000  750,000 

From  1600  to  1650  ....  20,000  1,000,000 

From  1650  to  1700  .         .         .         .  35,ooo  1,750,000 

From  1700  to  1750  ....  60,000  3,000,000 

From  1750  to  1800  .  80,000  4,000,000 

From  1800  to  1850  ....  65,000  3,250,000 

Total,  350  years 13,887,500 

From  1850  to  1860,  increase  for  decade          .          .  749,931 

Total  importation  of  Negro  slaves  into  America  during 

a  period  of  360  years 14,637,431 

or  about  15,000,000  in  round  numbers.  • 

The  above  figures  are  taken  from  Mr.  Dunbar's  Mexican  Papers.     The  process  by 
which  he  reaches  his  conclusions  and  secures  his  figures  is  rather  remarkable. 


RETROSPECTION  AND  PROSPECTION.  54$ 

the  criminal  class,  and  the  refuse  of  African  society,  which  has 
been  preyed  upon  by  local  disease,  decimated  by  wars  waged  by 
the  more  powerful  tribes  which  have  pushed  down  from  the 
abundant  supply  that  has  poured  over  the  terraces  of  the  moun 
tains  for  centuries.  Nevertheless,  some  of  the  better  class  have 
found  their  way  to  this  country.  About  137  Negro  tribes  are 
represented  in  the  United  States. 

For  every  slave  landed  safely  in  North  America,  there  was 
one  lost  in  procuring  and  bringing  down  to  the  coast,  and  in 
transportation.  Thus  in  the  period  of  360  years,  Africa  was 
robbed  of  about  30,000,000  of  souls  !  When  it  is  remembered 
that  the  Negroes  in  America  sprang  from  the  criminal,  diseased, 
and  inferior  classes  of  Africa,  it  is  nothing  short  of  a  phenom 
enon  that  they  were  able  to  endure  such  a  rigorous  state  of 
bondage.  Under-fed  and  over-worked  ;  poorly  clad  and  miser 
ably  housed  ;  with  the  family  altar  cast  down,  and  intelligent  men 
allowed  to  run  over  it  as  swine ;  and  with  the  fountains  of 
knowledge  sealed  by  law  against  the  thirstings  of  human  souls 
for  knowledge,  the  Negroes  of  America,  nevertheless,  have  shown 
the  most  wonderful  signs  of  recuperation,  and  the  ability  to  rise,, 
against  every  cruel  act  of  man  and  the  very  forces  of  nature,  to  a 
manhood  and  intelligent  citizenship  that  converts  the  cautious, 
impartial,  and  conservative  spirit  of  history  into  eulogy  !  They 
have  overcome  the  obstacles  in  the  path  of  the  physical  civiliza 
tion  of  North  America  ;  they  have  earned  billions  of  dollars  for 
a  profligate  people ;  they  have  made  good  laborers,  efficient 
sailors,  and  peerless  soldiers.  In  three  wars  they  won  the  crown 
of  heroes  by  steady,  intrepid  valor ;  and  in  peace  have  shown 
themselves  the  friends  of  stable  government.  During  the  war 
for  the  Union,  186,017*  Colored  men  enlisted  in  the  service  of  the 
nation,  and  participated  in  249  battles.  From  1866  to  1873,  be 
sides  the  money  saved  in  other  banking  houses,  they  deposited 
in  the  Freedmen's  Banks  at  the  South  $53,000,000!  From  1866 
to  1875  there  were  seven  Negroes  as  Lieutenant-Governors  of 
Southern  States  ;  two  served  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and 
thirteen  in  the  United  States  House  of  Representatives.  There  have 
been  five  Negroes  appointed  as  Foreign  Ministers.  There  have 
been  ten  Negro  members  of  Northern  Legislatures  ;  and  in  the 
Government  Departments  at  Washington  there  are  620  Negroes 

1  This  includes  the  officers,  moet  of  whom  were  white  men. 


546    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA, 

employed.  Starting  without  schools  this  remarkable  people 
have  now  14,889  schools,  with  an  attendance  of  720,853  pupils! 
And  this  does  not  include  the  children  of  color  who  attend  the 
white  schools  of  the  Northern  States  ;  and  as  far  as  it  is  possi 
ble  to  get  the  statistics,  there  are  at  present  169  Colored  students 
attending  white  colleges  in  the  Northern  States. 

The  first  blood  shed  in  the  Revolution  was  that  of  a  Ne 
gro,  Crispus  Attucks,  on  the  5th  of  March,  1770.  The  first 
blood  shed  in  the  war  for  the  Union  was  that  of  a  Negro, 
Nicholas  Biddle,  a  member  of  the  very  first  company  that  passed 
through  Baltimore  in  April,  1861  ;  while  the  first  Negro  killed 
in  the  war  was  named  John  Brown  !  The  first  Union  regiment 
of  Negro  troops  raised  during  the  Rebellion,  was  raise'd  in  the 
State  that  was  first  to  secede  from  the  Union,  South  Carolina. 
Its  colonel  was  a  Massachusetts  man,  and  a  graduate  of  Harvard 
College.  The  first  action  in  which  Negro  troops  participated  was 
in  South  Carolina.  The  first  regiment  of  Northern  Negro  troops 
fought  its  first  battle  in  South  Carolina,  at  Fort  Wagner,  where 
it  immortalized  itself.  The  first  Negro  troops  recruited  in  the 
Mississippi  Valley  were  recruited  by  a  Massachusetts  officer, 
Gen.  B.  F.  Butler ;  while  their  first  fighting  here  was  directed  by 
another  Massachusetts  officer,  Gen.  N.  P.  Banks.  The  first  recog 
nition  of  Negro  troops  by  the  Confederate  army  was  in  December, 
1863,  when  Major  John  C.  Calhoun,  a  grandson  of  the  South  Caro 
lina  statesman  of  that  name,  bore  a  flag  of  truce,  which  was  re 
ceived  by  Major  Trowbridge  of  the  First  South  Carolina  Colored 
Regiment.  The  first  regiment  to  enter  Petersburg  was  com 
posed  of  Negroes;  while  the  first  troops  to  enter  the  Confederate 
capital  at  Richmond  were  Gen.  Godfry  Weitzel's  two  divisions 
of  Negroes.  The  last  guns  fired  at  Lee's  army  at  Appomattox 
were  in  the  hands  of  Negro  soldiers.  And  when  the  last  expiring 
effort  of  treason  had,  through  foul  conspiracy,  laid  our  beloved 
President  low  in  death,  a  Negro  regiment  guarded  his  remains, 
and  marched  in  the  stately  procession  which  bore  the  illustrious 
dead  from  the  White  House.  And  on  the  1 5th  of  May,  1865, 
at  Palmetto  Ranch,  Texas,  the  62d  Regiment  of  Colored  Troops 
fired  the  last  volley  of  the  war ! 

Several  attempts  have  been  made  to  define  the  racial  char 
acteristics  of  the  Negro,  but  they  have  not  been  attended  with 
success. 

Mrs.  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe  has  written  more  and  written 


RETROSPECTION  AND  PROSPECTION.  547 

better  about  the  American  Negro  than  any  other  person  during 
the  present  century.  She  has  given  laboriously  and  minutely 
wrought  pictures  of  plantation  life.  She  has  held  up  to  the  gaze 
of  the  world  portraitures  comic  and  serio-comic,  which  for  the 
gorgeousness  and  awfulness  of  their  drapery  will  perish  only  with 
the  language  in  which  they  are  painted. 

But  Mrs.  Stowe's  great  characters  are  marred  by  some  glaring 
imperfections.  "  Uncle  Tom  "  is  too  goodish,  too  lamb-like,  too 
obsequious.  He  is  a  child  of  full  growth,  yet  lacks  the  elements 
of  an  enlarged  manhood.  His  mind  is  feeble,  body  strong — too 
strong  for  the  conspicuous  absence  of  spirit  and  passion. 

"  Dred  "  is  the  divinest  character  of  the  times — is  prophet, 
preacher,  and  saint.  He  is  so  grand.  He  is  eloquent  beyond 
compare,  and  as  familiar  with  the  Bible  as  if  he  were  its  author. 
And  every  hero  Mrs.  Stowe  takes  in  charge  must  make  up  his 
mind  to  get  religion,  lots  of  it  too,  and  then  prepare  to  die.  There 
is  a  terrible  fatality  among  her  leading  characters. 

Mrs.  Stowe  has  given  but  one  side  of  Negro  character,  and 
that  side  is  terribly  exaggerated.  But  all  strong  natures  like  hers 
are  given  to  exaggeration.  Wendell  Phillips  never  tells  the  truth, 
and  yet  he  always  tells  the  truth.  He  is  a  man  of  strong  convic 
tions,  and  always  pronounces  his  conviction  strongly.  He  has  a 
poetical  nature,  is  a  word-painter,  and,  therefore,  indulges  in  the 
license  of  the  poet  and  painter.  Mrs.  Stowe  belongs  to  this 
school  of  writers.  The  lamb  and  lion  are  united  in  the  Negro 
character.  Mrs.  Stowe's  mistake  consists  in  ascribing  to  the  Ne 
gro  a  peculiarly  religious  character  and  disposition.  Here  is 
detected  the  mistake.  The  Negro  is  not,  as  she  supposes,  the 
most  religious  being  in  the  world.  He  has  more  religion  and  has 
less  religion  than  any  other  of  the  races,  in  one  sense.  And  yet, 
divorced  from  the  circumstances  by  which  he  has  been  sur 
rounded  in  this  country,  he  is  not  so  very  religious.  Mrs.  Stowe 
seizes  upon  a  characteristic  that  belongs  to  mankind  wherever 
mankind  is  enslaved,  and  gently  binds  it  about  the  neck  of  the 
Negro.  All  races  of  men  become  religious  when  oppressed. 
Frederick  the  Great  was  an  infidel  when  with  his  friend  Voltaire, 
but  when  suffering  the  reverses  of  war  in  Silesia  he  could  write 
very  pious  letters  to  his  "  favorite  sister."  This  is  true  in 
national  character  when  traced  to  its  last  analysis.  Men  pray 
while  they  are  down  in  life,  but  curse  when  up.  And  of  neces 
sity  the  religion  of  a  bond  people  is  not  always  healthy.  There 


548    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

is  an  involuntary  turning  to  a  divine  helper;  a  sort  of  religious 
superstition,  that  believes  all  things,  hopes  all  things,  and  is  pa 
tient.  The  soul  of  such  a  people  is  surcharged  with  an  almost 
incredulous  amount  of  poetry,  song,  and  rude  but  grand  elo 
quence.  And  when  the  songs  that  cheered  and  lighted  many  a 
heavy  heart  in  the  starless  night  of  bondage  shall  have  been  res 
cued  and  purified  by  the  art  of  music,  the  hymnology  of  this 
century  will  be  greatly  indebted  to  this  much-abused  people.  So, 
under  this  religious  garb,  woven  by  the  cruel  experiences  conse 
quent  upon  slavery,  the  lion  slumbers  in  the  Negro. 

Every  year  since  the  close  of  the  Rebellion  the  Negro  has 
been  taking  on  better  and  purer  traits  of  character.  Possessed 
of  an  impressible  nature,  a  discriminating  sense  of  the  beautiful, 
and  a  deep,  pure  taste  for  music,  his  progress  has  been  phenome 
nal.  Strong  in  his  attachments,  gentle  in  manners,  confiding, 
hopeful,  enduring  in  affection,  and  benevolent  to  a  fault,  there  is 
no  limit  to  the  outcome  of  his  character. 

Like  the  oscillations  of  the  pendulum  of  a  clock  the  Negro  is 
swinging  from  an  extreme  religious  fanaticism  to  an  extreme 
rationalism.  But  he  will  finally  take  his  position  upon  a  solid 
religious  basis  ;  and  to  his  "  faith  "  will  add  virtue,  knowledge,  and 
good  works.  Everywhere  under  good  influences  he  has  made  a 
good  citizen.  No  issue  in  the  State  has  been  foreign  to  him. 
He  has  proven  his  patriotism  and  his  fondness  for  this  land  to 
which  he  was  dragged  in  chains,  and  in  his  obedience  to  its  laws 
and  devotion  to  its  principles  has  stood  second  to  none.  His 
home  promises  much  good.  His  whole  life  seems  to  have  under 
gone  a  radical  change.  He  has  shown  a  disposition  and  delight 
in  the  education  of  his  children  ;  and  the  constantly  growing  de 
mand  for  competent  teachers  and  educated  preachers  shows  that 
he  has  outgrown  his  old  ideas  concerning  education  and  religion. 
From  an  insatiable  desire  for  gewgaws  he  has  turned  to  a  practice 
of  the  precepts  of  economy.  From  the  state  of  semi-civilization 
in  which  he  cared  only  for  the  comforts  of  the  present,  his  desires 
and  wants  have  swept  outward  and  upward  into  the  years  to 
come  and  toward  the  Mysterious  Future.  He  has  learned  the 
difficult  lesson  that  "  man  shall  not  live  by  bread  alone,"  and  has 
shown  himself  delighted  with  a  keen  sense  of  intellectual  hunger. 
One  hundred  weekly  newspapers,  conducted  by  Negroes,  are 
feeding  the  mind  of  the  race,  binding  communities  together  by 
the  cords  of  common  interests  and  racial  sympathy  ;  while  the 


RETROSPECTION  AND  PROSPECTION.  549 

works  of  twenty  Negro  authors  \  lend  inspiration  and  purpose  to 
every  honest  effort  at  self-improvement. 

The  fiery  trials  of  the  young  Colored  men  who  gained  admis 
sion  to  West  Point,  and  the  noble  conduct  of  the  four  regiments 
of  black  troops  in  the  severe  service  of  the  frontiers  have 
strengthened  the  hopes  of  a  nation  in  the  final  outcome  of  the 
American  Negro. 

But  what  of  the  future  ?  Can  the  Negro  endure  the  sharp 
competition  of  American  civilization  ?  Can  he  keep  his  position 
against  the  tendencies  to  amalgamation?  Since  it  has  been 
proven  that  the  Negro  is  not  dying  out,  but  on  the  contrary  pos 
sesses  the  powers  of  reproduction  to  a  remarkable  degree,  a  new 
source  of  danger  has  been  discovered.  It  is  said  that  the  Negro 
will  perish,  will  be  absorbed  by  the  dominant  race  ere  long ;  that 
where  races  are  crossed  the  inferior  race  suffers;  and 'that  mixed 
races  lack  the  power  to  reproduce  their  species  ;  and  that  hence 
the  disappearance  of  the  Negro  is  but  a  question  of  time.  Mr. 
Joseph  C.  G.  Kennedy,  superintendent  of  the  Federal  Census  dur 
ing  the  war,  took  the  following  view  of  this  question : 

"  That  an  unfavorable  moral  condition  has  existed  and  continues 
among  the  free  Colored,  be  the  cause  what  it  may,  notwithstanding  the 
great  number  of  excellent  people  included  in  that  population,  no  one 
can  for  a  moment  doubt  who  will  consider  that  with  them  an  element 
exists  which  is  to  some  extent  positive,  and  that  is  the  fact  of  there  be 
ing  more  than  half  as  many  mulattoes  as  blacks,  forming,  as  they  do, 
36^  per  cent,  of  the  whole  Colored  population,  and  they  are 
maternally  descendants  of  the  Colored  race,  as  it  is  well  known 
that  no  appreciable  amount  of  this  admixture  is  the  result  of  marriage 
between  white  and  black,  or  the  progeny  of  white  mothers — a  fact 
showing  that  whatever  deterioration  may  be  the  consequence  of  this 
alloyage,  is  incurred  by  the  Colored  race.  Where  such  a  proportion  of 
the  mixed  race  exists,  it  may  reasonably  be  inferred  that  the  barriers  ta 
license  are  not  more  insuperable  among  those  of  the  same  color.  That 
corruption  of  morals  progresses  with  greater  admixture  of  races,  and 
that  the  product  of  vice  stimulates  the  propensity  to  immorality,  is  as 
evident  to  observation  as  it  is  natural  to  circumstances.  These  develop 
ments  of  the  census,  to  a  good  degree,  explain  the  slow  progress  of  the 
free  Colored  population  in  the  Northern  States,  and  indicate,  with  unerr 
ing  certainty,  the  gradual  extinction  of  that  people  the  more  rapidly  as, 

1  Thus  far  the  Negro  has  not  gone,  as  an  author,  beyond  mere  narration.     But  we 
may  soon  expect  a  poet,  a  novelist,  a  composer,  and  a  philosophical  writer. 


550    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

whether  free  or  slave,  they  become  diffused  among  the  dominant  race. 
There  are,  however,  other  causes,  although  in  themselves  not  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  great  excess  of  deaths  over  births,  as  is  found  to  oc 
cur  in  some  Northern  cities,  and  these  are  such  as  are  incident  to  incon- 
genial  climate  and  a  condition  involving  all  the  exposures  and  hardships 
which  accompany  a  people  of  lower  caste.  As  but  two  censuses  have 
been  taken  which  discriminate  between  the  blacks  and  mulattoes,  it  is 
not  yet  so  easy  to  determine  how  far  the  admixture  of  the  races  affects 
their  vital  power  ;  but  the  developments  already  made  would  indicate 
that  the  mingling  of  the  races  is  more  unfavorable  to  vitality,  than  a 
condition  of  slavery,  which  practically  ignores  marriage  to  the  exclusion 
of  the  admixture  of  races,  has  proved,  for  among  the  slaves  the  natural 
increase  has  been  as  high  as  three  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  ever  more 
than  two  per  cent.,  while  the  proportion  of  mulattoes  at  the  present 
period  reaches  but  10.41  per  cent,  in  the  slave  population.  Among  the 
free  Colored,  in  the  Southern  States,  the  admixture  of  races  appears  to 
have  progressed  at  a  somewhat  less  ratio  than  at  the  North,  and  we  can 
only  account  for  the  greater  proportionate  number  of  mulattoes  in  the 
North  by  the  longer  period  of  their  freedom  in  the  midst  of  the  domi 
nant  and  more  numerous  race,  and  the  supposition  of  more  mulattoes 
than  blacks  having  escaped  or  been  manumitted  from  slavery." 

Whatever  merit  this  view  possessed  before  the  war  of  the  Re- 
bellion,  it  is  obsolete  under  the  present  organization  of  society. 
The  environments  of  the  Negro,  the  downward  tendencies  of  his 
social  life,  and  the  exposed  state  in  which  slave  laws  left  him, 
have  all  perished.  In  addition  to  his  aptitude  for  study  and  ca 
pacity  for  improvement,  he  is  now  under  the  protecting  and  re 
straining  influences  of  congenial  climate ;  and  pure  sociological 
laws  will  impart  to  his  offspring  the  power  of  reproduction  and 
the  ability  to  maintain  an  excellent  social  footing  with  the  other 
races  of  the  world.  The  learned  M.  A.  DeQuatrefages  says,  con 
cerning  this  question  : 

None  of  the  eminent  men  with  whom  I  regret  to  differ  take  any 
account  of  the  influence  of  the  action  of  the  surroundings.  I  believe 
that  the  conditions  of  the  surroundings  play  as  important  a  part  in  the 
crossing  of  races  as  they  do  in  other  matters.  They  may  sometimes 
favor,  sometimes  restrict,  sometimes  prevent,  the  establishment  of  a 
mixed  race.  This  simple  consideration  accounts  for  many  apparently 
contradictory  facts.  Etwick  and  Long  have  affirmed  that  in  Jamaica 
the  mulattoes  hold  out  only  because  they  are  constantly  recruited  by 
the  marriage  of  whites  with  negresses.  But  in  San  Domingo,  in  the 


RETROSPECTION  AND  PROSPECTION.  551 

Dominican  Republic,  there  are,  we  may  say,  no  whites,  and  the  popula 
tion  consists  of  two  thirds  mulattoes  and  one  third  negroes.  The  num 
bers  of  the  mulattoes  are  there  well  kept  up  by  themselves  without  the 
introduction  of  fresh  blood.  In  respect  to  fertility,  different  instances 
of  crossing  between  individuals  of  the  two  same  races  may  give  different 
results,  according  to  the  place  where  they  are  effected.  I  believe  it  is 
unnecessary  to  insist  and  show  that  the  physical  and  physiological 
faculties  of  children  born  of  mixed  unions  ought  to  present  analogous 
facts. 

"  In  my  view  the  aggregation  of  physical  conditions  does  not  in 
itself  alone  constitute  the  environment.  Social  and  moral  conditions 
have  an  equal  part  in  it.  Here,  again,  it  is  easy  to  establish,  in  the  re 
sults  of  crossings,  differences  which  have  no  other  cause  than  differences 
in  these  conditions.  It  is  true  that  mongrels,  born  and  grown  up  in  the 
midst  of  the  hatred  of  the  inferior  race  and  the  contempt  of  the  supe 
rior  race,  are  liable  to  merit  the  reproaches  which  are  commonly  at 
tached  to  them.  On  the  other  hand,  if  real  marriages  take  place 
between  the  races,  and  their  offspring  are  placed  upon  a  footing  of 
equality  with  the  mass  of  the  population,  they  are  quite  able  to  reach 
the  general  level,  and  sometimes  to  display  superior  qualities. 

"  All  of  my  studies  on  this  question  have  brought  me  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  the  mixture  of  races  has  in  the  past  had  a  great  part  in  the 
constitution  of  a  large  number  of  actual  populations.  It  is  also  clear 
to  me  that  its  part  in  the  future  will  not  be  less  considerable.  -The 
movement  of  expansion,  to  which  I  have  just  called  attention,  has  not 
slackened  since  the  days  of  Cortez  and  Pizarro,  but  has  become  more 
extended  and  general.  The  perfection  of  the  means  of  communication 
has  given  it  new  activity.  The  people  of  mixed  blood  already  consti 
tute  a  considerable  part  of  the  population  of  certain  states,  and  their 
number  is  large  enough  to  entitle  them  to  be  taken  notice  of  in  the 
population  of  the  whole  world. 

"  These  facts  show  that  man  is  everywhere  the  same,  and  that  his 
passions  and  instincts  are  independent  of  the  differences  that  distin 
guish  the  human  groups.  The  reason  of  it  is  that  these  differences, 
however  accentuated  they  may  seem  to  us,  are  essentially  morphological, 
but  do  not  in  any  way  touch  the  wholly  physiological  power  of  repro 
duction."  1 

Race  prejudice  is  bound  to  give  way  before  the  potent  influ 
ences  of  character,  education,  and  wealth.  And  these  are  neces 
sary  to  the  growth  of  the  race.  Without  wealth  there  can  be  no 

1  Revue  Scientifique,  Paris. 


552    HISTORY  OF  THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

leisure,  without  leisure  there  can  be  no  thought,  and  without 
thought  there  can  be  no  progress.  The  future  work  of  the  Ne 
gro  is  twofold  :  subjective  and  objective.  Years  will  be  devoted 
to  his  own  education  and  improvement  here  in  America.  He 
will  sound  the  depths  of  education,  accumulate  wealth,  and  then 
turn  his  attention  to  the  civilization  of  Africa.  The  United 
States  will  yet  establish  a  line  of  steamships  between  this  coun 
try  and  the  Dark  Continent.  Touching  at  the  Grain  Coast,  the 
Ivory  Coast,  and  the  Gold  Coast,  America  will  carry  the  Afri 
can  missionaries,  Bibles,  papers,  improved  machinery,  instead  of 
rum  and  chains.  And  Africa,  in  return,  will  send  America  indigo, 
palm-oil,  ivory,  gold,  diamonds,  costly  wood,  and  her  richest 
treasures,  instead  of  slaves.  Tribes  will  be  converted  to  Chris 
tianity;  cities  will  rise,  states  will  be  founded;  geography  and 
science  will  enrich  and  enlarge  their  discoveries  ;  and  a  telegraph 
cable  binding  the  heart  of  Africa  to  the  ear  of  the  civilized  world, 
every  throb  of  joy  or  sorrow  will  pulsate  again  in  millions  of  souls. 
In  the  interpretation  of  History  the  plans  of  God  must  be  dis 
cerned,  "For  a  thousand  years  in  Thy  sight  are  but  as  yesterday 
zuhen  it  is  passed,  and  as  a  watch  in  the  night" 


THE  END. 


APPENDIX. 

— *•> • — -• 

gart  5. 

ANTI-SLA  VER  Y  A  GIT  A  TION. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
WALKER'S  APPEAL. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  papers  written  by  a  Negro  during  the  Anti-Slavery 
Agitation  Movement  was  the  Appeal  of  David  Walker,  of  Boston,  Massachusetts.  He 
was  a  shopkeeper  and  dealer  in  second-hand  clothes.  He  was  born  in  Wilmington, 
North  Carolina,  September  28,  1785,  of  a  free  mother  by  a  slave  father.  When 
quite  young  he  said  :  "  If  I  remain  in  this  bloody  land,  I  will  not  live  long.  As 
true  as  God  reigns,  I  will  be  avenged  for  the  sorrow  which  my  people  have  suffered. 
This  is  not  the  place  for  me — no,  no.  I  must  leave  this  part  of  the  country.  It  will 
be  a  great  trial  for  me  to  live  on  the  same  soil  where  so  many  men  are  in  slavery  ;  cer 
tainly  I  cannot  remain  where  I  must  hear  their  chains  continually,  and  where  I  must 
encounter  the  insults  of  their  hypocritical  enslavers.  Go,  I  must !  " 

He  went  to  Boston,  Massachusetts,  where  he  took  up  his  residence.  He  applied 
himself  to  study,  and  in  1827,  capable  of  reading  and  writing,  he  began  business  in 
Brattle  Street.  He  was  possessed  of  a  rather  reflective  and  penetrating  mind.  And 
before  Mr.  William  Lloyd  Garrison  unfurled  his  flag,  for  the  Agitation  Movement, 
David  Walker  wrote  and  published  his  Appeal  in  1829.  I-t  was  circulated  widely,  and 
touched  and  stirred  the  South  as  no  other  pamphlet  had  ever  done.  Three  editions 
were  published.  The  feeling  at  the  South  was  intense.  The  following  correspond 
ence  shows  how  deeply  agitated  the  South  was  by  Walker's  Appeal.  The  editor  of 
the  Boston  Courier  observed  :  "It  will  be  recollected  that  some  time  in  December 
last  [1829]  Gov.  Giles  sent  a  message  to  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  complaining  of  an 
attempt  to  circulate  in  the  city  of  Richmond  a  seditious  pamphlet,  said  to  have  been 
sent  there  from  Boston.  We  find  in  the  Richmond  Enquirer  of  the  i8th  inst.  [Febru 
ary,  1830]  the  following  Message  from  the  Governor,  enclosing  a  correspondence  which 
unravels  all  the  mystery  which  has  hitherto  enveloped  the  transaction." 

EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  Feb.  i6th,  1830. 

SIR  :  In  compliance  with  the  advice  of  the  Executive  Council,  I  do  myself  the  honor  of 
transmitting  herewith  the  copy  of  a  letter  from  the  Honorable  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  Mayor  of  Bos 
ton,  conveying  the  copy  of  a  letter  from  him  addressed  to  the  Mayor  of  Savannah,  in  answer  to 
one  received  by  him  from  that  gentleman  respecting  a  seditious  pamphlet  written  by  a  person  of 
color  in  Boston,  and  circulated  by  him  in  other  parts  of  the  United  States. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obd't  serv't, 

WM.  B.  GILES. 
The  Hon.  LINN  BANKS,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Delegates. 

To  his  Excellency ,  the  Governor  of  Virginia  : 

SIR  :  Perceiving  that  a  pamphlet  published  in  this  city  has  been  a  subject  of  animadversion 
and  uneasiness  in  Virginia  as  well  as  in  Georgia,  I  have  presumed  that  it  might  not  be  amiss  to 
apprize  you  of  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of  the  city  authorities  in  this  place  respecting  it,  and  for 
that  purpose  I  beg  leave  to  send  you  a  copy  of  my  answer  to  a  letter  from  the  Mayor  of  Savan 
nah,  addressed  to  me  on  that  subject.  You  may  be  assured  that  your  good  people  cannot  hold  in 
more  absolute  detestation  the  sentiments  of  the  writer  than  do  the  people  of  this  city,  and,  as  I 
verily  believe,  the  mass  of  the  New  England  population.  The  only  difference  is.  that  the  insignifi 
cance  of  the  writer,  the  extravagance  of  his  sanguinary  fanaticism  tending  to  disgust  all  persons 
of  common  humanity  with  his  object,  and  the  very  partial  circulation  of  this  book,  prevent  the  af 
fair  from  being  a  subject  of  excitement  and  hardly  of  serious  attention. 

553 


554  APPENDIX. 

I  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  book  is  disapproved  of  by  the  decent  portion  even  of  the  free. 
colored  population  in  this  place,  and  it  would  be  a  cause  of  deep  regret  to  me,  and  I  believe  to  all 
my  well-disposed  fellow-citizens,  if  a  publication  of  this  character,  and  emanating  from  such  a 
source,  should  be  thought  to  be  countenanced  by  any  of  their  number. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
BOSTON,  Feb.  10,  1830.  H.  G.  OTIS,  Mayor  of  the  City  of  Boston. 

To  the  Mayor  of  Savannah  : 

SIR  :  Indisposition  has  prevented  an  earlier  reply  to  your  favor  of  the  i2th  December.  A  few 
days  before  the  receipt  of  it,  the  pamphlet  had  been  put  into  my  hands  by  one  of  the  Board  of 
Aldermen  of  this  city,  who  received  it  from  an  individual,  it  not  having  been  circulated  here.  I 
perused  it  carefully,  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  the  writer  had  made  himself  amenable  to  our 
laws  ;  but  notwithstanding  the  extremely  bad  and  inflammatory  tendency  of  the  publication,  he 
does  not  seem  to  have  violated  any  of  these  laws.  It  is  written  by  a  free  black  man,  whose  true 
name  it  bears.  He  is  a  shopkeeper  and  dealer  m  old  clothes,  and  in  a  conversation  which  1 
authorized  a  young  friend  of  mine  to  hold  with  him,  he  openly  avows  the  sentiments  of  the  book 
and  authorship.  I  also  hear  that  he  declares  his  intention  to  be,  to  circulate  his  pamphlets  by 
mail,  at  his  own  expense,  if  he  cannot  otherwise  effect  his  object. 

You  may  be  assured,  sir,  that  a  disposition  would  not  be  wanting  on  the  part  of  the  city 
authorities  here,  to  avail  themselves  of  any  lawful  means  for  preventing  this  attempt  to  throw 
firebrands  into  your  country.  We  regard  it  with  deep  disapprobation  and  abhorrence.  But,  we 
have  no  power  to  control  the  purpose  of  the  author,  and  without  it  we  think  that  any  public  notice 
of  him  or  his  book,  would  make  matters  worse. 

We  have  been  determined,  however,  to  publish  a  general  caution  to  Captains  and  others, 
against  exposing  themselves  to  the  consequences  of  transporting  incendiary  writings  into  your  and 
the  other  Southern  States. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant. 

'  H.  G.  OTIS. 


6. 

THE  PERIOD  OF  PREPARA  TION. 
CHAPTER  XI. 

LIST   OF   WORKS   BY    NEGRO   AUTHORS. 

"  Olaudah  Equiano  or  Gustavus  Vassa."     Autobiography.     Boston,  1837. 

"  Light  and  Truth."     Lewis  (R.  B.).     Boston,  1844. 

•'  Volume  of  Poems."     Whitfield,  (James  M.).      1846. 

•'Volume  of  Poems."     Payne,  (Daniel  A.,  D.D.).     1850. 

"  The  Condition,  Elevation,  Emigration,  and  Destiny  of  the  Colored  People  of 
the  United  States,  Politically  Considered."  Delaney  (Martin  R.j.  Philadelphia,  1852. 

"  Principia  of  Ethnology  :  The  Origin  of  Races  and  Color."    Delaney  (Martin  R.). 

"  Narrative  of  the  Life  of  an  American  Slave."  London,  1847.  "  My  Bondage 
and  My  Freedom."  New  York,  1855.  "  Life  and  Times."  Hartford,  Conn.,  1882. 
Douglass  (Frederick). 

"Autobiography  of  a  Fugitive  Negro,"  etc.  Ward  (Rev.  Samuel  Ringgold). 
London,  1855. 

"  The  Colored  Patriots  of  the  American  Revolution."  Nell  (Wm.  C).  Boston, 
1855- 

"  Narrative  of  Solomon  Northup."  New  York,  1859.  "  Twenty-two  Years  a 
Slave,  and  Forty  Years  a  Freeman."  Rochester,  1861.  Stewart  (Rev.  Austin). 

"  The  Black  Man."  Boston,  Mass.,  1863.  "  The  Negro  in  the  Rebellion." 
Boston,  1867.  "  Clotelle."  Boston,  1867.  "The  Rising  Sun."  Boston,  1874. 
"  Sketches  of  Places  and  People  Abroad."  1854.  Brown  (Wm.  Wells,  M.D.). 

"  An  Apology  for  African  Methodism."     Tanner  (Benj.  T.).     Baltimore,  1867. 

"  The  Underground  Railroad.  "     Still  (William).     Philadelphia,  1872. 

"The  Colored  Cadet  at  West  Point."  Flipper  (H.  O.),  U.  S.  A.  New  York, 
1877. 

"  Music  and  Some  Highly  Musical  People."'    Trotter  (James  M.).    Boston,  1878. 

"  My  Recollections  of  African  Methodism."  Wayman  (Bishop  A.  W.).  Phila 
delphia,  Pa.,  1  88  1. 

"  First  Lessons  in  Greek."     Scarborough  (W.  S..  A.M.).    New  York,  1882. 

"  History  of  the  Black  Brigade."     Clark  (Peter  H.) 


APPENDIX.  555. 

"  Uncle  Tom's  Story  of  His  Life."  From  1789  to  1879.  Henson  (Rev.  Josiah). 
Boston. 

"  The  Future  of  Africa."     New  York,  1862,  Charles  Scribner  &  Co. 

"  The  Greatness  of  Christ,"  and  other  Sermons.  Crummell  (Rev.  Alexander, 
D.D.).  T.  Whittaker,  2  and  3  Bible  House,  New  York,  1882. 

"  Not  a  Man  and  Yet  a  Man."     Whitman  (A.  A.).  * 

"  Mixed  Races."     Sampson  (John  P.).     Hampton,  Va.,  1881. 

*'  Poems."     Wheatley  (Phillis).     London,  England,  1773. 

"As  a  Slave  and  as  a  Freeman."     Loguen  (Bishop,  J.  W.). 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
THE  JOHN  BROWN  MEN. 

The  subjoined  correspondence  was  published  in  the  Republican,  J.  K.  Rukenbrod, 
editor,  at  Salem,  Ohio,  Wednesday,  December  28,  1859.  The  beautiful  spirit  of  self- 
sacrifice,  the  lofty  devotion  to  the  sublime  principles  of  universal  liberty,  and  the 
heroic  welcome  to  the  hour  of  martyrdom,  invest  these  letters  with  intrinsic  historic 
value. 

LETTER  -FROM    EDWIN   COPPOCK   TO    HIS   UNCLE   JOSHUA    COPPOCK. 

CHARLESTON,  VA.,  December  13,  1859. 

MY  DEAR  UNCLE  :  I  seat  myself  by  the  stand  to  write  for  the  last  time,  to  thee  and  thy  family. 
Though  far  from  home,  and  overtaken  by  misfortune,  I  have  not  forgotten  you.  Your  generous- 
hospitality  toward  me  during  my  short  stay  with  you  last  Spring  is  stamped  indelibly  upon  my 
heart  ;  and  also  the  generosity  bestowed  upon  my  poor  brother,  at  the  same  time,  who  now 
wanders  an  outcast  from  his  native  land.  But  thank  God  he  is  free,  and  I  am  thankful  it  is  I  who 
have  to  suffer  instead  of  him. 

The  time  may  come  when  he  will  remember  me.  And  the  time  may  come  when  he  will  still 
further  remember  the  cause  in  "which  I  die.  Thank  God  the  principles  of  the  cause  in  which  we 
were  engaged  will  not  die  with  me  and  my  brave  comrades.  They  will  spread  wider  and  wider, 
and  gather  strength  with  each  hour  that  passes. 

The  voice  of  truth  will  echo  through  our  land,  bringing  conviction  to  the  erring,  and  adding 
numbers  to  that  glorious  Army  who  "will  enlist  under  its  banner.  The  cause  of  everlasting  truth 
and  justice  will  go  on  kk  conquering  and  to  conquer,"  until  onr  broad  and  beautiful  land  shall 
rest  beneath  the  banner  of  freedom.  I  had  hoped  to  live  to  see  the  dawn  of  that  glorious  day.  I 
had  hoped  to  live  to  see  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  our  Independence  fully  realized.  I 
had  hoped  to  see  the  dark  stain  of  slavery  blotted  from  our  land,  and  the  libel  of  our  boasted 
freedom  erased  ;  when  we  can  say  in  truth  that  our  beloved  country  is  u  the  land  of  the  free,  and 
the  home  of  the  brave."— But  this  cannot  be.  I  have  heard  my  sentence  passed,  my  doom  is 
sealed.  But  two  brief  days  between  me  and  eternity.  At  the  expiration  of  those  two  days,  I 
shall  stand  upon  the  scaffold  to  take  my  last  look  at  earthly  scenes.  But  that  scaffold  has  but 
little  dread  for  me 

But  by  the  ta 
glorious  day, 

and  am  groaning  no  more  under  the  yoke  of  oppression.  But  I  must  now  close.  Accept  this 
short  scrawl  as  a  remembrance  of  me.  Remember  me  to  my  relatives  and  friends.  And  now 
Farewell.  From  thy  nephew, 

EDWIN   COPPOCK. 

P.  S.  I  will  say  for  I  know  it  will  be  a  satisfaction  to  all  of  you,  that  we  are  all  kindly  treated, 
and  I  hope  the  North  will  not  fail  to  give  Sheriff  Campbell  and  Captain  Avis  due  acknowledg 
ment  for  their  kind  and  noble  actions.  E. 

LETTER   FROM    EDWIN    COPPOCK   TO   THOMAS    WINN. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  THOMAS  WINN:  For  thy  love  and  sympathy,  and  for  thy  unwearied  ex 
ertion  in  my  behalf,  accept  my  warmest  thanks.  I  have  no  words  to  tell  the  gratitude  and  love 
I  have  for  thee.  And  may  God  bless  thee  and  thy  family,  for  the  love  and  kindness  thee  has 
always  shown  towards  my  family  and  me.  And  when  life  with  thee  is  over,  may  we  meet  on  that 
shore  where  there  is  no  parting,  is  the  farewell  prayer  of  thy  true  Friend. 

EDWIN  COPPOCK. 

THAT  LETTER. 

The  following  is  the  letter  from  Edwin  Coppock,  seized  upon  by  the  Virginia 
authorities  as  a  pretence  for  not  commuting  his  sentence.  The  offensive  remark  con 
sisted  alone  wherein  he  spoke  of  the  chivalry  as  "  the  enemy."  There  certainly  is- 
nothing  in  this  communication  that  could  justify  a  Government  in  taking  the  life  of  a 
man  whom  it  otherwise  considered  not  guilty  of  a  capital  crime,  but  whose  greatest 
offence  was  that  of  being  found,  as  Wise  claimed,  in  bad  company.  We  give  the 
letter  entire  : 


ipon  tne  scanom  to  taKe  my  last  look  at  eartniy  scenes,  but  mat  scartold  nas  but 
for  me  ;  for  I  honestly  believe  I  am  innocent  of  any  crime  justifying  such  punishment, 
.he  taking  of  my  life,  and  the  lives  of  my  comrades,  Virginia  is  but  hastening  on  that 
T,  when  the  slave  will  rejoice  in  his  freedom  ;  when  he  can  say  that  I  too  am  a  tnan^ 


556 


APPENDIX. 


EDWIN   COPPOCK   TO   MRS.    BROWN. 


CHARLESTON  JAIL,  VIRGINIA,  November  —  ,  1859. 

MRS.  JOHN  BROWN  —  Dear  Madam:  I  was  very  sorry  that  your  request  to  see  the  rest  of  the 
prisoners  was  not  complied  with.  Mrs  Avis  brought  me  a  book  whose  pages  are  full  of  truth  and 
beauty,  entitled  "  Voice  of  the  True-  Hear  ted,"  which  she  told  me  was  a  present  from  you.  For 
this  dear  token  of  remembrance,  please  accept  my  thanks. 

My  comrade,  J.  E.  Cook,  and*myself,  deeply  sympathize  with  you  in  your  sad  bereavement. 
We  were  both  acquainted  with  Anna  and  Martha.  They  were  to  us  as  sisters,  and  as  brothers  we 
sympathize  with  them  in  the  dark  hour  of  trial  and  affliction. 

I  was  with  your  sons  when  they  fell.  Oliver  lived  but  a  few  moments  after  he  was  shot. 
He  spoke  no  word,  but  yielded  calmly  to  his  fate.  Watson  was  shot  at  10  o'clock  on  Monday 
morning,  and  died  about  3  o'clock  on  Wednesday  morning.  He  suffered  much.  Though  mortally 
wounded  at  10  o'clock,  yet  at  3  o'clock  Monday  afternoon  he  fought  bravely  against  the  men  who 
charged  on  us.  When  the  enemy  were  repulsed,  and  the  excitement  of  the  charge  was  over,  he 
began  to  sink  rapidly. 

After  we  were  taken  prisoners,  he  was  placed  in  the  guard-house  with  me.  He  complained 
of  the  hardness  of  the  bench  on  which  he  was  lying.  I  begged  hard  for  a  bed  for  him,  or  even  a 
blanket,  but  could  obtain  none  for  him.  I  took  off  my  coat  and  placed  it  under  him,  and  held 
his  head  in  my  lap,  in  which  position  he  died  without  a  groan  or  a  struggle. 

I  have  stated  these  facts  thinking  that  they  may  afford  to  you,  and  to  the  bereaved  widows 
they  have  left,  a  mournful  consolation. 

Give  my  love  to  Anna  and  Martha,  with  our  last  farewell. 

Yours  truly, 

EDWIN  COPPOCK. 


COOK'S    LAST    LETTER   TO   HIS   WIFE. 

CHARLESTOWN  JAIL,  Dec.  16,  1859. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE  AND  CHILD  :  For  the  last  time  I  take  my  pen  to  address  you  —  for  the  last  time 
to  speak  to  you  through  the  tongue  of  the  absent.  1  am  about  to  leave  you  and  this  world  for 
ever.  But  do  not  give  way  to  your  grief.  Look  with  the  eyes  of  hope  beyond  the  vale  of  life, 
and  see  the  dawning  of  that  brighter  morrow  that  shall  know  no  clouds  or  shadows  in  its  sunny 
sky  —  that  shall  know  no  sunset.  To  that  eternal  day  I  trust,  beloved,  I  am  going  now.  For  me 
there  waits  no  far-off  or  uncertain  future.  I  am  only  going  from  my  camp  on  earth  to  a  home  in 
heaven  ;  from  the  dark  clouds  of  sin  and  grief,  to  the  clear  blue  skies,  the  flowing  fountains,  and 
the  eternal  joys  of  that  better  and  brighter  land,  whose  only  entrance  is  through  the  vale  of  death 
—  whose  only  gateway  is  the  tomb. 

Oh,  yes  !  think  that  1  am  only  going  home  ;  going  to  meet  my  Saviour  and  my  God  ;  going  to 
meet  my  comrades,  and  wait  and  watch  for  you.  Each  hour  that  passes,  every  tolling  bell,  pro 
claims  this  world  is  not  our  home.  We  are  but  pilgrims  here,  journeying  to  our  Father's  house. 
Some  have  a  long  and  weary  road  to  wander  ;  shadowed  o'er  with  doubts  and  fears,  they  often 
tire  and  faint  upon  life's  roadside  ;  yet,  still  all  wearied,  they  must  move  along.  Some  make  a 
more  rapid  journey,  and  complete  their  pilgrimage  in  the  bright  morn  of  life  ;  they  know  no  weari 
ness  upon  their  journey,  no  ills  or  cares  of  toil-worn  age.  I  and  my  comrades  here  are  among 
that  number.  Our  pilgrimage  is  nearly  ended  ;  we  can  almost  see  our  homes.  A  few  more  hours 
and  we  shall  be  there. 

True,  it  is  hard  for  me  to  leave  my  loving  partner  and  my  little  one,  lingering  on  the  rugged 
road  on  which  life's  storms  are  bursting.  But  cheer  up,  my  beloved  ones  ;  those  storms  will  soon 
be  over  ;  through  their  last  lingering  shadows  you  will  see  the  promised  rainbow.  It  will  whisper 
of  a  happy  land  where  all  storms  are  over.  Will  you  not  strive  to  meet  me  in  that  clime  of  unend 
ing  sunshine  ?  Oh  !  yes,  I  know  you  will  ;  that  you  will  also  try  to  lead  our  child  along  that 
path  of  glory  ;  that  you  will  claim  for  him  an  entrance  to  that  celestial  city  whose  maker  and 
builder  is  God.  Teach  him  the  way  of  truth  and  virtue.  Tell  him  for  what  and  how  his  father 
left  him  ere  his  lips  could  lisp  my  name.  Pray  for  him.  Remember  that  there  is  no  golden  gate 
way  to  the  realms  of  pleasure  here,  but  there  is  one  for  the  redeemed  in  the  land  that  lies  star- 
ward.  There  I  hope  we  may  meet,  when  you  have  completed  your  pilgrimage  on  the  road  of  life. 
Years  will  pass  on  and  your  journey  will  soon  be  ended.  Live  so  that  when  from  the  verge  of 
life  you  look  back  you  may  feel  no  vain  regrets,  no  bitter  anguish  for  mis-spent  years.  Look  to 
Godfin  all  your  troubles  ;  cast  yourself  on  Him  when  your  heart  is  dark  with  the  night  of  sorrow 
and  heavy  with  the  weight  of  woe.  He  will  shed  over  you  the  bright  sunshine  of  His  love,  and 
take  away  the  burden  from  your  heart. 

And  now  farewell.  May  that  all-wise  and  eternal  God,  who  governs  all  things,  be  with  you 
to  guide  and  protect  you  through  life,  and  bring  us  together  in  eternal  joy  beyond  the  grave. 
Farewell,  fond  partner  of  my  heart  and  soul.  Farewell,  dear  babe  of  our  love.  A  last,  long  fare 
well,  till  we  meet  in  heaven. 

I  remain,  in  life  and  death,  your  devoted  husband, 

__  JOHN  E.  COOK. 

FUNERAL   OF   JOHN   E.    COOK. 

The  funeral  of  Capt.  Cook  took  place  at  Brooklyn  on  the  2Oth,  from  the  residence 
of  Mrs.  S.  L.  Harris.  The  services  were  conducted  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Caldicott,  of  the 
Lee  Avenue  Dutch  Reformed  Church,  and  at  the  Cypress  Hills  Cemetery  by  the  Rev. 
"Wm.  H.  Johnson.  Of  the  body  the  day  previous,  the  Tribune  says  : 

Owing  to  the  length  of  time  that  elapsed  between  the  decease  and  the  time  the  body  was  de 
livered  into  the  charge  of  Dr.  Holmes,  the  process  of  embalming  has  been  somewhat  difficult,  and 
•consequently  the  appearance  of  the  remains  is  not  so  natural  as  it  otherwise  would  have  been. 


APPENDIX.  557 

Last  evening  the  body  was  placed  in  an  erect  position,  in  order  to  allow  the  injected  fluid  to  settle 
in  the  veins  and  arteries,  so  as  to  give  to  the  face  a  more  natural  appearance.  The  swelling  has  en 
tirely  disappeared  from  the  neck  and  face,  and  the  decomposition  which  had  set  in  had  been 
checked.  The  remains  will  not  be  enshrouded  until  this  morning,  when  they  will  be  placed  in 
the  coffin,  enclosed  in  a  white  merino  robe  with  a  satin  collar,  satin  cord  about  the  waist,  and  a 
black  neckerchief  about  the  neck. 

Yesterday  afternoon  the  father,  sisters,  and  wife  of  the  deceased  were  permitted  to  view  the 
remains.  His  wife  removed  the  breast-pin  and  a  miniature  of  their  child  from  about  his  neck, 
which  she  had  placed  there  but  a  few  days  previous  to  his  execution.  She  is  but  eighteen  years 
of  age,  and  has  an  infant  four  months  old.  She  is  from  Harper's  Ferry,  Va.,  where  she  was  mar 
ried  about  seventeen  months  since.  She,  as  well  as  the  other  relatives,  was  overwhelmed  with 
sorrow,  and  it  was  some  moments  before  they  were  sufficiently  recovered  to  be  enabled  to  leave 
the  body.  The  refusal  of  the  Consistories  of  the  Lee  Avenue  and  Fourth  Reformed  Dutch 
Churches  to  permit  the  services  to  be  held  in  their  edifices  has  given  rise  to  the  expression  of  much 
feeling,  and  many  of  the  friends  of  the  deceased  infer  that  this  refusal  is  made  from  a  fear  of 
censure  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  members  of  their  congregations,  in  allowing  a  Christian  burial 
to  the  remains. 

In  the  little  burial-ground  at  Oberlin,  Lorain  County,  Ohio,  there  is  a  monument 
dedicated  to  the  memory  of  three  of  the  John  Brown  Men,  as  follows  : 

L.  S.  Leary,  died  at  Harper's  Ferry,  Oct.  20,  1859,  aged  24  years. 

S.  Green,  died  at  Charlestown,  Virginia,  Dec.  2,  1850,  aged  28  years. 

J.  A.  Copeland,  died  at  Charlestown,  Virginia,  Dec.  2,  1859,  aged  25  years. 

The  monument  bears  the  following  inscription  : 

These  Colored  citizens  of  Oberlin,  the  heroic  associates  of  the  Immortal  John  Brown,  gave 
their  lives  for  the  Slave. 


THE   NEGRO   ARTIST    OF   THE    STATUE   OF    LIBERTY   ON   THE   CAPITOL. 

When  the  bronze  castings  were  being  completed  at  the  foundry  of  Mr.  Mills, 
near  Bladensburg,  his  foreman,  who  had  superintended  the  work  from  the  beginning, 
and  who  was  receiving  eight  dollars  per  day,  struck,  and  demanded  ten  dollars,  assur 
ing  Mr.  M.  that  the  advance  must  be  granted  him,  as  nobody  in  America,  except  him 
self,  could  complete  the  work.  Mr.  M.  felt  that  the  demand  was  exorbitant,  and  ap 
pealed  in  his  dilemma  to  the  slaves  who  were  assisting  in  the  moulding.  "  I  can  do 
that  well,"  said  one  of  them,  an  intelligent  and  ingenious  servant,  who  had  been  inti 
mately  engaged  in  the  various  processes.  The  striker  was  dismissed,  and  the  negro, 
assisted  occasionally  by  the  finer  skill  of  his  master,  took  the  striker's  place  as  super 
intendent,  and  the  work  went  on.  The  black  master-builder  lifted  the  ponderous, 
uncouth  masses,  and  bolted  them  together,  joint  by  joint,  piece  by  piece,  till  they 
blended  into  the  majestic  "  Freedom,"  who  to-day  lifts  her  head  in  the  blue  clouds 
above  Washington,  invoking  a  benediction  upon  the  imperilled  Republic  ! 

Was  there  a  prophecy  in  that  moment  when  the  slave  became  the  artist,  and  with 
rare  poetic  justice,  reconstructed  the  beautiful  symbol  of  freedom  for  America  ? l 


fart  7. 

THE  NEGRO  IN  THE  WAR  FOR  THE  UNION. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

NEGROES    AS    SOLDIERS. 

Gen.  Benj.  F.  Butler  commanded  a  number  of  Negro  Troops  at  Fort  Harrison, 
on  the  29th  Sept.,  1864.  After  white  troops  had  been  driven  back  by  the  enemy,  Gen. 
Butler  ordered  his  Negro  troops  to  storm  the  fortified  position  of  the  enemy  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  The  troops  had  to  charge  down  a  hill,  ford  a  creek,  and — pre 
ceded  by  axemen  who  had  to  cut  away  two  lines  of  abatis — then  carry  the  works  held 
by  infantry  and  artillery.  •  They  made  one  of  the  most  brilliant  charges  of  the  war, 

1  Washington  Correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  December  =,  1863. 


558 


APPENDIX. 


with  "  Remember  Fort  Pillow  "   as  their  battle-cry,  and  carried  the  works  in  an  in. 
credibly  short  time. 

Nearly  a  decade  after  this  battle,  Gen.   Butler,  then  a  member  of  Congress  from 
Massachusetts,  said,  in  a  speech  on  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  of  this  affair  : 

"  It  became  my  painful  duty  to  follow  in  the  track  of  that  charging  column,  and  there,  in  a 
space  not  wider  than  the  clerk's  desk,  and  three  hundred  yards  long,  lay  the  dead  bodies  of  five 
hundred  and  forty-three  of  my  colored  comrades,  fallen  in  defence  of  their  country,  who  had 
offered  up  their  lives  to  uphold  its  flag  and  its  honor,  as  a  willing  sacrifice  ;  and  as  I  rode  along 
among  them,  guiding  my  horse  this  way  and  that  way,  lest  he  should  profane  with  his  hoofs  what 
seemed  to  me  the  sacred  dead,  and  as  I  looked  on  their  bronze  faces  upturned  in  the  shining  sun, 
as  if  in  mute  appeal  against  the  wrongs  of  the  country  for  which  they  had  given  their  lives,  whose 
flag  had  only  been  to  them  a  flag  of  stripes,  on  which  no  star  of  glory  had  ever  shone  for  them — 
feeling  1  had  wronged  them  in  the  past,  and  believing  what  was  the  future  of  my  country  to 
them— among. my  dead  comrades  there,  I  swore  to  myself  a  solemn  oath— 'May  my  right  hand 
forget  its  cunning,  and  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth,'  if  I  ever  fail  to  defend  the 
rights  of  those  men  who  have  given  their  blood  for  me  and  my  country  that  day  and  for  their  race 
forever,  and  God  helping  me,  I  will  keep  that  oath." 


BATTLES   IN  WHICH    COLORED    TROOPS   PARTICIPATED. 


"  Alliance,"  Steamer,  Fla. 

March  8,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    99th  Inf. 

Amite  River,  La. 

March  18,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    77th  Inf. 

Appomattox  Court  House,  Va. 

April  9,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    4ist  Inf. 
Arkansas  River,  Ark. 

Dec.  18,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    54th  Inf. 

Ash  Bayou,  La. 

Nov.  19,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    93dlnf. 

Ashepoo  River,  S.  C. 

May  16,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    34thlnf. 

Ashwood,  Miss. 

June  25,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    63d  Inf. 

Ashwood  Landing,  La. 

May  i  and  4,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    64thlnf. 

Athens,  Ala. 

Sept.  24,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     io6th,  iioth,  and  mth  Inf. 
Barrancas,  Fla. 

July  22,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    82d  Inf. 

Baxter's  Springs,  Kan. 

Oct.  6,  i863. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    83d  (new)  Inf. 
Bayou  Bidell,  La. 

Oct.  15,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    52d  Inf. 
Bayou  Boeuf,  Ark. 

Dec.  i3,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    3d  Cav. 
Bayou  Mason,  Miss. 

July ,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    66th  Inf. 
Bayou  St.  Louis,  Miss. 

Nov.  17,  i863. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     gist  Inf. 

Bayou  Tensas,  La. 

Aug.  10,  i863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    48th  Inf. 

Bayou  Tensas,  La. 

July  3o  and  Aug.  26,  1864. 

U.S.  C.  T.    66th  Inf. 

Bayou  Tunica,  La. 

Nov.  9,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    73d  Inf. 


Bermuda  Hundred,  Va. 

May  4,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    4th  Inf. 

Bermuda  Hundred,  Va. 

May  20,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    ist  Cav. 

Bermuda  Hundred,  Va. 

Au|.  24  and  25.1864 


25,  1864. 
7th  Inf. 


Bermuda  Hundred,  Va. 
Nov.  3o  and  Dec.  4,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     igth  Inf. 
Bermuda  Hundred,  Va. 

Dec.  i,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    39th  Inf. 

Bermuda  Hundred,  Va. 

Dec.  i3,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    23d  Inf. 

Berwick,  La. 

April  26,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    98th  Inf. 

Big  Creek,  Ark. 

July  26,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    Batt'ry  E,  2d  Lt.  Art.;  6oth  Inf» 
Big  Springs,  Ky. 

Jan. ,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     i2th  Hy.  Art. 
Black  Creek.  Fla. 

July  27,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    35th  Inf. 

Black  River,  La. 

Nov.  i,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    6th  Hy.  Art. 
Bogg's  Mills,  Ark. 

Jan.  24,  1864. 

U.S.  C.  T.     nth  (old)  Inf. 
Boyd's  Station,  Ala. 

March  18,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     ioist  Inf. 
Boykin's  Mill,  S.  C. 

April  18,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    54th  (Mass.)  Inf. 
Bradford's  Springs,  S.  C. 

April  18,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.T.     io2dlnf. 
Brawley  Fork,  Tenn. 

March  25,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     i7th  Inf. 

Brice's  Cross  Roads,  Miss, 

June  10,  1864. 

U.S.C.T.  Batt'yF,2dLt.  Art.;  ssth and sgth Inf. 
Briggin  Creek,  S.  C. 

Feb.  25,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    55th  (Mass.)  Inf. 


APPENDIX. 


559 


Bryant's  Plantation,  Fla. 

Oct.  21,  1864. 

U.  S.C.  T.    3dlnf. 

Cabin  Creek,  Caddo  Nation. 

July  i  and  2,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    79th  (new)  Inf. 
Cabin  Creek,  Caddo  Nation. 

Nov.  4,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     54th  Inf. 

Cabin  Point,  Va. 

Aug.  5, 1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     ist  Cav. 

Camden,  Ark. 

April  24,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    57th  Inf. 

Camp  Marengo,  La. 

Sept.  14.  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    63d  Inf. 

Cedar  Keys,  Fla. 

Feb.  16,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    2d  Inf. 

Chapin's  Farm,Va, 

Sept.  29  and  30,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    2d  Cav. ;  ist,  4th,  5th,  6th,  yth.  8th 
9th,  22d,  29th  (Conn.),  36th,  37th,  and  s8th  Inf. 

Chapin's  Farm,  Va, 

Nov.  4,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    22d  Inf.     • 
Chattanooga,  Tenn. 

Feb.  — ,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     i8th  Inf. 

"  Chippewia,"  Steamer,  Ark. 

Feb.  17,  1865. 

U.  S.C.T.    83d(new)Inf. 
"  City  Belle,"  Steamer,  La. 

May  3,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     73d  Inf. 

City  Point,  Va. 

May  6,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     5th  Inf. 

City  Point,  Va. 


June  — ,  1864. 


U.  S.  C.  T.     Batt'y  B,  2d  Lt.  Art. 

Clarksville,  Ark. 

Jan.  18,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    79th  (new)  Inf. 

Clinton,  La. 

Aug.  25,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    4th  Cav. 

Coleman's  Plantation,  Miss. 

July  4,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     52d  Inf. 

Columbia,  La. 

Feb.  4,  1864. 
U.  S.C.  T.     66th  Inf. 
Concordia  Bayou,  La. 

Aug.  5,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     6th  Hy.  Art 
Cow  Creek,  Kan. 

Nov.  14,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     54th  Inf. 
Cox's  Bridge,  N.  C. 

March  24,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    3oth  Inf. 

Dallas,  Ga. 

May  31,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    4oth  Inf. 

Dalton,  Ga. 
Aug.  15  and  16,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     i4th  Inf. 
'     Darbytown  Road,  Va. 

Oct.  13,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     7th,  8th,  gth,  and  2gth  (Conn.)  Inf. 

Davis's  Bend,  La. 
June  2  and  29,  1864. 
U.S.  C.  T.  64thlnf. 


Decatur,  Tenn. 

Aug.  18,  1864. 

U.  S.C.T.     ist  Hy.  Art. 

Decatur,  Ala. 

Oct.  28  and  29,  1864. 

U.  S.C.T.     i4thlnf. 

Decatur,  Ala. 

Dec.  27  and  28,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     i7th  Inf. 

Deep  Bottom,  Va. 

Aug.  14  to  18,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    7th  and  9th  Inf. 

Deep  Bottom,  Va. 
Sept.  2  and  6,  1864. 
U.S.  C.  T.    2dCav. 
Deep  Bottom,  Va. 

Oct.  i,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    38th'Inf. 

Deep  Bottom,  Va. 

Oct.  31,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     i27th  Inf. 

Deveaux  Neck,  S.  C. 

Dec.  7,  8,  and  9,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     32d,  34th,  55th  (Mass.),  and  i<*d 

Inf. 

Drury's  Bluff,  Va. 

May  10,  16,  and  20,  1864. 

U.S.  C.  T.    2dCav. 

Dutch  Gap,  Va. 

Aug.  24,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     22d  Inf. 

Dutch  Gap,  Va. 

Sept.  7,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     4th  Inf. 

Dutch  Gap,  Va. 

Nov.  17,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    36th  Inf. 

East  Pascagoula,  Miss. 

April  9,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     Cos.  B.  and  C.,  74th  Inf, 

Eastport,  Miss. 

Oct.  10,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    6ist  Inf. 

Fair  Oaks,  Va. 

Oct.  27  and  28,  1864. 

TJ.  S.  C.  T.    ist,  sth,  gth,  22d,  29th  (Conn.),  and 

37th  Inf. 
Federal  Point,  N.  C. 

Feb.  ii,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    39th  Inf. 

Fillmore,  Va. 

Oct.  4,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     ist  Inf. 

Floyd,  La. 

July  — ,  1864. 

U.  S.C.T.     5  ist  Inf. 

Fort  Adams,  La. 

Oct.  5,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    3d  Cav. 
Fort  Anderson,  Ky. 

March  25,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     Sth  Hy.  Art. 

Fort  Blakely,  Ala. 
March  31  to  April  9,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    47th,  48th,  soth,  sist,  68th,  j^d,  76th, 
82d,  and  86th  Inf. 

Fort  Brady,  Va. 

Jan.  24,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     n8th  Inf. 

Fort  Burnham,  Va. 

Dec.  10,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    4ist  Inf. 
Fort  Burnham,  Va. 

Jan.  24,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    7th  Inf. 


56o 


APPENDIX. 


Fort  Donelson  Tenn. 

Henderson,  Ky. 

Oct.  ii,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.    4th  Hy.  Art. 

Sept.  25,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    n8th  Inf. 

Fort  Gaines,  Ala. 

Holly  Springs,  Miss. 

Aug.  2  to  8,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    96th  Inf. 

Aug.  28,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T:    nth  (new)  Inf. 

Fort  Gibson,  Caddo  Nation. 

Honey  Hill,  S.  C. 

Sept.  16,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    79th  (new)  Inf. 

Nov.  30,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     32d,  35th,  54th,  and  ssth  (Mass.X 

Fort  Gibson,  Caddo  Nation. 

and  io2d  Inf. 

Sept.,  1865. 

Honey  Springs,  Kan. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    54th  Inf. 
Fort  Jones,  Ky. 

July  17,  1863. 
U.S.  C.T.    79th  (new)  Inf. 

Feb.  18,  1865. 

Hopkinsville,  Va. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     i2th  Hy.  Art. 

Dec.  12,  1864. 

Fort  Pillow,  Tenn. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    5th  Cav. 

April  12,  1864. 

Horse-Head  Creek,  Ark. 

U.S.  C.T.     Batt'y  F,  2d  Lt.  Art.;  nth  (new) 

Feb.  17,  1864. 

Inf. 

U.S.  C.T.    79th  (new)  Inf. 

Fort  Pocahontas,  Va. 

Indian  Bay,  Ark. 

Aug.,  1864. 

April  i3,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     ist  Cav. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    56th  Inf. 

Fort  Smith,  Ark. 

Indiantown,  N.  C. 

Aug.  24,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     nth  (old)  Inf. 

Dec.  18,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    36th  Inf. 

Fort  Smith,  Ark. 

Indian  Village,  La. 

Dec.  24,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    83d  (new)  Inf. 

Aug.  6,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.     nthHy.  Art. 

Fort  Taylor,  Fla. 

Island  Mound,  Mo. 

Aug.  21,  1864. 

Oct.  27  and  29,  1862. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     2d  Inf. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    79th  (new)  Inf. 

Fort  Wagner,  S.  C. 
July  18  and  Sept.  6,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    54th  (Mass.)  Inf. 

Island  No.  76,  Miss. 
Jan.  20,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     Batt'y  E,  2d  Lt.  Art. 

Fort  Wagner,  S.  C. 

Issaquena  County,  Miss. 

Aug.  26,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    3d  Inf. 

July  10  and  Aug.  17,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    66th  Inf. 

Franklin,.  Miss. 

Jackson,  La. 

Jan.  2,  1865. 

Aug.  3,  1863. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     3d  Cav. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    73d,  75th,'and  78th  Inf*. 

Ghent,  Ky. 

Jackson,  Miss. 

Aug.  29   1864. 
U.S.  C.T.     ii7thlnf. 

July  s,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.    3d  Cav. 

Glasgow,  Mo. 

Jacksonville,  Fla. 

Oct.  15,  1864. 

March  29,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    62d  Inf 

U.  S.  C.  T.    33d  Inf. 

Glasgow,  Ky. 
March  25,  1865. 
U.S.  C.T.     iigthlnf. 

Jacksonville,  Fla. 
May  i  and  28,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    7th  Inf. 

Goodrich's  Landing,  La. 

Jacksonville,  Fla. 

March  24  and  July  16,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    66th  Inf. 

April  4,  1865. 
U.S.  C.T.     3dlnf. 

Grand  Gulf,  Miss. 

James  Island,  S.  C. 

July  16,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.    53dlnf. 

July  16,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    54th  (Mass.)  Inf. 

Gregory's  Farm,  S.  C. 

James  Island,  S.  C. 

Dec.  5  and  9,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    26th  Inf. 

May  21,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    55th  (Mass.)  Inf. 

Hall  Island,  S.  C. 

James  Island,  S.  C. 

Nov.  24,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    33d  Inf. 

July  i  and  2,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    33d  and  55th  (Mass.)  Infc 

Harrodsburg,  Ky. 

James  Island,  S.  C. 

Oct.  21,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.    5thCav. 

July  s  and  7,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    7th  Inf. 

Hatcher's  Run,  Va. 
Oct.  27  and  28,  1864. 
CJ.  S.  C.  T.     27th,  39th,  4ist,  43d,  and  45th  Inf. 

James  Island,  S.  C. 
Feb.  10,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    55th  (Mass.)  Inf. 

Haynes  Bluff.  Miss. 

Jenkins's  Ferry,  Ark. 

Feb.  3,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    53d  Inf. 

April  30,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    79th  (new)  and  83d  (new)  JaU 

Haynes  Bluff,  Miss. 

Jenkins's  Ferry,  Ark. 

April,  1864. 

May  4,  1864. 

U.S.  C.T.    3dCav. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    83d  (new)  Inf. 

Helena,  Ark. 

John's  Island,  S.  C. 

Aug.  2,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    64th  Inf. 

July  s  and  7,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.    26th  Inf. 

APPENDIX. 


56r 


John's  Island,  S.  C. 


and  34th  Inf. 

Johnsonville,  Tenn. 

Sept.  25,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    i3th  Inf. 
Jones's  Bridge,  Va. 

June  23,  i864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    28th  Inf. 

Joy's  Ford,  Ark. 

Jan.  8,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    79th  (new)  Inf. 

Lake  Providence,  La. 

May  27,  1863. 
Lawrence,  Kan. 

July  27,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    7oth  (new)  Inf. 

Little  Rock,  Ark. 
April  26  and  May  28,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    57th  Inf. 
Liverpool  Heights,  Miss. 

Feb.  i,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    47th  Inf. 

Lotus,"  Steamer,  Kan. 


Jan.  17,  1865. 
U.  S.  C. 


T.    83d  (new)  Inf. 
Madison  Station,  Ala. 

Nov.  26,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     loistlnf. 

Magnolia,  Tenn. 

Jan.  7,  1865 
U.  S.  C.  T.     i5th  Inf. 

Mariana,  Fla. 

Sept.  27,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    82d  Inf. 

Marion,  Va. 

Dec.  18,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    6th  Cav. 
Marion  County,  Fla. 

March  10,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    3d  Inf. 
McKay's  Point,  S.  C. 

Dec.  22,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    26th  Inf. 
Meffleton  Lodge,  Ark. 

June  20,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     56th  Inf. 

Memphis,  Tenn. 

Aug.  21,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    6ist  Inf. 

Milliken's  Bend,  La. 
June  5.  6,  and  7,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.   T.      5th   Hy.   Art.  ;    49th    and 

Inf. 
Milltown  Bluff,  S.  C. 

July  10,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    33d  Inf. 
Mitchell's  Creek,  Fla. 

Dec.  17,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    82d  Inf. 

Morganzia,  La. 

May  18,  1864. 

U.S.  C.T.    73dlnf. 

Morganzia,  La. 

Nov.  23,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    84th  Inf. 

Moscow,  Tenn. 

June  15,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    55th  Inf. 
Moscow  Station,  Tenn. 

Dec.  4,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    6ist  Inf. 
Mound  Plantation,  La. 

June  20,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    46th  Inf. 


Mount  Pleasant  Landing,  La. 

May  15,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    67th  Inf. 

Mud  Creek,  Ala. 

Jan.  5,  1865. 
U.S.  C.T.     io6thlnf. 
Murfreesboro',  Tenn. 

Dec.  24,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    i2th  Inf. 

N.  and  N.  W.  R.  R.,  Tenn. 

Sept.  4,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     looth  Inf. 

Nashville,  Tenn. 

May  24,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     i5th  Inf. 

Nashville,  Tenn. 

Lee.  2  and  21,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    44th  Inf. 

Nashville,  Tenn. 

Dec.  7,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.     iSthlnf. 

Nashville,  Tenn. 

Dec.  15  and  16,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.  i2th,  i3th,  1 4th,  i7th,  i8th,  and  xootb 

Inf. 

Natchez,  Miss. 

Nov.  ii,  1863. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     58th  Inf. 

Natchez,  Miss. 

April  25,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    98th  Inf. 

Natural  Bridge,  Fla. 

March  6,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    2d  and  99th  Inf. 
New  Kent  Court  House,  Va. 

March  2,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     5th  Inf. 

New  Market  Heights,  Va. 

June  24,  i864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     22d  Inf. 

Olustee,  Fla. 

Feb.  20,  i864. 

U.S.  C.  T.    8th,  35th,  and  54th  (Mass.)  Infc 

Owensboro',  Ky. 

Aug.  27,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     io8th  Inf. 
Palmetto  Ranch,  Texas, 

May  15,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    62d  Inf. 
Pass  Manchas,  La. 

March  20,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     ioth  Hy.  Art. 

Petersburg,  Va. 
June  15,  1864,  to  April  2,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    5th  (Mass.)  Cav.  ;  ist,  4th,  sth, 
6th,  7th,  ioth,  i9th,  22d,  23d,  27th,  28th,  29th, 
29th   (Conn.),  soth,  3ist,  36th,  39th,  4131,  43d, 
45th,  and  n6th  Inf. 

Pierson's  Farm,  Va. 

June  iG,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    36th  Inf. 

Pine  Barren  Creek,  Ala. 

Dec.  17,  18,  and  ig,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    97th  Inf. 

Pine  Barren  Ford,  Fla. 

Dec.  17  and  18,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     82d  Inf. 

Pine  Bluff,  Ark. 

July  2,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.'T.    64th  Inf. 

Pleasant  Hill,  La. 

April  9,  i864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    75th  Inf. 

Plymouth,  N.  C. 

Nov.  26,  1863,  and  April  18, 1964. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     ioth  Inf. 


APPENDIX. 


Plymouth,  N.  C. 

April  i,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    37th  Inf. 

Point  Lookout,  Va. 

May  13,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    36th  Inf. 
Point  of  Rocks,  Md. 

June  9,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    2d  Cav. 
Point  Pleasant,  La. 

June  25,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    64th  Inf. 
Poison  Springs,  Ark. 

April  18,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     79th  (new)  Inf. 

Port  Hudson,  La. 

May  22  to  July  8,  1863. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    73d,  75th,  78th,  7oth  (old),  8oth 

8ist,  82d,  and  95th  Inf. 

Powhatan,  Va. 

Jan.  25,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     ist  Cav. 

Prairie  D'ann,  Ark. 

April  13,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    79th  (new)  and  83d  (new)  Inf. 

Pulaski,  Tenn. 

May  13,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     iiith  Inf. 

Raleigh,  N.  C 

April  7,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    5th  Inf. 

Rector's  Farm,  Ark. 

Dec.  19,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    83d  (new)  Inf. 
Red  River  Expedition,  La. 

May  — ,  1864. 

U.S.  C.T.     92dlnf. 

Richland,  Tenn. 

Sept.  26,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.     i  nth  Inf. 

Richmond,  Va. 

Oct.  28  and  29,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    2d  Cav. ;  7th  Inf. 

Ripley,  Miss. 

June  7,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    55th  Inf. 

Roache's  Plantation,  Miss. 

March  31.  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    3d  Cav. 
Rolling  Fork,  Miss. 

NOV.  22,   1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    3d  Cav. 
Roseville  Creek,  Ark. 

March  20,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     79th  (new)  Inf. 

Ross's  Landing,  Ark. 

Feb.  14,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    5ist  Inf. 
St.  John's  River,  S.  C. 

May  23,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     35th  Inf. 

St.  Stephen's,  S.  C. 

March  i,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    55th  (Mass.)  Inf. 
Saline  River,  Ark. 

May  4,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    83d  (new)  Inf. 
Saline  River,  Ark. 

May  — ,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    S4th  Inf. 

Salkehatchie,  S.  C. 

Feb.  9,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     io2d  Inf. 

Saltville,  Va. 

Oct.  2, 1864. 

U.S.  C.T,    5th  and  6th  Cav. 


Saltville,  Va. 

Dec.  20,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    sth  Cav. 

Sand  Mountain,  Tenn. 

Jan.  27,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    i8th  Inf. 
Sandy  Swamp,  N.  C. 

Dec.  18,  1863. 

U.S.  C.T.    5thlnf. 

Scottsboro',  Ala. 

Jan.  8,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     ioist  Inf. 

Section  37,  N.  and  N.  W.  R.  R.,  Tenn. 

Nov.  24,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     i2th  Inf. 

Sherwood,  Mo. 

May  18,  1863. 
U.  S.  C.  T,    79th  (new)  Inf. 

Simpsonville,  Ky. 

Jan.  25,  1865. 

U.S.  C.T     5th  Cav. 

Smithfield,  Va. 

Aug.  30,  1864. 

U.S.  C.T.    ist  Cav. 

Smithfield,  Ky. 

Jan.  5,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    6th  Cav. 
South  Tunnel,  Tenn. 

Oct.  10,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    4oth  Inf. 

Spanish  Fort,  Ala. 

March  27  to  April  8,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    68th  Inf. 

Suffolk,  Va. 

March  9,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    2d  Cav. 

Sugar  Loaf  Hill,  N.  C. 


Jan.  19,  1865. 

u.  s.  c.  TV 


6th  Inf. 
Sugar  Loaf  Hill,  N.  C. 

Feb.  ii,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    4th,  6th,  and  3oth  Inf. 

Sulphur  Branch  Trestle,  Ala. 

Sept.  25,  1864. 

U.S.  C.T.    mthlnf. 

Swift's  Creek,  S.  C. 

April  19,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     io2d  Inf. 

Taylorsville,  Ky. 

April  18,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     noth  Inf. 

Timber  Hill,  Caddo  Nation. 

Nov.  19,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    79th  (new)  Inf, 

Town  Creek,  N.  C. 

Feb.  20,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     ist  Inf. 

Township,  Fla. 

Jan.  26,  1863. 
U.S.  C.T.     3/d  Inf. 

Tupelo,  Miss. 

July  13,  14,  and  15,  1864. 

U.S.  C.T.    59th,  6 ist,  and  68th  Inf. 

Vicksburg,  Miss, 

Aug.  27,  1863. 

U.S.  C.T.    5th  Hy.  Art. 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Feb.  13,  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    52d  Inf. 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

June  4,  1864. 

U.S.  C.T.    3dCav. 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

July  4, 1864. 
U.S.  C.T.    48thlaf. 


APPENDIX. 


563 


Vidalia,  La. 

Williamsburg,  Va. 

July  22,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    6th  Hy.  Art. 

March  4,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    6th  Inf. 

Wallace's  Ferry,  Ark. 
July  26,  1864, 

Wilmington,  N.  C. 
Feb.  22,  1865. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    56thln£. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    ist.  Inf. 

Warsaw,  N.  C. 
April  6,  1865. 
U,  S.  C.  T.     ist  Inf. 
Waterford,  Miss. 

Wilson's  Landing,  Va. 
June  ii,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.     ist  Cav. 

Aug.  16  and  17,  1864. 

Wilson's  Wharf,  Va. 

U.  S.  C.  T,    55th  and  6ist  Inf. 
Waterloo,  La. 

May  24,  1864. 
U,  S.  C.  T.     Batt'y  B,  2d  Lt.  Art.;  ist  and  xoth 

Oct.  20,  1864. 

Inf. 

U.  S.  C.T.    75th  Inf. 

Yazoo  City,  Miss. 

Waterproof,  La. 

March  5,  1864. 

Feb.  14.  1864. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     3d  Cav.;  47th  Inf. 

U.  S.  C.  T.     49th  Inf. 
Waterproof,  La. 
April  20,  1864. 
U.  S.  C.  T.    63d  Inf. 

Yazoo  City,  Miss. 
May  13,  1864. 
U.S.  C.T.    3dCav. 

White  Oak  Road,  Va. 

Yazoo  City,  Miss. 

March  31,  1865, 
U.S.  C.T.     29thlnf. 

March  15,  1865. 
U.  S.  C.T.     3dCav. 

White  River,  Ark. 

Yazoo  Expedition,  Miss. 

Oct.  22,  1864. 

Feb.  28,  1864. 

U.S.  C.T.     53  Inf. 

U.  S.  C.  T.    3d  Cav. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

HOISTING  THE   BLACK   FLAG.— OFFICIAL   CORRESPONDENCE   AND 

REPORTS. 

GENERAL    S.    D.    LEE   TO   GENERAL   COOPER. 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  ALABAMA,  MISSISSIPPI,  AND  ) 
EAST  LOUISIANA,  MERIDIAN,  June  30,  1864.  \ 

GENERAL  :  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  copies  of  correspondence  between  General  Washburn, 
U.  S.  A.,  General  Forrest,  and  myself,  which  I  consider  very  important,  and  should  belaid  before 
the  Department.  It  will  be  my  endeavor  to  avoid,  as  far  as  is  consistent  with  my  idea  of  the  dig 
nity  of  my  position,  resorting  to  such  an  extremity  as  the  black  flag;  and  the  onus  shall  be  with 
the  Federal  commander. 

I  would  like  that  the  onus  be  put  where  it  properly  belongs,  before  the  public,  should  the  ex 
tremity  arise.  The  correspondence  is  not  complete  yet,  and  the  Department  will  be  informed  of 
the  result  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment. 

I  am,  General,  yours  respectfully, 

S.  D.  LEE,  Lieutenant-General. 
General  S.  COOPER,  A.  and  I.  G.,  Richmond,  Va. 

GENERAL   FORREST   TO   GENERAL   WASHBURN. 

HEADQUARTERS  FORREST'S  CAVALRY,  ) 
IN  THE  FIELD,  June  14,  1864.         j 
Major-General  WASHBURN,  Commanding  United  States  Forces,  Memphis  : 

GENERAL:  I  have  the  honor  herewith  to  enclose  copy  of  letter  received  from  Brigadier-General 
Buford,  commanding  United  States  forces  at  Helena,  Arkansas,  addressed  to  Colonel  E.  W. 
Rucker,  commanding  Sixth  Regiment  of  this  command ;  also  a  letter  from  myself  to  General 
Buford,  which  1  respectfully  request  you  will  read  and  forward  to  him. 

There  is  a  matter  also  to  which  I  desire  to  call  your  attention,  which,  until  now,  I  have  not 
thought  proper  to  make  the  subject  of  a  communication.  Recent  events  render  it  necessary,— in 
fact,  demand  it. 

It  has  been  reported  to  me  that  all  the  negro  troops  stationed  in  Memphis  took  an  oath  on 
their  knees,  in  the  presence  of  Major-General  Hurlbut  and  other  officers  of  your  army,  to  avenge 
Fort  Pillow,  and  that  they  would  show  my  troops  no  quarter. 

Again,  I  have  it  from  indisputable  authority  that  the  troops  under  Brigadier-General  Sturgis, 
on  their  recent  march  from  Memphis,  publicly  and  in  various  places  proclaimed  that  no  quarter 
would  be  shown  my  men.  As  his  troops  were  moved  into  action  on  the  eleventh,  the  officers  com 
manding  exhorted  their  men  to  remember  Fort  Pillow,  and  a  large  majority  of  the  prisoners  we 
have  captured  from  that  command  have  voluntarily  stated  that  they  expected  us  to  murder  them, 
otherwise  they  would  have  surrendered  in  a  body  rather  than  taken  to  the  bushes  after  being  run 
down  and  exhausted.  The  recent  battle  of  Tishemingo  Creek  was  far  more  bloody  than  it  other 
wise  would  have  been  but  for  the  fact  that  your  men  evidently  expected  to  be  slaughtered  when 
captured,  and  both  sides  acted  as  though  neither  felt  safe  in  surrendering  even  when  further  re 
sistance  was  useless.  The  prisoners  captured  by  us  say  they  felt  condemned  by  the  announce 
ments,  etc.,  of  their  own  commanders,  and  expected  no  quarter.  In  all  my  operations  since  the 
war  began,  I  have  conducted  the  war  on  civilized  principles,  and  desire  still  to  dp  so,  but  it  is  due 
to  my  command  that  they  should  know  the  position  you  occupy  and  the  policy  you  intend  to 


564 


APPENDIX. 


pursue.  I  therefore  respectfully  ask  whether  my  men  in  your  hands  are  treated  as  other  Confeder 
ate  prisoners,  also  the  course  intended  to  be  pursued  in  regard  to  those  who  may  hereafter  fall 
into  your  hands. 

I  have  in  my  possession  quite  a  number  of  wounded  officers  and  men  of  General  Sturgis's  com 
mand,  all  of  whom  have  been  treated  as  well  as  we  have  been  able  to  treat  them,  and  are  mo'tly 
in  charge  of  a  surgeon  left  at  Ripley  by  General  Sturgis  to  look  after  the  wounded.  Some  of  them 
are  too  severely  wounded  to  be  removed  at  present.  I  am  willing  to  exchange  them  for  any  men 
of  my  command  you  may  have,  and  as  soon  as  they  are  able  to  be  removed  will  give  them  safe 
escort  through  my  lines  in  charge  of  the  surgeon  left  with  them. 

I  made  such  an  arrangement  with   Major-Generaj  Hurlbut  when  he  was  in  command  of 
Memphis,  and  am  willing  to  renew  it,  provided  it  is  desired,  as  it  would  be  better  than  to  subject 
them  to  the  long  and  fatiguing  delay  necessary  to  a  regular  exchange  at  City  Point,  Virginia. 
I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

N.  B.  FORREST,  Major-General. 

GENERAL  WASHBURN  TO  GENERAL  LEE. 

HEADQUARTERS  DISTRICT  OF  WEST  TENNESSEE,  | 
MEMPHIS,  TENN.,  June  17,  1864.  J 

Major-General  S.  D.  LEE,  Commanding  Confederate  Forces  near  Tupelo,  Miss.  : 

GENERAL  :  When  I  heard  that  the  forces  of  Brigadier-General  Sturgis  had  been  driven  back, 
and  a  portion  of  them  probably  captured,  I  felt  considerable  solicitude  for  the  fate  of  the  two 
colored  regiments  that  formed  a  part  of  the  command,  until  I  was  informed  that  the  Confederate 
forces  were  commanded  by  you.  When  I  learned  that,  I  became  satisfied  that  no  atrocities  would 
be  committed  upon  those  troops,  but  that  they  would  receive  the  treatment  which  humanity  as 
well  as  their  gallant  conduct  demanded. 

I  regret  to  say  that  the  hope  that  I  entertained  has  been  dispelled  by  facts  which  have  recently 
come  to  my  knowledge. 

From  statements  that  have  been  made  to  me  by  colored  soldiers  who  were  eye-witnesses,  it 
would  seem  that  the  massacre  at  Fort  Pillow  had  been  reproduced  at  the  late  affair  at  Bryce's 
Cross-roads.  The  detail  of  the  atrocities  there  committed  I  will  not  trouble  you  with.  If  true, 
and  not  disavowed,  they  must  lead  to  consequences  too  fearful  to  contemplate.  It  is  best  that  we 
should  now  have  a  fair  understanding  upon  this  question,  of  the  treatment  of  this  class  of  soldiers. 
If  it  is  contemplated  by  the  Confederate  government  to  murder  all  colored  troops  that  may  by 
chance  of  war  fall  into  their  hands,  as  was  the  case  at  Fort  Pillow,  it  is  but  fair  that  it  shoul'd  be 
freely  and  frankly  avowed.  Within  the  last  six  weeks  I  have,  on  two  occasions,  sent  colored 
troops  into  the  field  from  this  point.  In  the  expectation  that  the  Confederate  government  would 
disavow  the  action  of  their  commanding  general  at  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  1  have  forborne 
to  issue  any  instructions  to  the  colored  troops  as  to  the  course  they  should  pursue  toward  Con 
federate  soldiers.  No  disavowal  on  the  part  of  the  Confederate  government  having  been  made, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  laudations  from  the  entire  Southern  press  of  the  perpetrators  of  the  mas 
sacre,  I  may  safely  presume  that  indiscriminate  slaughter  is  to  be  the  fate  of  colored  troops  that 
fall  into  your  hands.  But  I  am  not  willing  to  leave  a  matter  of  such  grave  import,  and  involving 
consequences  so  fearful,  to  inference,  and  I  have  therefore  thought  it  proper  to  address  you 
this,  believing  that  you  would  be  able  to  indicate  the  policy  that  the  Confederate  government 
intend  to  pursue  hereafter  on  this  question. 

If  it  is  intended  to  raise  the  black  flag  against  that  unfortunate  race,  they  will  cheerfully  accept 
the  issue.  Up  to  this  time  no  troops  have  fought  more  gallantly,  and  none  have  conducted  them 
selves  with  greater  propriety.  They  have  fully  vindicated  their  right  (so  long  denied)  to  be 
treated  as  men. 

I  hope  that  I  have  been  misinformed  in  regard  to  the  treatment  they  have  received  at  the 
battle  of  Bryce's  Cross-roads,  and  that  the  accounts  received  result  rather  from  the  excited  imagi 
nations  of  the  fugitives  than  from  actual  fact. 

For  the  government  of  the  colored  troops  under  my  command,  I  would  thank  you  to  inform 
me,  with  as  little  delay  as  possible,  if  it  is  your  intention,  or  the  intention  of  the  Confederate 
government,  to  murder  colored  soldiers  that  may  fall  into  your  hands,  or  treat  them  as  prisoners 
of  war,  and  subject  to  be  exchanged  as  other  prfsoners. 

I  am,  General,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

C    C.  WASHBURN,  Major-General,  Commanding. 

GENERAL   WASHBURN   TO   GENERAL   FORREST. 

HEADQUARTERS  DISTRICT  OF  WEST  TENNESSEE,  { 
MEMPHIS,  TENN.,  June  19,  1864.  ) 

Major-General  N.  B.  FORREST,  Commanding  Confederate  Forces  : 

GENERAL  :  Your  communication  of  the  fourteenth  instant  is  received.  The  letter  to  Brigadier- 
General  Buford  will  be  forwarded  to  him. 

In  regard  to  that  part  of  your  letter  which  relates  to  colored  troops,  I  beg  to  say  that  I  have 
already  sent  a  communication  on  the  subject  to  the  officer  in  command  of  the  Confederate  forces 
at  Tupelo. 

Having  understood  that  Major-General  S.  D.  Lee  was  in  command  there,  I  directed  my  letter 
to  him — a  copy  of  it  I  enclose.  You  say  in  your  letter  that  it  has  been  reported  to  you  that  all  the 
negro  troops  stationed  in  Memphis  took  an  oath  on  their  knees,  in  the  presence  of  Major-General 
Hurlbut,  and  other  officers  of  our  army,  to  avenge  Fort  Pillow,  and  that  they  would  show  your 
troops  no  quarter. 

I  believe  it  is  true  that  the  colored  troops  did  take  such  an  oath,  but  not  in  the  presence  of 
Geneial  Hurlbut.  From  what  I  can  learn,  this  act  of  theirs  was  not  influenced  by  any  white 
officer,  but  was  the  result  of  their  own  sense  of  what  was  due  to  themselves  and  their  fellows  who 
had  been  mercilessly  slaughtered. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  they  went  into  the  field,  as  you  allege,  in  the  full  belief  that  they  would 
be  murdered  in  case  they  fell  into  your  hands.  The  affair  at  Fort  Pillow  fully  justified  that  belief. 
I  am  not  aware  as  to  what  they  proclaimed  on  their  late  march,  and  it  may  be,  as  you  say,  that, 
they  declared  that  no  quarter  would  be  given  to  any  of  your  men  that  might  fall  into  their  hands. 


APPENDIX.  565 

Your  declaration  that  you  have  conducted  the  war,  on  all  occasions,  on  civilized  principles, 
cannot  be  accepted  ;  but  I  receive  with  satisfaction  the  intimation  in  your  letter  that  the  recent 
slaughter  of  colored  troops  at  the  battle  of  Tishemingo  Creek  resulted  rather  from  the  desperation 
with  which  they  fought  than  a  predetermined  intention  to  give  them  no  quarter. 

You  must  have  learned  by  this  time  that  the  attempt  to  intimidate  the  colored  troops  by  indis 
criminate  slaughter  has  signally  failed,  and  that,  instead  of  a  feeling  of  terror,  you  have  aroused  a 
spirit  of  courage  and  desperation  that  will  not  down  at  your  bidding. 

I  am  left  in  doubt,  by  your  letter,  as  to  the  course  you  and  the  Confederate  government  intend 
to  pursue  hereafter  in  regard  to  colored  troops,  and  I  beg  you  to  advise  me,  with  as  little  delay  as 
possible,  as  to  your  intentions. 

If  you  intend  to  treat  such  of  them  as  fall  into  your  hands  as  prisoners  of  war,  please  so  state  ; 
if  you  do  not  so  intend,  but  contemplate  either  their  slaughter  or  their  return  to  slavery,  please 
state  that,  so  that  we  may  have  no  misunderstanding  hereafter.  If  the  former  is  your  intention,  I 
shall  receive  the  announcement  with  pleasure,  and  shall  explain  the  fact  to  the  colored  troops  at 
once,  and  desire  that  they  recall  the  oath  they  have  taken  ;  if  the  latter  is  the  case,  then  let  the 
oath  stand,  and  upon  those  who  have  aroused  this  spirit  by  their  atrocities,  and  upon  the  govern 
ment  and  people  who  sanction  it,  be  the  consequences. 

In  regard  to  your  inquiry  relating  to  prisoners  of  your  command  in  our  hands,  I  have  to  state 
that  they  have  always  received  the  treatment  which  a  great  and  humane  Government  extends  to 
its  prisoners.  What  course  will  be  pursued  hereafter  toward  them  must,  of  course,  depend  on 
circumstances  that  may  arise.  If  your  command,  hereafter,  does  nothing  which  should  properly 
exclude  them  from  being  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  they  will  be  so  treated. 

I  thank  you  for  your  offer  to  exchange  wounded  officers  and  men  in  your  hands.  If  you  will 
send  them  in,  I  will  exchange  man  for  man,  so  far  as  I  have  the  ability  to  do  so. 

Before  closing  this  letter,  I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  one  case  of  unparalleled  outrage  and 
murder  that  has  been  brought  to  my  notice,  and  in  regard  to  which  the  evidence  is  overwhelming. 

Among  the  prisoners  captured  at  Fort  Pillow  was  Major  Bradford,  who  had  charge  of  the 
defence  of  the  fort  after  the  fall  of  Major  Booth. 

After  being  taken  prisoner,  he  was  started  with  other  prisoners  of  war,  in  charge  of  Colonel 
Duckworth,  for  Jackson.  At  Brownsville  they  rested  over  night.  The  following  morning  two 
companies  were  detailed  by  Colonel  Duckworth  to  proceed  to  Jackson  with  the  prisoners. 

After  they  had  started,  and  proceeded  a  very  short  distance,  five  soldiers  were  recalled  by 
Colonel  Duckworth,  and  were  conferred  with  by  him  ;  they  then  rejoined  the  column,  and  after 
proceeding  about  five  miles  from  Brownsville  the  column  was  halted,  and  Major  Bradford  taken 
about  fifty  yards  from  the  roadside  and  deliberately  shot  by  the  five  men  who  had  been  recalled 
by  Colonel  Duckworth,  and  his  body  left  unburied  upon  the  ground  where  he  fell, 

He  now  lies  buried  near  the  spot,  and,  if  you  desire,  you  can  easily  satisfy  yourself  of  the 
truth  of  what  I  assert.  I  beg  leave  to  say  to  you  that  this  transaction  hardly  justifies  your  remark, 
that  your  operations  have  been  conducted  on  civilized  principles  ;  and  until  you  take  some  steps 
to  bring  the  perpetrators  of  this  outrage  to  justice,  the  world  will  not  fail  to  believe  that  it  had 
your  sanction. 

I  am,  General,  your  obedient  servant, 

C.  C.  WASHBURN,  Major-General,  Commanding. 

GENERAL   FORREST  TO   GENERAL  WASHBURN. 

HEADQUARTERS  FORREST'S  CAVALRY,  I 
TUPELO,  Miss.,  June  20,  1864.          j 
Major-General  C.  C.  WASHBURN,  Commanding  U.  S.  Forces,  Memphis,  Tenn. 

GENERAL  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  (per  flag  of  truce)  of  your  letter  of  the 
seventeenth  instant,  addressed  to  Major-General  S.  D.  Lee,  or  officer  commanding  Confederate 
forces  near  Tupelo.  I  have  forwarded  it  to  General  Lee,  with  a  copy  of  this  letter. 

I  regard  your  letter  as  discourteous  to  the  commanding  officer  of  this  department,  and  grossly 
insulting  to  myself. 

You  seek  by  implied  threats  to  intimidate  him,  and  assume  the  privilege  of  denouncing  me  as 
a  murderer,  and  as  guilty  of  the  wholesale  slaughter  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Pillow,  and  found 
your  assertion  upon  the  ex_  parte  testimony  of  (your  friends)  the  enemies  of  myself  and  country. 
I  shall  not  enter  into  the  discussion,  therefore,  of  any  of  the  questions  involved,  nor  undertake  any 
refutation  of  the  charges  made  by  you  against  myself  ;  nevertheless,  as  a  matter  of  personal  priv 
ilege  alone,  I  unhesitatingly  say  that  they  are  unfounded  and  unwarranted  by  the  facts.  But 
whether  those  charges  are  true  or  false,  they,  with  the  question  you  ask,  as  to  whether  negro 
troops,  when  captured,  will  be  recognized  and  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  subject  to  exchange, 
etc.,  are  matters  which  the  governments  of  .the  United  States  and  Confederate  States  are  to  decide 
and  adjus  ,  not  their  subordinate  officers.  I  regard  captured  negroes  as  I  do  other  captured  prop 
erty,  and  not  as  captured  soldiers  ;  but  as  to  how  regarded  by  my  government,  and  the  disposi 
tion  which  has-been  and  will  hereafter  be  made  of  them,  I  respectfully  refer  you,  through  the 
proper  channel,  to  the  authorities  at  Richmond.  It  is  not  the  policy  or  the  interest  of  the  South  to 
destroy  the  negro  ;  on  the  contrary  to  preserve  and  protect  him.  and  all  who  have  surrendered  to 
us  have  received  kind  and  humane  treatment. 

Since  the  war  began  I  have  captured  many  thousand  Federal  prisoners,  and  they,  including  the 
survivors  of  the  "  Fort  Pillow  Massacre,"  "  black  and  white,"  are  living  witnesses  of  the  fact 
that  with  my  knowledge  or  consent,  or  by  my  order,  not  one  of  them  has  ever  been  insulted,  or  in 
any  way  maltreated. 

You  speak  of  your  forbearance  in  not  giving  your  negro  troops  instructions  and  orders  as  to. 
the  course  they  should  pursue  in  regard  to  Confederate  soldiers  that  might  fall  into  their  (your> 
hands,  which  clearly  conveys  to  my  mind  two  very  distinct  impressions.  The  first  is,  that  in  not 
giving  them  instructions  and  orders,  you  have  left  the  matter  entirely  to  the  discretion  of  the 
negroes  as  to  how  they  should  dispose  of  prisoners.  Second,  an  implied  threat  to  give  such 
orders  as  will  lead  to  "  consequences  too  fearful  "  for  contemplation.  In  confirmation  of  the  cor 
rectness  of  the  first  impression  (which  your  language  now  fully  develops^,  I  refer  most  respect 
fully  to  my  letter  from  the  battle-field,  Tishemingo  Creek,  and  forwarded  you  by  flag  of  truce  on 
the  fourteenth  instant.  As  to  the  second  impression,  you  seem  disposed  to  take  into  your  own 
nands  the  settlements  which  belong  to,  and  can  only  be  settled  by,  your  government  j  but  if  you 


566 


APPENDIX 


are  prepared  to  take  upon  yourself  the  responsibility  of  inaugurating  a  system  of  warfare  con 
trary  to  civilized  usages,  the  onus  as  well  as  the  consequences  will  be  chargeable  to  yourself. 

Deprecating,  as  I  should  do,  such  a  state  of  affairs  ;  determined,  as  I  am,  not  to  be  instru 
mental  in  bringing  it  about ;  feeling  and  knowing,  as  I  do,  that  I  have  the  approval  of  my  govern 
ment,  my  people,  and  my  conscience  as  to  the  past,  and  with  the  firm  belief  that  I  will  be  sus 
tained  by  them  in  my  future  policy,  it  is  left  with  you  to  determine  what  that  policy  shall  be 
whether  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  civilized  nations,  or  in  violation  of  them. 

I  am,  General,  yours,  very  respectfully, 

N.  B.  FORREST,  Major-General. 

GENERAL   FORREST    TO   GENERAL   WASHBURN. 

HEADQUARTERS  FORREST'S  CAVALRY,  | 
IN  THE  FIELD,  June  23,  1864.         j 
Major-General  C.  C.  WASHBURN,  Commanding  District  of  West  Tennessee^  Memphis,  Tenn.  : 

Your  communication  of  the  nineteenth  inst.  is  received,  in  which  you  say  "  you  are  left  in 
doubt  as  to  the  course  the  Confederate  government  intends  to  pursue  hereafter  in  regard  to 
colored  troops." 

Allow  me  to  say  that  this  is  a  subject  upon  which  I  did  not  and  do  not  propose  to  enlighten 
you.  It  is  a  matter  to  be  settled  by  our  governments  through  their  proper  officers,  and  I  respect 
fully  refer  you  to  them  for  a  solution  of  your  doubts. 

You  ask  me  to  state  whether  "  I  contemplate  either  their  slaughter  or  their  return  to  slavery." 
I  answer  that  I  slaughter  no  man  except  in  open  warfare,  and  that  my  prisoners,  both  white  and 
black,  are  turned  over  to  my  government  to  be  dealt  with  as  it  may  direct.  My  government  is  in 
possession  of  all  the  facts  as  regards  my  official  conduct,  and  the  operations  of  my  command  since 
I  entered  the  service,  and  if  you  desire  a  proper  discussion  and  decision,  I  refer  you  again  to  the 
President  of  the  Confederate  States.  I  would  not  have  you  understand,  however,  that  in  a  matter 
of  so  much  importance  I  am  indisposed  to  place  at  your  command  and  disposal  any  facts  desired, 
when  applied  for  in  a  manner  becoming  an  officer  holding  your  rank  and  position,  for  it  is  cer 
tainly  desirable  to  every  one  occupying  a  public  position  to  be  placed  right  before  the  world,  and 
there  has  been  no  time,  since  the  capture  of  Fort  Pillow,  that  I  would  not  have  furnished  all  the 
facts  connected  with  its  capture,  had  they  been  applied  for  properly,  but  now  the  matter  rests 
with  the  two  governments.  I  have,  however,  for  your  information,  enclosed  you  copies  of  the 
official  correspondence  between  the  commanding  officers  at  Fort  Pillow  and  myself;  also  copies 
of  a  statement  of  Captain  Young,  the  senior  officer  of  that  garrison,  together  with  (sufficient)  ex 
tracts  from  a  report  of  the  affair  by  my  A.  D.  C.,  Captain  Chas.  W.  Anderson,  which  I  approve 
and  endorse  as  correct. 

As  to  the  death  of  Major  Bradford,  I  knew  nothing  of  it  until  eight  or  ten  days  after  it  is  said 
to  have  occurred. 

On  the  thirteenth  (the  day  after  the  capture  of  Fort  Pillow)  I  went  to  Jackson,  and  the  report 
I  had  of  the  affair  was  this  :  Major  Bradford  was,  with  other  officers,  sent  to  the  headquarters  of 
Colonel  McCulloch,  and  all  the  prisoners  were  in  charge  of  one  of  McCulloch's  regiments.  Brad 
ford  requested  the  privilege  of  attending  the  burial  of  his  brother,  which  was  granted,  he  giving 
his  parole  of  honor  to  return.  Instead  of  returning,  he  changed  his  clothing  and  started  for  Mem 
phis.  Some  of  my  men  were  hunting  deserters,  and  came  on  Bradford  just  as  he  had  landed  on 
the  south  bank  of  the  Hatchie,  and  arrested  him.  When  arrested,  he  claimed  to  be  a  Confederate 
soldier  belonging  to  Bragg's  army  ;  that  he  had  been  on  furlough,  and  was  then  on  his  way  to 
join  his  command. 

As  he  could  show  no  papers  he  was  believed  to  be  a  deserter,  and  was  taken  to  Covington, 
and  not  until  he  was  recognized  and  spoken  to  by  citizens  did  the  guards  know  that  he  was  Brad 
ford. 

He  was  sent  by  Colonel  Duckworth,  or  taken  by  him,  to  Brownsville. 

All  of  Chalmers's  command  went  from  Brownsville,  via  La  Grange,  and  as  all  the  other  prison 
ers  had  been  gone  some  time,  and  there  was  no  chance  for  them  to  catch  up  and  place  Bradford 
with  them,  he  was  ordered  by  Colonel  Duckworth  or  General  Chalmers  to  be  sent  south  to  me  at 
Jackson. 

I  knew  nothing  of  the  matter  until  eight  or  ten  days  afterwards  I  heard  that  his  body  was 
found  near  Brownsville.  I  understand  that  he  attempted  to  escape  and  was  shot.  If  he  was  im 
properly  killed,  nothing  would  afford  me  more  pleasure  than  to  punish  the  perpetrators  to  the  full 
extent  of  the  law,  and  to  show  you  how  I  regard  such  transactions. 

I  can  refer  you  to  my  demand  on  Major-General  Hurlbut  (no  doubt  upon  file  in  j^our  office) 
for  the  delivery  to  Confederate  authorities  of  one  Colonel  Fielding  Hurst  and  others  of  his  regi 
ment,  who  deliberately  took  out  and  killed  seven  Confederate  soldiers,  one  of  whom  they  left  to 
die  after  cutting  off  his  tongue,  punching  out  his  eyes,  splitting  his  mouth  on  each  side  to  his 
ears,  and  cutting  off  his  privates.  I  have  mentioned  and  given  you  these  facts  in  order  that  you 
may  have  no  further  excuse  or  apology  for  referring  to  these  matters  in  connection  with  myself, 
and  to  evince  to  you  my  determination  to  do  all  in  my  power  to  avoid  the  responsibility  of  causing 
the  adoption  of  the  policy  which  you  have  determined  to  press.  In  your  letter  you  acknowledge 
the  fact  that  the  negro  troops  did  take  an  oath  on  bended  knees  to  show  no  quarters  to  my  men, 
and  you  say  further  "you  have  no  doubt  they  went  to  the  battle-field  expecting  to  be  slaugh 
tered,"  and  admit,  also,  the  probability  of  their  having  proclaimed  on  their  march  that  no  quar 
ter  would  be  shown  us.  Such  being  the  case,  why  do  you  ask  for  the  disavowal  on  the  part 
of  the  commanding  general  of  this  department  of  the  government,  in  regard  to  the  loss  of  life  at 
Tishemingo  Creek  ?  That  your  troops  expected  to  be  slaughtered,  appears  to  me,  after  the  oath 
they  took,  to  be  a  very  reasonable  and  natural  expectation.  Yet  you  who  sent  them  out,  know 
ing  and  now  admitting  that  they  had  sworn  to  such  a  policy,  are  complaining  of  atrocities,  and 
demanding  acknowledgments  and  disavowals  on  the  part  of  the  very  men  you  sent  forth  sworn  to 
slay  whenever  in  your  power. 

I  will,  in  all  candor  and  truth,  say  to  you  that  I  nad  only  neard  these  things,  but  did  not  be 
lieve  them  ;  indeed,  did  not  attach  to  them  the  importance  they  deserved,  nor  did  I  know  of  the 
threatened  vengeance  as  proclaimed  along  the  line  of  march  until  the  contest  was  over.  Had  I 
and  my  men  known  it,  as  you  admit  it,  the  battle  of  Tishemingo  Creek  would  have  been  noted  as 
the  bloodiest  battle  of  the  war.  That  you  sanctioned  this  policy  is  plain,  for  you  say  now  ''  that 


APPENDIX.  567 

if  the  negro  is  treated  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  you  will  receive  with  pleasure  the  announcement,  and 
•will  explain  the  facts  to  your  colored  troops,  and  desire  (not  order)  that  they  recall  the  oath ;  but  if 
they  are  to  be  either  slaughtered  or  returned  to  slavery,  let  the  oath  stand.  Your  rank  forbids  a 
doubt  as  to  the  fact  that  you  and  every  officer  and  man  of  your  department  are  identified  with  the 
policy  and  responsible  for  it,  and  I  shall  not  permit  you,  notwithstanding  by  your  studied  lan 
guage  in  both  your  communications  you  seek  to  limit  the  operations  of  your  unholy  scheme,  and 
visit  its  terrible  consequences  alone  upon  that  ignorant,  deluded,  but  unfortunate  people,  the 
negroes,  whose  destruction  you  are  planning  in  order  to  accomplish  ours.  The  negroes  have  our 
sympathy,  and,  so  tar  as  consistent  with  safety,  we  will  spare  them  at  the  expense  of  those  who 
are  alone  responsible  for  the  inauguration  of  a  worse  than  savage  warfare. 

Now,  in  conclusion,  I  demand  a  plain  and  unqualified  answer  to  two  questions,  and  then  I 
have  done  with  further  correspondence  with  you  on  this  subject.  This  matter  must  be  settled. 
In  battle  and  on  the  battle-field  do  you  intend  to  slaughter  my  men  who  fall  into  your  hands  ?  If 
you  do  not  intend  so  to  do,  will  they  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war  ? 

I  have  over  two  thousand  of  Sturgis's -command  prisoners,  and  will  hold  every  officer  and  pri 
vate  hostage  until  I  receive  your  declarations,  and  am  satisfied  that  you  carry  out  in  good  faith 
the  answers  you  make,  and  until  1  am  assured  that  no  Confederate  soldier  has  been  foully  dealt 
with  from  the  clay  of  the  battle  of  Tishemingo  Creek  to  this  time.  It  is  not  yet  too  late  tor  you 
to  retrace  your  steps  and  arrest  the  storm. 

Relying,  as  I  do,  upon  that  Divine  power  which  in  wisdom  disposes  of  all  things  ;  relying  also 
upon  the  support  and  approval  of  my  government  and  countrymen,  and  the  unflinching  bravery 
:md  endurance  of  my  troops;  and  with  a  consciousness  that  I  have  done  nothing  to  produce,  but 
all  in  my  power,  consistent  with  honor  and  the  personal  safety  of  myself  and  command,  to  pre 
vent  it,  I  leave  with  you  the  responsibility  of  bringing  about,  to  use  your  own  language, 4l  a  state 
of  affairs  too  fearful  to  contemplate." 

I  am,  General,  yours,  very  respectfully, 

N.  B.  FORREST,  Major-General. 


OFFICIAL  MEMORANDAk 

Hc_ 

May  IT,  1864. 


CAHABA  HOSPITAL,  CAHABA,  ALABAMA,  ) 


Colonel  H.  C.  DAVIS,  Commanding  Post  Cahaba  : 

COLONEL  :  I  herewith  transmit  you,  as  near  as  my  memory  serves  me,  according  to  promise, 
the  demand  made  by  Major-General  Forrest,  C.  S.  A.,  for  the  surrender  of  Fort  Pillow,  Ten 
nessee. 

Major  BOOTH,  Commanding  U.  S.  Forces,  Fort  Pillow,  Tennessee  : 

I  have  force  sufficient  to  take  your  works  by  assault.  I  therefore  demand  an  unconditional 
surrender  of  all  your  forces.  Your  heroic  defence  will  entitle  you  to  be  treated  as  prisoners  of 
war,  but  the  surrender  must  be  unconditional.  I  await  your  answer. 

FORREST,  Major-General,  Commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  FORCES, 

FORT  PILLOW,  TENNESSEE,  April  12,  1864.  f 
Major-G«neral  FORREST,  Commanding  Confederate  Forces  : 

GENERAL  :  Your  demand  for  the  surrender  of  United  States  forces  under  my  command  re 
ceived.  I  ask  one  hour  for  consultation  with  my  officers  and  the  commander  of  gunboat  No.  7, 
at  this  place.  I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Your  obedient  servant, 

L.  F.  BOOTH,  Major,  Commanding  U.  S.  Forces^  Fort  Pillow. 

Major  L.  F.  BOOTH,  Commanding  United  States  Forces  : 

I  do  not  demand  the  surrender  of  the  gunboat  No.  7.  I  ask  only  for  the  surrender  of  Fort 
Pillow,  with  men  and  munitions  of  war.  You  have  twenty  minutes  for  consideration.  At  the 
expiration  of  that  time,  if  you  do  not  capitulate,  I  will  assault  your  works. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

FORREST,  Major-General,  Commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  FORCES,  I 

FORT  PILLOW,  TENNESSEE,  April  12,  1864.  f 
Major-General  FORREST,  Commanding  Confederate  Forces  : 

GENERAL:  Your  second  demand  for  the  surrender  of  my  forces  is  received.  Your  demand 
will  not  be  complied  with. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

L.  F.   BOOTH,  Major,  Commanding  U.  S.  Forces,  Fort  Pillow. 

I  give  you  the  above  for  your  own  satisfaction  from  memory.    I  think  it  is  true  in  substance 
My  present  condition  would  preclude  the  idea  of  this  being  an  official  statement. 
I  am,  Colonel,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  T.   YOUNG,  Captain,  Company  A,   Twenty-fourth  Mo.  Inf.  Vols. 

CAPTAIN   J.    T.    YOUNG   TO    MAJOR-GENERAL   FORREST. 

CAHABA,  ALABAMA,  May  19,  1864. 
Major-General  FORREST,  C.  S.  A.  : 

GENERAL  :  Your  request,  made  through  Judge  P.  T.  Scroggs,  that  I  should  make  a  statement 
of  the  treatment  of  the  Federal  dead  and  wounded  at  Fort  Pillow,  has  been  made  known  to  me. 
Details  from  Federal  prisoners  were  made  to  collect  the  dead  and  wounded.  The  dead  were 
buried  by  their  surviving  comrades.  I  saw  no  ill  treatment  of  their  wounded  on  the  evening  of 
the  battle,  or  next  morning.  My  friend,  Lieutenant  Learning,  Adjutant  Thirteenth  Tennessee 


568 


APPENDIX. 


Cavalry,  was  left  wounded  in  the  sutler's  store  near  the  fort,  also  a  lieutenant  Sixth  U.  S.  Artil^ 
lery ;    both  were  alive  next  morning,  and  sent  on  board   U.  S.  transport,  among   many  other 
wounded.    Among  the  wounded  were  some  colored  troops — I  don't  know  how  many. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JNO.  T.  YOUNG,  Captain  Twenty-fourth  Missouri  Volunteers. 

P.  S. — I  have  examined  a  report  said  to  be  made  by  Captain  Anderson  (of)  A.  D.  C.  to  Major- 
General  Forrest,  appendix  to  General  Forrest's  report,  in  regard  to  making  disposition  of  Federal 
wounded  left  on  the  field  at  Fort  Pillow,  and  think  it  is  correct.  I  accompanied  Captain  Anderson, 
on  the  day  succeeding  the  battle,  to  Fort  Pillow,  for  the  purpose  above  mentioned. 

JOHN  T.  YOUNG,  Captain,  Twenty-fourth.  Missouri  Volunteers. 
A  true  copy. 

SAMUEL  DONALSON,  Lieutenant  and  A .  D.  C. 
Official, 

HENRY  B.  LEE,  A.D.C. 

GENERAL  WASHBURN  TO  GENERAL  FORREST. 

HEADQUARTERS  DISTRICT  OF  WEST  TENNESSEE,  \ 
MEMPHIS,  TENN.,  July  2,  1864.  {" 

Major-General  N.  B.  FORREST,  Commanding  Confederate  Forces,  near  Tupelo: 

GENERAL:  Your  communications  of  the  twentieth  and  twenty-third  ult.  are  received.  Of  the 
tone  and  temper  of  both  I  do  not  complain.  The  desperate  fortunes  of  a  bad  cause  excuse  much 
irritation  of  temper,  and  I  pass  it  by,  Indeed,  I  received  it  as  a  favorable  augury,  and  as  evidence 
that  you  are  not  indifferent  to  the  opinions  of  the  civilized  world.  , 

In  regard  to  the  Fort  Pillow  affair,  it  is  useless  to  prolong  the  discussion 

I  shall  forward  your  report,  which  you  did  me  the  favor  to  enclose,  to  my  government,  and 
you  will  receive  the  full  benefit  of  it. 

The  record  is  now  made  up,  and  a  candid  world  will  judge  of  it.  I  beg  leave  to  send  you 
herewith  a  copy  of  the  report  of  the  Investigating  Committee  from  the  United  States  Congress  on 
the  affair.  In  regard  to  the  treatment  of  Major  Bradford,  I  refer  you  to  the  testimony  contained 
in  that  report,  from  which  you  will  see  that  he  was  not  attempting  to  escape  when  shot.  It  will 
be  easy  to  bring  the  perpetrators  of  the  outrage  to  justice  if  you  so  desire. 

I  will  add  to  what  I  have  heretofore  said,  that  I  have  it  from  responsible  and  truthful  citizens 
of  Brownsville,  that  when  Major  Bradford  was  started  under  an  escort  from  your  headquarters  at 
Jackson,  General  Chalmers  remarked  that  "  he  would  never  reach  there." 

You  call  attention,  apparently  as  an  offset  to  this  affair  of  Major  Bradford,  to  outrages  said  to 
have  been  committed  by  Colonel  Fielding  Hurst  and  others  of  his  regiment  (Sixth  Tennessee 
Cavalry).  The  outrages,  if  committed  as  stated  by  you,  are  disgraceful  and  abhorrent  to  every 
brave  and  sensitive  mind. 

On  receiving  your  letter  I  sent  at  once  for  Colonel  Hurst,  and  read  him  the  extract  pertaining 
to  him.  He  indignantly  denies  the  charge  against  him,  and  until  you  furnish  me  the  names  of  the 
parties  murdered,  and  the  time  when,  and  the  place  where,  the  offence  was  committed,  with  the 
names  of  witnesses,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  act.  When  you  do  that,  you  may  rest  assured  that  1 
shall  use  every  effort  in  my  power  to  have  the  parties  accused  tried,  and  if  found  guilty,  properly 
punished. 

In  regard  to  the  treatment  of  colored  soldiers,  it  is  evidently  useless  to  discuss  the  question 
further. 

Your  attempt  to  shift  from  yourself  upon  me  the  responsibility  of  the  inauguration  of  a 
"  worse  than  savage  warfare,"  is  top  strained  and  far-fetched  to  require  any  response.  The  full 
and  cumulative  evidence  contained  in  the  Congressional  Report  I  herewith  forward,  points  to  you 
as  the  person  responsible  for  the  barbarisms  already  committed. 

It  was  your  soldiers  who,  at  Fort  Pillow,  raised  the  black  flag,  and  while  shooting,  bayonet 
ing,  and  otherwise  maltreating  the  Federal  prisoners  in  their  hands,  shouted  to  each  other  in  the 
hearing  of  their  victims  that  it  was  done  by  "  Forrest's  orders." 

Thus  far  I  cannot  iearn  that  you  have  made  any  disavowal  of  these  barbarities. 

Your  letters  to  me  inform  me  confidently  that  you  have  always  treated  our  prisoners  according 
to  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare,  but  your  disavowal  of  the  Fort  Pillow  barbarities,  if  you  intend 
to  make  any,  should  be  full,  clear,  explicit,  and  published  to  the  world. 

The  United  States  Government  is,  as  it  always  has  been,  lenient  and  forbearing,  and  it  is  not 
yet  too  late  for  you  to  secure  for  yourself  and  your  soldiers  a  continuance  of  the  treatment  due  to 
honorable  warriors,  by  a  public  disclaimer  of  barbarities  already  committed,  and  a  vigorous  effort 
to  punish  the  wretches  who  committed  them. 

But  I  say  to  you  now,  clearly  and  unequivocally,  that  such  measure  of  treatment  as  you  mete 
out  to  Federal  soldiers  will  be  measured  to  you  again. 

If  you  give  no  quarter,  you  need  expect  none.  If  you  observe  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare, 
and  treat  our  prisoners  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  war,  your  prisoners  will  be  treated,  as  they 
ever  have  been,  with  kindness. 


If  you  depart  from  these  principles,  you  may  expect  such  retaliation  as  the  laws  of  war  justify. 
That  you  may  know  what  the  laws  of  war  are,  as  understood  by  my  Government,  I  beg  leave 

ioo  from  the  War  Department  Adjutant-General's  Offi 

»e,  sir, 
Very  respectfully  yours, 

C.  C.  WASHBURN,  Major- General. 


to  enclose  a  copy  of  General  Orders  No.  ioo  from  the  War  Department  Adjutant-General's  Office, 
Washington,  April  twenty-four,  1863. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 


GENERAL   LEE   TO    GENERAL    WASHBURN. 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  ALABAMA,  MISSISSIPPI,  AND  \ 

EAST  LOUISIANA,  MERIDIAN,  June  28, 1864. 
Major-General  C.  C.  WASHBURN,  Commanding  Federal  Forces  at  Memphis,  Tennessee: 

GENERAL:  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  seventeenth  inst.,  and  have  also  before  me  the 
reply  of  Major-General  Forrest  thereto.  Though  that  reply  is  full,  and  approved  by  me,  yet  I 
deem  it  proper  to  communicate  with  you  upon  a  subject  so  seriously  aifecting  our  future  conduct 
and  that  of  the  troops  under  our  respective  commands. 


APPENDIX.  569 

Your  communication  is  by  no  means  respectful  to  me,  and  is  by  implication  insulting  to  Major- 
General  Forrest.  This,  however,  is  overlooked  in  consideration  of  the  important  character  of  its 
contents. 

You  assume  as  correct  an  exaggerated  statement  of  the  circumstances  attending  the  capture 
of  Fort  Pillow,  relying  solely  upon  the  evidence  of  those  who  would  naturally  give  a  distorted 
history  of  the  affair. 

No  demand  for  an  explanation  has  ever  been  made  either  by  yourself  or  your  government,  a 
course  which  would  certainly  recommend  itself  to  every  one  desirous  of  hearing  truth;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  you  seem  to  have  been  perfectly  willing  to  allow  your  soldiers  to  labor  under  false 
impressions  upon  a  subject  involving  such  terrible  consequences.  Even  the  formality  of  parades 
and  oaths  have  been  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  inciting  your  colored  troops  to  the  perpetra 
tion  of  deeds  which,  you  say,  "  will  lead  to  consequences  too  fearful  to  contemplate." 

As  commanding  officer  of  this  Department  I  desire  to  make  the  following  statement  concern 
ing  the  capture  of  Fort  Pillow — a  statement  supported  in  a  great  measure  by  the  evidence  of  one 
of  your  own  officers  captured  at  that  place. 

The  version  given  by  you  and  your  government  is  untrue,  and  not  sustained  by  the  facts  to 
the  extent  that  you  indicate. 

The  garrison  was  summoned  in  the  usual  manner,  and  its  commanding  officer  assumed  the 
responsibility  of  refusing  to  surrender  after  having  been  informed  by  General  Forrest  of  his  ability 
to  take  the  fort,  and  of  his  fears  as  to  what  the  result  would  be  in  case  the  demand  was  not  com 
plied  with. 

The  assault  was  made  under  a  heavy  fire,  and  with  considerable  loss  to  the  attacking 
party. 

Your  colors  were  never  lowered,  but  retreated  from  the  fort  to  the  cover  of  the  gunboats, 
with  arms  in  their  hands,  and  constantly  using  them. 

This  was  true,  particularly  of  your  colored  troops,  who  had  been  firmly  convinced  by  your 
teachings  of  the  certainty  of  their  slaughter  in  case  of  capture.  Even  under  these  circumstances 
many  of  your  men — white  and  black — were  taken  prisoners. 

I  respectfully  refer  you  to  history  for  numerous  cases  of  indiscriminate  slaughter,  even  under 
less  aggravated  circumstances. 

It  is  generally  conceded  by  all  military  precedents  that  where  the  issue  has  been  fairly 
presented,  and  the  ability  displayed,  fearful  results  are  expected  to  follow  a  refusal  to  sur 
render. 

The  case  under  consideration  is  almost  an  extreme  one. 

You  had  a  servile  race  armed  against  their  masters,  and  in  a  country  which  had  been  deso 
lated  by  almost  unprecedented  outrages. 

I  assert  that  our  officers,  with  all  these  circumstances  against  them,  endeavored  to  prevent  the 
effusion  of  blood  ;  and,  as  evidence  of  this,  I  refer  you  to  the  fact  that  both  white  and  colored 
prisoners  were  taken,  and  are  now  in  our  hands. 

As  regards  the  battle  of  Tishemingo  Creek,  the  statements  of  your  negro  witnesses  are  not  to 
be  relied  on.  In  this  panic  they  acted  as  might  have  been  expected  from  their  previous  impres 
sions.  I  do  not  think  many  of  them  were  killed— they  are  yet  wandering  over  the  country,  at 
tempting  to  return  to  their  masters. 

With  reference  to  the  status  of  those  captured  at  Tishemingo  Creek  and  Fort  Pillow,  I  will 
state  that,  unless  otherwise  ordered  by  my  government,  they  will  not  be  regarded  as  prisoners  of 
war,  but  will  be  retained  and  humanely  treated,  subject  to  such  future  instructions  as  may  be  in 
dicated. 

Your  letter  contains  many  implied  threats  ;  these  you  can  of  course  make,  and  you  are  fully 
entitled  to  any  satisfaction  that  you  may  feel  from  having  made  them 

It  is  my  intention,  and  that  also  of  my  subordinates,  to  conduct  this  war  upon  civilized  princi 
ples,  provided  you  permit  us  to  do  so  ;  and  I  take  this  occasion  to  state  that  we  will  not  shrink 
from  any  responsibilities  that  your  actions  may  force  upon  us. 

We  are  engaged  in  a  struggle  for  the  protection  of  our  homes  and  firesides,  for  the  mainten 
ance  of  our  national  existence  and  liberty  ;  we  have  counted  the  cost  and  are  prepared  to  go  to 
any  extremes  ;  and  although  it  is  far  from  our  wish  to  fight  under  the  "  black  flag,"  still,  if  you 
drive  us  to  it,  we  will  accept  the  issue. 

Your  troops  virtually  fought  under  it  at  the  battle  of  Tishemingo  Creek,  and  the  prisoners 
taken  there  state  that  they  went  into  battle  with  the  impression  that  they  were  to  receive  no  quar 
ter,  and  I  suppose  with  the  determination  to  give  none. 

I  wijl  further  remark  that  if  it  is  raised,  so  far  as  your  soldiers  are  concerned,  there  can  be  no 
distinction,  for  the  unfortunate  people  whom  you  pretend  to  be  aiding  are  not  considered  entirely 
responsible  for  their  acts,  influenced  as  they  are  by  the  superior  intellect  of  their  white  brothers. 

I  enclose  for  your  consideration  certain  papers  touching  the  Fort  Pillow  affair,  which  were 
procured  from  the  writer  after  the  exaggerated  statements  of  your  press  were  seen. 
I  am,  General,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

S.  D.  LEE,  Lieutenant-General,  Commanding. 

ENCLOSURE   IN   THE   FOREGOING. 

CAHABA,  ALABAMA,  May  16,  1864. 

I  was  one  of  the  bearers  of  the  flag  of  truce,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  authorities,  at 
"Fort  Pillow.  A  majority  of  the  officers  of  the  garrison  doubted  whether  General  Forrest  was 
present,  and  had  the  impression  that  it  was  a  ruse  to  induce  the  surrender  of  the  fort.  At  the 
second  meeting  of  the  flag  of  truce,  General  Forrest  announced  himself  as  being  General  Forrest ; 
but  the  officers  who  accompanied  the  flag,  being  unacquainted  with  the  General,  doubted  his 
word,  and  it  was  the  opinion  of  the  garrison,  at  the  time  of  the  assault,  that  General  Forrest  was 
not  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort.  The  commanding  officer  refused  to  surrender.  When  the  final 
assault  was  made,  I  was  captured  at  my  post,  inside  the  works,  and  have  been  treated  as  a 
prisoner  of  war. 

JOHN  T.  YOUNG,  Captain,  Twenty-fourth  Missouri  Volunteers. 
F.  W.  UNDERBILL,  First  Lieutenant,  Cavalry. 


57°  APPENDIX. 

GENERAL  WASHBURN  TO  GENERAL  LEE. 

HEADQUARTERS  DISTRICT  OF  WEST  TENNESSEE,  ) 
MEMPHIS,  TENNESSEE,  July  3,  1864.  \ 

Lieutenant-General  S   D.  LEE,  Conmanding  Department  Alabama,  Mississippi  and  East  Louisi 
ana^  C.  S.  A.,  Meridian,  Miss.  : 

GENERAL:  Your  letter  of  the  twenty-eighth  ult.,  in  reply  to  mine  of  the  seventeenth  ult.,  is 
received. 

The  discourtesy  which  you  profess  to  discover  in  my  letter  I  utterly  disclaim.  Having  al 
ready  discussed  at  length,  in  a  correspondence  with  Major-General  Forrest,  the  Fort  Pillow 
massacre,  as  well  as  the  policy  to  be  pursued  in  regard  to  colored  troops,  I  do  not  regard  it 
necessary  to  say  more  oh  those  subjects.  As  you  state  that  you  fully  approve  of  the  letter  sent 
by  General  Forrest  to  me,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  seventeenth  ult.,  I  am  forced  to  presume  that 
you  fully  approve  of  his  action  at  Fort  Pillow. 

Your  arguments  in  support  of  that  action  confirm  such  presumption.  You  state  that  the  "ver 
sion  given  by  me  and  my  government  is  not  true,  and  not  sustained  by  the  facts  to  the  extent  I 
indicate."  You  furnish  a  statement  of  a  certain  Captain  Young,  who  was  captured  at  Fort  Pil 
low,  and  is  now  a  prisoner  in  your  hands.  How  far  the  statement  of  a  prisoner  under  duress  and 
in  the  position  of  Captain  Young  should  go  to  disprove  the  sworn  testimony  of  the  hundred  eye 
witnesses  who  had  ample  opportunity  of  seeing  and  knowing,  I  am  willing  that  others  shall 
judge; 

In  relying,  as  you  do,  upon  this  certificate  of  Captain  Young,  you  confess  that  all  better  re 
sources  are  at  an  end. 

You  are  welcome  to  all  the  relief  that  that  certificate"  is  calculated  to  give  you.  Does  he  say 
that  our  soldiers  were  not  inhumanly  treated  ?  No.  Does  he  say  that  he  was'in  a  position  to  see 
in  case  they  had  been  mistreated  ?  No.  He  simply  says  that  "  he  saw  no  ill-treatment  of  their 
wounded."  If  he  was  in  a  position  to  see  and  know  what  took  place,  it  was  easy  for  him  to 
say  so. 

I  yesterday  sent  to  Major-General  Forrest  a  copy  of  the  report  of  the  Congressional  Investi 
gating  Committee,  and  I  hope  it  may  fall  into  your  hands.  You  will  find  there  the  record  of 
inhuman  atrocities,  to  find  a  parallel  for  which  you  will  search  the  page  of  history  in  vain.  Men — 
white  men  and  black  men — were  crucified  and  burned  ;  others  were  hunted  "by  bloodhounds ; 
while  others,  in  their  anguish,  were  made  the  sport  of  men  more  cruel  than  the  dogs  by  which 
they  were  hunted. 

I  have  also  sent  to  my  government  copies  of  General  Forrest's  reports,  together  with  the  cer 
tificate  of  Captain  Young. 

The  record  in  the  case  is  plainly  made  up,  and  i  leave  it.  You  justify  and  approve  it,  and  ap 
peal  to  history  for  precedents. 

As  I  have  said,  history  furnishes  no  parallel.  True,  there  are  instances  where,  after  along 
and  protracted  resistance,  resulting  in  heavy  loss  to  the  assailing  party,  the  garrison  has  been  put 
to  the  sword,  but  1  know  of  no  such  instance  that  did  not  bring  dishonor  upon  the  commander  that 
ordered  or  suffered  it. 

There  is  no  Englishman  that  would  not  gladly  forget  Badajos,  nor  a  Frenchman  that  exults 
when  Jaffa  or  the  Caves  of  Dahra  and  Shelas  are  spoken  of.  The  massacre  of  Glencoe,  which  the 
world  has  read  of  with  horror,  for  nearly  two  hundred  years,  pales  into  insignificance  before  the 
truthful  recital  of  Fort  Pillow. 

The  desperate  defence  of  the  Alamo  was  the  excuse  for  the  slaughter  of  its  brave  survivors, 
after  its  surrender,  yet  that  act  was  received  with  just  execration,  and  we  are  told  by  the  historian 
that  it  led  more  than  anything  else  to  the  independence  of  Texas. 

At  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  the  Texans  rushed  into  action  with  the  war-cry,  "  Remember  the 
Alamo,"  and  curried  all  before  them. 

You  \\ill  seek  in  vain  for  consultation  in  history,  pursue  the  inquiry  as  far  as  you  may. 

Your  desire  to  shift  the  responsibility  of  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  or  to  find  excuses  for  it,  is 
not  strange.  But  the  responsibility  still  remains  where  it  belongs,  and  there  it  will  remain. 

In  my  last  letter  to  General  Forrest  I  stated  that  the  treatment  which  Federal  soldiers 
received  would  be  their  guide  hereafter,  and  that  if  you  give  no  quarter  you  need  expect  none. 
If  you  observe  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare  I  shall  rejoice  at  it,  as  no  one  can  regret  more  than 
myself  a  resort  to  such  measures  as  the  laws  of  war  justify  towards  an  enemy  that  gives  no 
quarter. 

Your  remark  that  our  colored  soldiers  "  will  not  be  regarded  as  prisoners  of  war,  but  will  be 
retained  and  humanely  treated,"  indicating  that  you  consider  them  as  of  more  worth  and  impor 
tance  than  your  own  soldiers  who  are  now  in  our  hands,  is  certainly  very  complimentary  to  the 
colored  troops,  though  but  a  tardy  acknowledgment  of  their  bravery  and  devotion  as  soldiers  ; 
but  such  fair  words  can  neither  do  justice  to  the  colored  soldiers  who  were  butchered  at  Fort 
Pillow  after  they  had  surrendered  to  their  victors,  nor  relieve  yourself,  General  Forrest,  and  the 
troops  serving  under  you,  from  the  fearful  responsibility  now  resting  upon  you  for  those  wanton 
and  unparalleled  barbarities. 

I  concur  in  your  remarks  that  if  the  black  flag  is  once  raised,  there  can  be  no  distinction  so 
far  as  our  soldiers  are  concerned.  No  distinction  in  this  regard  as  to  color  is  known  to  the 
laws  of  war,  and  you  may  rest  assured  that  the  outrages  we  complain  of  are  felt  by  our  white 
soldiers,  no  less  than  by  our  black  ones,  as  insults  to  their  common  banner,  the  flag  of  the  United 
States. 

I  will  close  by  a  reference  to  your  statement  that  many  of  our  colored  soldiers  "  are  yet 
wandering  over  the  country  attempting  to  return  to  their  masters."  If  this  remark  is  intended 
for  a  joke,  it  is  acknowledged  as  a  good  one  ;  but,  if  stated  as  a  fact,  permit  me  to  correct  your 
misapprehensions  by  informing  you  that  most  of  them  have  returned  to  their  respective  com 
mands,  their  search  for  their  late  "masters  "  having  proved  bootless  ;  and  I  think  I  do  not  exag 
gerate  in  assuring  you  that  there  is  not  a  colored  soldier  here  who  does  not  prefer  the  fate  of  his 
comrades  at  Fort  Pillow  to  being  returned  to  his  "'master." 
I  remain,  General, 

Yours,  very  respectfully, 

C.  C.  WASHBURN,  Major-General. 


APPENDIX. 

CAPTAIN  J.  T.  YOUNG  TO  GENERAL  WASHBURN. 

MEMPHIS,  TENNESSEE,  September  13,  1864. 
Major-General  C.  C.  WASHBURN,  Commanding  District  West  Tennessee : 

GENERAL  :  I  have  the  honor  to  address  you  in  regard  to  certain  papers  forwarded  you  by 
Major-General  Forrest,  of  the  so-called  Confederate  army,  signed  by  me  under  protest,  whilst  a 
prisoner  of  war  at  Cahaba,  Alabama.  I  would  first  call  your  attention  to  the  manner  by  which 
these  papers  were  procured.  About  twenty-seventh  April  last,  all  Federal  prisoners  (except 
colored  soldiers)  were  sent  to  Andersonville  and  Macon,  Georgia,  myself  among  the  number. 
About  ten  days  after  my  arrival  at  Macon  prison,  a  Confederate  captain,  with  two  men  as  guard, 
came  to  that  prison  with  an  order  for  me  to  return  to  Cahaba.  I  appealed  to  the  officer  in  com 
mand  to  know  why  I  was  taken  from  the  other  officers,  but  received  no  explanation.  Many  of 
my  friends  among  the  Federal  officers  who  had  been  prisoners  longer  than  myself  felt  uneasy  at 
the  proceedings,  and  advised  me  to  make  my  escape  going  back,  as  it  was  likely  a  subject  of 
retaliation.  Consequently  I  felt  considerable  uneasiness  of  mind.  On  returning  to  Cahaba,  being 
quite  unwell,  I  was  placed  in  hospital,  under  guard,  with  still  no  explanation  from  the  military 
authorities.  On  the  day  following,  I  was  informed  by  a  sick  Federal  officer,  also  in  hospital,  that 
he  had  learned  that  I  had  been  recognized  by  some  Confederate  as  a  deserter  from  the  Confeder 
ate  army,  and  that  I  was  to  be  court-martialed  and  shot.  The  colored  waiters  about  the  hospital 
told  me  the  same  thing,  and  although  I  knew  that  the  muster-rolls  of  my  country  would  show 
that  I  had  been  in  the  volunteer  service  since  first  May,  1861,  I  still  felt  uneasy,  having  fresh  in 
my  mind  Fort  Pillow,  and  the  summary  manner  the  Confederate  officers  have  of  disposing  of 
men  on  some  occasions.  With  the  above  impressions  on  my  mind,  about  three  days  after  my 
return  to  Cahaba  I  was  sent  for  by  the  Provost  Marshal,  and  certain  papers  handed  me,  made  out 
by  General  Forrest  for  my  signature.  Looking  over  the  papers,  I  found  that  signing  them  would 
bean  endorsement  of  General  Forrest's  official  report  of  the  Fort  Pillow  affair.  I  of  course  re 
turned  the  papers,  positively  refusing  to  have  anything  to  do  with  them.  I  was  sent  for  again 
the  same  day,  with  request  to  sign  other  papers  of  the  same  tendency,  but  modified.  I  again  re 
fused  to  sign  the  papers,  but  sent  General  Forrest  a  statement,  that  although  I  considered  some 
of  the  versions  of  the  Fort  Pillow  affair,  which  I  had  read  in  their  own  papers,  said  to  be  copied 
from  Federal  papers,  exaggerated,  I  also  thought  that  his  own  official  report  was  equally  so  in 
some  particulars. 

Here  the  matter  rested  about  one  week,  when  I  was  sent  for  by  Colonel  H.  C.  Davis,  com 
mander  of  post  at  Cahaba,  who  informed  me  that  General  Forrest  had  sent  P.  T.  Scroggs  to  see 
me,  and  have  a  talk  with  me  about  the  Fort  Pillow  fight.  I  found  the  judge  very  affable  and 
rather  disposed  to  flatter  me  ;  he  said  that  General  Forrest  thought  that  I  was  a  gentleman  and  a 
soldier,  and  that  the  General  had  sent  him  (the  judge)  down  to  see  me  and  talk  to  me  about  the 
Fort  Pillow  fight;  he  then  went  on  to  tell  over  a  great  many  things  that  were  testified  to  before 
the  Military  Commission,  which  1  was  perfectly  ignorant  of,  never  having  seen  the  testimony. 
He  then  produced  papers  which  General  Forrest  wished  me  to  sign.  Upon  examination,  I  found 
them  about  the  same  as  those  previously  shown  me,  and  refused  again  to  sign  them,  but  the 
Judge  was  very  importunate,  and  finally  prevailed  on  me  to  sign  the  papers  you  have  in  your 
possession,  pledging  himself  that  if  I  wished  it  they  should  only  be  seen  by  General  Forrest  him 
self,  that  they  were  not  intended  to  be  used  by  him  as  testimony,  but  merely  for  his  own  satisfac 
tion. 

I  hope.  General,  that  these  papers  signed  by  me,  or  rather  extorted  from  me  while  under 
duress,  will  not  be  used  by  my  government  to  my  disparagement,  for  my  only  wish  is  now,  after 
three  years'  service  and  over,  to  recruit  my  health,  which  has  suffered  badly  by  imprisonment, 
and  go  in  for  the  war. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  General, 

Your  obedient  servant, 
JOHN  T.  YOUNG,  Captain,  Company  A,  Twenty-fourth  Mo.  Inf.* 

It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  material  part  of  Gen.  Forrest's  defence  was 
extorted  from  Capt.  John  T.  Young,  an  officer  in  the  Union  forces  at  Fort  Pillow. 
He  was  sick  and  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels  ;  and  while  in  this  condition  he 
was  compelled  to  sign  the  papers  given  above,  which  had  been  made  out  by  Forrest 
himself.  The  last  letter  of  the  correspondence  shows  that  Capt.  Young  did  not  want 
the  papers  used  by  the  United  States  Government,  because  they  were  not  true.  More 
over,  the  despatches  of  Forrest  to  Major  Bradford  make  no  mention  of  retaliation. 
The  despatches  above  are  not  true  copies.  For  instance,  he  demanded  the  surrender 
of  Paducah  en  the  25th  of  March,  1864,  just  before  he  took  Fort  Pillow,  and  this  was 
his  despatch  : 

H'DQU'RS  FORREST'S  CAVALRY  CORPS,  I 

PADUCAH,  March  25,  1864 
To  Col.  HICKS,  Commanding  Federal  Forces  at  Paducah  : 

Having  a  force  amply  sufficient  to  carry  your  works  and  reduce  the  place,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  unnecessary  effusion  of  blood,  I  demand  the  surrender  of  the  fort  and  troops,  with  all  the  pub 
lic  stores.  If  you  surrender,  you  shall  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war  ;  but,  if  I  have  to  storm  your 
"works,  you  may  expect  no  quarter. 

N.  B.  FORREST,  Maj.-Gen.  Com' ding. 

1  Rebellion  Records,  vol.  x.  pp.  721-730. 


APPENDIX. 

And  on  the  iqth  of  April,  1864,  the  next  day  after  the  massacre  at  Fort  Pillow, 
den.  Abe  Buford  demanded  the  surrender  of  Columbus,  Kentucky,  in  the  following 
despatch : 

To  the  Commander  of  the  United  States  Forces ^  Columbus,  Ky.\ 

Fully  capable  of  taking  Columbus  and  its  garrison  by  force,  I  desire  to  avoid  shedding 
blood.  I  therefore  demand  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the  forces  under  your  command. 
Should  you  surrender,  the  negroes  now  in  arms  will  be  returned  to  their  masters.  Should  I  be 
compelled  to  take  the  place  by  force,  no  quarter  will  be  shown  negro  troops  whatever ;  white 
troops  will  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war. 

I  am,  sir,  yours, 

A.  BUFORD,  Brig.-Gen. 

Now,  as  both  Bradford  and  Booth  were  dead,  it  was  impossible  to  learn  just  what 
language  was  used  by  Forrest  in  the  despatches  he  sent  them.  But  from  the  testimony 
•given  above,  the  explanation  of  Capt.  Young  and  the  language  of  the  two  despatches 
just  quoted,  addressed  to  the  commander  of  the  Union  forces  at  Paducah  and  Colum 
bus,  Kentucky,  history  has  made  out  a  case  against  Gen.  Forrest  that  no  human  being 
would  covet. 


fart  8. 

THE  FIRST  DECADE   OF  FREEDOM. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

AN  EDUCATED   AFRICAN. 

Daniel  Flickinger  Wilberforce,  a  native  African,  and  educated  in  America,  pre 
sents  a  striking  illustration  of  the  capabilities  of  the  Negro.  He  was  born  a  pagan,  and 
when  brought  in  contact  with  the  institutions  of  civilization  he  outstripped  those  whose 
earlier  life  had  been  impressed  with  the  advantages  of  such  surroundings.  There 
was  nothing  in  his  blood,  or  in  his  early  rearing,  to  develop  him.  He  came  from 
darkness  himself  as  well  as  by  his  ancestry.  Rev.  Daniel  K.  Flickinger,  D.D.,  has 
been  secretary  of  the  Home  Frontier  and  Foreign  Missionary  Society  for  the  past 
twenty-five  years.  He  was  the  companion  in  Africa  of  George  Thompson,  and  on 
one  of  his  trips  had  a  short  association  with  Livingstone.  Dr.  Flickinger  aided  in  es 
tablishing  the  United  Brethren  Mission  on  the  Western  Coast  of  Africa,  and  has  had 
his  heart  in  it  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  During  that  time  he  has  made  six  trips  to 
Africa  to  look  after  this  mission  ;  returning  from  his  last  voyage  in  May,  1881.  He 
has  studied  those  people  and  found  them  apt  in  the  schools  as  well  as  in  the  acquiring 
of  American  customs  in  tilling  the  soil  and  in  the  trades.  During  Dr.  Flickinger's 
first  visit  to  Africa  in  1855,  while  at  Good  Hope  Station,  Mendi  Mission,  located  on 
the  eastern  banks  of  Sherbro  Island,  latitude  7°  north,  and  longitude  18°  west,  he 
employed  a  native  to  watch  over  him  at  night  as  he  slept  in  his  hammock,  there  being 
wild  and  dangerous  tribes  in  the  vicinity.  To  that  man  in  that  time  was  born  a  child. 
The  father  came  to  the  missionaries  the  next  day  to  tell  them  that  his  wife  "done 
born  picin"and  wanted  them  to  give  it  a  name.  Mr.  Burton,  the  missionary  in 
charge,  suggested  that  of  Daniel  Flickinger,  and  it  was  taken.  The  missionaries  had 
performed  the  usual  marriage  ceremony  for  as  many  as  came  within  their  reach,  and 
broken  up  the  former  heathen  customs  in  their  immediate  vicinity  as  far  as  possible, 
and  this  man  was  duly  married.  He  took  as  his  last  name  that  of  Wilberforce  after 
the  English  philanthropist,  who  was  dear  to  all  Colored  people,  and  from  that  time  on 
this  native  and  his  family  became  attached  to  the  mission,  and  were  known  by  the 
name  of  Wilberforce.  This  man  had  children  born  in  heathendom  and  under  quite 
different  circumstances. 


APPENDIX.  573 

Dr.  Flickinger  soon  afterward  sailed  for  America,  and  soon  forgot  that  he  had  a 
namesake  on  the  distant  shore.  He  made  other  trips  across  the  water,  but  failed  to 
come  in  contact  with  the  Wilberforce  family.  Sixteen  years  afterward,  in  1871,  he 
was  in  New  York  City  shipping  goods  to  the  African  missionaries.  The  boxes,  labelled 
"  Daniel  K.  Flickinger,"  were  being  loaded  and  unloaded  at  the  American  Mission 
Rooms  in  that  city,  and  the  doctor  noticed  that  the  colored  porter  boy  was  about  half 
wild  over  something.  He  asked  him  if  there  was  any  thing  wrong,  but  got  no  reply. 
The  young  porter  kept  rolling  his  eyes  and  acting  half  scared  at  the  name  on  those 
boxes,  and  finally  the  doctor  asked  him  his  name,  to  which  there  came  the  prompt  re 
ply,  Daniel  Flickinger  Wilberforce  !  In  his  travels  of  a  lifetime  the  missionary  had 
often  been  surprised,  but  this  bewildered  him.  A  thunder-bolt  could  not  have  shocked 
him  more.  Then  the  two  stood  gazing  at  each  other  in  perfect  amazement,  and  neither 
able  to  tell  how  their  names  came  to  be  so  near  alike.  The  boxes  were  forgotten. 
The  boy  soon  had  his  relief  and  began  laughing  as  few  others  could  laugh,  while  the 
doctor  was  still  unable  to  see  through  the  mystery.  He  gave  the  young  fellow  two 
shillings  and  told  him  to  proceed  with  the  boxes.  The  doctor  then  began  an  investi 
gation  about  the  Mission  Rooms,  and  found  that  this  boy,  just  a  short  time  before  that, 
had  been  brought  over  on  a  merchant  vessel  to  care  for  an  invalid  missionary  lady 
during  the  voyage,  that  he  had  served  a  short  time  as  bell-boy  at  a  hotel,  and  that  they 
had  employed  him  in  the  Mission  Rooms,  but  had  promised  to  send  him  back  on  the 
next  sail  vessel.  The  doctor  got  his  location  in  Africa  and  a  complete  chain  of  cir 
cumstances  such  as  to  convince  him  that  this  was  the  boy  that  was  named  after  him  in 
1855.  He  told  the  authorities  at  the  American  Mission  Rooms,  to  write  to  Africa  and 
say  that  Dan.  was  well  cared  for  over  here,  and  for  them  to  keep  him  till  further  ad 
vised.  As  soon  as  the  doctor  made  his  shipments  to  the  missionaries  he  returned  to 
Dayton  and  asked  the  Executive  Committee  of  his  Board  if  they  would  assist  him  in 
educating  this  African  who  had  turned  up  in  such  a  romantic  manner.  Consent  was 
given,  and  young  Wilberforce  was  shipped  to  Dayton.  He  was  brought  into  Dr. 
Flickinger's  office  with  the  tag  of  an  express  company  attached  to  his  clothes — young, 
green,  and,  in  fact,  a  raw  recruit  to  the  ranks  of  civilization.  Seven  years  after  that  he 
bid  adieu  to  his  friends  in  that  same  office,  to  return  to  his  people  in  Africa  as  a 
teacher,  preacher,  and  physician.  He  was  then  one  of  the  finest  scholars  of  his  age  in 
this  country.  When  he  arrived  at  Dayton  he  of  course  had  to  have  a  private  tutor. 
He  was  sixteen  years  old  and  had  to  start  with  the  rudiments,  but  he  was,  at  the  be 
ginning  of  the  next  school  year,  able  to  join  classes  on  which  he  doubled  right  along. 
It  requires  a  course  of  eight  years  to  reach  the  High  School,  but  in  less  than  four  years 
after  his  arrival  in  Dayton  he  passed  the  examination  for  admission  to  the  High  School 
of  Dayton,  Ohio,  and  was  the  first  Colored  pupil  ever  admitted  to  that  school.  Since 
then,  other  Colored  pupils  have  annually  been  following  his  example.  The  course  in 
the  High  School  was  four  years,  and  the  Board  and  teachers  were  very  particularly 
averse  to  gaining  time.  Owing  to  Wilberforce's  great  aptness,  that  allowed  him  to  go 
ahead  of  his  class,  he  gained  one  year  then  and  there,  and  took  the  honors  of  the  class 
that  started  one  year  ahead  of  him.  There  were  twenty-three  members  of  that  class. 
The  Commencement  was  in  the  Opera-house  at  Dayton  in  1878,  and  on  that  occa 
sion  the  President  of  the  Board  said,  without  discredit  to  any  others,  he  felt  called 
upon  to  make  special  mention  of  young  Wilberforce,  which  he  did  in  a  handsome 
manner.  This  was  not  all  ;  the  Missionary  Society  wanted  to  send  Wilberforce  to 
Africa  in  September  of  that  year,  and  as  he  went  along  they  had  him  at  other  studies. 
He  had  become  an  excellent  musician,  both  vocal  and  instrumental.  He  had  been 
studying  theology  and  read  Hebrew  well.  He  had  also  taken  a  course  of  reading  in 
medicine,  so  that  he  might  be  of  service  to  the  bodies  as  well  as  the  souls  of  his 


574  APPENDIX. 

brethren.  Marvellous  as  it  may  seem,  all  of  this  was  done  in  so  short  a  time,  and 
from  a  state  of  savage  life  up  to  civilized  life  ;  still  it  is  true.  And,  besides,  Wilber- 
force  had  been  a  reader  of  history  and  general  literature,  and  was  a  writer  of  unusual 
merit.  His  progress  has  always  and  always  will  seem  incredible,  even  to  those  who 
had  personal  knowledge  of  him  during  the  time  that  he  had  this  experience  of  seven 
years.  He  had  a  remarkable  mind,  was  born  a  heathen,  had  no  youthful  advantages, 
and  is  to-day  one  of  the  best-informed  and  most  thoroughly  cultivated  thinkers  of  his 
age.  When  he  left  Dayton  in  the  summer  of  1878,  he  was  greatly  missed.  At  the 
Colored  United  Brethren  Church  he  was  janitor,  leader  of  a  choir,  organist,  superin 
tendent  of  the  Sunday-school,  and  class  leader,  and  when  the  pastor  failed,  Wilber- 
force  also  did  the  preaching.  He  was  never  proud.  In  the  humble  capacity  of  jani 
tor  he  took  excellent  care  of  Dr.  Flickinger's  office,  and  was  willing  and  ready  to  do 
anything.  He  was  modest  socially,  but  a  favorite  among  his  classmates,  and  not  only 
respected  but  admired  by  all.  He  married  a  Dayton  girl  before  he  left  for  Africa,  and 
has  remained  abroad  since  1878,  but  he  expects  at  no  distant  time  to  return  to  Ameri 
ca  to  complete  his  professional  studies.  He  belonged  to  the  Sherbro  tribe  or  people, 
and  with  them  he  is  now  laboring. 


LAFAYETTE  S    PLAN    OF    COLONIZATION. 

Now,  my  dear  General,  that  you  are  about  to  enjoy  some  repose,  permit  me  to  propose  to 
you  a  scheme  which  may  prove  of  great  benefit  to  the  black  part  of  the  human  race.  Let  us  unite 
in  the  purchase  of  a  small  estate,  where  we  can  attempt  to  free  the  negroes  and  employ  them 
simply  as  farm  laborers.  Such  an  example  set  by  you  might  be  generally  followed,  and  should 
we  succeed  in  America  I  shall  gladly  consecrate  a  part  of  my  time  to  intro'ducing  the  custom  into 
the  Antilles.  If  this  be  a  crude  idea  I  prefer  to  be  considered  a  fool  in  this  way  rather  than  be 
thought  wise  by  an  opposite  conduct.1 

5th  February,  1783.  

THE   RESULTS   OF   EMANCIPATION. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  growing  confidence  in  the  eagerness  for  and  capacity  of  the 
Negro  to  become  an  educated  citizen,  the  handsome  bequest  of  John  F.  Slater,  Esq., 
for  the  education  of  the  race  stands  forth  as  a  conspicuous  example.  The  Negroes  of 
the  South  have  acknowledged  this  munificent  gift  with  that  graceful  gratitude  so  strik 
ingly  characteristic  of  them. 

DRAFT   OF   AN   ACT   TO   INCORPORATE   THE  TRUSTEES    OF   THE   JOHN   F.  SLATER  FUND. 

Whereas^  Messrs.  RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES,  of  Ohio  ;  MORRISON  R.  WAITE,  of  the  District  of 
Columbia;  WILLIAM  E.  DODGE,  of  New  York  ;  PHILLIPS  BROOKS,  of  Massachusetts;  DANIEL  C. 
GILMAN,  of  Maryland;  JOHN  A.STEWART,  of  New  York;  ALFRED  H.  COLQUITT,  of  Georgia* 
MORRIS  K.  JESUP,  of  New  York;  JAMES  P.  BOYCE,  of  Kentucky;  and  WILLIAM  A.  SLATER,  of 
Connecticut,  have,  by  their  memorial,  represented  to  the  Senate  and  Assembly  of  this  State  that  a 
letter  has  been  received  by  them  from  JOHN  F.  SLATER,  of  Norwich,  in  the  State  of  Connecticut 
of  which  the  following  is  a  copy : 

To  Messrs.  RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES,  of  Ohio  ;  MORRISON  R.  WAITE,  of  the  District  of  Colum 
bia  ;  WILLIAM  E.  DODGE,  of  New  York  PHILLIPS  BROOKS,  of  Massachusetts;  DANIEL  C.  GIL- 
MAN,  of  Maryland  ;  JOHN  A.  STEWART,  of  New  York  ;  ALFRED  H.  COLQUITT,  of  Georgia  ;  MORRIS 
K.  JESUP,  of  New  York  ;  JAMES  P.  BOYCE,  of  Kentucky  ;  and  WILLIAM  A.  SLATER,  of  Con 
necticut: 

GENTLEMEN. — It  has  pleased  God  to  grant  me  prosperity  in  my  business,  and  to  put  it  into 
my  power  to  apply  to  charitable  uses  a  sum  of  money  so  considerable  as  to  require  the  counsel  of 
wise  men  for  the  administration  of  it. 

It  is  my  desire  at  this  time  to  appropriate  to  such  uses  the  sum  of  one  million  of  dollars 
($1,000,000  oo) ;  and  I  hereby  invite  you  to  procure  a  charter  of  incorporation  under  which  a  chari 
table  fund  may  be  held  exempt  from  taxation,  and  under  which  you  shall  organize  ;  and  I  intend 
that  the  corporation,  as  soon  as  formed,  shall  receive  this  sum  in  trust  to  apply  the  income  of  it 
according  to  the  instructions  contained  in  this  letter. 

The  general  object  which  I  desire  to  have  exclusively  pursued,  is  the  uplifting  of  the  lately 
emancipated  population  of  the  Southern  States,  and  their  posterity,  by  conferring  on  them  the 
blessings  of  Christian  education.  The  disabilities  formerly  suffered  by  these  people,  and  their 
singular  patience  and  fidelity  in  the  great  crisis  of  the  nation,  establish  a  just  claim  on  the  sym 
pathy  and  good  will  of  humane  and  patriotic  men.  I  cannot  but  feel  the  compassion  that  is  due 
in.  view  of  their  prevailing  ignorance  which  exists  by  no  fault  of  their  own. 

1  Correspondence  of  American  Revolution,  vol.  iii.  p.  547. 


APPENDIX.  S7S 

But  it  is  not  only  for  their  own  sake,  but  also  for  the  safety  of  our  common  country,  in  which 
they  have  been  invested  with  equal  political  rights,  that  I  am  desirous  to  aid  in  providing  them 
with  the  means  of  such  education  as  shall  tend  to  make  them  good  men  and  good  citizens — educa 
tion  in  which  the  instruction  of  the  mind  in  the  common  branches  of  secular  learning  shall  be  as 
sociated  with  training  in  just  notions  of  duty  toward  God  and  man,  in  the  light  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures. 

The  means  to  be  used  in  the  prosecution  of  the  general  object  above  described,  I  leave  to  the 
discretion  of  the  corporation  ;  only  indicating,  as  lines  of  operation  adapted  to  the  present  condi 
tion  of  things,  the  training  of  teachers  from  among  the  people  requiring  to  be  taught,  if,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  corporation,  by  such  limited  selection  the  purposes  of  the  trust  can  be  best  accom 
plished  ;  and  the  encouragement  of  such  institutions  as  are  most  effectually  useful  in  promoting 
this  training  of  teachers. 

I  am  well  aware  that  the  work  herein  proposed  is  nothing  new  or  untried.  And  it  is  no  small 
part  of  my  satisfaction  in  taking  this  share  in  it,  that  I  hereby  associate  myself  with  some  of  the 
noblest  enterprises  of  charity  and  humanity,  and  may  hope  to  encourage  the  prayers  and  toils  of 
faithful  men  and  women  who  have  labored  and  are  still  laboring  in  this  cause. 

I  wish  the  corporation  which  you  are  invited  to  constitute,  to  consist  at  no  time  of  more  than 
twelve  members,  nor  of  less  than  nine  members  for  a  longer  time  than  may  be  required  for  the 
convenient  filling  of  vacancies,  which  I  desire  to  be  filled  by  the  corporation,  and,  when  found 
practicable,  :it  its  next  meeting  after  the  vacancy  may  occur. 

I  designate  as  the  first  President  of  the  corporation  the  Honorable  RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES,  of 
Ohio.  I  desire  that  it  may  have  power  to  provide  from  the  income  of  the  fund,  among  other 
things,  for  expenses  incurred  by  members  in  the  fulfilment  of  this  trust,  and  for  the  expenses  of 
such  officers  and  agents  as  it  may  appoint,  and  generally  to  do  all  such  acts  as  may  be  necessary 
for  carrying  out  the  purposes  of  this  trust.  I  desire,  if  it  may  be,  that  the  corporation  may  have 
full  liberty' to  invest  its  funds  according  to  its  own  best  discretion,  without  reference  to,  or  re 
striction  by,  any  laws  or  rules,  legal  or  equitable,  of  any  nature,  regulating  the  mode  of  invest 
ment  of  trust  funds ;  only  I  wish  that  neither  principal  nor  income  be  expended  in  land  or 
buildings,  for  any  other  purpose  than  that  of  safe  and  productive  investment  for  income.  And  I 
hereby  discharge  the  corporation,  and  its  individual  members,  so  far  as  it  is  in  my  power  so  to  do, 
of  all  responsibility,  except  for  the  faithful  administration  of  this  trust,  according  to  their  own 
honest  understanding  and  best  judgment.  In  particular,  also,  I  wish  to  relieve  them  of  any  pre 
tended  claim  on  the  part  of  any  person,  party,  sect,  institution,  or  locality,  to  benefactions  from  this 
fund,  that  may  be  put  forward  on  any  ground  whatever  ;  as  I  wish  every  expenditure  to  be  deter 
mined  solely  by  the  convictions  of  the  corporation  itself  as  to  the  most  useful  disposition  of  its  gifts. 

I  desire  that  the  doings  of  the  corporation  each  year  be  printed  and  sent  to  each  of  the  State 
Libraries  in  the  United  States,  and  to  the  Library  of  Congress. 

In  case  the  capital  of  the  Fund  should  become  impaired,  1  desire  that  a  part  of  the  income, 
not  greater  than  one  half,  be  invested,  from  year  to  year,  until  the  capital  be  restored  to  its  origi 
nal  amount. 

I  purposely  leave  to  the  corporation  the  largest  liberty  of  making  such  changes  in  the  meth 
ods  of  applying  the  income  of  the  Fund  as  shall  seem  from  time  to  time  best  adapted  to  accom 
plish  the  general  object  herein  defined.  But  being  warned  by  the  history  of  such  endowments 
that  they  sometimes  tend  to  discourage  rather  than  promote  effort  and  self-reliance  on  the  part  of 
beneficiaries  .  or  to  inure  to  the  advancement  of  learning  instead  of  the  dissemination  of  it ;  or  to 
become  a  convenience  to  the  rich  instead  of  a  help  to  those  who  need  help,  I  solemnly  charge  my 
Trustees  to  use  their  best  wisdom  in  preventing  any  such  defeat  of  the  spirit  of  this  trust ;  so  that 
my  gift  may  continue  to  future  generations  to  be  a  blessing  to  the  poor. 

If  at  any  time  after  tne  lapse  of  thirty-three  years  from  the  date  of  this  foundation  it  shall  ap 
pear  to  the  judgment  of  three  fourths  of  the  members  of  this  corporation  that,  by  reason  of  a 
change  in  social  conditions,  or  by  reason  of  adequate  and  equitable  public  provision  for  education, 
or  by  any  other  sufficient  reason,  there  is  no  further  serious  need  of  this  Fund  in  the  form  in 
which  it  is  at  first  instituted,  1  authorize  the  corporation  to  apply  the  capital  of  the  Fund  to  the 
establishment  of  foundations  subsidiary  to  then  already  existing  institutions  of  higher  education, 
in  such  wise  as  to  make  the  educational  advantages  of  such  institutions  moie  freely  accessible  to 
poor  students  of  the  colored  race. 

It  is  my  wish  that  this  trust  be  administered  in  no  partisan,  sectional,  or  sectarian  spirit,  but  in 
the  interest  of  a  generous  patriotism  and  an  enlightened  Christian  faith  ;  and  that  the  corporation 
about  to  be  formed,  may  continue  to  be  constituted  of  men  distinguished  either  by  honorable 
success  in  business,  or  by  services  to  literature,  education,  religion,  or  the  State. 

1  am  encouraged  to  the  execution  in  this  charitable  foundation  of  a  long-cherished  purpose, 
by  the  eminent  wisdom  and  success  that  has  marked  the  conduct  of  the  Peabody  Education  Fund 
in  a  field  of  operation  not  remote  from  that  contemplated  by  this  trust.  I  shall  commit  it  to  your 
hands,  deeply  conscious  how  insufficient  is  our  best  forecast  to  provide  for  the  future  that  is 
known  only  to  God  ;  but  humbly  hoping  that  the  administration  of  it  may  be  so  guided  by  divine 
wisdom,  as  to  be,  in  its  turn,  an  encouragement  to  philanthropic  enterprise  on  the  part  of  others, 
and  an  enduring  means  of  good  to  our  beloved  country  and  to  our  fellow-men. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Gentlemen,  your  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

JOHN  F.  SLATER. 

NORWICH,  CONN.,  March  4,  1882. 

And  whereas,  said  memorialists  have  further  represented  that  they  are  ready  to  accept  said 
trust  and  receive  and  administer  said  Fund,  provided  a  charter  of  incorporation  is  granted  by  this 
State,  as  indicated  in  said  letter  ; 

Now,  therefore,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  full  effect  to  the  charitable  intentions  declared  in  said 
letter ; 

The  people  of  the  State  of  New  York,  represented  in  Senate  and  Assembly,  do  enact  as  follows  : 
SKC  i.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  Morrison  R.  Waite,  William  E.  Dodge,  Phillips  Brooks  Daniel 
C.  Oilman,  John  A.  Stewart,  Alfred  H.  Colquitt,  Morris  K.  Jesup,  James  P.  Bovce,  and  William 
A.  Slater,  are  hereby  created  a  body  politic  and  corporate  by  the  name  of  THE  TRUSTEES  OF  THE 
JOHN  F.  SLATER  FUND,  and  by  that  name  shall  have  perpetual  succession  ;  said  original  corporators 
electing  their  associates  and  successors,  from  time  to  time,  so  that  the  whole  number  of  corpora 
tors  may  be  kept  at  not  less  than  nine  nor  more  than  twelve. 


APPENDIX. 

Said  corporation  may  hold  and  manage,  invest  and  re-invest  all  property  which  may  be  given 
or  transferred  to  it  for  the  charitable  purposes  indicated  in  said  letter,  and  shall,  in  so  doing,  and 
in  appropriating  the  income  accruing  therefrom,  conform  to  and  be  governed  by  the  directions  in 
said  letter  contained  ;  and  such  property  and  all  investments  and  re-investments  thereof,  excepting 
real  estate,  shall,  while  owned  by  said  corporation  and  held  for  the  purposes  of  said  trust,  be 
exempt  from  taxation  of  any  and  every  nature. 

SEC.  2.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio,  shall  be  the  first  President  of  the  corporation,  and  it 
may  elect  such  other  officers  and  hold  such  meetings,  whether  within  or  without  this  State,  from 
time  to  time,  as  its  by-laws  may  authorize  or  prescribe. 

SEC.  3.  Said  corporation  shall  annually  file  with  the  Librarian  of  this  State  a  printed  report  of 
its  doings  during  the  preceding  year. 

SEC.  4.    This  act  shall  take  effect  immediately. 


COLORED    EMPLOYES    IN    WASHINGTON. 

There  are  six  hundred  and  twenty  persons  of  color  employed  in  the  different  de 
partments  of  the  Government  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  distributed  as  follows  : 

War  Department       ..........       44 

Treasury  Department     .........  342 

Department  of  Justice          .........         7 

Department  of  State        .........  20 

Navy  Department     .       •     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .40 

Department  of  the  Interior        ......        106  men,  7  women 

Post-Office  Department      .........        54 

Total  620 


NEWSPAPERS  CONDUCTED  BY  COLORED  MEN. 

ALABAMA. 

MOBILE. —  The  Mobile  Gazette ;   Phillip  Joseph,  Editor  ;   $2.00  per  year  ;  office. 
No.  36  Conti  Street. 

HUNTSVILLE. — Huntsville  Gazette  ;  ,  Editor  ;  $1.50  per  year  ;  Saturdays. 

ARKANSAS. 

HELENA. —  The  Golden  Epoch  ;  H.  W.  Stewart. 
LITTLE  ROCK. — Arkansas  Mansion  ;  Henry  Simkens,  Editor  ;  $1.50  a  year. 

CALIFORNIA. 
SAN  FRANCISCO. —  The  Elevator;  Phillip  A.  Bell,  Editor. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

WASHINGTON  CITY. — People's  Advocate,  established  in  1876 ;  J.  W.  Cromwell,. 
Editor  ;  C.  A.  Lemar,  Manager  ;  $1.50  a  year. 

WASHINGTON  CITY.—  The  Bee ;  W.  C.  Chase,  Editor  ;  C.  C.  Stewart,  Business 
Manager;  $2.00  per  year ;  Saturdays;  office,  No.  1107  I  Street,  N.  W. 

FLORIDA. 

PENSACOLA. —  The   Journal  of  Progress ;  Matthews  &   Davidson,    Editors  and 
Proprietors  ;  $2.00  ;  Saturdays. 

KEY  WEST. — Key  West  News ;  J.  Willis  Menard,  Editor  ;  weekly  ;  five  columns  ; 
price,  $1.50  per  annum. 

GEORGIA. 

ATLANTA.—  Weekly  Defiance ;  W.  H.  Burnett,  Editor0 

AUGUSTA. —  The  People 's  Defense ;  Smith,  Nelson,  &  Co.,  Proprietors. 

AUGUSTA. — Georgia  Baptist;  Wm.  J.  White,    Editor;    $2.00  per  year;    office,. 
No.  633  Ellis  Street. 

SAVANNAH. — Savannah  Echo  ;  Hardin  Bros.  &  Griffin,  Proprietors  ;  $2.00  ;  Sat 
urdays. 

ILLINOIS. 

CHICAGO. —  The  Conservator;  Barnett,  Clark,  &  Co.,  Editors  and  Proprietors; 
$2.00  per  year  ;  Saturdays  ;  194  Clark  Street. 

CAIRO.  —  The  Three  States  ;  M.  Gladding,  Publisher  ;  Saturdays  ;  $1.50  per  year; 
190  Commercial  Avenue. 

CAIRO. — The  Cairo  Gazette;  J.  J.   Bird,   Editor;  Wednesdays  and   Saturdays; 
$2.50  per  year. 


APPENDIX  577 

KANSAS. 

TOPEKA — Topeka  Tribune;  E.  H.  White. 

KENTUCKY. 

LOUISVILLE. —  7 ^he  Bulletin  ;  Adams  Brothers;  $2.00  per  year  ;  Saturdays;  562 
West  Jefferson  Street. 

LOUISVILLE. —  The  American  Baptist;  Wm.  H.  Stewart. 

LOUISVILLE. — Ohio  Falls  Express  ;  Dr.  H.  Fitzbutler,  Editor;  $1.50  per  year*, 
Saturdays. 

BOWLING  GREEN. — Bowling  Green  Watchman  ;  C.  C.  Strumm,  Editor  ;  C.  R. 
McDowell,  Manager;  Saturdays;  $1.50  per  year. 

LOUISIANA. 

NEW  ORLEANS. — Observer ;  Saturdays  ;  republican  ;  four  pages  ;  si/e,  22  x  32  ; 
subscription,  $2.00;  established,  1878  ;  G.  T.  Ruby,  Editor  and  Publisher. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

BOSTON. —  The  Boston  Leader  •  Howard  L.  Smith,  Editor  ;  $1.50  per  year;  office,. 
No.  8  Boylston  Street.  Room  q. 

MISSISSIPPI. 

VERONA. —  The  Banner  of  Liberty  ;  J.  B,  Wilkins,  Editor;  $1.50  per  year. 

GREENVILLE. —  The  Baptist  Signal;  Rev.  G.  W.  Gayles,  Editor;  $1.00  per  year. 

JACKSON. — People's  Adviser. 

JACKSON. — Mississippi  Republican;  Preston  Hay,  Editor;  $1.00  ;  Saturdays. 

MAYERSVILLE.—  Mayersville  Spectator ;  W.  E.  Mollison,  Editor  ;  D.  T.  William 
son,  Publisher  ;  $1.50  per  year  ;  Saturdays. 

MISSOURI. 

ST.  Louis. —  Tribune ;  Sundays  ;  republican  ;  eight  pages  ;  size,  26x40  ;  subscrip 
tion,  $2  oo  :  established,  1876  ;  J.  W.  Wilson,  Editor  and  Publisher;  circulation,  I. 

KANSAS  CITY. —  The  Kansas  City  Enterprise ;  D.  V.  A.  Nero;  published  every 
Wednesday  and  Saturday  ;  $2.00  per  year  ;  office,  No.  537  Main  Street,  Room 
No.  2. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

TRENTON. —  The  Sentinel;  R.  Henri-  Herbert,  Editor;  Saturdays;  $1.25  per 
year  ;  No.  4  North  Green  Street. 

NEW  YORK. 

NEW  YORK  CITY. — Progressive  American  ;  Thursdays  ;  four  pages  ;  size,  22  x  31  ; 
subscription,  $2.00;  established,  1871  ;  John  J.  Freeman,  Editor  ;  George  A.  Washing 
ton,  Publisher;  circulation,  J.;  office,  125  W.  25th  Street. 

NEW  YORK  CITY.—  New  York  Globe ;  Geo.  Parker  &  Co.  ;  T.  Thos.  Fortune, 
Editor  ;  office,  No.  4  Cedar  Street,  Room  15. 

BROOKLYN. —  The  National  Monitor  ;  R.  Rufus  L.  Perry,  D.D- 

NORTH  CAROLINA. 

GOLDSBOROUGH. —  The  Carolina  Enterprise;  E.  E.  Smith,  Editor;  $1.00  per 
year  ;  Saturday. 

CHARLOTTE. — Charlotte  Messenger ;  W.  H.  Smith,  Editor;  $1.50  per  year. 
WILSON. —  7'he  Wilson  News  ;  Ward,  Moore,  &  Hill,  Editors  ;  $i  50  a  year. 
RALEIGH. — Raleigh  Banner ;  J.  H.  Williams. 
WILMINGTON. — Africa-American  Presbyterian  ;  D.  J.  Sanders. 

OHIO. 

CINCINNATI. —  The  Afro-American  ;  Clark,  Johnson,  and  Jackson,  Editors  and 
Proprietors  ;  $1.50  per  year  ;  Saturdays  ;  office,  172  Central  Avenue. 

CINCINNATI.—  The  Weekly  Review ;  Review  Publishing  Co.  ;  Chas.  W.  Bell,. 
Editor  ;  $1.50  per  year. 


5/8  APPENDIX. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

PHILADELPHIA. — Christian  Recorder ;  Thursdays  ;  Methodist  ;  four  pages  ;  size, 
28  X42  ;  subscription,  $2.00  ;  established,  1862  ;  Rev.  Benj.  T.  Tanner,  D.D.,  Editor  ; 
Rev.  Theo.  Gould,  Publisher  ;  circulation,  G  ;  office,  631  Pine  Street. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

CHARLESTON. —  The  New  Era;  Wm.  Holloway,  Business  Manager;  $1.50  per 
year  ;  Saturdays  ;  democratic  ;  196  Meeting  Street. 

CHARLESTON. — The  Palmetto  Press  ;  Robert  L.  Smith,  Editor  ;  $1.50  per  year  ; 
Saturdays. 

TENNESSEE. 

NASHVILLE. — Knights  of  Wise  Men  ;  J.  L.  Brown,  Editor  ;  office,  No.  5  Cherry 
Street. 

CHATTANOOGA. —  The  Enterprise  ;  Rev.  D.  W.  Hays. 

TEXAS. 

AUSTIN. —  The  Austin  Citizen  ;  J.  J.  Hamilton  &  Co. 

DALLAS. —  The  Baptist  Journal ;  S.  H.  Smothers,  Editor;  A.  R.  Greggs,  Pub 
lisher. 

DALLAS. — Christian  Preacher ;  C.  M.  Wilmeth. 

MARSHALL.  —  The  Christian  Advocate  ;  M.  F.  Jamison. 

GALVESTON. — Spectator;  Richard  Nelson,  Editor;  $1.50  per  year. 

PALESTINE. — Colored  American  Journal;  monthly;  C.  W.  Porter,  Editor. 

VIRGINIA. 

RICHMOND. —  Virginia  Star;  Saturdays;  four  pages  ;  size,  20x26;  subscription, 
$2.00;  established,  1876;  R.  M.  Green,  M.D.,  O.  M.  Stewart,  and  P.  H.  Woolfolk, 
Editors  and  Publishers  ;  circulation,  K. 

RICHMOND. — Industrial  Herald ;  John  Oliver,.  Editor  ;  $1.00  per  year. 

PETERSBURGH. —  The  Lancet;  Geo.  F.  Bragg,  Jr.,  Manager;  $1.50  per  year; 
Saturdays. 

WEST  VIRGINIA. 

WHEELING. —  The  Weekly  Times  •  Welcome,  Buckner,  &  Co.,  Publishers;  Geo. 
W.  Welcome,  Editor  ;  8  pages  ;  $1.00  per  annum. 


NEGROES  IN  NORTHERN  COLLEGES. 

In  response  to  a  circular  sent  out,  seventy  Northern  Colleges  sent  information  ; 
and  in  them  are  at  present  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine  Colored  students.  The  exact 
number  of  graduates  cannot  be  ascertained,  as  these  colleges  do  not  keep  a  record 
of  the  nationality  of  their  students. 


CHAPTER     XXIII. 

HENRY  HIGHLAND  GARNET,  D.D. 

The  career  of  this  man,  who  died  at  Monrovia,  Liberia,  Feb.  14,  1882,  where  he 
was  the  Minister  of  the  United  States,  was  extraordinary.  Grandson  of  a  native 
African,  brought  over  in  a  slave-trader,  himself  born  a  slave,  he  was  brought  to  Penn 
sylvania  by  his  father,  when  he  fled  from  slavery  in  1824.  Next  we  find  him,  at  the 
age  of  seventeen,  ridiculed  for  studying  Greek  and  Latin  ;  then  mobbed  in  a  New 
Hampshire  seminary  ;  then  dragged  from  a  street  car  in  Utica  ;  then  studying  the 
ology  with  Dr.  Beman  in  Troy,  N.  Y.  Soon  he  was  settled  as  a  minister  ;  afterward 
he  travelled  in  Great  Britain  and  on  the  Continent  of  Europe,  and  was  sent  by  a 
Scottish  Society  as  Presbyterian  missionary  to  Jamaica,  West  Indies.  He  returned  to 
New  York,  and  was  long  the  pastor  of  the  Shiloh  Presbyterian  Church  ;  his  house 
escaping  the  riots  in  1863  "by  the  foresight  of  his  daughter,  who  wrenched  off  the 
door  plate."  He  was  the  first  Colored  man  who  ever  spoke  in  public  in  the  Capitol  at 


APPENDIX.  579 

Washington,  having  preached  there  Sunday,  Feb.  12,  1865.  In  1881  he  was  appointed 
Minister  to  Liberia.  Dr.  Garnet  was  equal  in  ability  to  Frederick  Douglass,  and 
greatly  his  superior  in  learning,  especially  excelling  in  logic  and  terse  statement.  We 
heard  him  make  a  speech  in  1865,  which  in  force  of  reasoning,  purity  of  language,  and 
propriety  of  utterance,  was  not  unworthy  of  comparison  with  a  sermon  of  Bishop 
Thomson,  or  an  address  of  George  William  Curtis.  As  he  was  "  a  full-blooded 
Negro, "he  was  a  standing  and  unanswerable  proof  that  the  race  is  capable  of  all  that 
has  distinguished  MAN.  How  much  of  history  and  progress  could  be  crowded  in  a 
memorial  inscription  for  him  !  It  might  be  something  like  this  :  Born  a  slave  in  the 
country  to  which  his  grandfather  was  stolen  away,  he  competed,  under  the  greatest 
disadvantages,  with  white  men  for  the  prizes  of  life  ;  attaining  the  highest  intellectual 
culture,  and  a  corresponding  moral  elevation,  his  career  commanded  universal  respect 
in  Europe  and  America,  wherever  he  was  known.  He  died  the  Minister  of  the 
United  States  to  a  civilized  nation  in  the  land  whence  his  barbaric  ancestors  were 
stolen.  To  God,  who  "hath  made  of  one  blood  all  nations  of  men  for  to  dwell  on  all 
the  face  of  the  earth,  and  hath  determined  the  times  before  appointed,  and  the  bounds 
of  their  habitation  "  (Acts  xvii :  26),  be  the  glory.  "  How  unsearchable  are  His  judg 
ments,  and  His  ways  past  finding  out !  " 


EBENEZER   D.    BASSETT. 

One  of  the  ablest  diplomats  the  Negro  race  has  produced  is  the  Honorable 
Ebenezer  D.  Bassett,  for  nearly  nine  years  the  Resident  Minister  and  Consul-General 
from  the  United  States  to  Hayti.  He  was  born  and  educated  in  the  State  of  Con 
necticut,  and  for  many  years  was  the  successful  Principal  of  the  Institute  for  Colored 
Youth  at  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania.  As  a  classical  scholar  and  for  proficiency  in  the 
use  of  modern  languages  he  has  few  equals  among  his  race. 

Returning  to  this  country,  after  years  of  honorable  service  abroad,  he  was  pro 
moted  by  the  Haytian  Government  to  the  position  of  Consul  at  New  York  City,  and 
at  present  is  serving  the  Republic  of  Hayti.  As  an  evidence  of  the  high  esteem  in 
which  he  was  held  as  an  officer  the  following  documents  attest  : 

(COPY.) 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,        » 
WASHINGTON,  October  5,  1877.  j 
EBENEZER  D.  BASSETT,  Esquire,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

SIR:  I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  despatch  No.  529,  of  the  2^d  August  last, 
tendering  your  resignation  of  the  office  of  Minister  Resident  and  Consul-General  of  the  United 
States  to  Hayti,  and  to  inform  you  that  it  is  accepted. 

I  cannot  allow  this  opportunity  to  pass  without  expressing  to  you  the  appreciation  of  the  De 
partment  of  the  very  satisfactory  manner  in  which  you  have  discharged  the  duties  of  the  mission 
at  Port  au  Prince  during  your  term  of  office.  This  commendation  of  your  services  is  the  more 
especially  merited,  because  at  various  times  your  duties  have  been  of  such  a  delicate  nature  as  to 
have  required  the  exercise  of  much  tact  and  discretion. 

I  enclose  herewith  a  letter  addressed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  the  President  of 
Hayti,  announcing  your  retirement  from  the  mission  at  Port  au  Prince,  together  with  an  office 
copy  of  the  same.  You  will  transmit  the  latter  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  make 
arrangements  for  the  delivery  of  the  original  to  the  President  when  your  successor  shall  present 
his  credentials. 

I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed.)  F.  W.  SEWARD,  Acting  Secretary. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

BOISROND   CANAL,  President  of  the  Republic  of  Hayti, 
To  His  Excellency  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  A  merica. 

GREAT  AND  GOOD  FRIEND  :  Mr.  Ebenezer  D.  Bassett,  who  has  resided  here  in  the  capacity  of 
Minister  of  the  United  States,  has  placed  in  my  hands  the  letter  by  which  your  Excellency  has 
brought  his  mission  to  an  end. 

In  taking  leave  of  me  in  conformity  with  the  wishes  of  your  Excellency,  he  has  renewed  the 
assurance  ofthe  friendly  sentiments'which  so  happily  exist  on  the  part  of  the  Government  and  the 
people  of  the  United  States  toward  the  Government  and  the  people  of  the  Republic  of  Hayti. 

I  have  not  failed  to  request  him  to  transmit  to  your  Excellency,  the  expression  of  my  great 
desire  to  maintain  always  the  relations  of  the  two  Countries  upon  the  footing  of  that  cordial  un 
derstanding. 


580  APPENDIX. 

It  is  for  me  a  pleasing  duty  to  acknowledge  fully  to  your  Excellency,  the  zeal  and  the  intelli 
gence  with  which  Mr.  Bassett  has  fulfilled  here  the  high  and  delicate  functions  that  had  been 
entrusted  to  him. 

I  have,  therefore,  been  happy  to  be  able  to  testify  to  him  publicly  before  his  departure,  in  the 
name  of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  esteem  and  sincere  affection  which  his  talents,  his  character,  his 
private  and  public  conduct  have  won  for  him,  as  well  as  the  particular  sentiments  of  friendship 
and  gratitude  I  personally  entertain  for  him. 

I  pray  God  that  He  may  have  your  Excellency  always  in  His  Holy  keeping. 

Given  at  the  National  Palace  of  Port  au  Prince,  the  2gth  day  of  November,  1877. 

Your  Good  Friend, 

(Signed)        BOISROND  CANAL. 
Countersigned. 

(Signed.)     F.  CARRIE,  Secretary  of  Statt. 


COLORED  SENATORS  AND  CONGRESSMEN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATORS. 

HIRAM  R.  REVELS,  United  States  Senator  from  Mississippi,  was  born  in  Fayette- 
ville,  North  Carolina,  September  i,  1822  ;  desiring  to  obtain  an  education,  which 
was  denied  in  his  native  State  to  those  of  African  descent,  he  removed  to  Indiana  ; 
spent  some  time  at  the  Quaker  Seminary  in  Union  County  ;  entered  the  Methodist 
ministry  ;  afterward  received  further  instructions  at  the  Clarke  County  Seminary, 
when  he  became  preacher,  teacher,  and  lecturer  among  his  people  in  the  States  of  In 
diana,  Illinois,  Ohio,  and  Missouri ;  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  he  was  ministering 
at  Baltimore  ;  he  assisted  in  the  organization  of  the  first  two  Colored  regiments  in 
Maryland  and  Missouri ;  during  a  portion  of  1863  and  1864  he  taught  school  in  St. 
Louis,  then  went  to  Vicksburg,  and  assisted  the  provost  marshal  in  managing  the 
freedmen  affairs  ;  followed  on  the  heels  of  the  army  to  Jackson  ;  organized  churches, 
and  lectured  ;  spent  the  next  two  years  in  Kansas  and  Missouri  in  preaching  and  lect 
uring  on  moral  and  religious  subjects  ;  returned  to  Mississippi,  and  settled  at  Natchez ; 
was  chosen  presiding  elder  of  the  Methodist  Church,  and  a  member  of  the  city  council ; 
was  elected  a  United  States  Senator  from  Mississippi  as  a  Republican,  serving 
from  February  25,  1870,  to  March  3,  1871  ;  was  pastor  of  a  Methodist  Episcopal 
church  at  Holly  Springs,  Mississippi  ;  removed  to  Indiana,  where  he  was  pastor  of  the 
African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  at  Richmond. 

BLANCHE  K.  BRUCE,  United  States  Senator  from  Mississippi,  was  born  in  Prince 
Edward  County,  Virginia,  March  I,  1841  ;  as  his  parents  were  slaves,  he  re 
ceived  a  limited  education  ;  became  a  planter  in  Mississippi  in  1869  ;  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Mississippi  Levee  Board,  and  sheriff  and  tax-collector  of  Bolivar  County 
from  1872  until  his  election  to  the  United  States  Senate  from  Mississippi,  February  3, 
1875,  as  a  Republican,  to  succeed  Henry  R.  Pease,  Republican,  and  took  his  seat 
March  4,  1875.  His  term  of  service  expired  March  3,  1881. 

UNITED  STATES  CONGRESSMEN. 

RICHARD  H.  CAIN  was  born  in  Greenbrier  County,  Virginia,  April  12,  1825.  His 
father  removed  to  Ohio  in  1831,  and  settled  in  Gallipolis.  He  had  no  education,  ex 
cept  such  as  was  afforded  in  Sabbath-school,  until  after  his  marriage  ;  entered  the  min 
istry  at  an  early  age  ;  became  a  student  at  Wilberforce  University  at  Xenia,  Ohio,  in 
1860,  and  remained  there  for  one  year  ;  removed,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  to 
Brooklyn,  New  York,  where  he  was  a  pastor  for  four  years  ;  was  sent  by  his  Church  as 
a  missionary  to  the  freedmen  in  South  Carolina  ;  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Consti 
tutional  Convention  of  South  Carolina  ;  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Senate 
from  Charleston,  and  served  two  years  ;  took  charge  of  a  republican  newspaper  in 
1868  ;  was  elected  a  representative  from  South  Carolina  in  the  Forty-third  Congress  as 
a  Republican,  receiving  66,825  votes  against  26,394  for  Lewis  E.  Johnson,  and  was. 


APPENDIX.  581 

again  elected  to  the  Forty-fifth   Congress  as  a  Republican,  receiving  21,385  votes 
against  16,074  votes  for  M.  P.  O'Connor,  Democrat. 

ROBERT  C.  DE  LARGE  was  born  at  Aiken,  South  Carolina,  March  15,  1842  ;  re 
ceived  such  an  education  as  was  then  attainable  ;  was  a  farmer  ;  was  an  agent  of  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  from  May,  1867,  to  April,  1868,  when  he  was  elected  a  member 
of  the  State  Constitutional  Convention  ;  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  of  the  State  Legislature  in  1868,  1869,  and  1870;  was  one  of  the  State  Commis 
sioners  of  the  Sinking  Fund  ;  was  elected  in  1870  State  Land  Commissioner,  and 
served  until  he  was  elected  a  representative  from  South  Carolina  in  the  Forty-second 
Congress  as  a  Republican,  receiving  16,686  votes,  against  15, 700  votes  forC.  C.  Bowen, 
Independent  Republican  ;  was  appointed  a  trial  justice,  which  office  he  held  when  he 
died  at  Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  February  15,  1874. 

ROBERT  BROWN  ELLIOTT  was  born  at  Boston,  Massachusetts,  August  n,  1842  ; 
received  his  primary  ediication  at  private  schools  ;  in  1853  entered  High  Holborn 
Academy  in  London,  England  ;  in  1855  entered  Eton  College,  England,  and  gradu 
ated  in  1859  ;  studied  law,  and  practises  his  profession  ;  was  a  member  of  the  State 
Constitutional  Convention  of  South  Carolina  in  1868  ;  was  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  South  Carolina  from  July  6,  1868,  to  October  23,  1870  ;  was 
appointed  on  the  25th  of  March,  1869,  assistant  adjutant-general,  which  position  he 
held  until  he  was  elected  a  representative  from  South  Carolina  in  the  Forty-second 
Congress  as  a  Republican,  receiving  20,564  votes  against  13,997  votes  for  J.  E. 
Bacon,  Democrat,  serving  from  March  4,  1871,  to  1873,  when  he  resigned  ;  and  was 
re-elected  to  the  Forty-third  Congress  as  a  Republican,  receiving  21,627  votes  against 
1,094  votes  for  W.  H.  McCan,  Democrat,  serving  from  December  I,  1873,  to  May, 
1874,  when  he  resigned,  having  been  elected  sheriff. 

JERE  HARALSON  was  born  in  Muscogee  County,  Georgia,  April  i,  1846,  the 
slave  property  of  John  Walker  ;  after  Walker's  death,  was  sold  on  the  auction-block  in 
the  city  of  Columbus,  and  bought  by  J.  W.  Thompson,  after  whose  death  he  became 
the  property  of  J.  Haralson,  of  Selma,  and  so  remained  until  emancipated  in  1865  ; 
received  no  education  until  after  he  was  free,  when  he  instructed  himself  ;  was  elected 
to  the  State  House  of  Representatives  of  Alabama  in  1870  ;  was  elected  to  the  State 
Senate  of  Alabama  in  1872  ;  was  elected  a  representative  from  Alabama  in  the  Forty- 
fourth  Congress  as  a  Republican,  receiving  19,551  votes  against  16,953  votes  for  F. 
G.  Bromberg,  Democrat,  serving  from  December  6,  1875,  to  .March  3,  1877;  was 
defeated  by  the  Republican  candidate  for  the  Forty-fifth  Congress,  receiving  8,675  votes 
against  9,685  votes  for  Charles  L.  Shelley,  Democrat,  and  7,236  votes  for  James  T. 
Rapier,  Republican. 

JOHN  R.  LYNCH  was  born  in  Concordia  Parish,  Louisiana,  September  10,  1847,. 
a  slave  ;  and  he  remained  in  slavery  until  emancipated  by  the  results  of  the  Rebellion, 
receiving  no  early  education  ;  a  purchaser  of  his  mother  carried  her  with  her  children 
to  Natchez,  where,  when  the  Union  troops  took  posession,  he  attended  evening  school 
for  a  few  months,  and  he  has  since  by  private  study  acquired  a  good  English  educa 
tion;  he  engaged  in  the  business  of  photography  at  Natchez  until  1869,  when  Governor 
Ames  appointed  him  a  justice  of  the  peace  ;  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State 
Legislature  from  Adams  County,  and  re-elected  in  1871,  serving  the  last  term  as 
Speaker  of  the  House  ;  was  elected  a  representative  from  Mississippi  in  the  Forty- 
third  Congress  as  a  Republican,  receiving  15,391  votes  against  8,430  votes  for  H. 
Cassidy,  Sr.,  Democrat ;  and  was  re-elected  to  the  Forty-fourth  Congress  as  a  Republican 
(defeating  Roderick  Seals,  Democrat),  serving  from  December  I,  1873,  to  March  3,  1877. 


582  APPENDIX. 

CHARLES  E.  NASH  was  born  at  Opelousas,  Louisiana  ;  received  a  common, 
school  education  at  New  Orleans  ;  was  a  bricklayer  by  trade  ;  enlisted  as  private  in 
the  Eighty-third  Regiment,  United  States  Chasseurs  d'Afrique,  April  20,  1863,  and 
was  promoted  until  he  became  acting  sergeant-major  of  the  regiment  ;  lost  a  leg  at 
the  storming  of  Fort  Blakely,  and  was  honorably  discharged  from  the  army  May  30, 

1865  ;    was  elected  a  representative  from  Louisiana  in  the  Forty- fourth  Congress  as  a 
Republican,  receiving  13,156  votes  against  12,085  votes  for  Joseph  M.  Moore,  Demo 
crat,  serving  from  December  6,  1875,  to  March  3,  1877  ;    was  defeated  as  the  Repub 
lican  candidate  for   the  Forty-fifth  Congress,  receiving   11,147  votes  against  15,520 
votes  for  Edward  White  Robertson,  Democrat. 

JOSEPH  H.  RAINEY  was  born  at  Georgetown,  South  Carolina  (where  both  of  his 
parents  were  slaves,  but,  by  their  industry,  obtained  their  freedom),  June  21,  1832; 
although  debarred  by  law  from  attending  school  he  acquired  a  good  education,  and 
further  improved  his  mind  by  observation  and  travel ;  his  father  was  a  barber,  and  he 
followed  that  occupation  at  Charlestown  till  1862,  when,  having  been  forced  to  work 
on  the  fortifications  of  the  Confederates,  he  escaped  to  the  West  Indies,  where  he 
remained  until  the  close  of  the  war,  when  he  returned  to  his  native  town  ;  he  was 
elected  a  delegate  to  the  State  Constitutional  Convention  of  1868,  and  was  a  member 
of  the  State  Senate  of  South  Carolina  in  1870,  resigning  when  elected  a  representative 
from  South  Carolina  in  the  Forty-first  Congress  as  a  Republican  (to  fill  the  vacancy 
caused  by  the  non-reception  of  B.  F.  Whittemore),  by  a  majority  of  17,193  votes  over 
Dudley,  Conservative  ;  was  re-elected  to  the  Forty-second  Congress,  receiving  20,221 
votes  against  11,628  votes  for  C.  W.  Dudley,  Democrat  ;  was  re-elected  to  the  Forty- 
third  Congress,  receiving  19,765  votes,  being  all  that  were  cast ;  was  re-elected  to  the 
Forty-fourth  Congress,  receiving  14,370  votes  against  13,563  votes  for  Samuel  Lee, 
Republican  ;  was  re-elected  to  the  Forty-fifth  Congress,  receiving  18,180  votes  against 
16,661  votes  for  J.  S.  Richardson,  Democrat,  serving  from  March  4,  1869. 

ALONZO  J.  RANSIER  was  born  at  Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  in  January,  1834  ; 
was  self-educated  ;  was  employed  as  shipping-clerk  in  1850  by  a  leading  merchant, 
who  was  tried  for  violation  of  law  in  "  hiring  a  Colored  clerk,"  and  fined  one  cent  with 
costs  ;  was  one  of  the  foremost  in  the  works  of  reconstruction  in  1865  ;  was  a  member 
of  a  convention  of  the  friends  of  equal  rights  in  October,  1865,  at  Charlestown,  and 
was  deputed  to  present  the  memorial  there  framed  to  Congress  ;  was  elected  a  member 
of  the  State  Constitutional  Convention  of  1868  ;  was  elected  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  the  State  Legislature  in  1869  ;  was  chosen  chairman  of  the  State 
Republican  Central  Committee,  which  position  he  held  until  1872  ;  was  elected  a 
presidential  elector  on  the  Grant  and  Colfax  ticket  in  1868  ;  was  elected  lieutenant- 
governor  of  South  Carolina  in  1870  by  a  large  majority;  was  president  of  the  Southern 
States  Convention  at  Columbia  in  1871  ;  was  chosen  a  delegate  to,  and  was  a  vice- 
president  of,  the  Philadelphia  Convention  which  nominated  Grant  and  Wilson  in  1872; 
and  was  elected  a  representative  from  South  Carolina  in  the  Forty-third  Congress  as  a 
Republican,  receiving  20,061  votes  against  6,549  votes  f°r  W.  Gurney,  Independent 
.Republican,  serving  from  December  I,  1873,  to  March  3,  1875. 

JAMES  T.  RAPIER  was  born  in  Florence,  Alabama,  in  1840  ;  was  educated  in 
Canada  ;  is  a  planter  ;  was  appointed  a  notary  public  by  the  governor  of  Alabama  in 

1866  ;  was  a  member  of  the  first   Republican  Convention  held  in  Alabama,  and  was 
one  of  the  committee  that  framed  the  platform  of  the  party  ;  represented  Lauderdale 
County  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  held  at  Montgomery  in  1867  ;  was  nominated 
for  secretary  of  State  in  1870,  but  defeated  with  the  rest  of  the  ticket ;  was  appointed 
assessor  of  internal  revenue  for  the  second  collection-district  of  Alabama  in  1871  ;  was 


APPENDIX.  583 

appointed  State  commissioner  to  the  Vienna  Exposition  in  1873  by  the  governor  of 
Alabama  ;  was  elected  a  representative  from  Alabama  in  the  Forty-third  Congress  as  a 
Republican,  receiving  19,100  votes  against  16,000  votes  for  C.  W.  Gates,  Democrat, 
serving  from  December  I,  1873,  to  March  3,  1875  >  and  was  defeated  as  the  Repub 
lican  candidate  for  the  Forty-fourth  Congress,  receiving  19,124  votes  against  20,180 
votes  for  Jeremiah  N.  Williams,  Democrat. 

ROBERT  SMALLS  was  born  at  Beaufort,  South  Carolina,  April  5,  1839  ;  being  a 
slave,  was  debarred  by  statute  from  attending  school,  but  educated  himself  with  such 
limited  advantages  as  he  could  secure  ;  removed  to  Charlestown  in  1851  ;  worked  as  a 
rigger,  and  led  a  seafaring  life  ;  became  connected  in  1861  with  "The  Planter,"  a 
steamer  plying  in  Charlestown  harbor  as  a  transport,  which  he  took  over  Charlestown 
Bar  in  May,  1862,  and  delivered  her  and  his  services  to  the  commander  of  the  United 
States  blockading  squadron  ;  was  appointed  pilot  in  the  United  States  navy,  and  served 
in  that  capacity  on  the  monitor  "  Keokuk  "  in  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter  ;  served  as 
pilot  in  the  quartermaster's  department,  and  was  promoted  as  captain  for  gallant  and 
meritorious  conduct  December  I,  1863,  and  placed  in  command  of  "  The  Planter," 
serving  until  she  was  put  out  of  commission  in  1866  ;  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
State  Constitutional  Convention  of  1868  ;  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State  House 
of  Representatives  in  1868,  and  of  the  State  Senate  (to  fill  a  vacancy)  in  1870,  and  re- 
elected  in  1872  ;  and  was  ejected  a  representative  from  South  Carolina  in  the  Forty- 
fourth  Congress  as  a  Rf  publican,  receiving  17,752  votes  against  4,461  votes  for  J.  P. 
M.  Epping,  Republican  ;  and  was  re-elected  to  the  Forty-fifth  Congress,  receiving 
19,954  votes  against  18,516  votes  for  G.  D.  Tillman,  Democrat,  serving  from  Decem 
ber,  6,  1875,  to  March  3,  1877  ;  and  is  now  a  member. 

JOSIAH  T.  WALLS  was  born  at  Winchester,  Virginia,  December  30,  1842  ;  received 
a  common-school  education  ;  was  a  planter  ;  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Con 
stitutional  Convention  in  1868  ;  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  in  1868  ;  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate  1869-1872  ;  claimed  to  have  been 
elected  a  representative  from  the  State-at-large  to  the  Forty-second  Congress  as  a  Re 
publican,  but  the  election  was  contested  by  his  competitor,  Silas  L.  Niblack,  who  took 
the  seat  January  29,  1873  ;  was  re-elected  for  the  State-at-large,  receiving  17,503  votes 
against  15,881  votes  for  Niblack,  Democrat  ;  and  was  re-elected  to  the  Forty-fourth 
Congress,  receiving  8,549  votes  against  8,178  votes  for  Jesse  J.  Finley,  Democrat. 

BENJ.  STERLING  TURNER  was  born  in  Halifax  County,  North  Carolina,  March 
17,  1825  ;  was  raised  as  a  slave,  and  received  no  early  education,  because  the  laws  of 
that  State  made  it  criminal  to  educate  slaves  ;  removed  to  Alabama  in  1830,  and,  by 
clandestine  study,  obtained  a  fair  education  ;  became  a  dealer  in  general  merchandise  ; 
was  elected  tax-collector  of  Dallas  County  in  1867,  and  councilman  of  the  city  of 
Selma  in  1869  ;  was  elected  a  representative  from  Alabama  in  the  Forty-second  Con- 
gress  as  a  Republican,  receiving  18,226  votes  against  13,466  votes  for  S.  J.  Gumming, 
Democrat,  serving  from  March  4,  1871,  to  March  3,  1873  ;  was  defeated  as  the  Re 
publican  candidate  for  the  Forty-third  Congress,  receiving  13,174  votes  against  15,607 
votes  for  F.  G.  Bromberg,  Democrat  and  Liberal,  and  7,024  votes  for  P.  Joseph, 
Republican. 

JEFFERSON  F.  LONG,  Macon,  Georgia.     Took  his  seat  Feb.  24,  1871. 


BUREAU  OFFICER. 

Honorable  BLANCHE  K.   BRUCE,    Register  of   the  United  States  Treasury ;  ap 
pointed  by  President  James  A.  Garfield,  1881. 


584  APPENDIX. 

NEGROES    IN    THE    DIPLOMATIC    AND    CONSULAR     SERVICE    OF    THE     UNITED     STATES 

GOVERNMENT. 

Hayti. — E.  D.  BASSETT,  Pennsylvania,   1869-77. 

Hayti. — JOHN  M.  LANGSTON,  District  of  Columbia,   Minister  Resident  and  Consul- 
General  to  Hayti,  1877. 

Liberia. — J.  MILTON  TURNER,   Missouri. 

Liberia.—  JOHN  H.  SMYTH,  North  Carolina.     Reappointed  in  1882. 

Liberia. — HENRY  HIGHLAND  GARNET,  New  York,  Minister  Resident  and  Consul- 
General  to  Liberia. 


LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS. 

The  following  Colored  men  were  Lieutenant-Governors  during  the  years  of  recon 
struction.  At  the  head  of  them  all  for  bravery,  intelligence,  and  executive  ability 
stands  Governor  Pinchback.  One  of  the  first  men  of  his  race  to  enter  the  army  in 
1862  as  captain,  when  the  conflict  was  over  and  his  race  free,  he  was  the  first  Colored 
man  in  Louisiana  to  enter  into  the  work  of  reconstruction.  He  has  been  and  is  a 
power  in  his  State.  He  is  true  to  his  friends,  but  a  terror  to  his  enemies.  A  sketch 
of  his  life  would  read  like  a  romance 

Louisiana.  South  Carolina.  Mississippi. 

OSCAR  J.  DUNN,  ALONZO  J.  RANSIER,        «  ALEX.  DAVIS. 

P.  B.  S.  PINCHBACK,  RICHARD  H.  CLEAVES, 
C.  C.  ANTOINE. 


INDEX. 


Acvis,  CAPT.,  his  opinion  of  John  Brown, 

225. 

Adams,  C.  F.,  advocates  the  education 
of  Negroes,  158. 

Adams,  John,  first  Colored  teacher  in  the 
D.  C.,  183. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  remarks  on  the 
death  of  William  Costin,  192. 

Adams,  Rufus,  opposes  school  for  Col 
ored  children  in  Conn.,  150. 

Aden,  D.,  letter  on  the  bravery  of  Negro 
troops,  348. 

Africa,  imported  slaves  ordered  to  be  re 
turned  to,  12  ;  agents  appointed  by  the 
United  States  for  that  purpose,  13  ; 
proposed  colony  of  free  Negroes  on  the 
coast,  51  ;  a  line  of  war  steamers  to  be 
established,  to  suppress  the  slave- 
trade,  promote  commerce,  and  colo 
nize  the  coast,  53-55  ;  colonization  of, 
by  Negroes,  opposed,  70;  the  "  Ami- 
stad  "  captives  returned  to,  93-96 ; 
number  of  slaves  imported  from,  544. 

African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
origin,  growth,  organization,  and  in 
fluence,  135,  452  ;  numerical  and  finan 
cial  strength,  missionary  and  educa 
tional  spirit,  455-458  ;  publishing 
house,  periodicals,  and  papers,  458, 
459  ;  report  of  Wilberforce  University 
for  1876,  455,  456  ;  list  of  the  faculty, 
460 ;  report  and  general  statement, 
462-464  ;  list  of  bishops,  464. 

African    School  Association    established, 

157. 

Aggressive  Anti-Slavery  Party,  the,  50. 
Alabama,    formation  of  the    territory  of, 

the  most  cruel  of  slave  States,  3  ;  slave 


population,  1820,  22;  1830,  1840,99; 
1850,  100  ;  education  of  Negroes  pro 
hibited,  148  ;  recedes  from  the  Union, 
232  ;  number  of  Negro  troops  furnished 
by,  299  ;  represented  in  Congress  by 
Negroes,  382  ;  comparative  statistics  of 
education,  388  ;  institution  for  the  in 
struction  of  Negroes,  392  ;  ratifies  the 
fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Albany  Atlas  and  Argus  (The)  de 
nounces  the  Rev.  Justin  D.  Fulton  for 
his  views  on  slavery,  243. 

Alexander,  Francis  A.,  his  testimony  in 
regard  to  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre, 
372. 

Allegheny  City,  Pa.,  Avery  College 
founded,  177. 

Allen,  Rev.  Richard,  founder  of  the 
African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
452  ;  mentioned,  458  ;  first  bishop  of 
the  Church,  459. 

Alton,  111.,  mob  destroy  printing-press, 
Si- 

Ambush,  James  Enoch,  founds  the  Wes- 
leyan  Seminary,  194. 

American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  organized, 
43  ;  influence  of,  79,  80. 

American  Colonization  Society,  organized, 
list  of  officers,  52  ;  commended,  68  ; 
protest  against  the  colonization  of 
Negroes  in  Liberia,  69,  70,  73,  76. 

American  Missionary  Association  estab 
lish  the  first  school  for  freedmen,  at 
Fortress  Monroe,  393. 

"  Amistad  "  captives,  natives  of  Africa, 
sail  from  Havana  on  the  Spanish  slaver 
"Amistad,"  cruelly  treated,  take  posses- 


585 


586 


INDEX. 


sion  of  the  ship,  alter  her  course  for 
Africa,  93  ;  captured  by  a  United 
States  vessel  and  carried  to  New  Lon 
don,  Conn.,  their  trial  and  release,  tour 
through  the  United  States,  94  ;  return 
to  Africa,  96. 

Anderson,  Rev.  Duke  William,  Colored 
Baptist  minister,  birth,  early  life,  and 
education,  476—478  ;  farmer,  teacher, 
preacher,  and  missionary,  479-492  ; 
his  influence  in  the  West,  493-496  ; 
pastor  of  the  igth  Street  Baptist  Church 
at  Washington,  occupies  various  posi 
tions  of  trust,  497  ;  builds  a  new 
church,  498  ;  death  and  funeral,  499, 
500 ;  resolutions  on  his  death,  500- 

503. 

Anderson,  Ransom,  testimony  in  regard 
to  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  365. 

Andrew,  Gov.  John  A.,  authorizes  the 
raising  of  Negro  regiments,  289. 

Andrew,  William,  representative  of  Attle- 
borough,  Pa.,  in  the  first  conference  of 
the  African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Anti-slavery,  societies  formed,  20  ;  senti 
ment  at  the  North,  22  ;  agitation,  1825- 
1850,  31-36  ;  speeches  in  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Virginia,  33-35  ;  methods,  37- 
60 ;  antiquity  of,  sentiment,  38  ;  news 
papers  established,  38,  39,  41  ;  Garri 
son,  leader  of  the,  movement,  39  ;  Na 
tional  Convention,  number  of  societies 
in  the  United  States,  1836,  44  ;  Sum- 
ner's  speech  before  the  Whig  party,  45; 
heterodox  party,  48  ;  economic  party, 
49  ;  aggressive  party,  50  ;  colonization 
society,  51  ;  American  colonization 
society,  52  ;  underground  railroad  or 
ganization,  58  ;  literature,  59,  60  ; 
efforts  of  free  Negroes,  61-81  ;  New 
England,  Society,  dissolution  of  Negro 
societies,  79  ;  convention  of  the  women 
of  America,  So  ;  prejudice  against  ad 
mitting  Negroes  into  white  societies, 
81  ;  friends  of,  instruct  the  "  Amistad  " 
captives,  94 ;  the  cause  benefited  by 
their  stay  in  the  United  States,  96  ; 
violent  treatment  of,  orators,  97  ;  op 
posed,  98  ;  John  C.  Calhoun  opposed 
to,  104. 

Appleton,  John  W.  M.,  superintends  the 


enlistment  of  Negro  regiment  in  Mass.  » 
289. 

Appomattox,  Va.,  bravery  of  Negro  troops 
at  the  battle  of,  344. 

Arkansas,  territory  organized,  15  ;  slave 
population,  1820,  22  ;  1830,  1840,  99  ; 
1850,  100  ;  opposed  to  the  education 
of  Negroes,  149  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  299  ;  comparative 
statistics  of  education,  388  ;  institutions 
for  the  instruction  of  Negroes,  392  ; 
ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Asbury,  Francis,  member  of  the  first 
American  Methodist  Conference,  446  ; 
and  bishop  of  the  Church,  468. 

Ashley,  James  M.,  opposes  the  return  of 
fugitive  slaves,  246. 

Ashum  Institute,  founded,  list  of  trustees, 
178. 

Attucks  Guards,  a  Colored  militia  com 
pany,  organized,  145. 

Auchmuty,  Rev.  Samuel,  teaches  Negro- 
slaves  in  New  York,  165. 

Auld,  Hugh,  master  of  Frederick  Doug 
lass,  431,  432. 

Austin,  James  T.,  signs  memorial  against 
the  increase  of  slavery,  16. 

Avery,  Rev.  Charles,  founder  of  the 
Avery  College,  177. 

BAILY,  FREDERICK,  see  Douglass,  Fred 
erick. 

Ball,  Flamen,  counsel  for  the  Colored 
people  in  Cincinnati,  172. 

Baltimore,  Md.,  anti-slavery  newspaper 
published,  38  ;  cargo  of  slaves  sent  to 
Ne\\  Orleans,  to  be  sold,  40 ;  Demo 
cratic  and  Whig  conventions  held  at, 
1852,  1853,  106  ;  St.  Frances  Academy 
founded,  160 ;  the  Wells  school  estab 
lished,  161. 

Bancroft,  George,  views  on  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  32. 

Banks,  Maj.-Gen.  N.  P.,  orders  the  en 
listment  of  Negro  troops,  290  ;  official 
report  on  the  battle  of  Port  Hudson, 
322  ;  commends  the  Negro  troops  for 
their  bravery,  323. 

Baptist  Church,  Colored,  organized,  135  ; 
the  members  an  intelligent  and  useful 


INDEX. 


people,  475  ;  their  leading  ministers, 
476  ;  sketch  of  Duke  William  Ander 
son,  476-503  ;  Leonard  Andrew 
Grimes,  504-515- 

Barclay,  David,  donates  money  tb  the 
Quakers,  174. 

Barclay,  Rev.  Henry,  advocates  the  edu 
cation  of  Negro  slaves,  165. 

Bartram,  Col.  Nelson  B. ,  description  of 
Colored  regiment  commanded  by,  292. 

Bassett,  Lieut.-Col.  Chauncey  J.,  com 
mands  the  ist  La.  regiment  of  Colored 
troops  at  the  battle  of  Port  Hudson, 
320. 

Bassett,  E.  D.,  appointed  U.  S.  minister 
to  Hayti,  423. 

Beams,  Charlotte,  establishes  a  school  for 
Colored  children,  213. 

Beaufort,  S.  C.,  military  savings  bank  for 
Negroes  established,  403. 

Beauregard,  Gen.  G.  T.,  urges  passage  of 
the  bill  for  the  execution  of  prisoners, 
270. 

Bell,  George,  former  slave,  founds  a  Col 
ored  school,  182. 

Becraft,  Maria,  sketch  of,  195,  196. 

Benezet,  Anthony,  establishes  Colored 
school  in  Philadelphia,  1750,  172  ;  his 
will,  donating  money  for  education  of 
the  Colored  people,  173  ;  death,  174. 

Bennington,  Vt.,  anti-slavery  newspaper 
published,  39. 

Billing,  Mary,  establishes  school  for  Col 
ored  children,  183. 

Birney,  Maj.-Gen.  David  B.,  bravery  of 
Negro  troops  under  his  command,  re 
fuses  to  march  his  troops  in  the  rear  of 
the  whites,  344. 

Birney,  James  G.,  member  of  the  hetero 
dox  and  aggressive  anti-slavery  party, 
48,  50  ;  his  newspaper  destroyed  by  a 
mob,  51. 

Black  Regiment,  the,  a  poem  by  George 
H.  Boker,  324. 

Blake,  George,  signs  memorial  against  the 
increase  of  slavery,  16. 

Bleecker,  John,  mentioned,  166. 

Blunt,  Maj.-Gen.  James  G.,  letter  on  the 
bravery  of  Negro  troops,  346, 

Boardman,  Richard,  member  of  the  first 
American  Methodist  Conference,  466. 


Boker,  George  H,  The  Black  Regiment,  a 
poem  by,  324. 

Boiling,  P.  A.,  speech  against  slavery  in 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  34. 

Boon  vs.  Juliet,  case  of,  mentioned,  120. 

Booth,  Maj.  L.  F.,  in  command  of  Fort 
Pillow,  his  death,  360;  Gen.  Forrest 
commends  his  bravery  for  the  defence 
of  the  fort,  368. 

Border  States,  number  of  troops  furnish 
ed  by,  300. 

Boston,  Mass.,  meeting  in  opposition  ta 
the  increase  of  slavery,  held  in,  1819, 
16  ;  William  Lloyd  Garrison  mobbed, 
97  ;  first  school  for  Colored  children, 
1798,  Colored  schools,  Baptist  Church,, 
162  ;  meeting  for  the  relief  of  Kansas, 
216  ;  amount  of  money  and  arms  sup 
plied,  216,  218. 

Boyd,  Henry,  sketch  of,  138,  140. 

Boyd,  Marshall  William,  see  Taylor* 
Rev.  Marshall  M. 

Boyle,  Brig. -Gen.  Jeremiah  T.,  orders 
the  return  of  fugitive  slaves,  245. 

Bradford,  Major  W.  F.,  in  command  at 
Fort  Pillow,  surrenders,  360. 

Briscoe,  Isabella,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  212. 

Brooke,  Samuel,  member  of  the  hetero 
dox  anti-slavery  party,  48. 

Brown,  Daniel,  principal  of  Catholic  Col 
ored  school,  213. 

Brown,  John,  member  of  the  aggressive 
anti-slavery  party,  50  ;  mentioned,  82  ; 
hero  and  martyr,  his  birth,  personal 
description  of,  214  ;  arrives  in  Kansas, 
denounces  slavery  in  a  political  meeting 
at  Osawatomie,  215  ;  at  Boston,  216  ; 
urges  aid  for  the  fugitive  slaves,  secures 
arms  for  the  defence  of  Kansas,  218  ; 
his  plan  for  freeing  the  slaves,  219  ;  ex 
tract  of  a  letter  while  in  prison  in  re 
gard  to  the  attack  on  Harper's  Ferry, 
plan  for  the  rescue  of,  220  ;  instructions 
of,  before  the  attack  on  Harper's  Ferry, 
denies  the  charges  of  murder,  treason, 
or  rebellion,  desires  only  the  freedom  of 
slaves,  222  ;  descendant  of  a  revolu 
tionary  officer,  223  ;  in  Ohio  and 
Canada,  matures  his  plans  for  the  at 
tack,  purchases  farm  near  Harper's 


INDEX. 


Ferry,  amount  of  arms  under  his  con 
trol,  attack  on  Harper's  Ferry,  224  ; 
defeat,  capture,  and  execution,  225  ; 
last  letter  to  Mrs.  George  Stearns,  226  ; 
his  influence  upon  the  slavery  question 
at  the  North,  place  in  history,  227  ; 
held  his  first  convention,  list  of  the 
members,  495. 

Brown,  John  M.,  bishop  of  the  African 
M.  E.  Church,  464. 

Brown,  Robert,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  207. 

Bruce,  Blanche  K.,  his  birth,  enslave 
ment,  secures  his  freedom,  education, 
444  ;  removes  to  Miss.,  appointed  ser- 
geant-at-arms  of  the  State  Senate, 
sheriff  of  Bolivar  Co.,  chosen  U.  S. 
Senator,  445  ;  candidate  for  Vice-Presi 
dency,  appointed  Register  of  the  U.  S. 
Treasury,  446. 

Bryan,  Joseph,  petitions  Congress  for  a 
line  of  mail  steam-ships  to  the  Western 
Coast  of  Africa,  53. 

Buchanan,  George,  oration  on  the  moral 
and  political  evil  of  slavery,  1791,  men 
tioned,  38. 

Buchanan,  James,  in  sympathy  with  the 
South,-  refuses  military  support  to  Gov. 
Geary,  1 10. 

Buell,  Brig. -Gen.  D.  C.,  letter  to  J.  R. 
Underwood  on  the  return  of  fugitive 
slaves  to  their  masters,  248. 

Bulkley,  I.,  counsel  for  the  prosecution  in 
the  trial  of  Prudence  Crandall,  156. 

Bureau  of  refugees,  freedmen,  and  aban 
doned  lands,  established,  398  ;  report, 

399- 

Burling,  Thomas,  mentioned,  166. 

Burns,  Francis,  bishop  of  the  M.  E. 
Church,  469. 

Burnside,  Maj.-Gen.,  Ambrose  E.,  orders 
the  arrest  of  two  free  Negroes,  244  ; 
proclamation  protecting  slave  property, 
248  ;  services  of  Negro  troops  at  the 
siege  of  Petersburg,  commanded  by, 
341,  342. 

Butler,  Maj.-Gen.,  Benjamin  F.,  letter 
to  Gen.  Scott,  declaring  slaves  contra 
band  of  war,  250  ;  orders  the  employ 
ment  of  Negroes  for  fatigue  duty,  calls 
for  the  enlistment  of  free  Negroes,  287  ; 


outlawed  by  Jefferson  Davis,  354,  359  ; 
establishes  military  savings-bank  for 
Negroes,  403. 

CAIN,  R.  H.,  bishop  of  the  African  M. 
E.  Church,  464. 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  his  followers  favor  a 
demolition  of  the  Union,  98  ;  speech  in 
the  United  States  Senate  in  favor  of 
slavery,  103-105  ;  in  favor  of  State 
rights,  230. 

California,  resolution  in  regard  to  the  ad 
mission  into  the  Union,  100,  101. 

Callioux,  •  Capt.  Andre,  bravery  at  the 
battle  of  Port  Hudson,  318,  321  ;  his 
death,  319,  321. 

Cameron,  Simon,  letter  to  Gen.  Butler 
approving  his  action  of  declaring  slaves 
contraband  of  war,  251  ;  order  in  regard 
to  enlistment  of  troops,  278. 

Campbell,  H.  G.,  commanding  naval 
officer  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  circular 
letter  to,  in  regard  to  the  importation 
of  slaves,  10. 

Campbell,  Jabez  P.,  delivers  address  on 
the  ratification  of  the  fifteenth  amend 
ment,  422  ;  bishop  of  the  African  M. 
E.  Church,  459,  464. 

Canada,  Negroes  settle  in,  66,  70,  71  ; 
Negro  colonization  of,  opposed,  72. 

Cannon,  Gov.  William,  requests  the  en 
listment  of  Negroes  in  Delaware,  291. 

Canterbury,  Conn.,  protest  of  the  citizens 
against  admitting  Colored  pupils  to 
school,  150,  151  ;  school  abolished  by 
act  of  the  Legislature,  152,  153  ;  school- 
house  mobbed,  156. 

Carey,  Mary  Ann  Shadd,  lecturer,  writer, 
and  school-teacher,  419. 

Carney,  William  H.,  sergeant  in  the  54th 
Mass.  Regiment  Colored  Troops,  his 
bravery  at  the  assault  on  Fort  Wagner, 
plants  the  colors  of  the  regiment  on  the 
fort,  329-33L 

Carrollton,  La.,  fugitive  slaves  offer  their 
services  to  the  army,  285. 

Casey,  Maj.-Gen.  Silas,  letter  endorsing 
the  free  military  school  for  Negroes,  296. 

Cass,  Lewis,  speech  in  reply  to  Calhoun, 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  on  slavery, 
105. 


INDEX. 


589 


Chalmers,  Brig. -Gen.  James  R.,  his  con 
nection  with  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre, 

375- 
Champion,  James,  representative  of  Phila. 

in  the  first  conference  of  the  African 

M.  E.  Church,  452. 
Chapin's  Farm,  Va.,  Negro  troops  engage 

in  the  battle  of,  335. 
Chapman,  Maria  Weston,  her  opinion  of 

the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  79. 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  the  Negro  plot  of  1822, 

S3- 

"  Charleston  Mercury  "  (The)  on  the  ex 
change  of  captured  Negro  soldiers,  358. 

Charlton,  Rev.  Richard,  teaches  Negro 
slaves  in  New  York,  165. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  speech  against  the  re 
peal  of  the  Missouri  compromise,  109. 

Chcouncey,  Isaac,  letter  to  Captain  Perry 
defending  the  enlistment  of  Negroes  in 
the  U.  S.  Navy,  29. 

Child,  Adventur,  free  Negro,  petitions  for 
relief  from  taxation  in  Mass.,  1780, 
126. 

"  Choctaw,"  gun-boat,  at  the  battle  of 
Milliken's  Bend,  326. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  mob  destroys  news 
paper,  51  ;  report  on  the  condition  of 
the  Colored  people,  1835,  136-138  ; 
prominent  Colored  men  of,  138-143  ; 
home  for  Colored  orphans  established, 
144 ;  the  Attucks  Guards  organized, 
145  ;  Colored  schools  established,  170- 
172. 

Cinquez,  Joseph,  son  of  an  African 
prince,  one  of  the  "  Amistad"  captives, 
leads  in  the  capture  of  the  ship,  93  ; 
tour -through  the  United  States,  de 
scribes  his  capture,  94  ;  returns  to  Af 
rica,  96. 

Qarkson,  Mathew,  mentioned,  166. 

Clay,  Cascius  M.,  member  of  the  ag 
gressive  anti-slavery  party,  50 ;  men 
tioned,  51. 

Clay,  Henry,  mentioned,  20  ;  favors  col 
onization  of  free  Negroes  at  Liberia, 
52  ;  resolutions  in  Congress  for  the  ad 
justment  of  the  slavery  question,  101. 

Cleaveland,  C.  F.,  counsel  for  the  prose 
cution  in  the  trial  of  Prudence  Cran- 
dall,  156. 


Coggeshall,  Pero,  free  Negro,  petitions 
for  relief  from  taxation  in  Mass.,  1780, 
126. 

Cogswell,  James,  mentioned,  166. 

Coke,  Rev.  Thomas,  ordained  bishop  of 
the  Methodist  societies  in  America,  465. 

Coker,  Daniel,  representative  of  Balti 
more  in  the  first  conference  of  the  Afri 
can  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Colgan,  Rev.  Thomas,  teaches  Negro 
slaves  in  New  York,  165. 

Colonization  Anti-Slavery  Society,  ob 
jects  of  the,  51. 

Colorado,  number  of  Negro  troops  fur 
nished  by,  300. 

Columbian  Institute,  Washington,  D.  C., 
186. 

Columbus,  Ky.,  fort  at,  garrisoned  by 
Negro  troops,  345. 

Confederate  States,  organized,  232  ;  list  of 
delegates  to  the  convention,  232,  233  ; 
Jefferson  Davis  chosen  President,  Alex 
ander  H.  Stephens,  Vice-President, 
Constitution  adopted,  233  ;  impress 
Negroes  to  build  fortifications,  261  ; 
effect  of  President  Lincoln's  emancipa 
tion  proclamation,  271  ;  Negroes  in  the 
service  of  the,  277  ;  resolutions  of  their 
Congress  against  the  military  em 
ployment  of  Negroes  by  the  U.  S., 
35°>  35 *  >  white  officers  commanding 
Negro  troops  against  the,  and  Negroes 
captured  in  arms  against  the,  to  be  ex 
ecuted,  the  first  to  employ  Negro  sol 
diers,  352  ;  refuse  to  exchange  Negro 
prisoners,  355-357  ;  proclamation  of 
Jefferson  Davis  outlawing  Gen.  Butler, 
358  ;  reconstruction  of  the,  377-383  ; 
provisional  military  government  estab 
lished,  379. 

Connecticut,  slave  population,  1800,  2J 
1810,  9  ;  1820,  22  ;  prejudice  against 
Colored  schools,  149 ;  school  abolished 
by  act  of  Legislature,  152,  153  ;  school- 
house  mobbed,  157  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  299  ;  ratifies  the 
fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  U.S.,  422. 

Convention  of  the  people  of  color,  1831, 
report  on  the  condition  of  free  Negroes 
in  the  United  States,  62  ;  on  the  estab- 


590 


INDEX. 


lishment  of  a  college,  63  ;  provisional 
committee  appointed  in  each  city,  64  ; 
conventional  address,  65-68 ;  second 
convention,  1832,  68  ;  resolutions  on 
colonization,  70  ;  conventional  address, 
75-78. 

Cook,  D.  R.,  organizes  company  of  Ne 
gro  troops,  277. 

Cook,  Eliza  Anne,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  211. 

Cook,  Major  John  B.,  Negro  troops  com 
manded  by,  capture  redoubt  at  Peters 
burg,  Va.,  339. 

Cook,  Rev.  John  F.,  sketch  of,  187-191  ; 
mentioned,  206,  21 1,  212. 

Coppin,  Mrs.  Fanny  M.  See  Jackson, 
Fanny  M. 

Cornish,  Alexander,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  209. 

Costin,  Louisa  Parke,  establishes  school 
for  Colored  children,  192,  193. 

Costin,  William,  his  death,  192  ;  sketch 
of,  193. 

Coxe,  R.  S.,  emancipates  slave,  210. 

Crandall,  Prudence,  establishes  a  school 
in  Conn.,  admits  Colored  pupil,  149  ; 
protest  of  the  citizens,  150,  151  ;  re 
ceives  additional  Colored  pupils,  152  ; 
school  abolished  by  act  of  the  Legisla 
ture,  152,  153  ;  her  arrest  and  trial, 
153-156  ;  school-house  mobbed,  156. 

Cuff,  Peter,  representative  of  Salem,  N. 
J. ,  in  the  first  conference  of  the  African 
M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Cuffe,  John  and  Paul,  free  Negroes,  peti 
tion  for  relief  from  taxation  in  Mass., 
1780,  126,  127. 

Cumberland,  Department  of  the,  Negro 
troops  recruited  for,  294. 

Cumings,  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  school  of,  men 
tioned,  471. 

DANDRIDGE,  ANN,  family  of,  193. 

Darnes,  Mary  A.,  address  to  the  Attucks 
Guards  of  Cincinnati,  145. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  speech  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  on  the  right  to  hold  slaves, 
102  ;  chosen  president  of  the  Confeder 
ate  States,  233  ;  his  message  to  the 
Confederate  Government,  234 ;  views 
on  President  Lincoln's  emancipation 


proclamation,  271,  350  ;  proclamation 
outlawing  Gen.  Butler,  359  ;  plantation 
of,  owned  by  Negroes,  414  ;  succeeded 
in  the  U.  S.  Senate  by  a  Negro,  423. 

Davis,  John,  Negro  sailor,  his  bravery 
and  death,  30. 

Deep  Bottom,  Va.,  Negro  troops  -engage 
in  the  battle  of,  335. 

De  Grasse,  John  T.,  first  Colored  mem 
ber  of  the  Mass.  Medical  Society,  133  ; 
sketch  of,  134. 

Delaware,  slave  population,  1800,  2, 
1810,  9;  in  favor  of  restriction  of 
slavery,  16  ;  slave  population,  1820, 
22;  Quakers  emancipate  their  slaves* 
35  ;  slave  population,  1830,  1840,  99, 
1850,  100  ;  tax  on  slaves,  added  to  the 
school  fund  for  the  education  of  white 
children,  157  ;  order  for  the  enlistment 
of  Negroes,  291  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  299  ;  comparative 
statistics  of  education,  388  ;  institutions 
for  the  instruction  of  Negroes,  392. 

Deloach,  C.,  organizes  company  of 
Negro  troops,  277. 

Democratic  Party,  convention  of,  1853, 
nominates  Franklin  Pierce  for  the 
Presidency,  defines  its  position  on  the 
slavery  question,  106. 

De  Mortie,  Louis,  her  birth,  education, 
public  reader,  secures  funds  for  *the 
erection  of  an  asylum  for  Colored 
orphans,  her  death,  449. 

De  Peyster,  Maj.-Gen.  J.  Watts,  advo 
cates  the  employment  of  Negroes  as 
soldiers,  276. 

Dickerson,  William  F.,  bishop  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  464.  . 

District  of  Columbia,  slave  population, 
1800,  2,  1810,  9,  1820,  22  ;  petition 
of  Garrison  for  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in,  39  ;  slave  population,  1830,  1840, 
99,  1850,  100 ;  schools  for  the  educa 
tion  of  the  Negro  population,  182-213  » 
Lincoln  in  favor  of  the  abolishing  of 
slavery  in  the,  237  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  299  ;  Negro  school 
population,  1871,  1876,  387  ;  compara 
tive  statistics  of  education,  388  ;  insti 
tutions  for  the  instruction  of  Negroes, 
392,  393- 


INDEX, 


591 


Dix,  Maj.-Gen.  John  A.,  proclamation 
protecting  slave  property,  246. 

Dixon,  Archibald,  introduces  bill  in 
Congress  for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
compromise,  108. 

Dodge,  Henry,  introduces  bill  in  Con 
gress  to  organize  the  territory  of  Ne 
braska,  107. 

Douglass,  Frederick,  his  book  "  My 
Bondage  and  My  Freedom,"  59  ;  men 
tioned,  79,  8 1  ;  delivers  address  on  the 
ratification  of  the  fifteenth  amendment, 
422  ;  birth,  enslavement,  424  ;  escapes 
to  the  North,  marries,  life  as  a  freeman, 

425  ;    becomes  an    anti-slavery   orator, 

426  ;    publishes    the    experiences  of  a 
"  fugitive  slave,"  leaves  for  Great  Brit 
ain,    427  ;    letter    to    William    Lloyd 
Garrison,  428  ;  his  freedom  purchased, 
copy    of    freedom    papers,     431  ;     his 
former  name  when  a  slave,  how  he  re 
ceived  his  present  one,    431,  432  ;  re 
turns    to    America,    432  ;     reasons    for 
leaving    the    Garrisonian    party,    estab 
lishes   the    newspaper    "  North    Star," 
433  ;    his    eloquence,     434,     437  ;     in 
fluence  and  career,  437,  438  ;  death  of 
his  wife,  437  ;  mentioned,  471. 

Douglass,  Margaret,  arrested  for  instruct- 
p  Negroes,  181. 


ing- 
Doud 


iglass,  Stephen  A. ,  speech  in  favor  of 

^  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise, 
'1 08  ;  questions  to  Lincoln,  on  slavery, 
'  237,  238. 

Douty,  Lieut.  Jacob,  fires  the  mine  at  the 
siege  of  Petersburg,  Va.,  341. 

Dow,  Jesse  E.,  urges  the  establishment 
of  a  free  Colored  public  school  in  the 
D.  C.,  209. 

Dunlap,  George  W.,  resolution  in  Con 
gress,  opposing  the  enlistment  of  Ne 
groes,  282. 

Durham,  Rev.  Clayton,  representative  of 
Phila.,  in  the  first  conference  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Dutch  Gap,  Va. ,  excavated  by  Negroes, 
262. 

Dwight,  Brig.-Gen.  William,  orders  the 
Negro  troops  to  capture  a  battery  at  the 
battle  of  Port  Hudson,  318. 


EARLY,  PETER,  introduces  bill  in  Con 
gress  for  the  forfeiture  of  slaves  illegally 
imported,  8. 

Economic  Anti-Slavery  Party,  49. 

Edwards,  G.  G.,  describes  the  bravery  of 
Negro  troops,  327. 

Edwards,  Samuel,  his  connection  with 
the  Negro  insurrection  in  Southampton 
County,  Va.,  87. 

Elsworth,  W.  W.,  counsel  for  Prudence 
Crandall,  156. 

Embree,  Lawrence,  mentioned,  166. 

Embury,  Phillip,  one  of  the  founders  of 
M.  E.  Church  in  New  York,  465. 

Emerson,  Dr.,  owner  of  the  Negro  slave 
Dred  Scott,  114. 

Emerson,  R.  W.,  his  opinion  of  John 
Brown,  217. 

Emancipation  proclamations,  255,  257, 
263-275  ;  the  results  of,  384-418. 

Fair  Oaks,  Va. ,  Negro  troops  engage  in 
the  battle  of,  335 

Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  meeting  for  the  re 
lief  of  Kansas,  216. 

Farmville,  Va.,  Negro  troops  engaged  in 
the  battle  of,  335. 

Faulkner,  C.  J.,  speech  against  slavery  in 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  35. 

Ferrer,  Capt.  Ramon,  commander  of  the 
Spanish  slaver  "  Amistad, "  93. 

Ferrero,  Brig.-Gen.  Edward,  Negro 
troops  under  the  command  of,  defeat 
the  Hampton  Legion,  349, 

Finnegas,  Lieut. -Col.  Henry,  commands 
the  3d  La.  Regiment  of  Colored  Troops 
at  the  battle  of  Port  Hudson,  320. 

Fish,  Hamilton,  certifies  the  ratification 
of  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  U.  S.,  421. 

Fleet,  John  H.,  establishes  a  school  for 
Colored  children,  207,  208. 

Florida,  slave  population,  1830,  1840,  99, 
1850,  100;  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  slaves 
added  to  the  school-fund,  158  ;  secedes 
from  the  Union,  232  ;  Gen.  Hunter's 
proclamation  emancipating  slaves,  257  ; 
rescinded,  258  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  299  ;  represented 
in  Congress  by  Negroes,  382  ;  compar 
ative  statistics  of  education,  388  ;  in 
stitutions  for  the  instruction  of  Negroes. 


INDEX, 


392  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Follen,  Rev.  Mr.,  speech  in  support  of 
resolution  on  anti-slavery,  80. 

Ford,  Mrs.  George,  establishes  a  school 
for  Colored  children.  207. 

Forrest,  Maj.-Gen.,  N.  B.,  attacks  Fort 
Pillow,  demands  its  surrender,  orders 
the  massacre  of  Negro  soldiers,  360, 
361  ;  testimony  against  his  inhuman 
treatment  of  Negroes,  361-375  ;  com 
mends  the  bravery  of  the  U.  S.  sol 
diers,  368  ;  his  conduct  endorsed,  375. 

Fort  Gibson,  Ark.,  bravery  of  the  Ne 
gro  troops  at  the  battle  of,  313. 

Fort  Mackinac,Mich.,  Negro  sailors  at,  28. 

Fort  Pillow,  Tenn.,  defended  by  Union 
troops,  refuse  to  capitulate,  360  ;  mas 
sacre  of  the  Negro  soldiers,  360,  361  ; 
testimony  in  regard  to  the  massacre, 
361-375  ;  Gen.  Forrest  commends  the 
bravery  of  the  U.  S.  soldiers,  368. 

Fort  Wagner,  S.  C.,  assault  on,  Negro 
regiment  leads  the  charge,  308,  313, 
328,  329- 

Forte,  Sarah,  verses  on  the  Negro,  81. 

Forten,  James,  his  subscription  to  the 
"Liberator,"  43. 

Fortress  Monroe,  Va.,  first  school  for 
freedmen  established  at,  393, 

Fortune,  Charlotte  L.,  her  education, 
literary  abilities,  450. 

Foster,  Gov.  Charles,  appoints  Negro  to 
office,  447  ;  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Republican  Party  in  the  contest  over  the 
electoral  count  of  1876,  521;  his  speech 
on  "a  solid  North  against  a  solid 
South,"  525,  526. 

Foster,  Col.  John  A.,  letter  on  the 
bravery  of  the  Negro  troops,  348. 

Franklin,  Jesse,  his  report  against  the 
modification  of  the  ordinance  of  1787, 
in  Indian  Territory,  7. 

Franklin,  Nicholas,  former  slave,  estab 
lishes  a  Colored  school,  182. 

Free  Mission  Institute,  111.,  destroyed  by 
a  mob,  159. 

Free  Soil  Party,  organized,  46. 

Freedman's  Savings  Bank  and  Trust  Com 
pany,  incorporated,  list  of  the  trustees, 
403,  404  ;  act  incorporating,  amended, 


407  ;  organized,  408  ;  reports,  408-410  ; 
total  amount  deposited,  failure,  com 
missioners  appointed  to  settle  the  affairs 
of  the,  411,  412  ;  dividends,  413. 

Freedmen's  Bureau,  established,  379  ; 
number  of  schools  in  charge  of  the, 
385,  394  ;  amount  expended,  386,  394, 
395  ;  report,  401,  402,  403. 

Friends,  see  Quakers. 

Fry,  Brig.-Gen.,  orders  the  return  of 
fugitive  slaves,  246. 

Fugitive-Slave  Law,  of  1793,  condemned, 
2  ;  amended,  10  ;  of  1850,  106  ;  recog 
nized  in  Ohio,  112  ;  passed  in  Kansas, 
215  ;  Lincoln  opposed  to  the  repeal  of 
the,  237. 

Fulton,  Rev.  Justin  D.,  preaches  the 
funeral  sermon  of  Col.  Elsworth,  views 
on  slavery,  242,  243. 

GABRIEL,  GENERAL,  leader  of  the  Negro 
plot  in  Virginia,  1800,  83. 

Gaillard,  Nicholas,  representative  of  Bal 
timore,  in  the  first  conference  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Gaines,  John  L,  urges  the  claims  of  the 
Colored  people  to  school-fund  in  Cin 
cinnati,  171. 

Galveston,  Texas,  captured  Negro  soldiers- 
sold  into  slavery,  353. 

Garnet,   Henry  Highland,  mentioned,  79, 

134- 

Garnett,  James  M.,  reports  in  favor  of  the 
modification  of  the  ordinance  of  1787, 
in  Indiana  Territory,  5. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  leader  of  the 
anti-slavery  movement,  edits  news 
papers,  petitions  Congress  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  39  ;  favors  immediate  eman 
cipation,  imprisoned  for  libel,  40  ;  re 
leased,  establishes  the  "  Liberator,"  41  ; 
extract  from  his  article  on  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  41,  42  ;  organizes  the  Ameri 
can  Anti-Slavery  Society,  43  ;  men 
tioned,  63  ;  opposed  to  the  colonization 
of  Negroes  in  Liberia,  7°>  75  !  mobbed 
at  Boston,  97  ;  address  at  the  Framing- 
ham  celebration,  98  ;  mentioned,  425, 
426  ;  Frederick  Douglass's  letter  to,  428; 
his  views  on  slavery,  433. 


INDEX, 


595 


Garrisonian  Party,  mentioned,  44  ;  in 
favor  of  the  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
98. 

Gedney,  Lieut.,  Thomas  R.,  captures  the 
Spanish  slaver  "  Amistad,"  94. 

Georgetown,  D.  C.,  Colored  schools,  206, 
207. 

Georgia,  slave  population,  1800,  2  ;  cedes 
territory  for  the  formation  of  Alabama 
and  Mississippi,  3 ;  slave  population, 
1810,  9,  1820,  22,  1830,  1840,  99, 
1850,  100 ;  education  of  Negroes  pro 
hibited,  158,  advocated,  159  ;  secedes 
from  the  Union,  232  ;  Gen.  Hunter's 
proclamation  emancipating  slaves,  257, 
rescinded,  258  ;  expedition  of  Negro 
regiment  into,  314  ;  represented  in 
Congress  by  Negroes,  382  ;  number  of 
slaves,  1860,  Negro  school  population. 
1876,  387 ;  comparative  statistics  of 
education,  388  ;  institutions  for  the 
instruction  of  Negroes,  392  ;  elects 
Negro  representative  to  Congress,  423. 

Gilmore,  Rev.  Hiram  S.,  founder  of  the 
Cincinnati  High  School,  171. 

Goddard,  Calvin,  counsel  for  Prudence 
Crandall,  156. 

Gooch,  D.  W.,  one  of  the  committee  of 
investigation  of  the  Fort  Pillow  mas 
sacre,  361. 

Gordon,  Charlotte,  establishes  a  school 
for  Colored  children,  213. 

"Governor  Tompkins,"  armed  schooner, 
bravery  of  Negro  sailors  on  board  of 
the,  30. 

Grant,  Gen.  Ulysses  S.,  orders  the  attack 
on  Petersburg,  336,  337  ;  carries  the 
Southern  States  in  the  presidential  elec 
tions  of  1868  and  1872,  382  ;  special 
message  to  Congress  on  ratification  of 
the  fifteenth  amendment,  420  ;  appoints 
Negroes  in  the  diplomatic  service,  423  ; 
not  responsible  for  the  decline  and  loss 
of  the  republican  State  governments  at 
the  South,  518. 

Grant,  Nancy,  establishes  a  school  for 
Colored  children,  206. 

Gray,  Samuel,  free  Negro,  petititions  for 
relief  from  taxation,  in  Mass.,  1780,  125. 

Greeley,  Horace,  leader  of  the  economic 
anti-slavery  party,  49  ;  letter  to  Presi 


dent  Lincoln  on  slavery,  253  ;  Lincoln's 
reply,  254  ;  newspaper  editorials  on  Ne 
gro  troops,  303-307  ;  opposed  to  the 
resolutions  of  the  Confederate  Congress 
in  regard  to  Negro  troops,  356. 

Green,  John  P,  his  struggles  to  obtain  an 
education,  successful  orator,  lawyer,  and 
statesman,  447,  448. 

Greener,  Richard  Theodore,  his  early  life, 
438  ;  education,  first  Colored  graduate 
of  Harvard  University,  439  ;  principal 
of  the  Institute  for  Colored  Youth,  and 
Sumner  High  School,  accepts  the  Chair 
of  Metaphysics  and  Logic  in  the  Uni 
versity  of  S.  C.,  Dean  of  the  Law  De 
partment  of  Howard  University,  gradu 
ates  from  the  Law  School  of  the  Univer 
sity  of  S.  C.,  literary  career,  440  ;  the 
intellectual  position  of  the  Negro,  a 
reply  to  James  Parton's  article  on  the 
antipathy  to  the  Negro,  441  ;  speech  at. 
the  dinner  of  the  Harvard  Club,  442. 

Greenlaw,  William  B.,  organizes  company 
of  Negro  troops,  277. 

Grimes,  Rev.  Leonard  Andrew,  Colored 
Baptist  minister,  sketch  of  his  life,  505- 
512 ;  death,  513  ;  resolutions  on  his 
death,  513-515. 

Grow,  G.  A.,  Stanton's  letters  to,  279. 

Guinea,  memorial  against  the  slave-trade 
on  the  coast  of,  2. 

Gurley,  Rev.  R.  R.,  favors  the  coloniza 
tion  of  free  Negroes  at  Liberia,  52,  70, 
'75V 

HALL,  ANNE  MARIA,  establishes  school 
for  Colored  children,  183. 

Hall,  Primus,  first  school  for  Colored 
children,  held  in  the  house  of,  1798, 
162. 

Hallock,  Maj. -Gen.,  Henry  W.,  forbids 
fugitive  slaves  entering  the  army,  247, 
248. 

Hamilton,  Paul,  circular  letter  to  H.  G. 
Campbell,  in  regard  to  the  importation 
of  slaves,  10. 

Hammond,  Eliza  Ann,  *rrested  for  at 
tending  school  in  Conn.,  152. 

Hampton,  Va.,  school  for  the  education 
of  Negroes,  394  ;  normal  and  agricultu 
ral  institute,  395. 


"594 


INDEX. 


Hampton,  Fanny,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  207. 

Hampton  Legion,  defeated  by  Negro 
troops,  349. 

Harden,  Henry,  representative  of  Balti 
more  in  the  first  conference  of  the  Af 
rican  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Harper,  Frances  Ellen,  essayist  and  lect 
urer,  419. 

Harper's  Ferry,  Va.,  operations  of  John 
Brown  at,  222,  224. 

Harris,  Sarah,  protests  of  the  citizens  of 
Canterbury,  Conn.,  against  her  attend 
ing  school,  150. 

Hartford,  Conn.,  establishes  a  separate 
school  for  Colored  children,  149. 

Harvard  University,  first  Colored  gradu 
ate,  439. 

Hatcher's  Run,  Va.,  Negro  troops  en 
gaged  in  the  battle  of,  335. 

Havana,  Cuba,  Spanish  slaver  "Ami- 
stad  "  sails  from,  with  slaves,  93. 

Hayard,  Elisha,  mentioned,  187  ;  school- 
house  destroyed  by  a  mob,  189. 

Hayes,  Alexander,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  209  ;  emancipated, 
his  marriage,  210. 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B. ,  failure  of  his 
Southern  policy,  522-524. 

Hayti,  opposition  to  the  colonization  of, 
by  free  Negroes,  70  ;  E.  D.  Bassett  ap 
pointed  Minister  to,  423. 

Heck,  Barbara,  foundress  of  American 
Methodism,  465. 

Helena,  Ark.,  bravery  of  Negro  troops  at 
battle  of,  313. 

Helper,  Hinton  R.,  influence  of  his  book 
the  "  Impending  Crisis,"  60. 

Henderson,  Rev.  Henry,  school  of,  men 
tioned,  471. 

Henry,  Patrick,  opposed  to  slavery,  33. 

Heterodox  Anti-Slavery  Party,  the  plat 
form  of  the,  48. 

Higginson,  Col.  Thomas  Wentworth, 
description  of  regiment  of  Colored 
Troops  commanded  by,  304  ;  expedi 
tion  into  Georgia,  314. 

Hildreth,  Joseph,  teaches  Negro  slaves 
in  New  York,  165. 

Hill,  Margaret,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  209. 


Hill,  Stephen,  representative  of  Balti 
more  in  the  first  conference  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Hinks,  Brig.-Gen.  Edward  W.,  com 
mands  brigade  of  Negro  troops  at  the 
battle  of  Petersburg,  Va.,  336,  339,  346. 

Holt,  Joseph,  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  on  the  enlistment  of  slaves,  307. 

Honey  Springs,  Ark,  bravery  of  Negro 
troops  at  the  battle  of,  346. 

Hooker,  Maj.-Gen.  Joseph,  order  in  re 
gard  to  harboring  fugitive  slaves  in  the 
army,  249. 

Hosier,  Rev.  Harry,  first  Negro  preacher 
in  the  M.  E.  Church  in  America,  466  ; 
his  eloquence  as  a  pulpit  orator,  466, 
467. 

Houston,  Gen.  Samuel,  proposition  to 
Congress  on  the  admission  of  California 
and  New  Mexico,  100,  101  ;  maintains 
Congress  has  no  authority  to  prohibit  or 
interfere  with  slavery,  101. 

Howard,  Maj.-Gen.  O.O.,  appointed  Com 
missioner  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau, 
his  report  on  schools  established  by  the 
bureau,  385  ;  in  charge  of  Bureau  of 
Refugees,  Freedmen,  and  Abandoned 
Lands,  398  ;  report,  399,  400. 

Howland,  Pero,  free  Negro,  petitions  for 
relief  from  taxation  in  Mass.,  1780, 126. 

Huddlestone,  William,  teaches  Negro 
slaves  in  New  York,  165. 

Humphreys,  Richard,  founder  of  the  In 
stitute  for  Colored  Youth,  176. 

Hunter,  Maj.-Gen.  David,  proclamation 
emancipating  slaves,  257  ;  rescinded  by 
President  Lincoln,  258  ;  organizes  Ne 
gro  regiment,  278  ;  official  correspond 
ence  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  re 
specting  the  enlistment  of  Negroes, 
279,  280  ;  asks  to  be  relieved  of  his 
command,  284  ;  outlawed  by  Jefferson 
Davis,  354. 

Hunter,  Rev.  William  H.,  establishes 
school  for  Colored  people,  212. 

ILLINOIS,  slave  population  in  the  territory 
of,  1810,  9,  1820,  22,  1830,  1840, 
99;  first  constitution,  Negroes,  Mulat- 
toes,  and  Indians  exempted  from  mili 
tia  service,  free  Negroes  required  to 


INDEX. 


595 


produce  certificate  of  freedom,  persons 
bringing  slaves  into,  for  the  purpose  of 
emancipating,  to  give  bonds,  122  ; 
criminal  code  enacted,  Negroes,  Mu- 
lattoes,  and  Indians  declared  incom 
petent  to  be  witnesses,  Act  to  prevent 
the  immigration  of  free  Negroes  into, 
123  ;  separate  schools  for  Colored  chil 
dren  established,  the  Free  Mission  In 
stitute  destroyed  by  mob,  159  ;  number 
of  Negro  troops  furnished  by,  299 ; 
ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422;  Negro 
elected  to  the  Legislature,  447, 

Indiana,  slave  population  in  the  territory 
of,  1800,  2  ;  William  Henry  Harrison, 
appointed  governor,  3  ;  memorial  to 
Congress  for  the  modification  of  the 
ordinance  of  1787,  4-8  ;  slave  popula 
tion,  1810,  9,  1820,  22  ;  law  in  regard 
to  executions  against  the  time  of  service 
of  slaves,  119,  121  ;  Act  for  the  intro 
duction  of  Negroes,  120  ;  first  consti 
tution,  Negroes  excluded  from  giving 
testimony,  Act  regulating  free  Negroes, 
121  ;  Negroes  denied  the  right  of  suf 
frage,  159  ;  number  of  Negro  troops 
furnished  by,  299  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
U.  S.,  422. 

Indians,  list  of,  ordered  to  leave  Mass., 
130. 

Institute  for  Colored  Youth,  established, 
176. 

Iowa,  number  of  Negro  troops  furnished 
by,  299  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth  amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S., 
422. 

'"  Isaac  Smith,"  gun-boat,  free  Negroes 
captured  from,  354. 

JACKSON,  ALFRED,  fugitive  slave,  claimed 
by  his  master,  245  ;  leaves  for  Michi 
gan,  246. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  proclamation  of,  calling 
for  Negro  troops,  War  of  1812,  25  ; 
orders  the  suppression  of  the  Snow  riot 
at  Washington,  D.  C.,  189. 

Jackson,  Edward,  representative  of  Attle- 
borough,  Pa.,  in  the  first  conference  of 
the  African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 


Jackson,  Fanny  M.,  her  birth,  education, 
448  ;  school-teacher,  449. 

Jackson,  Rev.  Henry,  Negroes  excluded 
from  the  church  of,  430. 

Jarrot  vs.  Jarrot,  case  of,  mentioned,  120. 

Jay,  John,  president  of  the  N.  Y.  Society 
for  Promoting  the  Manumission  of 
Slaves,  167. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  recommends  the  abol 
ishing  of  the  slave-trade,  8  ;  predicts 
the  abolition  of  slavery,  33  ;  condemns 
slavery,  35. 

Jerusalem  Court-House,  Va.,  Negro  in 
surrection  at,  1831,  88. 

Johnson,  John,  Negro  sailor,  his  bravery 
and  death,  30. 

Jordan,  Thomas,  letter  to  Col.  B.  R. 
Rhett,  Jr.,  relative  to  the  refusal  of  the 
Confederate  army  to  exchange  captured 
Negro  soldiers,  358. 

Jordan  vs.  Smith,  case  of,  mentioned,  113; 

"  Journal  of  the  Times"  (The),  anti-slavery 
newspaper,  advocates  the  claims  of  John 
Quincy  Adams,  39. 

Judah,  Brig.-Gen.,  H.  M.,  orders  the  re 
turn  of  fugitive  slaves,  245. 

Judge,  Philadelphia,  former  slave  to 
Martha  Washington,  193. 

Judson,  Andrew  T.,  decision  in  the  case 
of  the  "  Amistad  "  captives,  94  ;  advo 
cates  resolutions  against  school  for  Col 
ored  children  in  Conn.,  150;  secures 
enactment  of  a  law  abolishing  the  same, 
152  ;  counsel  for  the  prosecution  in  the 
trial  of  Prudence  Crandall,  156. 

KANSAS,  fugitive-slave  bill  passed,  speech 
of  John  Brown  against  slavery,  215  ; 
infested  by  border  ruffians,  aid  for  the 
relief  of,  216  ;  arms  purchased  for  the 
defence  of,  218  ;  plan  of  John  Brown 
for  the  freedom  of  slaves  in,  219  ;  num 
ber  of  Negro  troops  furnished  by,  299  ; 
ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422  ;  freed- 
men's  relief  association,  •ganized,  536. 

Kentucky,  slave  population,  1800,  2,  1810, 
9  ;  opposed  to  the  restriction  of  slavery, 
16  ;  slave  population',  1820,  22,  1830, 
1840,  99,  1850,  100 }  slave  laws  retard 
the  education  of  the  Negroes,  159; 


INDEX. 


number  of  Negro  troops  furnished  by, 
299  ;  comparative  statistics  of  educa 
tion,  388  ;  institutions  for  the  instruc 
tion  of  Negroes,  392. 

King,  John,  member  of  the  first  American 
Methodist  Conference,  466. 

Ku  Klux,  a  secret  organization,  objects  of, 
382. 

LAFAYETTE,  MARQUIS  DE,  address  to  the 
scholars  of  the  N.  Y.  African  free 
school,  168. 

Langston,  John  Mercer,  born  a  slave, 
education,  services,  Resident  Minister 
and  Consul-General  to  Hayti,  446. 

Lake  Erie,  N.  Y.,  Negro  sailor  repre 
sented  in  the  picture  of  Perry's  victory 
on,  28  ;  bravery  of  the  Negro  sailors  at 
the  battle  of,  30. 

Lancaster  County,  Pa.,  free  public  Colored 
school,  206. 

Lawrence,  John,  mentioned,  166. 

Lawrence,  Kansas,  sacked  and  burned  by 
a  mob,  215. 

Lawrence,  Nathaniel,  mentioned,  166. 

Leaman,  Jacob,  mentioned,  166. 

Leaman,  Willett,  mentioned,  166. 

Ledlie,  Brig.-Gen.,  James  H.,  attempts 
to  fire  the  mine  at  the  siege  of  Peters 
burg,  Va.,  341. 

Lee,  General  Fitz-Hugh,  defeated  by 
Negro  troops  at  the  battle  of  Wilson's 
Wharf,  335. 

Lee,  William  Thomas,  his  school  for  Col 
ored  children  burned,  205  ;  threatened 
by  mob,  206. 

Leming,  Lieut.,  Me  J.,  his  testimony  in 
regard  to  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  367. 

Lenox,  Walter,  opposed  to  the  education 
of  Colored  people,  201. 

Leonard,  Rev.  Chauncey,  his  school  for. 
Colored  children  destroyed  by  mob,  192. 

Lewis,  Edmonia,  Negro  sculptress,  sketch 
of,  450. 

"  Lexington,"  gun-boat,  at  the  battle  of 
Milliken's^end,  326. 

"  Liberator "  (The),  anti-slavery  news 
paper,  established,  41. 

Liberia,  proposed*colony  of  free  Negroes 
at,  51,  54,  5$ ;  protest  against  the  col 
onization,  70*. 


Lincoln,  Abraham,  in  favor  of  the 
Union  of  the  States,  230 ;  speech 
against  slavery,  232  ;  his  answers  to 
Stephen  A.  Douglass'  questions  on 
slavery,  237-239  ;  in  favor  of  gradual 
emancipation,  elected  President  of  the 
United  States,  239  ;  his  inaugural  ad 
dress  regarding  slavery,  240  ;  letter  in 
reply  to  Horace  Greeley,  on  slavery, 
254  ;  to  Gen.  Fremont,  disproving  his 
proclamation  emancipating  slaves  in 
Missouri,  256  ;  rescinds  proclamation  of 
Gen.  Hunter,  258  ;  conservative  policy 
of,  259 ;  his  reasons  for  not  issuing 
emancipation  proclamation,  264-266; 
issues  emancipation  proclamation,  267— 
269  ;  second  proclamation,  272  ;  op 
posed  to  the  enlistment  of  Negroes,  278  ; 
authorizes  the  enlistment  of  Negro 
troops,  285  ;  second  call  for  troops,  287; 
his  order  in  regard  to  prisoners  of  war, 

355- 

Lincoln  University,  see  Ashum  Insti 
tute. 

Littlefield,  Col.  M.  S. ,  letter  describing 
the  bravery  of  Sergeant  William  H. 
Carney  at  the  assault  on  Fort  Wagner, 

33L 

Liverpool,  Moses,  former  slave,  erects 
Colored  school,  182. 

Livingston,  Edward,  address  to  the  Negro 
troops  before  the  battle  of  New  Or 
leans,  26. 

Loguen,  Bishop,  his  book,  "  As  a  Slave 
and  as  a  Freeman,"  mentioned,  59. 

Longworth,  Nicholas,  builds  the  first 
school-house  for  Colored  people  in  Cin 
cinnati,  172. 

Louisiana,  slave  population  in,  and  terri 
tory  of,  1810,  9,  1820,  22  ;  bravery  of 
the  Negro  troops  of,  at  the  battle  of 
New  Orleans,  27  ;  slave  population, 
1830,  1840,  99,  1850,  100  ;  education 
of  Negroes  prohibited,  160  ;  secedes- 
from  the  Union,  232  ;  fugitive  slaves 
offer  their  services  in  the  army,  285  ; 
number  of  Negro  troops  furnished  by, 
299  ;  bravery  of  the  ist  regiment,  Ne 
groes,  at  the  battle  of  Port  Hudson, 
317-324,  345  ;  the  gth  and  nth  regi 
ments,  Negroes,  at  the  battle  of  Milli' 


INDEX. 


597 


Teen's  Bend,  326,  327  ;  represented  in 
Congress  by  Negroes,  382  ;  Negro 
population  in  excess  of  the  white,  386  ; 
comparative  statistics  of  education,  388; 
institutions  for  the  instruction  of  Ne 
groes,  392,  393 ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
U.  S.,  422. 

Lovejoy,  E.  P. ,  member  of  the  aggressive 
anti-slavery  party,  50  ;  killed  by  a  mob, 

51- 

Lundy,  Benjamin,  earliest  advocate  of  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States, 
establishes  anti-slavery  newspaper, 
1821,  38  ;  his  sacrifices  and  work  in  the 
cause  of  emancipation,  38,  39  ;  visits 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  favors  gradual 
emancipation,  40  ;  colonization  of  man 
umitted  slaves,  51  ;  mentioned,  63,  73. 

MCCLELLAN,  MAJ.-GEN,  GEORGE  B., 
views  on  slavery,  249  ;  Secretary 
Seward's  letter  to,  in  regard  to  fugitive 
slaves,  263. 

McCoy,  Benjamin  M.,  one  of  the  found 
ers  of  Colored  Sunday-school  at  Wash 
ington,  D.  C.,  187  ;  takes  charge  of 
public  Colored  school  in  Pa.,  189  ; 
school  for  Colored  children,  206. 

McCrady,  John,  chief  engineer  of  Georgia, 
ordered  to  impress  Negroes  to  build  for 
tifications,  261. 

McLeod,  John,  in  favor  of  the  education 
of  the  Colored  people,  186. 

Madden,  Rev.  Samuel,  a  Colored  Baptist 
minister,  476. 

Madison,  James,  opposed  to  slavery,  33  ; 
president  of  the  American  Colonization 
Society,  52. 

Maine,  bill  for  the  admission  of,  into  the 
Union,  16,  admitted,  18  ;  equal  school 
privileges  granted  to  Negroes,  160  ; 
number  of  Negro  troops  furnished  by, 
299  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Malcom,  Rev.  Howard,  favors  the  coloni 
zation  of  free  Negroes  at  Liberia,  52. 

Mallory,  Col.,  fugitive  slaves  of,  declared 
contraband  of  war,  250, 

Mann,  Horace,  favors  the  colonization  of 
free  Negroes  at  Liberia,  52. 


Marechal,  Rev.  Ambrose,  in  favor  of  the 
education  of  the  Negroes,  161. 

Marsh,  Jacob,  representative  of  Attle- 
borough,  Pa.,  in  the  first  conference  of 
the  African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Maryland,  slave  population,  1800,  2, 
1810,  9,  1820,  22  ;  Quakers  emanci 
pate  their  slaves,  35  ;  slave  population, 
1830,  1840,  99,  1850,  100 ;  Negroes 
excluded  from  the  schools,  St.  Frances 
Academy  founded,  160;  the  Wells  school 
established,  161  ;  order  for  the  enlist 
ment  of  Negroes,  290  ;  number  of  Ne 
gro  troops  furnished  by,  299  ;  compara 
tive  statistics  of  education,  388  ;  insti 
tutions  for  the  instruction  of  Negroes, 

392.  393- 

Massachusetts,  petition  of  the  free  Ne 
groes  for  relief  from  taxation,  1780, 126, 
127;  law  preventing  Negroes  from  other 
States  from  settling  in,  127  ;  notice  to 
Negroes,  Indians,  and  Mulattoes  warn 
ing  them  to  leave,  128  ;  list  of  the  same, 
128,  129  ;  first  school  for  Colored  chil 
dren,  162  ;  number  of  Negro  troops, 
furnished,  299  ;  captured  Negro  sol 
diers  from,  sold  into  slavery,  353. 

Massachusetts  General  Colored  Associa 
tion,  78  ;  letter  to  New  England  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  desiring  to  become  aux- 
liary  to  the  latter,  79. 

Massachusetts  Medical  Society,  first  Col 
ored  member  admitted  to  the,  133. 

Massachusetts  State  Kansas  Committee, 
amount  of  money  furnished  for  the  re 
lief  of  Kansas,  216,  218. 

Massachusetts  Volunteers,  54th  regiment, 
first  Colored  troops  raised  at  the  North, 
289  ;  at  James  Island,  328,  335  ;  march 
to  Morris  Island,  328,  329,  332  ;  assault 
Fort  Wagner,  and  plant  the  colors  of 
the  regiment  on  the  fort,  329  ;  Edward 
L.  Pierce's  letter  describing  the  valor 
and  losses  of  the  regiment,  331  ;  Gen. 
Strong  commends  the  bravery  of  the 
regiment,  334.  4 

Mattock,  White,  mentioned,  166. 

May,  Rev.  Samuel  J.,  in  favor  of  educa 
tion  of  Colored  children  in  Conn.,  150, 
151,  153,  157. 

Memphis,   Tenn.,    Negro    troops    raised 


593 


INDEX. 


for  the  Confederate  States,  277  ;  fort 
garrisoned  by  Negroes,  345. 

Mercer,  Brig. -Gen.  Hugh  W.,  order  to 
impress  Negroes  to  build  fortifications, 
261. 

Methodist  Episcopal  Church  founded, 
Negro  servants  and  slaves  contributors 
to  the  erection  of  the  first  chapel  in 
New  York,  1768,  465  ;  first  American 
annual  conference,  465,  466  ;  first  Ne 
gro  preacher  in  the,  466  ;  opposed  to 
slavery,  467  ;  organized,  interested  in 
the  welfare  of  the  Negro,  468  ;  strength 
of  the  churches  and  Sunday-schools  of 
the  Colored  members  in  the,  469. 

Michigan,  slave  population  in  the  terri 
tory  of,  1810,  9  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  299  ;  ratifies  the 
fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Middleton,  Charles  H.,  establishes  school 
for  Colored  children,  207,  208. 

Milliken's  Bend.,  La.,  bravery  of  the 
Negro  troops  at  the  battle  of,  308,  313, 
326,  345- 

Miner,  Myrtilla,  establishes  seminary  for 
Colored  girls,  196  ;  sketch  of,  197-205. 

Minnesota,  number  of  Negro  troops  fur 
nished  by,  300 ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
U.  S.,  422. 

Minot,  William,  address  at  the  dedica 
tion  of  the  Smith  school-house,  162. 

Mississippi,  slave  population  in  territory 
of,  1800,  2  ;  one  of  the  most  cruel  of 
slave  States,  3  ;  formation  of  the  terri 
tory  of,  3  ;  slave  population,  1810,  9  ; 
applies  for  admission  into  the  Union 
with  a  slave  constitution,  9;  slave  popu 
lation,  1820,  22,  1830,  1840,  99,  1850, 
100  ;  education  of  Negroes  prohibited, 
conduct  of  slaves  regulated,  preaching 
the  Gospel  by  slaves  declared  unlawful, 
163  ;  secedes  from  the  Union,  232 ; 
number  of  Negro  troops  furnished  by, 
300  ;  ist  regiment  of  Negroes  at  the 
battle  of  Milliken's  Bend,  326  ;  repre 
sented  in  Congress  by  Negroes,  382  ; 
Negro  population  in  excess  of  the 
white,  386 ;  comparative  statistics  of 
education,  388  ;  institutions  for  the  in 


struction  of  Negroes,  392,  393  ;  rati, 
fies  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Missouri,  applies  for  admission  into  the 
Union,  14  ;  Arkansas  formed  from,  15; 
controversy,  16-20  ;  admitted  into  the 
Union,  20  ;  slave  population,  1820,  22, 
1830,  1840,  99,  1850,  100  ;  Negroes 
ordered  to  leave  the  State,  education 
prohibited,  163  ;  order  for  the  enlist 
ment  of  Negroes,  290  ;  number  of  Ne 
gro  troops  furnished  by,  300  ;  compara 
tive  statistics  of  education,  388  ;  insti 
tutions  for  the  instruction  of  Negroes, 
392  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Mitchell,  Charles  L.,  member  of  the 
Legislature  of  Mass.,  446. 

Mobile,  Ala.,  educational  privileges 
granted  to  the  free  Creoles,  148. 

Monroe,  James,  message  to  Congress  in 
regard  to  the  slave-trade,  12. 

Monies,  Don  Pedro,  passenger  on  the 
Spanish  slaver  "Amistad,"  compelled 
by  the  slaves  to  navigate  the  ship,  93  ; 
charged  with  piracy,  94. 

Montgomery,  Ala.,  Confederate  States  or 
ganized,  232. 

Morgan, Rev.  J.  V.  B.,  establishes  school 
for  Colored  children,  209. 

Morris,  Catharine,  contributes  money  for 
the  education  of  Colored  people,  199. 

Morris  Island,  S.  C.,  battle  on,  Negro 
regiment  leads  the  assault,  313,  328,  329. 

Morsell,  Judge  James,  interested  in  the 
education  of  Colored  people,  207. 

Mott,  Lydia  P.,  establishes  a  home  for 
Colored  orphans,  144. 

Murf reesboro,  Tenn. ,  captured  Negro  sol 
diers  massacred  at,  353. 

Murray,  John,  Jr.,  mentioned,  166. 

Muse,  Lindsay,  one  of  the  founders  of 
Colored  Sunday-school  at  Washington, 
D.  C.,  186. 

Mussey,  Captain  R.  D.,  superintends  the 
recruiting  of  Negro  troops,  294. 

NANTUCKET,  MASS.,  anti-slavery  conven 
tion  at,  425. 

Nashville,  Tenn.,  Negroes  in  the  Confed 
erate  service,  277  ;  Negro  troops  re- 


INDEX. 


599 


cruited,  294  ;  engaged  in  the  battle  of, 
342. 

Natchez,  Miss.,  fort  at,  garrisoned  by 
Negro  troops,  345. 

National  anti-slavery  convention,  held  in 
Phila.,  1833,  44. 

Neau,  Elias,  establishes  a  school  for 
Negro  slaves,  in  New  York,  1704 ; 
pupils  accused  of  being  concerned  in 
the  Negro  plot,  his  life  threatened,  164  ; 
his  death,  165. 

Nebraska,  bill  introduced  in  Congress,  to 
organize  the  territory  of,  107,  no ; 
number  of  troops  furnished  by,  300 ; 
ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Negroes,  free,  sold  as  slaves,  2;  premium 
to  informer  of  illegally  imported,  seized 
in  the  United  States,  10  ;  imported  to 
St.  Mary's,  10  ;  to  be  returned  to 
Africa,  12  ;  serve  in  the  War  of  1812, 
23-27  ;  Gen.  Jackson's  proclamation 
calling  for  Negro  troops,  25  ;  Gen. 
Livingston's  address,  26  ;  rated  as 
chattel  property,  their '  valor  in  war 
secures  them  immunity  in  peace,  at 
the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  27  ;  in  the 
United  States  Navy,  28-30  ;  at  Fort 
Mackinac,  1814,  28  ;  their  treatment  as 
sailors,  Captain  Perry's  letter  to  Com 
modore  Chauncey,  complaining  of  the 
men  sent  him,  28  ;  Commodore  Chaun- 
cey's  reply,  29  ;  at  the  battle  of  Lake 
Erie,  represented  in  the  picture  of 
Perry's  victory  on  Lake  Erie,  letter  of 
Nathaniel  Shaler  commending  the 
bravery  of  the  sailors  under  his  com 
mand,  30;  military  services,  32  ;  pro 
posed  colony  of  free,  at  Liberia,  51, 
54,  56  ;  authors  of  anti-slavery  litera 
ture,  59  ;  anti-slavery  efforts  of  free, 
61-81  ;  conventions  of  the  people  of 
color,  61-79  »  condition  of  free,  in 
United  States,  62,  67  ;  proposed  col 
lege  for,  63  ;  settle  in  Canada,  66,  71, 
73  ;  opposed  to  colonization  in  Liberia 
and  Hayti,  70  ;  leave  Ohio,  for  Can 
ada,  71,  76 ;  colonization  of  Upper 
Canada,  opposed,  72  ;  dissolution  of 
anti-slavery  societies  composed  of,  79  ; 
prejudice  against  admitting,  into  white 


societies,  eloquence  of  the,  as  orators, 
81  ;  insurrections  of,  82-92  ;  why  they 
were  kept  in  bondage,  82  ;  plot  of  the, 
in  Virginia,  1800,  83  ;  in  Charleston, 
S.  C.,  1822,  84  ;  insurrection  in  South 
ampton  County,  Va.,  1831,  87-89  ;  the 
"  Amistad  "  captives,  93-96  ;  Northern 
sympathy  and  Southern  subterfuges, 
1850-1860,  97-100  ;  schools  broken 
up,  pupils  maltreated,  97  ;  the  "  Black 
Laws"  of  "Border  States,"  111-124; 
Ohio  laws  against  free,  in,  112  ;  com 
pelled  to  show  certificate  of  freedom, 
112  ;  laws  against  kidnapping,  113  ; 
not  citizens,  114,  118  ;  denied  the  right 
to  vote,  119,  122  ;  excluded  from  the 
militia  service,  schools  established  for 
free,  119  ;  Act  for  the  introduction  of, 
into  Indiana,  120  ;  excluded  from  giv 
ing  testimony,  121,  123  ;  exempted 
from  militia  service,  122  ;  Act  to  pre 
vent  the  immigration  of  free,  into  Illi 
nois,  123;  restrictions  and  proscriptions 
in  the  Northern  States,  124  ;  the 
Northern,  125-146 ;  number  of  free, 
in  the  slave  and  Northern  States,  125  ; 
petition  for  relief  from  taxation  of  free, 
in  Mass.,  1780,  126  ;  law  preventing, 
from  other  States  settling  in  Mass.,  127; 
notice  to,  warning  them  to  leave  Mass., 
128  ;  list  of,  ordered  to  leave  Mass., 
128,  129  ;  rights  and  privileges  restrict 
ed,  130-132  ;  educated  by  their  own 
race,  admitted  to  the  bar,  practice  of 
medicine,  pulpit,  authors,  orators,  133  ; 
prominent,  134,  135  ;  amount  paid  for 
their  freedom,  134  ;  distinguished  in 
the  pulpit,  135  ;  report  on  the  condi 
tion  of,  in  Cincinnati,  1835,  136-138  ; 
militia  company  of,  145  ;  emigrate  to 
Liberia,  overcome  prejudice  against  the 
race,  146  ;  school  laws,  1619-1860, 
147-213  ;  education  of,  prohibited,  148, 
149,  157,  158,  160,  163,  170,  178-181  ; 
prejudice  against  the  schools  for,  in 
Conn.,  149  ;  resolutions  against  the 
establishing  of  schools  for,  in  Conn., 
150  ;  school  abolished,  152,  153  ; 
school-house  mobbed,  156,  159  ;  Afri 
can  School  Association  established, 
157  ;  education  of  advocated,  158,, 


000 


INDEX. 


159  ;  denied  the  right  of  suffrage,  159  ; 
elective  franchise  and  school  privileges 
in  Maine,  160 ;  schools  established, 
161,  162,  164,  168-178,  182-213  I  first 
school  established  by,  162  ;  ordered  to 
leave  Missouri,  163  ;  plot  for  burning 
New  York,  164  ;  prohibited  the  use  of 
the  streets,  kidnapped,  165  ;  school 
trustees,  171,  172  ;  admitted  to  Ober- 
lin  College,  172  ;  the  employment  of, 
as  clerks  forbidden,  1 80  ;  stringent 
laws  of  Va.,  180,  181  ;  attacked  by  a 
mob,  188  ;  population  in  United  States, 
229  ;  their  services  in  the  War  of  1861 
declined,  not  the  cause  of  the  War  of 
1861,  242  ;  arrest  of  free,  by  the  army, 
244  ;  ordered  from  the  Union  army, 
250  ;  on  fatigue  duty,  260-262  ;  em 
ployed  as  teamsters  and 'in  the  quarter 
master's  department,  260  ;  number  at 
Port  Royal,  cultivate  land,  self-support 
ing,  261  ;  order  to  impress,  to  build 
fortifications  for  Confederate  States, 
261,  262  ;  fortifications  and  earthworks 
built  by,  industrious  and  earn  promo 
tion,  262  ;  emancipation  proclamations, 
263-275  ;  President  Lincoln's  emanci 
pation  proclamation  imparts  new  hope 
to  the,  274  ;  as  soldiers  in  the  War  of 
1861  276-309  ;  in  the  Confederate 
service,  277,  278  ;  presented  with  war 
flag,  277  ;  President  Lincoln  opposed 
to  the  enlistment  of,  first  regiment  of 
loyal,  organized,  278  ;  official  corre 
spondence  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  con 
cerning  the  enlistment  of,  279,  280  ; 
their  abilities  as  soldiers,  282  ;  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  authorizes  the  raising  of 
five  regiments  of,  285  ;  regiments  of 
free,  at  New  Orleans,  287  ;  bill  in  Con 
gress  for  the  employment  of,  as  soldiers, 
287  ;  action  of  Congress,  on  the  pro 
posed  amendment  to  the  army  appro 
priation  bill,  to  prohibit  the  enlistment 
ofv  288  ;  Mass,  furnishes  regiment  of, 
289  ;  official  order  for  the  enlistment 
of,  290  ;  New  York  furnishes  regiments 
of,  292  ;  Pennsylvania  regiments  of, 
293  ;  prejudice  against,  as  soldiers, 
free  military  school  established,  293  ; 
number  of,  in  the  army,  297,  299-301  ; 


use  of,  as  soldiers,  301  ;  the  character 
of,  303;  -as  soldiers,  306,  310-349; 
bravery  of,  in  battle,  308,  313,  323, 
329,  336,  338,  342,  345-349  I  legally 
and  constitutionally  soldiers,  309  ;  per 
secuted  in  the  army,  311  ;  expedition 
of  the  First  S.  C.  Volunteers  into  Ga., 
and  Fla.,  314  ;  at  the  battle  of  Port 
Hudson,  316-323  ;  commended  for 
their  bravery,  323,  338,  346  ;  Boker's 
poem  on  "The  Black  Regiment,"  324  ; 
at  the  battle  of  Milliken's  Bend,  326  ; 
draft  riot  at  N.  Y.,  mob  destroy  orphan 
asylum,  hang  several,  and  destroy 
property  of,  328  ;  lead  the  assault  on 
Fort  Wagner,  329,  331-335  ;  number 
of  battles  fought  by,  in  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  335  ;  defeat  Gen.  Fitz-Hugh 
Lee  at  Wilson's  Wharf,  335,  336  ;  at 
the  battle  of  Petersburg,  Va.,  336-342  ; 
Nashville,  Tenn.,  342  ;  list  of  the 
losses,  343  ;  at  Appomattox,  Va.,  their 
efficiency  as  soldiers,  344  ;  forts  garri 
soned  by,  345  ;  soldierly  qualities,  346, 
347;  history  records  their  deeds  of  valor, 
in  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  349  ; 
capture  and  treatment  of,  350—376 ; 
Confederate  States  opposed  to  the  mili 
tary  employment  of,  by  the  *U.  S. 
Government,  350,  351  ;  captured  in 
arms  against  the  Confederate  States 
to  be  executed,  352  ;» captured,  sold 
into  slavery,  the  government  urged  to 
protect  enlisted,  massacre  of  prisoners, 
353  ;  ill-treatment  of  free,  captured  on 
gun-boat,  354  ;  Confederate  States  re 
fuse  to  exchange  captured,  as  prisoners 
of  war,  355,  357  ;  defend  Fort  Pillow, 
and  are  massacred,  360,  361  ;  testi 
mony  in  regard  to  the  massacre,  361— 
375  ;  the  first  decade  of  freedom,  377- 
383  ;  condition  of,  at  the  close  of  the 
\var,  378,  381,  382  ;  bureau  for  the 
relief  of  freedmen  and  refugees  es 
tablished,  379  ;  in  Congress,  members 
of  Legislature  in  the  Southern  States, 
382  ;  the  results  of  emancipation,  384- 
418  ;  advance  in  education,  382,  387, 
388,  396  ;  number  of  schools  attended, 
382  ;  amount  of  money  raised  by,  for 
the  support  of  schools,  386,  394  ;  popu- 


INDEX, 


Ooi 


lation  in  excess  of  the  whites,  in  La., 
S.  C.,  and  Miss.,  386  ;  comparative 
statistics  of  education  at  the  South, 
388 ;  statistics  of  institutions  for  the 
instruction  of,  389-393 ;  Bureau  of 
Refugees,  Freedmen,  and  Abandoned 
Lands  established,  398  ;  military  sav 
ings-banks,  Freedman's  Savings  Bank 
and  Trust  Company  established,  403, 
407  ;' failure  of  the  bank,  41 1,412  ;  social 
and  financial  condition  of  the,  in  the 
South,  413,  414 ;  character  of  the 
Southern,  414 ;  rarely  receive  justice 
in  Southern  courts,  415  ;  their  treat 
ment  as  convicts,  416  ;  increase,  from 
1790-1880,  417  ;  susceptible  of  the 
highest  civilization,  418  ;  representative 
men,  419-448  ;  ratification  of  the  fif 
teenth  amendment,  granting  manhood 
suffrage  to  American,  420-422  ;  in  the 
U.  S.  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives,  in  the  diplomatic  service,  423  ; 
representative  women,  448—451  ;  Afri 
can  M.  E.  Church,  452-464  ;  contribu 
tors  to  the  erection  of  the  first  M.  E. 
chapel  in  New  York,  1768,  465  ;  Bap 
tists  of  Americv,  475-515  ;  the  decline 
of  Negro  governments,  516-528  ;  the 
exodus — cause  and  effect,  529  ;  abridg 
ment  of  their  rights,  the  plantation 
credit  system,  530  ;  political  intimida 
tion,  murder,  and  outrage  against  the, 
53I-533  I  settle  in  Kansas,  536  ;  retro 
spection  and  prospection,  544  ;  power 
of  endurance,  number  of  tribes  of,  rep 
resented  in  U.  S.,  achievements  as  la 
borers,  soldiers,  and  students,  545  ; 
first  blood  shed  by,  in  the  Revolution 
and  the  War  for  the  Union,  546. 

Nelson,  Col.  John  A.,  commands  Negro 
troops  at  the  battle  of  Port  Hudson, 
3i8. 

Nevada,  ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

New  Bedford,  Mass.,  Negroes  excluded 
from  the  Lyceum,  430. 

Newburyport,  Mass.,  anti-slavery  news 
paper  published,  39;  ship  "Francis 
Todd "  from,  engaged  in  the  slave- 
trade,  40. 

-New  England  Anti-slavery   Society,   ap 


points  Mass.  General  Colored  Associa 
tion  its  auxiliary,  79 ;  resolution  in 
regard  to  anti-slavery,  80. 

"  New  Era,"  gun-boat,  at  the  attack  on 
Port  Pillow,  360. 

New  Hampshire,  slave  population,  1800, 
2  ;  number  of  Negro  troops  furnished 
by,  299  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth  amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S., 
422. 

New  Haven,  Conn.,  proposed  college  for 
young  men  of  color,  63  ;  citizens  of, 
oppose  the  erection  of  the  college,  76. 

New  Jersey,  slave  population,  1800,  2, 
1810,  9  ;  resolutions  against  the  exten 
sion  of  slavery,  16  ;  anti-slavery  so 
ciety  formed,  Act  for  the  gradual 
abolition  of  slavery,  20  ;  slave  popula 
tion,  1820,  -22  ;  Quakers  emancipate 
their  slaves,  38  ;  slave  population,  1830, 
1840,  99,  1850,  100  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  299. 

New  London,  Conn.,  the  Spanish  slaver 
"Amistad"  captured  and  taken  to, 
trial  of  the  slaves,  94. 

Newman,  Rev.  W.  P.,  Colored  Baptist 
minister,  476. 

New  Mexico,  resolution  in  regard  to  the 
admission  into  the  Union,  100,  101  ; 
number  of  troops  furnished  by,  300. 

New  Orleans,  La.,  bravery  of  the  Negro 
troops  at  the  battle  of,  27  ;  slaves 
from  Baltimore  to,  to  be  sold,  40 ; 
Negro  troops  in  the  Confederate  army 
at,  277  ;  regiments  of  free  Negroes 
organized,  287  ;  forts  at,  garrisoned  by 
Negro  troops,  345. 

New  York,  slave  population,  1800,  2, 
1810,  9  ;  Legislature  passes  resolutions 
against  the  extension  of  slavery,  16 ; 
slave  population,  1820,  22  ;  authorizes 
the  enlistment  of  Negro  troops  in  the 
War  of  1812,  23  ;  convention  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  Women  of  America,  80  ; 
slave  population,  1840,  99  ;  right  of 
suffrage  granted  to  every  male  inhabi 
tant,  163,  amended,  163,  164  ;  rights  of 
Negroes  denied,  164  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  299  ;  ratifies  the 
fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  U.  S.,  422. 


6O2 


INDEX. 


New  York  African  Free  School,  organ 
ized,  165  ;  list  of  the  trustees,  sketch 
of,  school  destroyed  by  fire,  166  ;  La 
fayette's  address  to  the  scholars,  168. 

New  York  City,  prominent  Colored  men 
of,  134  ;  school  for  Negro  slaves,  1704, 
164,  165  ;  Negro  plot,  164  ;  Negroes 
prohibited  the  use  of  the  streets,  kid 
napped,  N.  Y.  African  Free  School  or 
ganized,  165  ;  school-house  destroyed 
by  fire,  166  ;  public  schools  for  Colored 
children,  168-170  ;  Union  League  Club 
raise  Colored  troops,  292  ;  draft  riot, 
Colored  Orphan  Asylum  burned  by 
mob,  328  ;  first  Methodist  Episcopal 
chapel  erected,  465. 

New  York  Public  School  Society,  assumes 
control  of  the  Colored  schools,  168. 

New  York  Society  for  Promoting  the 
Manumission  of  Slaves,  organized,  165. 

"  New  York  Times  "  (The),  articles  on 
Negro  troops,  284,  301,  313,  314,  320. 

"  New  York  Tribune"  (The),  articles  on 
Negro  troops,  303-307,  353. 

Nichols,  Manuel,  his  testimony  in  regard 
to  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  361. 

Nickens,  Rev.  David,  Colored  Baptist 
minister,  476. 

Norfolk,  Va.,  military  savings-bank  for 
Negroes  established,  403. 

North  Carolina,  slave  population,  1800, 
2,  1810,  9,  1820,  22,  1830,  99,  1840, 
1850,  loo  ;  Colored  schools  abolished, 
education  of  Negroes  prohibited,  170  ; 
number  of  Negro  troops  furnished  by, 
300  ;  comparative  statistics  of  educa 
tion,  388  ;  institutions  for  the  instruc 
tion  of  Negroes,  392,  393  ;  ratifies  the 
fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Northup,  Solomon,  narrative  of,  men 
tioned,  59. 

Noxon,  Thomas,  teaches  Negro  slaves  in 
New  York,  165. 

OBERLIN  COLLEGE,  Colored  students  ad 
mitted  to,  172. 

O'Connell,  Daniel,  extract  of  speech 
against  slavery,  43. 

Ohio,  constitution  adopted,  3  ;  Negroes 
leave  for  Canada,  71  ;  laws  against  free 


Negroes  and  Mulattoes, "in,  112;  fu 
gitive-slave  law  recognized,  112  ;  law 
to  prevent  kidnapping  of  free  Negroes, 
113  ;  first  constitution,  113,  114  ;  free 
Negroes  denied  the  right  to  vote,  ex 
cluded  from  the  militia  "Service,  sepa 
rate  schools,  119  ;  Colored  schools  es 
tablished,  170-172  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  300  ;  institutions 
for  the  instruction  of  Negroes,  392  ; 
ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the: 
Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422  ;  Ne 
groes,  members  of  the  Legislature, 

447- 
Ohio  Anti-Slavery  Society,  report  on  the 

condition  of  the  people  of  color,  1835, 

136-138. 
Owen,    Richard,    first    native    Methodist 

preacher  in  America,  465. 

PADUCAH,  KY.,  fort  at,  garrisoned  by 
Negro  troops,  345. 

Park,  Benjamin,  report  in  favor  of  the 
modification  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,. 
in  Indiana  Territory,  6. 

Parker,  Mary  S.,  President  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Women  of  America,  80. 

Parker,  Theodore,  favors  the  extinction 
of  slavery,  48. 

Paul,  William,  his  connection  with  the 
Negro  plot  in  Charleston,  S.  C.,  1822, 
85. 

Payne,  Daniel  A.,  bishop  of  the  African 
M.  E.  Church,  464. 

Peck,  Maj. -Gen.  John  J.,  letter  to  Gen. 
Pickett,  relative  to  killing  of  Negro 
soldier  after  surrendering,  356. 

Pemberton,  John,  bequest  for  the  educa 
tion  of  Colored  people,  175. 

Pennsylvania,  slave  population,  1800,  2, 
1810,9;  resolutions  against  the  exten 
sion  of  slavery,  16  ;  anti-slavery  soci 
ety,  20  ;  slave  population,  1820,  22  ; 
Quakers  emancipate  their  slaves,  38 ; 
slave  population,  1840,  100  ;  Colored 
schools  established,  172-178  ;  number 
of  Negro  troops  furnished  by,  299 ; 
institutions  for  the  instruction  of  Ne 
groes,  392  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth  amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.», 
422. 


INDEX. 


603 


Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  establish 
Colored  schools,  175,  176. 

Perry,  Capt.  Oliver  Hazard,  letter  to 
Commodore  Chauncey,  complaining  of 
the  Negro  sailors  sent  him,  28  ;  com 
mends  bravery  of  the  Negro  sailors  at 
Lake  Erie,  29. 

Petersburg,  Va.,  Negro  troops  engaged  in 
the  siege  of,  335-337  ;  lead  the  charge 
on  the  advance  works,  338,  339. 

Phelps,  Brig. -Gen.  J.  W.,  report  in  favor 
of  enlisting  Negroes,  285  ;  applies  for 
arms  and  clothing  for  Negro  regiments, 
his  policy  in  regard  to  the  employment 
of  Negroes  as  soldiers,  286  ;  resigns 
from  the  army,  287. 

Philadelphia,  Colored  citizens  of,  send 
memorial  to  Congress,  against  the  slave- 
trade,  2  ;  anti-slavery  newspaper  pub 
lished,  38  ;  national  anti-slavery  con 
vention,  44  ;  conventions  of  the  people 
of  color,  61,  68  ;  prominent  Colored 
men,  134  ;  amount  paid  for  their  free 
dom,  134  ;  churches,  135  ;  first  Colored 
school  established,  172;  Quakers  estab 
lish  school,  174  ;  number  of  public 
schools,  condition  and  population  of  the 
Colored  people,  175  ;  Negro  troops  re 
cruited,  293  ;  free  military  school  for 
Negroes  established,  295-298  ;  first 
American  Methodist  conference,  465. 

"  Philanthropist  "  (The),  office  destroyed 
by  a  mob,  51. 

Phoebe  vs.  Jay,  case  of,  mentioned,  120. 

Pickett,  Maj.-Gen.  J.  E.,  letter  to  Gen. 
Peck,  relative  to  killing  of  Negro  sol 
dier  after  surrender,  357. 

Pierce,  Rev.  Charles,  minister  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  nominated  for  President 
of  the  United  States,  106  ;  elected,  in 
favor  of  slavery,  107. 

Pillsbury,  Parker,  member  of  the  hetero 
dox  anti-slavery  party,  48. 

Pilmoor,  Joseph,  member  of  the  first 
American  Methodist  conference,  466. 

Planciancois,  Anselmas,  color-sergeant  of 
the  First  Louisiana  Regiment  of  Colored 
Troops,  his  reply  on  receiving  the  colors 
of  the  regiment,  316,  319  ;  bravery  and 
death,  319. 


Poindexter,  Rev.  James,  Colored  Baptist 
minister,  476,  503. 

Port  Hudson,  La.,  bravery  of  the  Negro 
troops  at  the  battle  of,  308,  313,  317, 
318,  322,  345. 

Port  Royal,  S.  C.,  first  regiment  of  loyal 
Negroes,  organized,  278. 

Porter,  Henry,  his  connection  with  the 
Negro  insurrection  in  Southampton  Co., 
Va.,  87. 

Potter,  Henry,  establishes  school  for  Col 
ored  children,  183. 

Poyas,  Peter,  his  connection  with  the 
Negro  plot  in  Charleston,  S.C., 1822,  22. 

Presbyterian  church,  the  first  Colored* 
Washington,  D.  C.,  organized,  189. 

Prout,  John  W.,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  185,  186  ;  opposed  to 
the  emigration  of  Negroes  to  Liberia, 
185. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  Colored  school  abol 
ished,  178. 

QUAKERS,    emancipate   their  slaves,   35, 

38  ;  establish  school  for  Negroes,  174  ; 

contribute  money  for  the  education   of 

the  latter,  198,  199. 
Quincy,  111.,  the  Free   Mission   Institute 

destroyed  by  a  mob,  159. 
Quincy,  Josiah,   signs   memorial   against 

the  increase  of  slavery,  16. 
Quinn,  Rev.  William    Paul,    minister   of 

the  African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

RANDOLPH,  JOHN,  report  in  Congress, 
against  the  modification  of  the  ordi 
nance  of  1787,  in  Indiana  Territory,  4. 

Randolph,  Thomas  Jefferson,  speech 
against  slavery  in  the  Legislature  of 
Virginia,  33. 

Rankin,  Thomas,  president  of  the  first 
American  Methodist  conference,  466. 

Rankin  vs.  Lydia,  case  of,  mentioned, 
1 20. 

Ray,  John  F.,  his  testimony  in  regard  to 
the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  373. 

Reconstruction,  1865-1875,  377-383. 

Reeder,  Gov.  Andrew  H.,  threatened  by 
mob,  leaves  Kansas,  216. 

Rees,  Sergt.  Henry,  fires  the  mine  at  the 
siege  of  Petersburg,  Va. ,  341. 


604 


INDEX. 


Republican  party,  decline  of  the,  518  ;  the  . 
presidential  campaign  of  1876,  519,  520. 

Revels,  Hiram  R.,  succeeds  Jefferson 
Davis  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  423. 

Rhode  Island,  slave  population,  1800,  2, 
1810,  9,  1820,  22  ;  grants  equal  privi 
leges  to  Negroes,  178  ;  number  of  Ne 
gro  troops  furnished  by,  299 ;  ratifies 
the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  1J.  S.,  422. 

Richardson,  Mrs.  Henry,  raises  money  for 
the  purchase  of  the  freedom  of  Fred 
erick  Douglass,  431. 

Richmond,  Va.,  Negro  plot,  1800,  83  ; 
Negroes  armed  for  the  defence  of,  278; 
schools  for  the  education  of  Negroes, 
394-396. 

"  Richmond  Enquirer"  (The),  mentioned, 
89  ;  on  the  Negro  insurrection  of  1831, 
90,  92. 

"  Richmond  Examiner  "  (The),  on  the 
treatment  of  captured  Negro  soldiers, 

354,  355- 

Roberts,  Thomas  Wright,  bishop  of  the 
M.  E.  Church,  469. 

Rodney,  Caesar,  report  in  favor  of  the 
modification  of  the  ordinance  of  1787  in 
Indiana  Territory,  4, 

Roman  Catholic  school  for  Colored  peo 
ple,  194,  212. 

Ruffner,  W.  H.,  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  commended,  393  ;  his  re 
port,  395. 

Ruiz,  Jose,  passenger  on  the  Spanish 
slaver  "Amistad,"  93;  charged  with 
piracy,  94. 

Russell,  Pero,  free  Negro,  petitions  for 
relief  from  taxation  in  Mass.,  1780, 
126. 

Russworm,  John  B.,  teacher  in  the  Afri 
can  school,  Boston,  Governor  of  Cape 
Palmas,  Liberia,  162. 

ST.  FRANCES  ACADEMY  for  Colored  girls, 
founded,  160. 

St.  Mary's,  Md.,  slaves  imported  to,  lo. 

Satchell,  Rev.  Charles,  Colored  Baptist 
minister,  476. 

Saunders,  George  Nicholas,  his  connec 
tion  with  the  proposed  steam-ship  line 
to  Africa,  53. 


Savannah,  Ga.,  education  of  Negroes  pro 
hibited,  158. 

Saxton,  Brig. -Gen.  Rufus,  authorized  to 
enlist  Negroes,  283  ;  establishes  mili 
tary  savings-bank  for  Negroes,  403. 

Scott,  Dred,  Negro  slave,  114  ;  his  mar 
riage,  children  of,  115  ;  sues  for  his 
freedom,  114-118. 

Scott,  Lieut.-Gen.  Winfield,  Gen.  Butler's 
letter  to,  declaring  slaves  contraband  of 
war,  250 ;  nominated  for  President, 
106  ;  defeated,  107. 

Seward,  William  H.,  in  favor  of  Union 
of  the  States,  230 ;  speeches  against 
slavery,  230,  231  ;  letter  to  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan  relative  to  fugitive  slaves,  263. 

Seymour,  Horatio,  opinion  in  regard  to 
raising  Negro  troops,  292  ;  addresses 
the  draft  rioters  at  New  York,  328. 

Shadford,  George,  member  of  the  first 
American  Methodist  conference,  466. 

Shaler,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  letter  commend 
ing  the  bravery  of  Negro  sailors  under 
his  command,  30. 

Shaw,  Col.  Robert  Gould,  commander  of 
the  54th  Mass.  Regiment  of  Colored 
Troops,  leads  the  assault  on  Fort  Wag 
ner,  329,  333  ;  his  death,  330,  333. 

Shelton,  Rev.  Wallace,  Colored  Baptist 
minister,  503. 

Sherman,  Brig.-Gen.  T.  W.,  procla 
mation  protecting  slave  property, 
246  ;  ordered  to  accept  the  services  of 
all  loyal  persons  to  suppress  the  war, 
278,  281. 

Sherwood,  Gen.  Isaac  R.,  his  account  of 
an  attempt  to  secure  a  fugitive  slave  in 
his  charge,  245,  246. 

Shirley,  Thomas,  donates  money  for  Col 
ored  school-house,  174. 

Shorter,  Rev.  James,  establishes  Colored 
school,  213. 

Shorter,  James  A.,  bishop  of  the  African 
M.  E.  Church,  464. 

Shurtleff,  Capt.  G.  W.,  refuses  to  arrest 
fugitive  slaves,  245. 

Simpson,  Rev.  H.  L.,  Colored  Baptist 
minister,  476. 

Slave-trade,  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  se 
cretly  carried  on  in  the  United  States, 
2  ;  American  ships  prohibited  from  sup- 


INDEX. 


60S 


plying  slaves  from  United  States  to 
foreign  markets,  3  ;  Jefferson  recom 
mends  the  abolishing  of  the,  8  :  Act  of 
Congress  in  regard  to  persons  engaged 
in  the,  9  ;  memorials  against  the,  10 ; 
illegal  at  St.  Mary's,  10  ;  vessels  en 
gaged  in  the,  to  be  seized,  13  ;  ship 
"Francis  Tocld,"  from  Newburyport, 
Mass,  engaged  in  the,  40  ;  bill  for  the 
suppression  of  the,  53  ;  Spanish  slaver 
"Amistad,"  93  ;  number  of  slaves  im 
ported  for  the,  from  the  year  1500  to 
1860,  544. 

avery,  restriction  and  extension,  1800- 
1825,  1-22  ;  increase  of,  1800,  I  ;  slave 
population  in  United  States,  1800,  I,  2; 
the  fugitive-slave  law  of  1793,  source  of 
persecution  to  the  free  Colored  people, 
2  ;  growth  of,  in  United  States,  1810, 
9;  President  Monroe's  message  to  Con 
gress  on  the  question  of,  12 ;  resolu 
tions  in  favor  of  restriction  of,  in  the 
new  States,  16  ;  anti-slavery  societies 
formed,  Act  for  the  gradual  abolition 
of,  in  New  Jersey,  20  ;  attitude  of  the 
Northern  press  on  the  question  of,  21  ; 
anti-slavery  sentiments  of  the  North, 
22  ;  retrospection  and  reflection,  1825- 
1850,  31-36  ;  secured  at  the  South,  31  ; 
Jefferson  predicts  the  abolition  of, 
33  ;  increase  of,  33  ;  speeches  against, 
in  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  33- 
35  ;  evil  effect  upon  society,  35  ; 
the  South  in  favor  of,  36  ;  anti-slavery 
methods,  37-60  ;  anti-slavery  newspa 
pers  established,  38,  39  ;  Buchanan's 
oration  against,  1791,  38  ;  first  anti- 
slavery  society  established  in  United 
States,  43;  O'Connell's  speech  against, 
43  ;  Sumner's  speech,  46  ;  the  South 
entertains  hope  that,  will  become  na 
tional,  98  ;  increase  in  the  United 
States,  99,  TOO  ;  Congress  has  no  au 
thority  to  prohibit,  Henry  Clay's  reso 
lutions  in  Congress  for  the  adjustment 
of,  does  not  exist  by  law  in  the  United 
States,  101;  Senator  Bell's  resolutions, 
Jefferson  Davis's  speech  in  favor  of,  102 ; 
Calhoun's  speech,  103-105  ;  President 
Pierce  in  favor  of,  107  ;  ignorance 
favorable  to,  148;  John  Brown's  speech 


against,  215  ;  speeches  of  William  H. 
Seward  against,  230,  231  ;  Lincoln's 
speech  against,  230 ;  Alexander  H. 
Stephens's  speech  in  favor  of,  235  ;  the 
extension  of,  the  issue  between  the 
North  and  South,  236,  240  ;  Lincoln's 
views  on,  237-239 ;  Rev.  Justin  D. 
Fulton's  views  on,  242,  243  ;  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan's  views  on,  249  ;  Greeley's  let 
ter  to  Lincoln,  253  ;  Lincoln's  reply, 
254 ;  struggle  for  the  supremacy  be 
tween  the  Union  and,  259  ;  Lincoln's 
views  on,  264—266  ;  resolutions  of  the 
Confederate  Congress,  350,  351  ;  abol 
ished  in  the  U.  S.,  377;  the  legal  destruc 
tion  of,  and  a  constitutional  prohibition, 
419. 

Slaves,  number  of,  in  the  United  States, 
1800,  1,2;  free  Colored  men  sold  as, 
fugitive-slave  law  of  1793,  cause  of  per 
secution  to  the  Colored  people,  2 ; 
American  ships  prohibited  from  supply 
ing,  from  United  States  to  foreign  mar 
kets,  3  ;  importation  of,  prohibited,  8  ; 
illegally  imported  to  be  forfeited,  8  ; 
number  of,  in  United  States,  1810,  9  J 
circular  -  letter  of  the  United  States 
Navy  Department  in  regard  to  the  im 
portation  of,  premium  to  informer  for 
imported,  seized  in  United  States,  10  ; 
number  of,  in  United  States,  1820,  22  ; 
the  right  to  hold,  questioned,  32  ;  in 
crease  of,  33  ;  Quakers  of  Maryland 
and  Delaware,  emancipate  their,  35  ; 
in  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  38  ; 
from  Baltimore,  sent  to  New  Orleans  to 
be  sold,  40  ;  Washington  emancipates, 
43  ;  insurrections  of,  82-92  ;  why  kept 
in  bondage,  82  ;  plot  of  the,  in  Vir 
ginia,  1800,  83  ;  insurrection  in  South 
ampton  County,  Va.,  1831,  87-89; 
the  "Amistad  "  captives,  93-96  ;  num 
ber  of,  in  United  States,  1830,  1840,  99; 
Jefferson  Davis's  speech  on  the  right  to 
hold,  102  ;  the  "  Dred  Scott  "  case, 
114-119  ;  law  in  regard  to  executions 
against  the  time  of  service  of,  119,  121; 
Act  for  the  introduction  of,  into  In 
diana,  120;  persons  emancipating,  in  111. 
required  to  give  bonds,  122  ;  fugitive, 
seek  refuge  in  Canada,  125  ;  rendition 


6o6 


INDEX. 


of  fugitive,  by  the  army,  244  ;  failure 
of  attempts  to  secure  fugitive,  from  the 
army,  245,  246  ;  orders  in  regard  to 
harboring  fugitive,  in  the  army,  248, 
249  ;  contraband  of  war,  250  ;  Gen. 
Fremont's  proclamation  emancipating, 
in  Missouri,  255  ;  disapproved  by  Presi 
dent  Lincoln,  256  ;  Gen.  Hunter's 
proclamation,  257  ;  rescinded,  258  ;  or 
der  to  impress,  to  build  fortifications 
for  Confederate  States,  261  ;  emancipa 
tion  proclamations,  261-275  J  Secretary 
Seward's  letter  in  regard  to,  263;  Presi 
dent  Lincoln's  proclamation,  267-269  ; 
second  proclamation,  272  ;  enlist  in  the 
service  of  the  Union,  281  ;  fugitive, 
offer  their  services  in  the  army,  285, 
287  ;  Judge  Advocate  Holt's  letter  on 
the  enlistment  of,  307  ;  the  U.  S.  Gov 
ernment  justified  in  the  employment 
of,  as  soldiers,  310  ;  at  the  battle  of 
Port  Hudson,  316,  Milliken's  Bend, 
326  ;  bravery  at  battle  of  Nashville, 
Tenn.,  342  ;  resolutions  of  the  Confed 
erate  Congress  against  the  military  em 
ployment  of,  by  the  U.  S.  Government, 
35°>  35 r  '•>  Confederate  army  refuse  to 
exchange  captured,  357,  358  ;  results  of 
emancipation,  384-418  ;  character  of 
the  Southern,  414  ;  contributors  to  the 
erection  of  the  first  M.  E.  chapel  in  N. 
Y.,  465  ;  number  of,  imported  from 
Africa,  from  the  year  1500  to  1860,  544; 
number  of  fugitive  and  manumitted,  in 
United  States,  1850,  146  ;  education  of 
prohibited,  148,  158,  178-181  ;  the  tax 
on,  in  Delaware,  added  to  the  school 
fund  for  the  education  of  white  chil 
dren  only,  157;  proceeds  of  the  sale  of, 
in  Florida,  added  to  the  school  fund, 
158  ;  conduct  regulated,  and  preaching 
of  the  Gospel  by,  declared  unlawful 
in  Miss.,  163  ;  school  for,  at  N.  Y., 
1704,  164  ;  Society  for  Promoting  the 
Manumission  of,  organized,  165  ;  meet 
ings  of,  forbidden,  1 80  ;  fugitive-slave 
bill  passed,  215  ;  aid  for  the  relief  of, 
in  Kansas,  216  ;  John  Brown's  plan  for 
freeing,  219;  increase  of,  228;  number  in 
the  United  States,  1860,  229  ;  value  of 
labor  products  of,  1850,  229;  number  of 


owners  of,  230  ;  Constitution  of  the 
Confederate  States,  233  ;  Lincoln 
favors  the  gradual  emancipation  of, 

239- 

Smith,  Abiel,  founds  school-house  for 
Colored  children,  162. 

Smith,  Elizabeth,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  212. 

Smith,  James  M.,  pupil  of  the  N.  Y. 
African  free  school,  his  address  to  Gen. 
Lafayette,  167. 

Smith,  Rev.,  John  C.,  organizes  the  First 
Colored  Presbyterian  Church  of  Wash 
ington,  D.  C.,  190. 

Smith,  Melancthon,  mentioned,  166. 

Smith,  Maj.-Gen.,  W.  F.,  marches  on 
Petersburg,  336;  commends  the  bravery 
of  the  Negro  troops,  338,  340,  346 

Smothers,  Henry,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  185. 

Snow,  Benjamin,  cause  of  the  Snow  riot 
at  Washington,  D.  C.,  leaves  for  Can 
ada,  1 88. 

South  Carolina,  slave  population,  1800, 
2,  1810,  9,  1820,  22  ;  Negro  plot,  1822, 
83  ;  slave  population,  1830,  99,  1840, 
1850,  100  ;  education  of  Negroes  pro 
hibited,  178-180  ;  secedes  from  the 
Union,  232  ;  Gen.  Hunter's  proclama 
tion  emancipating  slaves,  257,  re 
scinded,  258  ;  regiment  of  loyal  Ne 
groes  organized,  278  ;  number  of  Negro 
troops  furnished  by,  300  ;  exploits  of 
the  first  volunteers,  Negro  regiment, 
314  ;  represented  in  Congress  by  Ne 
groes,  382  ;  Negro  population  in  excess 
of  the  white,  386  ;  school  population, 
387  ;  comparative  statistics  of  educa 
tion,  388  ;  institutions  for  the  instruc 
tion  of  Negroes,  392  ;  ratifies  the 
fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

South  Carolina  Volunteers,  First  Regiment 
of  Colored  Troops,  304,  306. 

Southampton  County,  Va.,  Negro  in 
surrection,  1831,  87-89  ;  militia  ordered 
out,  89  ;  number  of  killed,  91. 

Southern  States,  churches,  libraries,  and 
newspapers  in  the,  230  ;  number  of 
troops  furnished  by,  300. 

Spencer,    Peter,    representative    of    Wil- 


INDEX. 


607 


mington,  in  the  first  conference  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Stafford,  Col.,  Spencer  H.,  speech  to  the 
1st  La.  Regiment  of  Colored  Troops  be 
fore  the  battle  of  Port  Hudson,  316. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  Secretary  of  War,  re 
vokes  order  for  the  return  of  fugitive 
slaves,  246  ;  correspondence  with  Gen. 
Hunter  relative  to  Negro  troops,  279, 
280  ;  endorses  the  free  military  school 
for  Negroes,  295  ;  commends  the  bra 
very  of  the  Negro  troops,  338 ;  his 
treatment  of  prisoners,  in  retaliation  for 
cruel  treatment  of  captured  Negroes, 

354- 

Stearns,  Maj.  George  L.,  secures  aid  for 
the  relief  of  Kansas,  216  ;  his  connec 
tion  with  John  Brown  to  free  the  slaves, 
216-219  >  superintends  the  recruiting  of 
Negro  troops,  294. 

Stearns,  Mrs.  George  L.,  personal  recol 
lections  of  John  Brown,  215-221. 

Steedman,  Col.  James  B.,  refuses  to  have 
his  camp  searched  for  fugitive  slaves, 
246  ;  employs  Negroes  as  teamsters, 
260  ;  commends  the  bravery  of  Negro 
troops,  342. 

Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  delegate  from 
Georgia,  to  the  convention  of  the  Con 
federate  States,  232  ;  chosen  Vice- 
President  of  the  Confederate  States, 
233  ;  in  favor  of  State  rights,  230  ; 
speech  in  favor  of  slavery,  235. 

Stewart,  Rev.  Austin,  his  book  "  Twenty- 
two  Years  a  Slave  and  Forty  Years  a 
Freeman,"  mentioned,  59. 

Still,  William,  founder  of  the  underground 
railroad  organization,  58. 

Stokes,  Richard,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  209. 

Stowe,  Harriet  Beecher,  her  book  "Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin,"  published  in  different 
languages,  60  ;  errors  in  her  book,  546, 

547- 

Strawbridge,  Robert,  founder  of  Metho 
dism  in  Baltimore,  465. 

Strong,  Brig. -Gen.  George  C.,  com 
mands  brigade  at  the  assault  on  Fort 
Wagner,  329,  330  ;  character  of,  334. 

-Strong,  Henry,  counsel  for  Prudence 
Crandall,  156. 


Summer,  Charles,  speech  on  "  The  Anti- 
Slavery  Duties  of  the  Whig  Party,"  44  ; 
leader  of  the  political  abolition  party, 
45  ;  his  reasons  for  not  supporting 
Robert  C.  Winthrop,  for  Congress, 
organizes  the  Free  Soil  party,  speech  in 
Congress  on  "  Freedom  National, 
Slavery  Sectional,"  46  ;  views  on 
slavery,  433. 

Sylvester,  Elisha,  teacher  of  the  first 
school  for  Colored  children,  162. 

Syphax,  William,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  206. 

TABBS,  MICHAEL,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  210. 

Tallmadge,  James,  Jr.,  introduces  bill  in 
Congress  against  the  introduction  of 
slavery  in  Missouri,  14. 

Talmadge,  Capt.  Grier,  first  to  decide 
slaves  contraband  of  war,  252. 

Taney,  Roger  B. ,  decides  that  the  Negro 
is  not  a  citizen,  114  ;  opinion  in  the 
Dred  Scott  case,  116. 

Tanner,  Alethia,  purchases  freedom  of 
John  F.  Cook,  187. 

Tapsico,  Jacob,  representative  of  Phila., 
in  the  first  conference  of  the  African 
M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Tappan,  Arthur,  secures  the  release  of 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  41  ;  mention 
ed,  63,  64. 

Tappan,  Lewis,  takes  charge  of  the 
"  Amistad  "  captives,  94. 

Taylor,  John  W. ,  introduces  bill  in  Con 
gress  prohibiting  slavery  in  Arkansas, 
1 8  ;  in  favor  of  the  admission  of  Mis 
souri,  20. 

Taylor,  Rev.  Marshall  W.,  his  ancestors, 
early  life  and  struggles  for  an  educa 
tion,  469-471  ;  teaches  school  in  Ken 
tucky,  his  experiences  as  a  teacher, 
472  ;  ordained,  becomes  a  preacher  and 
missionary  teacher  in  Indiana  and 
Ohio,  receives  the  title  of  Doctor  of 
Divinity,  his  influence  and  standing, 
473,  474  ;  opposed  to  Colored  confer 
ences,  474. 

Tennessee,  slave  population,  1800,  2, 
1810,9,  1820,22,  1830,  99,  1840,  1850, 
100  ;  no  discrimination  in  school  law 


6o8 


INDEX. 


against  color,  1 80  ;  order  for  the  en 
listment  of  Negroes,  290  ;  Negro  troops 
recruited,  294  ;  number  of  Negro  troops 
furnished  by,  300  ;  comparative  statis 
tics  of  education,  388  ;  institutions  for 
the  instruction  of  Negroes,  392,  393. 

Texas,  slave  population,  1850,  100 ;  ex 
iles  free  Negroes,  treatment  of  slaves, 
no  legislation  in  regard  to  educating  the 
Negro,  1 80  ;  number  of  Negro  troops 
furnished  by,  300  ;  comparative  statis 
tics  of  education,  388  ;  institutions  for 
the  instruction  of  Negroes,  392  ;  ratifies 
the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Thomas,    Alexander    S.,  sketch  of,   141- 

*43- 

Thomas,  Maj.-Gen.  George  H.,  approves 
the  employment  of  Negroes  as  team 
sters  in  the  army,  260. 

Thomas,  Jesse  B.,  in  favor  of  excluding 
slavery  north  and  west  of  Missouri,  17. 

Thomas,  Lorenzo,  Adjt.-Gen.,  U.  S. 
Army,  speech  in  favor  of  enlisting 
Negroes,  289  ;  order  for  the  enlistment 
of  Negro  troops,  290  ;  letter  to  Henry 
Wilson  on  the  efficiency  of  Negro 
soldiers,  344. 

Thomas,  Brig.-Gen.  Samuel,  report  on 
the  freedmen,  400,  401. 

Thompson,  Jacob,  his  testimony  in  re 
gard  to  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  364. 

Thompson,  Margaret,  establishes  school 
for  Colored  children,  206,  207. 

Townsend,  E.  D.,  Assistant  Adj. -Gen., 
U.  S.  Army,  order  for  the  enlistment  of 
Negro  troops,  291  ;  in  reference  to  ap 
plicants  for  admission  to  the  free  mili 
tary  school,  296. 

Travis,  Hark,  his  connection  with  the 
Negro  insurrection  in  Southampton 
County,  Va.,  87,  88. 

Trenton,  N.  J.,  opposed  to  the  increase 
of  slavery,  16  ;  anti-slavery  society 
formed,  20. 

Trinity  Church,  New  York  City,  Negro 
slaves,  communicants  of,  164. 

Turner,  Benjamin,  mentioned,  85  ;  killed 
by  Negro  mob,  88,  89. 

Turner,  H.  M.,  bishop  of  the  African  M. 
E.  Church,  464. 


Turner,  Nathaniel,  Negro  prophet,  his- 
birth  and  parentage,  becomes  preacher, 
description  of  his  person,  85  ;  mode  of 
life,  believes  he  is  a  prophet,  his  super 
stition,  denounces  conjuring  and  fort 
une-telling,  regarded  with  reverence  by 
the  Negroes,  acknowledged  leader 
among  the  slaves,  hired  out  as  a  slave, 
86  ;  claims  to  have  seen  visions,  organ 
izes  plot  for  the  uprising  of  the  slaves, 
address  to  his  fellow-conspirators,  87  ; 
leads  the  attack  in  Southampton  County,. 
Va.,  his  confession  of  the  plot,  88  ; 
trial  and  execution,  remarkable  proph 
ecy  of,  90  ;  his  character,  91. 

Tyler,  Col.  Erastus  B.,  address  to  the 
people  of  Virginia,  promising  the  re 
turn  of  fugitive  slaves,  244. 

UNDERGROUND  RAILROAD  ORGANIZA 
TION,  the,  58  ;  its  efficiency  in  freeing 
slaves,  59  ;  mentioned,  82. 

Underwood,  J.  R.,  Gen.  Buell's  letter  to, 
on  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves  to  their 
masters,  248. 

Union  League  Club,  N.  Y.  City,  raise 
Negro  regiments,  292. 

Union  Seminary,  Washington,  D.  C., 
189. 

United  States,  slave  population,  1800,  I, 
2  ;  increase  of  slavery,  i  ;  slave-trade 
secretly  carried  on,  2  ;  American  ships 
prohibited  from  supplying  slaves  from, 
to  foreign  markets,  3  ;  importation  of 
slaves  prohibited,  8  ;  slaves  illegally 
imported  to  be  forfeited,  8  ;  slave  pop 
ulation,  1810,  9  ;  premium  offered  to 
informers  of  illegally  imported  Africans 
seized  within  the,  circular-letter  of  the 
Navy  Department  to  naval  officers  in 
regard  to  the  importation  of  slaves,  10  ; 
President  Monroe's  message  to  Con 
gress  on  the  question  of  slavery,  12  ; 
appoint  agents  to  direct  the  return  of 
slaves  to  Africa,  13  ;  resolutions  in 
favor  of  restriction  of  slavery  in  the 
new  States,  16  ;  slave  population,  1820, 
22  ;  Negroes  serve  in  the  War  of  1812, 
23-27  ;  Gen.  Jackson's  proclamation 
calling  for  Negro  troops,  25  ;  terms  of 
peace  by  the  Commissioners  of  Ghent, 


INDEX. 


609 


27  ;  increase  of  the  slave  population,  33  ; 
first  anti-slavery  society  established,  43  ; 
number  of  anti-slavery  societies  in, 
1836,  44  ;  Free  Soil  party  organized, 
46  ;  comments  of  the  press  on  the  pro 
posed  steam -ship  line  between  Africa 
and,  55-58  ;  condition  of  the  free  Ne 
groes  in,  62,  67  ;  slave  population, 
1830,  1840,  99,  1850,  100  ;  Franklin 
Pierce  elected  President,  107  ;  number 
of  fugitive  and  manumitted  slaves,  1850. 
146  ;  increase  of  slaves,  228  ;  slave 
population,  1860,  value  of  slave  labor 
products,  229  ;  six  States  secede  from, 
232  ;  Abraham  Lincoln  elected  Presi 
dent,  239  ;  slavery  abolished,  377  ;  Ne 
gro  population,  1790-1880,  417  ;  the 
thirteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion,  419  ;  ratification  of  the  fifteenth 
amendment,  420-422  ;  Southern  elec 
tion  methods  and  Northern  sympathy, 

517  ;  decline  of  the  Republican  party, 

518  ;    Southern   war  claims,    519  ;    the 
presidential     campaign   of    1876,    519, 

520  ;  the  electoral  count  in   Congress, 

521  ;  President  Hayes's  Southern  policy, 
a  failure,   522-524, 

United  States  Army,  Negro  troops  serve 
in  the  War  of  1812,  23-27  ;  Negroes 
arrested,  244  ;  orders  in  regard  to  fugi 
tive  slaves  in,  245,  248,  249  ;  Negroes 
ordered  from,  250  ;  Gen.  Fremont's 
proclamation  emancipating  slaves,  255  ; 
Gen.  Hunter's  proclamation,  257  ;  for 
tifications  and  earthworks  built  by  Ne 
groes,  262  ;  condition  of,  1862,  264  ; 
opposed  to  President  Lincoln's  procla 
mation,  269  ;  Negroes  as  soldiers,  276- 
309  ;  first  regiment  of  Negroes  organ 
ized,  278  ;  Negro  troops  organized, 
fugitive  slaves  offer  their  services,  285, 
287  ;  order  for  the  enlistment  of  Negro 
troops,  290  ;  number  of  Negroes  in, 
297,  299-301  ;  services  of  Negroes  in 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  335. 

United  States  Congress,  proceedings  on 
the  memorial  of  Colored  citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  against  the  slave-trade  on 
the  coast  of  Guinea,  2  ;  American  ships 
prohibited  from  supplying  slaves  from 
the  United  States  to  foreign  markets, 


3  ;  action  on  the  memorial  of  Indiana 
Territory  for  a  modification  of  the  or 
dinance  of  1787,  4-8  ;  importation  of 
slaves  prohibited,  8  ;  slaves  illegally 
imported,  to  be  forfeited,  8  ;  Act  in 
regard  to  persons  engaged  in  the  slave- 
trade,  9  ;  memorials  against  the  slave- 
trade,  fugitive-slave  act  amended,  pre 
mium  to  informer  for  imported  slaves 
seized  within  the  United  States,  10  ; 
President  Monroe's  message  to,  on  the 
question  of  slavery,  12  ;  debate  on  the 
bill  to  admit  Missouri,  14  ;  the  Mis 
souri  controversy,  16-20  ;  Garrison 
petitions,  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  39  ;  Sumner's 
speech  on  slavery,  46  ;  bill  establishing 
a  line  of  war-steamers  to  the  coast  of 
Africa,  suppression  of  the  slave-trade, 
promotion  of  commerce,  and  the  coloni 
zation  of  free  Negroes,  53-55  ;  organi 
zation  of  the  3ist,  100  ;  motion  for  the 
admission  of  California  and  New 
Mexico,  100,  101  ;  has  no  authority  to 
prohibit  slavery,  resolutions  of  Henry 
Clay  for  the  adjustment  of  slavery, 
101,  of  Senator  Bell,  102  ;  speech  of 
Jefferson  Davis  in  favor  of  slavery, 
102  ;  John  C.  Calhoun's  speech,  103— 
105  ;  fugitive-slave  law,  1850,  106  ; 
bill  to  organize  Nebraska  Territory, 

107  ;    to  repeal  the   Missouri  compro-- 
mise,   speech  of  Stephen  A.  Douglass, 

108  ;    reply  of  Salmon  P.  Chase,  109  ; 
Act     to     organize     the    territories    of 
Kansas  and  Nebraska,    no  ;    opposed 
to  civil   and  military  interference  with 
slaves,    244  ;      conservative    policy   of, 
252  ;    passes  Act  to  confiscate  property 
used      for     insurrectionary      purposes, 
263  ;  Act  to  make  an  additional  Article 
of   War,    267  ;     of   1860,    1862,     269  ; 
resolution  in  regard  to   the   enlistment 
of  Negroes,    279  ;    action   on   the  pro 
posed  amendment  of  the  army  appro 
priation  bill  to  prohibit  the  enlistment 
of  Negroes,  288  ;  investigates  the  Fort 
Pillow  massacre,  361-375  ;    Act   to  es 
tablish  a  bureau  for  the  relief  of  freed- 
men  and   refugees,  379  ;    methods  of, 
for    reconstructing     the    South,     381  ; 


6io 


INDEX. 


Negroes  in,  382  ;  Act  to  incorporate 
the  Freedman's  Savings  Bank  and  Trust 
Company,  403,  amended,  407  ;  ap 
point  commissioners  to  close  up  the 
affairs  of  the  bank,  411  ;  authorized  to 
enforce  the  thirteenth  amendment, 
419  ;  recommends  the  ratification  of  the 
fifteenth  amendment,  420  ;  action  on 
the  electoral  count  of  1876,  521. 

United  States  Navy,  Negroes  serve  in 
the,  28-30  ;  captures  the  Spanish  slaver 
"  Amistad,"  64. 

Utah,  slave  population  in  the  territory  of, 
100. 

VALLANDINGHAM,  C.  C.,  speech  on  the 
character  of  John  Brown,  225. 

Vanlomen,  Rev.  Father,  preceptor  of 
Catholic  seminary  for  Colored  girls, 
194. 

Vermont,  number  of  Negro  troops  fur 
nished  by,  299  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  422. 

'Vesey,  Denmark,  leader  of  the  Negro 
plot  in  Charleston,  S.  C.,  1822,  84. 

Vesey,  Rev.  William,  rector  of  Trinity 
Church,  New  York,  164  ;  his  death,  165. 

Vicksburg,  Miss.,  fortifications  built  by 
Negroes,  262 ;  fort  at,  garrisoned  by 
Negro  troops,  345. 

Virginia,  slave  population,  1800,  2,  1810, 
9,  1820,  22  ;  increased,  anti-slavery 
speeches  in  the  Legislature,  33-35  ; 
Negro  plot,  1800,  83  ;  insurrection, 
1831,  87-89  ;  slave  population,  1830, 
99,  1840,  1850,  100  ;  education  of 
Negroes  prohibited,  1 80,  181  ;  Negro 
school  population,  387  ;  comparative 
statistics  of  education,  388  ;  institutions 
for  instruction  of  Negroes,  392,  394, 
395  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

WADE.  BENJAMIN  F.,  one  of  the  commit 
tee  of  investigation  of  the  Fort  Pillow 
massacre,  361. 

Walls,  James,  his  testimony  in  regard  to 
the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  366. 

War  of  1812,  Negro  troops  serve  in  the, 
23-27. 


War  of  1861,  definition  of  the  war  issue. 
228  ;  States  secede  from  the  Union, 
232  ;  organization  and  Constitution  of 
the  Confederate  States,  232,  233  ;  ex 
tension  of  slavery  the  issue,  240  ;  a 
white  man's  war,  first  call  for  troops, 
241  ;  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves  by  the 
army,  244  ;  order  for  the  return  of  fugi 
tive  slaves  revoked,  proclamations  pro 
tecting  slave  property,  246-248  ;  orders 
in  regard  to  harboring  fugitive  slaves 
in  the  army,  248,  '249  ;  slaves  contra 
band  of  war,  2  50;  Gen.  Fremont's  procla 
mation  emancipating  slaves  in  Missouri, 
255  ;  President  Lincoln's  emancipation 
proclamation,  267—269  ;  called  the  war 
for  the  Negro,  269  ;  President  Lin 
coln's  second  emancipation  proclama 
tion,  272  ;  employment  of  Negroes  as 
soldiers,  276-309  ;  President  Lincoln's 
call  for  more  troops,  287  ;  order  for  the 
enlistment  of  Negro  troops,  290  ;  num 
ber  of  Negroes  in  the  army,  297,  299- 
301  ;  expedition  of  the  First  S.  C.  Vol 
unteers,  Negro  Regiment,  into  Ga.  and 
Fla.,  314  ;  battle  of  Port  Hudson,  320- 
323,  Milliken's  Bend,  326,  327  ; 
memorable  events  of  July,  1863,  328  ; 
attack  on  Fort  Wagner,  329  ;  battles 
fought  by  Negroes,  in  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  335  ;  their  services  at  the 
siege  of  Petersburg,  Va. ,  336—342  ; 
number  of,  engaged  in  the  battles 
around  Nashville,  Tenn.,  342  ;  capture 
and  treatment  of  Negro  soldiers,  350- 
376  ;  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  360- 
376  ;  reconstruction  of  the  Confederate 
States,  377-383  ;  end  of  the  war,  377  ; 
provisional  military  government  estab 
lished,  bureau  for  the  relief  of  freedmen 
and  refugees,  379. 

Ward,  Rev.  Samuel  Ringgold,  his  book, 
"  Autobiography  of  a  Fugitive  Negro," 
59  ;  mentioned,  79  ;  anti-slavery  orator, 
434- 

Ward,  T.  M.  D.,  bishop  of  the  African 
M.  E.  Church,  464. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  first  Colored  school 
established,  1807  ;  population  of  free 
persons,  182  ;  Colored  schools,  182- 


INDEX. 


611 


213  ;  the  Snow  riot,  188  ;  Colored 
church  organized,  190. 

Washington,  Annie  E.,  school  for  the  ed 
ucation  of  Colored  people,  209. 

Washington,  George,  emancipates  his 
slaves,  43  ;  called  the  illustrious  South 
erner,  105. 

Waugh,  Nannie,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  destroyed  by  mob, 
192. 

Wayman,  A.  W.,  bishop  of  the  African 
M.  E.  Church,  464. 

Wears,  I.  C.,  delivers  address  on  the  rati 
fication  of  the  fifteenth  amendment, 
422. 

Webb,  Capt.,  Thomas,  one  of  the  founders 
of  the  M.  E.  Church  in  New  York,  465, 
466. 

Webster,  Daniel,  author  of  memorial 
against  the  increase  of  slavery,  16. 

Webster,  Thomas,  representative  of 
Phila.  in  the  first  conference  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Welch,  Jonathan  A.,  counsel  for  the  pros 
ecution  in  the  trial  of  Prudence  Cran- 
dall,  156. 

Wells,  Nelson,  establishes  school  for  free 
children  of  color,  161. 

Wesley,  John,  founder  of  Methodism, 
465,  466  ;  opposed  to  slavery,  467. 

Wesleyan  Seminary,  Washington,  D.  C., 
194. 

West  Virginia,  number  of  Negro  troops 
furnished  by,  300  ;  comparative  statis 
tics  of  education,  388  ;  institutions  for 
the  education  of  Negroes,  392  ;  ratifies 
the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  U.  S.,  422. 

Wetmore,  Rev.  James,  teaches  Negro 
slaves  in  New  York,  165. 

Whig  party,  opposed  to  slavery,  44  ; 
Sumner's  speech  before  the,  44  ;  con 
vention  of  1852,  nominates  Gen.  Scott 
for  the  Presidency,  106  ;  defines  its  po 
sition  on  the  slavery  question,  107. 

White,  Rev.  Sampson,  Colored  Baptist 
minister,  476. 

Whiteworth,  Abraham,  member  of  the 
first  American  Methodist  conference, 
466. 


Whitfield,  Rev.  James,  favors  the  edu 
cation  of  Negroes,  160. 

Wilberforce  University,  report  for  1876, 
45 5»  45°  >  list  °f  the  faculty,  460  ;  re 
port  and  general  statement,  462—464. 

Wilcox,  Samuel  T.,  sketch  of ,  140. 

Williams,  Major,  his  testimony  in  regard 
to  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  362. 

Williams,  Nelson,  his  connection  with  the 
Negro  insurrection  in  Southampton 
County,  Va.,  87. 

Williams,  Richard,  representative  of  Bal 
timore  in  the  first  conference  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Williams,  Brig. -Gen.  Thomas,  order  in 
regard  to  harboring  fugitive  slaves  in 
the  army,  249. 

Wilmington,  Del.,  African  School  Asso 
ciation  established,  157. 

Wilson,  Henry,  introduces  bill  in  Con 
gress  for  the  employment  of  Negroes  as 
soldiers,  287  ;  Gen.  Thomas's  letter  to, 
on  the  efficiency  of  Negro  soldiers, 
344- 

Wilson's  Wharf,  Negro  troops  defeat  Gen. 
Fitz-Hugh  Lee  at  the  battle  of,  335. 

Williamson,  Edward,  representative  of 
Baltimore  in  the  first  conference  of  the 
African  M.  E.  Church,  452. 

Wisconsin,  number  of  Negro  troops  fur 
nished  by,  300  ;  ratifies  the  fifteenth 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
U.  S.,  422. 

Wool,  Maj.-Gen.  John  E.,  orders  the 
employment  of  Negroes  in  the  army, 
260  ;  in  command  of  troops  during  the 
draft  riot  at  N.  Y.,  328. 

Wormley,  Mary,  establishes  school  for 
Colored  children,  205. 

Wormley,  William,  erects  school-house 
for  Colored  children,  205  ;  threatened 
by  mob,  his  death,  206. 

Wright,  Richard,  member  of  the  first 
American  Methodist  conference,  466. 

YEARBRY,  JOSEPH,  member  of  the  first 
American  Methodist  conference,  466. 

ZANE,  JONATHAN,  bequest  for  the  educa 
tion  of  Colored  people,  177. 


,   iT^-  -' 


